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Download Original 9.85 MB ; THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM OR, MANUAL OF SOUTHERN SENTIMENT OX THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY. BY DANIEL R. GOODLOE, BOSTON. JOHN P. JEWETT & CO , PUBLISHERS. 1858. From among the many highly commendatory notices of this work, we select the following : — From Hon. CJiarhs Sumner. Washington, April 9, 1858. My Dear Sir: — Your little book of Southern Sentiment on the Subject of Slavery^^'' is a most useful, interesting and inspiring compend of opinion, uttered by good men at the South, against a great wrong. I thank you for compiling it; and deplore, more than ever, the sectional madness, which rejects this most conclusive testimony. Every word of your publication ought to be proclaimed and repeated, with the voice of a trumpet. Believe me, Dear Sir, very faithfully Yours, Charles Sumner. Daniel R. Goodloe. From Hon. William Blair, Silver Spring, April 29, 1858. Daniel R. Goodloe, Esq., Dear Sir : — I have seen your collection of the opinions of the public men, in the South, who established our government — touching the subject of Slavery — and unite with many of the friends of free labor, in considering it a most valuable compilation ; and well calculated to influence the action of the nation, on the momentous question, which now seems to be paramount to all others, in controlling the future ten- dency of our political Institutions. I think you should call it " The Southern Republican Platform," — as distinguishing that of the fathers of the Government, from that now set up by the dominant Southern oligarchy. Yours Truly, William Blair. From Hon. Messrs. Wilson and Hale. Washington, April 29, 1858. Daniel R. Goodloe, Esq., Dear Sir : — We have examined, with care, your compilation, en- titled, " The Southern Platform," — being a collection of the expressions of Southern opinion against slavery, commencing with the Revolution, and continued to recent times. It exhibits great research and thor- oughness, and deserves to have an extensive circulation, north and south. It proves, most conclusively, that opposition to slavery, now said to be sectional, was once national. Your work, valuable for everybody, w^e shall esteem especially val- uable, as a reference book, for editors, and for those who are in the habit of addressing the people upon political subjects. Very Truly, your Friends, Henry Wilj^on-, John P. Hale. THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM: » OR, MANUAL OF SOUTHERN SENTIMENT ON THE SUBJECT OF SLAYERY. BY DAKIEL R. GOODLOE. BOSTON. JOHJT p. JEWETT & CO., PUBLISHERS. 1858. PRE F j^o E. In the compilation of this volume, I have attempted to bring together all that the most eminent Southern Revoluii )nary c leli in haracters hnve us their writings, upon th- «ubj 'ct of f^lavery. It will b seen that their testimony is rilmost unanimous against the institution. The leading miiuls of the South, except those of South Caroli 'a and G^orsiin, w^rp not less impressed witu the evils «,f Slavery— moral, economical, and • olitical— those th^ iV than of nn. Indeed, the most ultra Anti-Slavery views which this volume will be found to contain are those ^f Mr. JeffV^rs^n. In ihe Federal Convention which fram 'd the Constitu ion. not a voice was raised in unqualified de ence and junification ' f S avery. for even the members from South Carolina only apologized for the institution; while tho«e from Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, either openly denounced it as criminal and disgraceful, or freely admitted its evils In the Stale Conven ions, Slavery was 'reated with equal disfavor. In those of Virginia and North Carolina, it was renrobated byFed -ralists and Anti-Federalists— by the friends and the enemies of the Constitution. Patrick < Hetiry and George iWason were not l<»'=s l.'ud i their denunciations of Slavery, than Madison, Edmund Randolph, and Pendleton. In the North Carolina Couveniions, the leading characters were equally emphatic in condemning it. The<e invilnable testimonies against Slavery, coming from the highest Southern authorities, will be treasurpd up by Anti-Slavf-ry men, as indubitable proof of the justice of their cause. But I apprtheiid that many will feel regret and disappoiniment on finding that the same great men who reprobated Slavery as a, unmiti- gated evil, were no less strenuous in shielding it from the i,,tetference of the Federal Government, than its avowed advoc Ues I p'^ofess to s^t forth the views of the men of the Revolution upon the question of Slavery and I must do so fair'y and impartially; and, to this end, I have taken nearly every pas'age from the Madison Papers and Ellioii's Debates, in the Federal and State Conveniions, which relate to the subjec;, with extended extracts from the Debates in Congress during the Administration of General Washington. To denounce Slavery in one breath, and to insist upon ( onstimtional guarantees for its maintenance in the next, may seem inconsistent to the minds of