;
THE
SOUTHERN PLATFORM
OR,
MANUAL OF SOUTHERN SENTIMENT
OX THE
SUBJECT OF SLAVERY.
BY DANIEL R. GOODLOE,
BOSTON.
JOHN P. JEWETT & CO , PUBLISHERS. 1858. From among the many highly commendatory notices of this work, we select the following : —
From Hon. CJiarhs Sumner.
Washington, April 9, 1858.
My Dear Sir: — Your little book of Southern Sentiment on the Subject of Slavery^^'' is a most useful, interesting and inspiring compend of opinion, uttered by good men at the South, against a great wrong. I thank you for compiling it; and deplore, more than ever, the sectional madness, which rejects this most conclusive testimony. Every word of your publication ought to be proclaimed and repeated, with the voice of a trumpet. Believe me, Dear Sir, very faithfully Yours,
Charles Sumner. Daniel R. Goodloe.
From Hon. William Blair,
Silver Spring, April 29, 1858. Daniel R. Goodloe, Esq.,
Dear Sir : — I have seen your collection of the opinions of the public men, in the South, who established our government — touching the subject of Slavery — and unite with many of the friends of free labor, in considering it a most valuable compilation ; and well calculated to influence the action of the nation, on the momentous question, which now seems to be paramount to all others, in controlling the future ten- dency of our political Institutions. I think you should call it " The Southern Republican Platform," — as distinguishing that of the fathers of the Government, from that now set up by the dominant Southern oligarchy. Yours Truly, William Blair.
From Hon. Messrs. Wilson and Hale.
Washington, April 29, 1858. Daniel R. Goodloe, Esq.,
Dear Sir : — We have examined, with care, your compilation, en- titled, " The Southern Platform," — being a collection of the expressions of Southern opinion against slavery, commencing with the Revolution, and continued to recent times. It exhibits great research and thor- oughness, and deserves to have an extensive circulation, north and south. It proves, most conclusively, that opposition to slavery, now said to be sectional, was once national. Your work, valuable for everybody, w^e shall esteem especially val- uable, as a reference book, for editors, and for those who are in the habit of addressing the people upon political subjects. Very Truly, your Friends, Henry Wilj^on-, John P. Hale. THE
SOUTHERN PLATFORM: »
OR,
MANUAL OF SOUTHERN SENTIMENT
ON THE
SUBJECT OF SLAYERY.
BY DAKIEL R. GOODLOE.
BOSTON. JOHJT p. JEWETT & CO., PUBLISHERS. 1858. PRE F j^o E.
In the compilation of this volume, I have attempted to bring together all that the most eminent Southern Revoluii )nary c leli in haracters hnve us their writings, upon th- «ubj 'ct of f^lavery. It will b seen that their testimony is rilmost unanimous against the institution. The leading miiuls of the South, except those of South Caroli 'a and G^orsiin, w^rp not less impressed witu the evils «,f Slavery— moral, economical, and • olitical— those th^ iV than of nn. Indeed, the most ultra Anti-Slavery views which this volume will be found to contain are those ^f Mr. JeffV^rs^n. In ihe Federal Convention which fram 'd the Constitu ion. not a voice was raised in unqualified de ence and junification ' f S avery. for even the members from South Carolina only apologized for the institution; while tho«e from Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, either openly denounced it as criminal and disgraceful, or freely admitted its evils In the Stale Conven ions, Slavery was 'reated with equal disfavor. In those of Virginia and North Carolina, it was renrobated byFed -ralists and Anti-Federalists— by the friends and the enemies of the Constitution.
Patrick < Hetiry and George iWason were not l<»'=s l.'ud i their denunciations of Slavery, than Madison, Edmund Randolph, and Pendleton. In the North Carolina Couveniions, the leading characters were equally emphatic in condemning it. The To denounce Slavery in one breath, and to insist upon ( onstimtional guarantees for its maintenance in the next, may seem inconsistent to the minds of ardent Anti-Slavery men of the present day; but they should recollect that the whole que-^tion of State Rights is involved in this one of Slavery, and that to surrender the sovereignty of the States in this instance, is to open the way to consolidation And, further, allowing Slavery to be an unmitigated evil, as the people of the South generally did at that time, they justly regarded themselves as better qualified o Hpply the remedy than the people of distant States, who were not particularly interested in the matter. I think that reasonable Anti-Slavery men, upon cool reflection, will concede this point. My object in making this publication is not to produce sectional feeling, but to awaken in Southern minds those noble and generous sentiments of freedom wliich animated their ancestors. When the American people emerged from the war of the Revolution, their commerce and agriculture were in a state of ruin; and the Federation, the States, a id individuals, were overwhelmed with debt. It required great faith in the success of the Republican experiment they were making, to foresee the period when these acjumuiated embarrassments would be removed. All thnt could be hoped, for many year', was that the Gov- ernment would be able to meet existing and ordinarily accruing demands upon its CAchcquer, without incurring further obligations. The patriots of that day, therefore, with every disposition to carry out their principles of freedom and equality to their legitimate results, thought it utterly impracticable to do so. They were induced to adjourn the question of Emancipation to a future day. They anxiously and hopefully looked forward to the period when they could remove what they denominated the "foul blot" of Slavery. This idea pervades the writings of all the great and good men of that time, as this volume abundantly demonstrates. It is worthy of remark, that at the Revolutionary era, Pennsylvania was a slaveholding State, and conse- quently the views of Dr. Franklin, Gouverneur Morris, and Mr W ilson, are properly classed with those ( f ash- ington. Jefferson, and Madison. New York was also a slave Siate at that period, but sbe was represented in the Feder^l Convention but a short time, except by Gen. Hamilton, and I have not gone out of my way to hunt up testimonies from that quarter. The views of Mr. Jay are known to have been strongly Anti-Slavery; and,althiugh Gen. Hamilton may have felt less on the subject, he was equally deeidec in his opposition to the institution. I have dilisrently sought fjr everything which Gen Washington wrote on the subject of Slavery. It will be seen that his judgment and his feelings were decidedly against the institution, whether viewed in the light of morality or political economy. And while he, on all occasions, expressed his strong disapprobation of it, h? saw and fjit the political necessity of shielding it from unconstitutional encroachment. Without this pro- tection from external and Federal interference, there could be no union among the States, no domestic peace, and, therefore, no security for the National Independence. Th position of Washington on this question would form the true compromise at the present day. His humanity, hi< benevolence, his sense of ju-tice and expediency were all on the side of Emancipation, at the earliest practicable period; and yet, his fidelity to his political obligation- constrained him, while the institution should last, to maintain the State sovereignty which guarded it from illegal interference. The views of Mr Jefferson and Mr. Madison are entirely coincident with those of the Father of his Country on this question. The former has more strongly and pointedly given expression to his abho'rence of Slavery, but he concurred entirely in the neces- Washington, MarcA, 1858. DANIEL R. GOODLOE. [copyright secured.] J : — — ——— — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. freemen, manufacturers, and others, M'ho The following extracts from the proceedings would emigrate from Europe and settle here, the Southern States, of public meetings in and occasions an annual balance of trade prior to the Declaration of Independence, show against the country; and, therefore, that the that puixhase of all imported slaves ought to be the state of feeling among the people at associated against. Page 541. that Washington, period. It will be seen Edmund Pendleton and James Taylor, advance Jefferson, and Madison, were little in delegates. on this subject. of public opinion Surry County [Virginia) Resolutions. AMERICAN ARCHIVES, Fourth Series, 5th. Resolved, That, as the population of useful Volume I. this colony, with freemen and manu- facturers, is greatly obstructed by the import- Frince George's County {Virginia) Resolutions. ation of slaves and convict servants, we wil. At a general meeting of the Freeholders of not purchase any such slaves or servants Prince George's county, Virginia, the follow- hereafter to be imported. Page 593. ing, among other resolutions, was unanimously Allen Cocke and Nicholas Faulcon, jr., adopted delegates. Resolved, That the African trade is injurious Fairfax County [Virginia) meeting; George to this colony, obstructs the population of it Washington, Esq., presiding ; Robert Harri- freemen, prevents manufacturers and other by son, gentleman, Clerk. useful emigrants from Europe from settling Resolved, That it is the opinion of this amongst us, and occasions an annual increase that, during present difficulties of the balance of trade against this colony.— meeting, our imported Page 494. Theodorick Bland, and distress, no slaves ought to be CLerk of the Meeting. into any of the British colonies on this conti- nent; and we take this opportunity of declar- Culpepper County [Virginia) meeting; Henry ing our most earnest wishes to see an entire Pendleton, Esq., Moderator. stop forever put to such a wicked, cruel, and Resolved, That the importing slaves and unnatural trade. Page 600. delegates. convict servants is injurious to this colony, as General Washington and others, obstructs the population of it with freemen it Address to John Syme and Patrick Henry, by and useful manufacturers, and that we will the Freeholders of Hanover County, Va.) not buy any such slave or convict servant [ The African trade for slaves consider as hereafter to be imported. Page 523. we welfare of John Jameson, Clerk. most dangerous to virtue and the this country we, therefore, most earnestly ; Nansemond County [Virginia) Resolutions. wish to see it totally discouraged. Page 616. delegates. Resolved, That the African trade is injurious John Syme and Patrick Henry, the population of it to this colony, obstructs Princess Ann County [Virginia) Resolutions; freemen, prevents manufacturers and other by Anthony Lavjson, Esq., 3Ioderator. useful emigrants from Europe from settling Resolved, That our Burgesses instructed among us, and occasions an annual increase be of the balance of trade against this colony. to oppose the importation of slaves and con- Page 530. victs, as injurious to this colony, by preA'ent- Lemuel Riddick and Benjamin Baker, ing the population of it by freemen and useful manufacturers. Page 641. Esqrs., sent as delegates to Williamsburg. Thomas Abbott, Clerk. Caroline County (Virginia) Resolutions. Virginia Convention. Resolved, That the African trade is injurious At a very full meeting of delegates from tflie to this colony, obstructs our population by different counties in the Colony and Dominion : — — —; : — — ——— 4 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. of Virginia^ begun in "Williamsburg, the first Williams Mecklenburg Benjamin Patton ; — ; August, in the year of our Lord 17*74, Martin Edmund Smythwick New Hanover day of — ; and continued, by several adjournments, to John Ashe, William Hooper; Northampton Saturday, the Gth of the same month, the fol- Allen Jones; Orange—Thomas Hart; Onslow lowing association was unanimously resolved Wm. Cray; Perquimans—John Harvey, Ben- upon and agreed to jamin Harvey, Andrew Knox, Thomas Harvey, ^5- -x- * * * * ^ Jno. Whedbee, jr.; Pasquotank—Joseph Jones, 2d. We will neither ourselves import, nor Edward Everigin, Joseph Reading; Pitt—John purchase any slave or slaves imported by any Simpson, Edward Salter; Rowan—Wm. Ken- other person, after the first day of November non, Moses WinsloAV, Samuel Young; Surry either from the West Indies, or none Tryon David Jenkins, Robert Alexan- next, Africa, ; — place. der Tyrrel Joseph Spruill, Jeremiah Eraser; an}' other ; — * ^ -x- -x- -5f -H- Wake—none; Newbern—Abner Nash, Isaac For the most trifling reasons, and sometimes Edwards; Edenton—Joseph Hewes; Wilming- for no conceivable reason at all, his Majesty ton—Francis Clayton ; for the town of Bath has rejected laws of the most salutary tenden- Wm. Brown; Halifax, John Geddy; Hillsbo- cy. The abolition of domestic slavery is the rough—none; Salisbury—none; Brunswick greatest object of desire in those colonies none Campbelton none. ; — where it was unhappily introduced in their The deputies then proceeded to make choice infant state. But, previous to the enfranchise- of a moderator, when Colonel John Harvey ment of the slaves we have, it is necessary to was unanimously chosen, and Mr. Andrew exclude all further importations from Africa. Knox appointed clerk. Yet our repeated attempts to effect this by * * ¥: -K- * prohibitions, and by imposing duties which Resolved, That we will not import any slave might amount to a prohibition, have been or slaves, or purchase any slave or slaves im- hitherto defeated by his Majesty's negative ported or brought into this province by others, thus preferring the immediate advantages of a from any part of the world, after the first day few African corsairs to the lasting interests of of November next. Page 735. the American States, and to the rights of hu- Continental Congress, Philadelphia, October, man nature, deeply wounded by this infamous 20, 1774. practice. Nay, the single interposition of an interested individual against a law, was scarcely We do for ourselves, and the inhabitants of ever known to fail of success, though in the the several colonies whom we represent, firmly opposite scale were placed the interests of a agTee and associate under the sacred ties of whole country. That this is so shameful an Virtue, Honor, and Love of our Country, as abuse of a power trusted with his Majesty for follows as, if other purposes, not reformed, would call K- * ^ * -Jfr 4f -X- for some legal restrictions. Pages 636 to 696. 2. That we will neither import nor purchase North Carolina Convention. any slave imported after the first day of De- The Journal of the Proceedings of the first cember next; after which time, we will wholly Provincial Convention of North Carolina, discontinue the slave trade, and will neither held at Newbern, on the 24th day of August, be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire A. D. 1774. our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manu- North Carolina, ss. At a general meeting factures, to those who are concerned in it. of deputies of the inhabitants of this province, Page 914. at Newbern, the twenty-fifth day of August, in 11. That a committee be chosen in every the year of our Lord 1774, appeared for county, city, and town, by those who are Anson County—Mr. Samuel Spencer, Wm qualified to vote for Representatives in the it Thomas ; Beaufort—Roger Ormond, Thomas Legislature, whose business shall be atten- Respess, jr. ; Bladen—William Salter, Walter tively to observe the conduct of all persons Gibson; Bute—William Person, Green Hill; touching this association; and when it shall Brunswick Robert Bertie to the satisfaction of a ma- — Howe ; —John be made to appear Campbell; Craven—James Coor, Lemuel jority of any such committee that any person Hatch, Joseph Leech, Richard Cogdell; Car- within the limits of their appointment has teret—William Thompson; Currituck—Solo- violated this Association, that such majority mon Perkins, Nathan Poymer, Samuel Jarvis forthwith cause the truth of the case to be ; do Chowan—Samuel Johnston, Thomas Oldham, published in the Gazette, to the end that all Thomas Benbury, Thomas Jones, Thomas such foes to the rights of British America may Hunter; Cumberland—Farquard Campbell, be publicly known, and universally contemned Thos. Rutherford; Chatham— none; Dobbs as the enemies of American liberty; and Richard Caswell, William McKennie, George thenceforth we respectively will break off all Miller, Simon Bright; Duplin—Thomas Gray, dealings with him or her. Page 915. Thomas Hicks, James Kenan, William Dick- 14. And we do further agree and resolve, son; Edgecomb—none; Granville—Thomas that we will have no trade, commerce, deal- Person, Memucan Hunt; Guilford—none; ings, or intercourse whatsoever, with any Hyde—Rothias Latham, Samuel Smith; Hert- colony or province in North America, which ford—none; Plalifax—Nicholas Long, Willie shall not accede to, or which shall hereafter Jones; Johnston—Needham Bryan, Benjamin violate this Association, but Avill hold them as — — — — THE SOUTHEEN PLATFORM. 5 unworthy of the rights of freemen, and as in- Darien (Georgia) Resolutions. imical to the liberties of this country. In the Darien Committee, Thursday, January % ^ * ^ * ^ * 12, 1775. The foregoing Association, being determined 5. To show the world that we are not influ- upon by the Congress, was ordered to be sub- enced by any contracted or interested motives, scribed by the several members thereof; and but a general philanthropy for all mankind, thereupon we have hereunto set our respective of whatever climate, language, or complexion, names accordingly. we hereby declare our disapprobation and ab- Jn Congress^ Philadelphia^ October 20, 1774. horrence of the unnatural practice of slavery Peyton Randolph, President. in America, (however the uncultivated state New Hampshire.—John Sullivan, Nathaniel of our country or other specious arguments Folsom. ma}' plead for it,) a practice founded in injus- Massachusetts Bay.