ardent Anti-Slavery men of the present day; but they should recollect that the whole que-^tion of State Rights is involved in this one of Slavery, and that to surrender the sovereignty of the States in this instance, is to open the way to consolidation And, further, allowing Slavery to be an unmitigated evil, as the people of the South generally did at that time, they justly regarded themselves as better qualified o Hpply the remedy than the people of distant States, who were not particularly interested in the matter. I think that reasonable Anti-Slavery men, upon cool reflection, will concede this point. My object in making this publication is not to produce sectional feeling, but to awaken in Southern minds those noble and generous sentiments of freedom wliich animated their ancestors. When the American people emerged from the war of the Revolution, their commerce and agriculture were in a state of ruin; and the Federation, the States, a id individuals, were overwhelmed with debt. It required great faith in the success of the Republican experiment they were making, to foresee the period when these acjumuiated embarrassments would be removed. All thnt could be hoped, for many year', was that the Gov- ernment would be able to meet existing and ordinarily accruing demands upon its CAchcquer, without incurring further obligations. The patriots of that day, therefore, with every disposition to carry out their principles of freedom and equality to their legitimate results, thought it utterly impracticable to do so. They were induced to adjourn the question of Emancipation to a future day. They anxiously and hopefully looked forward to the period when they could remove what they denominated the "foul blot" of Slavery. This idea pervades the writings of all the great and good men of that time, as this volume abundantly demonstrates. It is worthy of remark, that at the Revolutionary era, Pennsylvania was a slaveholding State, and conse- quently the views of Dr. Franklin, Gouverneur Morris, and Mr W ilson, are properly classed with those ( f ash- ington. Jefferson, and Madison. New York was also a slave Siate at that period, but sbe was represented in the Feder^l Convention but a short time, except by Gen. Hamilton, and I have not gone out of my way to hunt up testimonies from that quarter. The views of Mr. Jay are known to have been strongly Anti-Slavery; and,althiugh Gen. Hamilton may have felt less on the subject, he was equally deeidec in his opposition to the institution. I have dilisrently sought fjr everything which Gen Washington wrote on the subject of Slavery. It will be seen that his judgment and his feelings were decidedly against the institution, whether viewed in the light of morality or political economy. And while he, on all occasions, expressed his strong disapprobation of it, h? saw and fjit the political necessity of shielding it from unconstitutional encroachment. Without this pro- tection from external and Federal interference, there could be no union among the States, no domestic peace, and, therefore, no security for the National Independence. Th position of Washington on this question would form the true compromise at the present day. His humanity, hi< benevolence, his sense of ju-tice and expediency were all on the side of Emancipation, at the earliest practicable period; and yet, his fidelity to his political obligation- constrained him, while the institution should last, to maintain the State sovereignty which guarded it from illegal interference. The views of Mr Jefferson and Mr. Madison are entirely coincident with those of the Father of his Country on this question. The former has more strongly and pointedly given expression to his abho'rence of Slavery, but he concurred entirely in the neces-<iiy of constitutional inhilutions against foreign interference with it. It ia but justice to those great men, that their entire positions .-hould be known. The resolutions adopted at public meetings in Virginia, and by a general Convention at Williamshu g, show that the state of feeling among the people corresponded with that expressed by the eminent men whose writings I have quoted in this work. I regret that I have been compelled to place the materials of this compilation in the hands of the printer as rapidly as I have gathered them, thereby precluding any methodical arrangement of its parts. The Index, on the last page, however, will obvia.e any dilnculty which might arise from this circumstance. Washington, MarcA, 1858. DANIEL R. GOODLOE. [copyright secured.] J : — — ——— — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. freemen, manufacturers, and others, M'ho The following extracts from the proceedings would emigrate from Europe and settle here, the Southern States, of public meetings in and occasions an annual balance of trade prior to the Declaration of Independence, show against the country; and, therefore, that the that puixhase of all imported slaves ought to be the state of feeling among the people at associated against.
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