—Thomas Gushing, Sam- tice and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our Payne. uel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat liberties, (as well as lives,) debasing part of Rhode Island.—Stephen Hopkins, Samuel our feilow-creatures below men, and corrupt- Ward. ing the virtue and morals of the rest; and is Connecticut.—Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sher- laying the basis of that liberty we contend man, Silas Deane. for, (and which we pray the Almighty to con- New York.—Isaac Low, John Alsop, John tinue to the latest posterity,) upon a very Jay, James Duane, Philip Livingston, William wrong foundation: We. therefore, resolve at Floyd, Henry Wisner, Simon Boerum. all times to use our utmost endeavors for the New Jersey.—James Kiney, William Living- manumission of our slaves in this colony, ston, Stephen Crane, Richard Smith, John De upon the most safe and equitable footing for Hart. the masters and themselves. Page 1136. Pennsylvania.—Joseph Galloway, John Dick- Association entered into by forty-five of the inson, Charles Humphreys, Thomas Mifflin, deputies assembled in Provincial Congress, Edward Biddle, John Morton, George Ross. at Savannah, in Georgia, on the 18th of The Lower Counties^ New Castle^ ^'C. —CiBsar January, 1775, and by them subscribed on Rodney, Thomas McKean, George Read. the 23d, when they chose Noble Wimberly Maryland. — Matthew Tilghman, Thomas Jones, Archibald Bullock, and John Hous- Johnson, jr., William Paca, Samuel Chase. ton, Esquires, delegates to represent that Virginia. — Richard Henry Lee, George Colony in the Continental Congress, to be Washington, Patrick Henry, jr., Richard held in May next. Bland, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton. 2d. That we will neither import or purchase North Carolina.—William Hooper, Joseph any slaves imported from Africa, or elsewhere, Hewes, Richard Caswell. after the 15th day of March next. Page 1158. Soiith Carolina.—Henry Middleton, Thomas •X- -K- -JS- * * * Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, John Rutledge, The foregoing Association, being determined Edward Rutledge. upon by the Congress, was ordered to be sub- Ordered., That this Association be committed scribed by the several members thereof; and, to the press, and that one hundred and twenty thereupon, we have hereunto set our respective copies be struck off. names accordingly. Continental Congress^ Friday, October 21, 1774. The address to the people of Great Britain In Congress, Savannah, Georgia, Jan. 23, 1775. being brought in, and the amendments direct- John Glen, Chairman. ed being made, the same was approved, and is Noble W. Jones, Samuel Farley, Ambrose as follows: Wright, Peter Tondee, Thomas Lee, William To the People of Great Britain, from the Dele- Young, JohnMcClure, Archibald Bullock, John gates appointed by the several English Colo- Houston, Joseph Habersham, George Houston, nies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Edward Telfair, William Gibbons, Peter Bard, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, D. Zubly, jr., James De Veaux, Joseph Clay, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Penn- Philip Box, William Owen, George Walton, sylvania, the Lower Counties on Deleware, John Stirk, Isaac Young, Robert Rae, Robert Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and Hamilton, Edmund Bugg, William Glascock, South Carolina, to consider of their griev- John Germany, L. Marbury, Hugh Middleton, ances in General Congress, at Philadelphia, Samuel Germany, John Wereat, Jonathan September 5th, 1774. Cochran, George Mcintosh, Raymond Demeer, Friends and Fellow Citizens: When a nation, William Jones, James Cochran, Joseph Gib- led to greatness by the hand of Liberty, and bons, Francis H. Harris, Samuel Elbert, Henry possessed of all the glory that heroism, mu- Jones, William Lord, John Mann, David Lewis, nificence, and humanity, can bestow, descends George Wyche. Page 1160. to the ungrateful task of forging chains for her friends and children, and, instead of giving FROM THE WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON. support to Freedom, turns advocate for Sla- Washington' s Will. very and Oppression, there is reason to suspect she has either ceased to be virtuous, or been In the name of God, Amen. extremely negligent in the appointment of her I, George Washington, of Mount Vernon, a rulers. Pages 914 to 917. citizen of the United States, and lately Presi- 6 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. dent of the same, do make, ordain, and de- case, however, I allow him an annuity of thirty clare, this instrument, which is written with dollars, during his natural life, which shall be my own hand, and every page thereof sub- independent of the victuals and clothes he has scribed with my name,* to be my last will and been accustomed to receive, if he chooses the testament, revoking all others. last alternative ; but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first. Item.—Upon the decease of my wife, it is And this I give him, as a testimony of sense his my will and desire that all the slaves whom .1 my of attachment to hold in my own right., shall receive their free- me, and for his faithful services during the dom. To emancipate them during her life, revolutionary war.— Vol. i,pp. 569, 5T0. would, though earnestly wished by me, be at- Extract of a letter to the President of Congress, tended with such insuperable ditiiculties, on dated Cambridge, ^Ist December, 1'775. account of their intermixture by marriage with the dower negroes, as to excite the most pain- It has been represented to me that the free negroes ful sensations, if not disagreeable consequences who have served in this army are very to the latter, while both descriptions are in much dissatisfied at being discarded. As it is to be apprehended that they the occupancy of the same proprietor; it not may ask employ- being in my power, under the tenure by which ment in the ministerial army, I have presumed to the dower negroes are held, to manumit them. depart from the resolution respecting them, and And whereas, among those who will receive have given license for their being enlisted. freedom according to this devise, there may If this is disapproved of by Congress, I will be some, who, from old age or bodily infirm- put a stop to it.* ities, and others, who, on account of their in- Extract of a letter to Henry Laurens {of South fancy, will be unable to support themselves, Carolina) in Congress. it is my will and desire, that all who come MiDDLEBROOK, 20th March, under the first and second description, shall 1779. be comfortably clothed and fv?d by my heirs The policy of our arming slaves is, in my while they live ; and that such of the latter opinion, a moot point, unless the enemy set description as have no parents living, or if the example. J For, should we begin to form living, are unable or unwilling to provide for battalions of them, I have not the smallest them, shall be bound by the Court until they doubt, if the war is to be prosecuted, of their shall arrive at the age of twenty-five years following us in it, and justifying the measure ; and in cases where no record can be produced upon our own ground. The contest must then whereby their ages can be ascertained, the be, who can arm fastest. And where are our Judgment of the Court, upon its own view of arms? Besides, I am not clear, that a dis- the subject, shall be adequate and final. The crimination will not render slavery more irk- negroes thus bound, are (by their masters or some to those who remain in it. Most of the mistresses) to be taught to read and write, good and evil things in this life are judged of and to be brought up to some useful occupa- by comparison; and I fear a comparison in tion agreeably to the laws of the Common- this case will be productive of much discon- wealth of Virginia, providing for the support tent in those who are held in servitude. But of orphan and other poor children. And I do as this is a subject that has never employed hereby expressly forbid the sale or transporta- much of my thoughts, these are no more than tion out of the said Commonwealth, of any the first crude ideas that have struck me upon slave I may die possessed of, under any pre- the occasion. I moreover, tence whatsoever. And do, most To Lt. Col. John Laurens [of South Carolina.) pointedly and most solemnly enjoin it upon Headquarters, 10th July, 1782. my executors hereafter named, or the survivors of them, to see that this clause respecting My Dear Sir: The post brought me your slaves, and every part thereof, be religiously letter on the 19th of May. I must confess that fulfilled at the epoch at which it is directed I am not at all astonished at the failure of to take place, without evasion, neglect, or de- * lay, after the crops which may then be on the At a meeting of the General Officers, previously to the arrival of the committee from Congresf in camp, ground are harvested, particularly as it respects it was unanimously resolved that it was not experii- the aged and infirm seeing that a regular and to enlist slaves in the new army, and, by a large ; ent permanent fund be established for their sup- majority, negroes of every descripiii.n were fxcluded from enlistment. When the subject was referred to as there are subjects requiring port, as long the committee in conterence, this decision was con- it; not trusting to the uncertain provision to firmed. In regard to free negroes, however, the resolve be made by individuals. And to my mulatto was not adhered to, and probably for the reason here mentioned by General Washington. Many black sol- calling William Lee, I man, William, himseK diers were in the service during all stages of the give immediate freedom or, if he should pre- wdT.— Vol. iii,P2>. 218, 219. ; " fer it, (on account of the accidents which have t Mr. Laurens had written, Alarch 16th : Our affairs befallen him, and which have rendered him in ttie Southern department are more favorable than we had considered them a few days ago : nevertheless, incapable of walking, or of any active employ- the country is greatly distressed, and will be more so, ment,) to remain in the situation he now is, unless further reinforcements are sent to its r< lief. as it shall be optional in him to do so; in either Had we arms for thrr e thousand such b ack men I could select in Carolina, I should have no doubt of success in driving the British out of Georgia, and sub- the orin:inal '^nonuscript. Oeorjre Wabliiugtou's duiusr East Florida, before the end of July.'"— 7o/. v», name was wiiuea at the Louoin of every page. p. 204. — ; ; I THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 7 your plan. The spirit of freedom, which at the ways succeed) of providing servants of another commencement of this contest wouhl gladlj description. have sacrificed everything to the attainment I hope it will not be conceived, from these of its object, has long since subsided, and observations, that it is my wish to hold the every selfish passion has taken its place. It unhappy people, who are the subject of this is not the public, but private interest which letter, in slavery. I can only say, that there influences the generality^f mankind; nor can is not a man living who wishes more sincerely the Americans any longer boast an exception. than I do, to see a plan adopted for the aboli- Under these circumstances, it would rather tion of it. But there is only one proper and have been surprising if you had succeeded; effectual mode by which it can be accomplish- nor will you, I fear, have better success in ed, and that is by legislative authority; and Georgia.* this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never But when slaves, who are hap- To the Marquis de Lafayette.—bth April, 1783. be wanting.* their present masters, [ifxtract.] py and contented with are tampered with, and seduced to leave them The scheme, my dear Marquis, which you when masters are taken unawares by these propose as a precedent, to encourage the practices ; when a conduct of this kind begets emancipation of the black people in this coun- discontent on one side and resentment on the try from the state of bondage in which they are other ; and when it happens to fall on a man held, is a striking evidence of the benevolence whose purse will not measure with that of the of your heart. I shall be happy to join you in society, and he loses his property for want of so laudable a work ; but will defer going into means to defend it ; it is oppression in such a a detail of the business till I have the pleasure case, and not humanity in any, because it in- of seeing you.— Vol. viii, 414, 415. pp. troduces more evils than it can cure. To Robert 3Iorris. I will make no apology for writing to you Mount Vernon, 12th April, 1786. on this subject; for, if Mr. Dalby has not mis- conceived the matter, an evil exists, which re- Dear Sir: I give you the trouble of this quires a remedy ; if he has, my intentions have letter at the instance of Mr. Dalby, of Alexan- been good, though I may have been too pre- dria, who is called to Philadelphia, to attend cipitate in this address. Mrs. Washington what he conceives to be a vexatious lawsuit, joins me in every good and kind wish for Mrs. respecting a slave of his, whom a society of Morris and your family, and I am.— Vol. iz,pp. Quakers in the city, formed for such purposes, 158-160. have attempted to liberate. The merits of this case will, no doubt, appear upon trial. From The benevolence of your heart, my dear Mr. Dalby's state of the matter, it should seem, Marquis, is so conspicuous on all occasions, that this society is not only acting repugnant- that I never wonder at any fresh proofs of it ly to justice, so far as its conduct concerns but your late purchase of an estate in the col- strangers, but in my opinion impoliticly with ony of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating respect to the State, the city in particular, the slaves on it, is a generous and noble proof without being able, except in acts of tyranny of your humanity.f Would to God a like and oppression, to accomplish its own ends. spirit might diffuse itself generally into the He says the conduct of this society is not minds of the people of this countr}^! But I sanctioned by law. Had the case been other- despair of seeing it. Some petitions were pre- wise, whatever m}^ opinion of the law might sented to the Assembly, at its last session, for have been, respect for policy my the of the the abolition of slavery ; but they could scarce- State would on this occasion have appeared ly obtain a reading. To set the slaves afloat in my silence; because against the penalties at once would, I really believe, be productive of promulgated laws one may guard, but there of much inconvenience and mischief; but by is no avoiding the snares of individuals, or of degrees it certainly might, and assuredly ought private societies. If the practice of this so- to be effected; and that, too, by legislative au- ciety, of which Mr. Dalby speaks, is not dis- thority.—i>. 163, 164. countenanced, none of those whose misfortune To Charles Pinckney, Governor of South Caro- it is to have slaves as attendants, will visit the lina.—March 17, 1792. S^Extract.l city, if they can possibly avoid it; because, by so doing, they hazard their property, or they I must say, that I lament the decision of must be at the expense (and this will not al- your Legislature upon the question of import- * *The p!an here mentioned, which Colonel Laurens In writing to Mr. John F. Mercer on this subject. General Washington said: *'l never mean, unless was exiremely anx ous lo carry into effect, was to fome particular circumstance should compel to raise a reLiimeia of tilack levies in South Carolina. me It, to possess another slave purchase, it i)eing He lirought the subject before the Legislatme of the by among my first wishes to see some plan adopted, by ! 8 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. ing slaves after March, 1793. I was in hopes DR. FRANKLIN'S WORKS, VOL. H. that motives of policy as as well other good An Address to the Public, from the Pennsyl- reasons, supported by the direful effects of sla- vania Society for promoting the abolition very, at are which this moment presented, of Slavery, and the relief of free negroes would have operated to produce a total prohi- unlawfully held in bondage. bition of the importation of slaves, whenever It is with peculiar satisfaction we assure the question came to be agitated in any State the friends of humanity, that, in prosecuting that might be interested in the measure.* the design of our association, our endeavors This extract from a letter of Washington have proved successful, far beyond the most sanguine expectations. was first published by Mr. Sumner, in his able Encouraged by this success, and by the daily constitutional argument on Slavery, delivered progress of that luminous and benign spirit of August 26th, 1852. Mr. Sumner, in introdu- liberty which is diffusing itself throughout the world, and humbly hoping for the continuance cing it, said of the divine blessing on our labors, we have While President of the United States, at the ventured to make an important addition to close of his administration, Washington sought our original plan, and do therefore earnestly to recover a slave, who had fled to New Hamp- solicit the support and assistance of all who shire. His autograi^h letter to Mr. Whipple, can feel the tender emotions of sympathy and the Collect^ir of Portsmouth, dated at Philadel- compassion, or relish the exalted pleasure of phia, 28th November, w'hich I hold 1796, now benevolence. in my hand, and which has never before seen Slavery is such an atrocious debasement of the light, after describing the fugitive, and human nature, that its very extirpation, if not particularly expressing the desire of "her mis- performed with solicitous care, may sometimes tress," Mrs. Washington, for her return, em- open a source of serious evils. ploys the following decisive language: The unhappy man, who has long been treat- not mean, however, by this request, "I do ed as a brute animal, too frequently sinks be- ' that such violent measures should be used neath the common standard of the human * EXCITE A MOB OR RIOT, WHICH MIGHT AS WOULD species. The galling chains that bind his ' CASE IP SHE HAS ADHERENTS, OR EVEN BE THE body, do also fetter his intellectual faculties, ' SENSATIONS IN OP WELL-DIS- UNEASY THE MINDS and impair the social affections of his heart. * CITIZENS. Rather than either of these POSED Accustomed to move like a mere machine, by ' should happen, I would forego her services the will of a master, reflection is suspended; ' altogether; and the example also, which is he has not the power of choice, and reason ' infinite importance. of and conscience have but little influence over " George Washington." his conduct, because he is chiefly governed Mr. Whipple, in his reply, dated at Ports- by the passion of fear. He is poor and friend- mouth, December 22, 1196, an autograph copy less, perhaps worn out by extreme labor, age, of which I have, recognises the rule of Wash- and disease. ington : Under such circumstances, freedom may "I will now, sir, agreeably to your desire, often prove a misfortune to himself, and pre- ' send her to Alexandria, if it he practicable judicial to society. ' without the consequences which you except—that Attention to emancipated black people, it is ' of exciiing a riot or a mob, or creating uneasy therefore to be hoped, Avill become a branch ' sensations in the minds of tvcll-disposed persons. of our national police; but as far as we con- ' The first cannot be calculated beforehand; tribute to promote this emancipation, so far ' it will be governed by the popular opinion that attention is evidently a serious duty in- ' of the moment, or the circumstances that cumbent on us, and which we mean to dis- ' may arise in the transaction. The latter charge to the best of our judgment and abili- ' may be sought into and judged of by con- ties. ' versing with such persons without discover- To instruct, to advise, to qualify those who ' ing the occasion. So for as I have had op- have been restored to freedom, for the exer- ' portunity, I perceive that difFerent sentiments cise and enjoyment of civil liberty, to promote ' are entertained on this subject." in them habits of industry, to furnish them with employments suited to their age, sex, The fugitive never was returned, but lived talents, and other circumstances, and to pro- in freedom to a good old age, down to a very cure their children an education calculated for recent period, a monument of the just forbear- their future situation in life—these are the ance of him whom we aptly call the Father of great outlines of the annexed plan, which we bis Country. have adopted, and which we conceive will es- sentially promote the public good, and the * From Governor Pinckney's letter : Our Legisla- ture. ainoiii( other qut?stiori.«, ajrilated the one respef t- happiness of these our hitherto too much neg- hii; the (uture iinporiation o^" slaves, a* the prohibition lected fellow-creatures. expires in M^ircli. 1793 Great pniiis were used to A plan so extensive cannot be carried into eff-i' t a total prohibition; hut upon the question being taken in the S'ma'e, it was lost by po dec'ided a ma- execution without considerable pecuniary re- jority, that 1 think we may cnnsid>;r it as ceriain that sources, beyond the present ordinary funds of this State will, after March. 175*3, import as largely as the society. We hope much from the gene- they ever did It is a deci>ion, upon the policy of wluch I confess I have my doubts." rosity of enlightened and benevolent freemen. — ; THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 9 and will gratefully receive any donations or similarity in all countries and climates, when- subscriptions for this purpose, which may be ever they are under similar circumstances. made to oui Treasurer, James Starr, or to The African's speech, as translated, is as fol- James Pemberton, Chairman of our Committee lows : of Correspondence. ''Allah Bismillah, ^c., God is great, and Ma- Signed, by order of the Society, hornet is Ms Prophet. B. FRAiiKLiN, President. "Have these Erika considered the conse- Philadelphia, November 9, 1789. ' quences of granting their petition? If we ' cease our cruises against the Christians, how On the Slave Trade. ' shall we be furnished with the commodities Dr. Franklin's name, as President of the ' their countries produce, and which are so Abolition Society, was signed to the memorial ' necessary for us? If we forbear to make presented to the House of Representatives of ' slaves of their people, who, in this hot cli- the United States, on the 12th of February, ' mate, are to cultivate our lands? Who are 1789, praying them to exert the full extent of ' to perform the common labors of our city power vested in them by the Constitution, in ' and in our families? Must we not, then, be discouraging the traffic of the human species. ' our own slaves? And is there not more This was his last public act. In the debates ' compassion and more favor due to us, as to which this memorial gave rise, several at- ' Mussulmen, than to these Christian dogs? tempts were made to justify the trade. In the ' We have now about fifty thousand slaves in Federal Gazette of March 25th, 1790, there ap- ' and near Algiers. This number, if not kept peared an essay, signed "Historicus," written ' up by fresh supplies, will soon diminish, and •by Dr. Franklin, in which he communicated a ' be gradually annihilated. If we then cease speech, said to have been delivered in the Di- ' taking and plundering the -Infidel ships, and van of Algiers, in 1687, in opposition to the ' making slaves of the seamen and passengers, prayer of the petition of a sect called Erika, or ' our lands will become of no value, for want aboliton piracy ' Purists, for the of and slavery. of cultivation ; and the rents of houses in the This pretended African speech was an excel- ' city will sink one-half; and the revenue of lent parody of one delivered by Mr. Jackson, ' Government, arising from its share of prizes, of Georgia. All the arguments urged in favor ' be totally destroyed! And for what? To of negro slavery are applied with equal force ' gratify the whims of a whimsical sect, who to justify the plundering and enslaving of ' would have us not only forbear making more Europeans. It affords, at the same time, a ' slaves, but even manumit those we have. demonstration of the futility of the arguments " But who is to indemnify their masters for in defence of the slave trade, and of the 'the loss? Will the State do it? Is our strength of mind and ingenuity of the author, ' Treasury sufficient ? Will the Erika do it ? at his advanced period in life. It furnishes, ' Can they do it ? Or would they, to do what too, a no less convincing proof of his power ' they think justice to the slaves, do a greater of imitating the style of other times and na- ' injustice to the owners? And if we set our tions, than his celebrated Parable against Per- ' slaves free, what is to be done with them ? secution. And as the latter led many persons ' Few of them will return to their countries to search the Scriptures with a view to find it, ' they know too well the greater hardships so the former caused many persons to search ' they must there be subject to they will not ; the bookstores and libraries for the work from ' embrace our holy religion they will not ; which it was said to be extracted. Dr. Stitber. ' adopt our manners ; our people will not pol- ' lute themselves by intermarrying with them. March 23, 1790.* ' Must we maintain them as beggars in our To the Editor of the Federal Gazette: ' streets, or suffer our properties to be the prey Sir: Reading last night in your excellent ' of their pillage? For men accustomed to paper the speech of Mr. Jackson in Congress ' slavery will not work for a livelihood, when against their meddling v»dth the affair of sla- ' not compelled. And what is there so pitia- very, or attempting to mend the condition of ' ble in their present condition ? Were they the slaves, it put me in mind of a similar one ' not slaves in their own countries ? made about one hundred years since, by Sidi " Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the Mehemet Ibrahim, a member of the Divan of ' Italian States, governed by despots, who hold Algiers, which may be seen in Martin's ac- ' all their subjects in slavery, without excep- count of his consulship, anno 1687. It was ' tion ? Even England treats its sailors as against granting the petition of the sect called ' slaves, for they are, whenever the Govern- Erika^ or Purists, who prayed for the abolition ' ment pleases, seized, and confined in ships of piracy and slavery, as being unjust. Mr. ' of war, condemned not only to work, but to Jackson does not quote it; perhaps he has not ' fight, for small wages, or a mere subsistence, seen it. If, therefore, some of its reasonings ' not better than our slaves are allowed by us. are to be found in his eloquent speech, it may ' Is their condition, then, made worse by fall- only show that men's interests and intellects ' ing into our hands ? No they have only operate and are operated on with surprising ; ' exchanged one slavery for another, and, I ' may say, a better—for here they are brought * riiis paper is da ed only twenty- four days before ' into a land where the sun of Islamism gives the HiJihor s death, which happened on the i7ih of April lol owuig. ' forth its light, and shines in full splendor, ! — — 10 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. ' and they have an opportunity of making And since like motives are apt to produce * themselves acquainted Avith the true doc- in the minds of men like opinions and resolu- * trine, and thereby saving their immortal tions, may we not, Mr. Brown, venture to pre- ' souls. Those who remain at home have not dict, from this account, that the petitions to ' that happiness. Sending the slaves home, the Parliament of England for abolishing the * then, would be sending them out of light slave trade, to say nothing of other Legisla- ' into darkness. tures, and the debates upon them, will have a I repeat the question, What is to be done similar conclusion? * with them? I have heard it suggested that I am, sir, your constant reader and humble ' they may be i^lanted in the wilderness, where servant, Historicus. * there is plenty of land for them to subsist on, * and where they may flourish as a free State; MADISON PAPERS. * but they are, I doubt, too little disposed to From Mr. Jefferson's Minutes of Debates in IT^B, ' labor without compulsion, as well as too ig- on the Declaration Independence^ published ' of norant to establish a good Government ; dnd with the Madison Papers. ' the wild Arabs would soon molest and de- ' stroy or again enslave them. AVhile serving The clause, too, reprobating the enslaving ' us, we take care to provide them with every- the inhabitants of Africa was struck out, in ' thing, and they are treated with humanity. compliance to South Carolina and Georgia, ' The laborers in their own country are, as I who had never attempted to restrain the im- ' am well informed, worse fed, lodged, and portation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, ' clothed. The condition of most of them is, still wished to continue it. Our Northern ' therefore, already mended, and requires no brethren, also, I believe, felt a little tender ' further improvement. Here their lives are in under those censures for, though their people ; ' safety. They are not liable to be impressed have very few slaves themselves, yet they had ' for soldiers, and forced to cut one another's been pretty considerable carriers of them to ' Christian throats, as in the wars of their own others. Page 18. ' countries. If some of the religious-mad From Mr. Jefferson's Original Draft of the Dec- ' bigots, who now tease us with their silly pe- laration of Independence. ' titions, have in a fit of blind zeal freed their He has waged cruel war against human na- ' slaves, it was not generosity, it was not hu- ture itself, violating its most sacred rights of ' manity, that moved them to the action—it life and liberty, in the persons of a distant ' was from a conscious burden of a load of people who never offended him; captivating ' sins, and a hope, from the supposed merits and carrying them into slavery in another * of so good a work, to be excused from dam- hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in * nation. their transportation thither. This piratical " How grossly are they mistaken to suppose warfare, the opprobrium of Infidel Powers, is ' slavery to be disallowed by the Alcoran the warfare of the Christian King of Great ' Are not the two precepts, to quote no more, Britain. Determined to keep open a market ' 'JIasters, treat your slaves with kindness slaves, ; where men should be bought and sold, he has ' serve your masters with cheerfulness and fidelity prostituted his negative for suppressing every ' clear proofs to the contrary? Nor can the legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain this * plundering of Infidels be in that sacred book execrable commerce ; and that this assemblage ' forbidden, since it is well known from it, that of horrors might want no fact of distinguished ' God has given the world, and all that it con- dye, he is now exciting those very people to ' tains, to his faithful Mussulmen, who are to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that ' enjoy it of right as fast as they conquer it. liberty of which he has deprived them, by ' Let us, then, hear no more of this detestable murdering the people on whom he also ob- ' proposition, the manumission of Christian truded them—thus paying ofi" former crimes ' slaves, the adoption of which would, by de- committed against the liberties of one jieople, ' predating our lands and houses, and thereby with crimes which he urges them to commit ' depriving so many good citizens of their against the lives of another. Page 24. ' properties, create universal discontent, and BIr. Jefferson!s Report Debate on Articles ' provoke insurrections, to the endangering of of Confederation. 1776. ' of Government, and producing general con- ' fusion. I have, therefore, no doubt but this "Article XL All charges of war, and all ' wise council will prefer the comfort and hap- ' other expenses that shall be incurred for the ' piness of a whole nation of true believers, to ' common defence or general welfare, and al- ' the whim of a few Erika, and dismiss their ' lowed by the United States assembled, shall ' petition." ' be defrayed out of a common treasury, which The result was, as Martin tells us, that the ' shall be supplied by the several colonies in ' Divan came to this resolution : "The doctrine, proportion to the number of inhabitants, of ' that plundering and enslaving the Christians ' every age, sex, and quality, (except Indians ' is unjust, is, at best, problematical; but that ' not paying taxes,) in each colony—a true ' it is the interest of this State to continue the ' account of which, distinguishing the white ' practice, is clear; therefore, let the petition ' inhabitants, shall be triennially taken and * be rejected." And it was rejected accord- ' transmitted to the Assembly of the United ingly. ' States." THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 11 Mr. Chase moved that the quotas should be produces the surplus for taxation ; and num- paid, not by the number of inhabitants of every bers, therefore, indiscriminately, are the fair condition, but by that of the "white inhabit- index of wealth ; that it is the use of the word ants." He admitted that taxation should be "property" here, and its application to some always in proportion to property; that this of the people of the State, which produces the was, in theory, the true rule; but that, from fallacy. How does the Southern farmer pro- a variety of difficulties, it was a rule which cure slaves? Either by importation or by could never be adopted in practice. The value purchase from his neighbor. If he imports a of the property in every State could never be slave, he adds one to the number of laborers estimated jusily and equally. Some other in his country, and proportionably to its profits measure for the wealth of the State must and abilities to pay taxes ; if he buys from his therefore be devised—some standard referred neighbor, it is only a transfer of a laborer to—which would be more simple. He con- from one farm to another, which does not sidered the number 6f inhabitants as a tolera- change the annual produce of the State, and bly good criterion of property, and that this therefore should not change its tax; that if a might always be obtained. He therefore Northern farmer works ten laborers on his thought it the best mode we could adopt, with farm, he can, it is true, invest the surplus of one exception ^.i-ly. He observed that negroes ten men's labor in cattle; but so may the are property, and, as such, cannot be dis- Southern farmer, working ten slaves; that a tinguished from the lands or personalities held State of one hundred thousand freemen can in those States where there are few slaves; maintain no more cattle than one of one hun- that the surplus of profit which a Northern dred thousand slaves—therefore, they have no farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, more of that kind of property; that a slave horses, &c. ; whereas a Southern farmer lays may indeed, from the custom of speech, be out that same surplus in slaves. There is no more properly called the wealth of his mas- more reason, therefore, for taxing the Southern ter, and the free laborer might be called th© States on the farmer's head and on his slave's wealth of his employer; but, as to the State, head, than the Northern ones on their farmers' both were equally its wealth, and should heads and the heads of their cattle; that the therefore equally add to the quota of its tax. method proposed would therefore tax the Mr. Harrison proposed, as a compromise, Southern States according to their numbers that two slaves should be counted as one free- and their wealth, conjunctly, while the North- man. He affirmed that slaves did not do as ern would be taxed on numbers only; that much work as freemen, and doubted if two negroes, in fact, should not be considered as effected more than one. That this was proved members of the State, more than cattle, and by the price of labor, the hire of a laborer in that they have no more interest in it. Southern Colonies being from £8 to £12, while Mr. John Adams observed, that the num- in the Northern it was generally £24. bers of people were taken by this article as an Mr. Wilson said, that, if this amendment index of the wealth of the State, and not as should take place, the Southern Colonies subjects of taxation; that, as to this matter, would have all the benefit of slaves, whilst the it was of no consequence by what name you Northern ones would bear the burden. That called your people—whether by that of free- slaves increase the profits of a State, which men or of slaves ; that in some countries the the Southern States mean to take to them- laboring poor were called freemen, in others selves; that they also increase the burden of they were called slaves; but that the diflFer- defence, which would, of course, fall so much ence as to the State was imaginary only. the heavier on the Northern; that slaves oc- What matters it, whether a landlord, employ- cupy the places of freemen, and eat their food. ing ten laborers on his farm, gives them an- Dismiss your slaves, and freemen will take nually as much money as will buy them the their places. It is our duty to lay every dis- necessaries of life, or gives them those neces- couragement on the importation of slaves; saries at short hand? The ten laborers add but this amendment would give the Jus trium as much wealth annually to the State—in- liberorum to him who would import slaves. crease its exports as much—in the one case as That other kinds of property were pretty the other. Certainly, five hundred freemen equally distributed through all the Colonies; produce no more profits—no greater surplus there were as many cattle, horses, and sheep, for the paj-ment of taxes—than five hundred in the North as the South, and South as the slaves. Therefore, the State in which are the North—but not so as to slaves. That experi- laborers called freemen should be taxed no ence has shown that those Colonies have been more than that in which they are called slaves. always able to pay most, which have the most Suppose, by any extraordinary operation of inhabitants, whether they be black or white; nature or of law, one-half the laborers of a and the practice of the Southern Colonies has State could, in one night, be transformed into always been to make every farmer pay poll slaves—would the State be made the poorer, taxes upon all his laborers, whether they be or the less able to pay the taxes? That the black or white. He acknowledged, indeed, condition of the laboring poor in most coun- that freemen work the most; but they con- tries—that of the fishermen, particularly, of sume the most also. the Northern States—is as abject as that of They do not produce a greater surplus for slaves. It is the number of laborers which taxation. The slave is neither fed nor clothed — — ; 12 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM so expensively as a freeman. Again, white an act of the Legislature of Connecticut, ceding women are exempted from labor generally, some of their territorial claims to the United vrhich negro women are not. In this, then, States, which he will doubtless communicate the Southern States have an advantage, as the to the Assembly. They reserve the jurisdic- urticle now stands. It has sometimes been tion to themselves, and clog the cession with eaid that slavery was necessary, because the some other conditions which greatly depreciate commodities they raise would be too dear for it, and are the more extraordinary as their title market if cultivated by freemen ; but now it is to the land is so controvertible a one. Page 68. said that the labor of the slave is the dearest. Mr. Paj'ne urged the original resolution of From 3Ir. Madison^s Report of Debates in the Congress to proportion the quotas of the States Congress of the Confederation. to the number of souls. ' Friday, March 1783. Dr. Witherspoou was of opinion that the 28, value of lands and houses was the best esti- The committee last mentioned reported that mate of the wealth of a nation; and that it two blacks be rated as one freeman. was practicable to obtain such a valuation. Mr. Wolcott was for rating them as four to This is the true barometer of wealth. The one three. Mr. Carroll, as four to one. now proposed is imperfect in itself, and unequal Mr. Williamson said he was principled between the States. It has been objected that against slavery; and that he thought slaves negroes eat the food of freemen, and therefore an encumbrance to society, instead of increas- should be taxed; horses also eat the food of ing its ability to pay taxes. freemen, therefore they should also be taxed. Mr. Higginson, as four to three. Tt has been said, too, that in carrying slaves Mr. Rutledge said, for the sake of the object, into the estimate of the taxes the' State is to he would agree to rate slaves as two to one; pay, we do no more than those States them- but he sincerely thought three to one would selves do, vrho always take slaves into the es- be a juster proportion. timate of the taxes the individual is to pay. Mr. Holton, as four to three. But the cases are not parallel. In the South- Mr. Osgood said he did not go beyond four ern Colonies slaves pervade the whole Colony; to three. but they do not pervade the whole continent. On a question for rating them as three to That as to the original resolution of Congress, two, the votes were—New Hampshire, aye; it was temporary only, and related to the Massachusetts, no ; Rhode Island, divided moneys Connecticut, aye ; New Jersey, aye Pennsylva- heretofore emitted; whereas we are ; now entering nia, aye Delaware, aye Maryland, no Virginia, into a new compact, and there- ; ; ; fore stand on original ground. no; Norih Carolina, no; South Carolina, no. The paragraph was then postponed, by gen- August 1, 1776. eral consent, some wishing for further time to The question being put, the amendment deliberate on it ; but it appearing to be the proposed was rejected by the votes of New general opinion that no compromise would be Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con- agreed to. necticut, New York, New Jersey, and Penn- After some further discussions on the re- sylvania, against those of Delaware, Maryland, port—in which the necessity of some simple Virginia, North and South Carolina. Georgia and practicable rule of apportionment came was divided. Pacje 27. fully into view—Mr. Madison said that, in or- der to give a proof of the sincerity of his pro- fessions of liberality, he would propose that Mr. Madison to Joseph Jones.— \_Extract.'\ slaves should be rated as five to three. Philadelphia, Nov. 28, 1780. Mr. Rutledge seconded the motion. Tours of the 18th came yesterday. I am Mr. Wilson said he would sacrifice his glad to find the Legislature persist in their opinion on this compromise. resolution to recruit their line of the army for Mr. Lee was against changing the rule, but the war; though, without deciding on the ex- gave it as his opinion that two slaves were pediency of the mode under their considera- not equal to one freeman. tion, would it not be as well to liberate and On the question for five to three, it was make soldiers at once of the blacks themselves, passed in the affirmative: as to make them instruments for enlisting New Hampshire, .aye Massachusetts, divi- ; white soldiers? It would certainly be more ded; Rhode Island, no; Connecticut, no; New consonant with the principles of liberty, which Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye; Maryland, aye; ought never to be lost sight of in a contest for Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South Car- lil)erty and, with white officers and a majority aye. ; olina, of white soldiers, no imaginable danger could A motion was then made by Mr. Bland, be feared from themselves, as there certainly seconded by Mr. Lee, to strike out the clause could be none from the effect of the example so amended. on those who should remain in bondage—ex- And on the question, "Shall it stand?" it perience having shown that a freedman im- passed in the negative: mediately loses all attachment and sympathy Rhode Island, no; Connecticut, no; New- with his former fellow-slaves. Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye; Delaware, We have enclosed to the Governor a copy of no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Car- — — — — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFOEM. 13 olina, aye; South Carolina, no; New Hamp- have the advantage in one House, and the shii'e, aye; Massachnsetts, no. Northern in the other. He had been restrain- So the clause was struck out. ed from proposing this expedient by two con- his unwillingness to urge The arguments used by those who were for siderations ; one was rating- slaves high, were, that the expense of any diversity of interests on an occasion where feeding and clothing them was as far below it is but too apt to arise of itself; the other that incident to freemen, as their industry and was the inequality of powers that must be in branches, and which would ingenuity were below those of freemen ; and vested the two that the warm climate within which the States destroy the equilibrium of interests. Fagi having slaves lay, compared with the rigorous 1006. climate and inferior fertility of the others, Mr. Patterson. He was also against such ought to have great weight in the case; and an indirect encouragement of the slave trade, that the exports of the former States were observing that Congress, in their act relating greater than of the latter. On the other side, to the change of the eighth article of Confed- it was said that slaves were not put to labor eration, had been ashamed to use the term as young as the children of laboring families; "slaves," and had substituted a descri^jtion. that, having no interest in their labor, they Page 1055. did as little as possible, and omitted every ex- Mr. King had always expected, that, as the ertion of thought requisite to facilitate and Southern States are the richest, they would expedite it; that if the exports of the States not league themselves with the Northern, un- having slaves exceeded those of the others, less some respect were paid to their superior their imports were in proportion, slaves being wealth. If the latter expect those preferential employed wholly in agriculture, not in manu- distinctions in commerce, and other advantages factures ; and that, in fact, the balance of trade which they will derive from the connection, formerly was much more against the Southern they must not expect to receive them without States than the others. allowing some advantages in return. Eleven On the main question: out of thirteen of the States had agreed to New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; consider slaves in the apportionment of taxa- Rhode Island, no; Connecticut, no; New York, tion; and taxation and representation ought (Mr. Floyd,) aye; New Jersey, aye; Delaware, to go together. no Maryland, aye Virginia, aye ; North Caro- Mr. Rutledge moved that New Hampshire be ; ; lina, aye; South Carolina, no. Faffes 423-4:25. reduced from three to two members. Her numbers did not entitle her to three, and i1 From Mr. Madison's Report Debates of in the was a poor State. Federal Convention. General Pinckney seconds the motion. Mr. Madison. We have seen the mere dis- Mr. King. New Hampshire has probablj tinction of color made, in the most enlighten- more than 120,000 inhabitants, and has an ex- ed period of time, a ground of the most op- tensive country of tolerable fertility. Its in- pressive dominion ever exercised by man over habitants may therefore be expected to increase man. Page 805. fast. He remarked that the four Eastern Mr. Madison. And, in the third place, where States, having 800,000 souls, have one-third slavery exists, the republican theory becomes fewer Representatives than the four Southern still more fallacious. Page 899. States, having not more than TOO, 000 souls, , Mr. Madison. But he contended that the rating the blacks as five for three. The East- States were divided into diflFerent interests, not ern people will advert to these circumstances, by their difference of size, but by other circum- and be dissatisfied. He believed them to be stances ; the most material of which resulted very desirous of uniting with their Southern partly from climate, but principally from the brethren, but did not think it prudent to rely effects of their having or not having slaves. so far on that disposition as to subject them to These two causes concurred in forming the any gross inequality. He was fully convinced great division of interests in the United States. that the question concerning a difference of It did not lie between the large and small interests did not lie where it had hitherto been States. It lay between the Northern and discussed, between the great and small States, Southern; and if any defensive power were but between the Southern and Eastern. For necessary, it ought to be mutually given to this reason he had been ready to yield some- these two interests. He was so strongly im- thing in the proportion of Representatives, for pressed with this important truth, that he had the security of the Southern. No principle been casting about in his mind for some expe- would justify the giving them a majority dient that would answer the purpose. The one They were brought as near an equality as was which had occurred was, that instead of pro- possible. He was not averse to giving them a portioning the votes of the States in both still greater security, but did not see how it branches to their respective number of inhab- could be done. itants, computing the slaves in the ratio of five General Pinckney. The report, before it was to three, they should be represented in one committed, was more favorable to the South- branch according to the number of free inhab- ern States than as it now stands. If they are itants only, and in the other according to the to form so considerable a minority, and the whole number, counting the slaves as free. By regulation of trade is to be given to the General this arrangement the Southern scale would Government, they will be nothing more thai? — — 14 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. overseers for the Northern States. He did not that if the committee should fail to insert some expect the Southern States to be raised to a security to the Southern States against an majority of Representatives, but wished them to emancipation of slaves, and taxes on exports, have something lilce an equality. At present, he should be bound by duty to his State to by the alterations of the committee in favor of vote against their report. Page 1187. the Xorthern States, they are removed further Mr. King wished to know what influence from it than they were before. One member the vote just passed was meant to have on the indeed had been added to Virginia, which he succeeding part of the report, concerning the was glad of, as he considered her as a South- admission of slaves into the rule of represent- ern State. He was glad also that the members ation. He could not reconcile his mind to the of Georgia were increased. article, if it was to prevent objections to the Mr. AAllliamson was not for reducing New latter part. The admission of slaves was a Hampshire from three to two, but for reducing most grating circumstance to his mind, and he some others. The Southern interest must be believed would be so to a great part of the extremely endangered b}^ the present arrange- people of America. He had not made a strenu- ment. The Northern States are to have a ma- ous opposition to it heretofore, because he jority in the first instance, and the means of had hoped that this concession would have perpetuating it. produced a readiness, which had not been Mr. Dayton observed, that the line between manifested, to strengthen the General Govern- Northern and Southern interest had been im- ment, and to mark a full confidence in it. properly drawn ; that Pennsylvania was the The report under consideration had, by the dividing State, there being six on each side of tenor of it, put an end to all those hopes. In her. two great points, the hands of the Legislature General Pinckney urged the reduction ; dwelt were absolutely tied. The importation of on the superior wealthy of the Southern States, slaves could not be prohibited. Exports could and insisted on its having its due weight in not be taxed. Is this reasonable ? What are the Government. the great objects of the general system ? First, Mr. Gouverneur regretted defence against foreign invasion secondly, Morris the turn ; of the debate. The States, he found, had many against internal sedition. Shall all the States, representatives on the floor. Few, he feared, then, be bound to defend each, and shall each were to be deemed the representatives of be at liberty to introduce a weakness which America. He thought the Southern States will render defence more difficult? Shall one have, by the report, more than their share of part of the United States be bound to defend representation. Property ought to have its another part, and that other part be at liberty weight, but not all the weight. If the South- not only to increase its own danger, but to ern States are to supply money, the Northern withhold the compensation for the burden ? States are to spill their blood. Besides, the If slaves are to be imported, shall not the ex- probable revenue to be expected from the ports produced by their labor supply a revenue, Southern States has been greatly over-rated. the better to enable the General Government He was against reducing New Hampshire. to defend their masters? There was so much Mr. Randolph was opposed to a reduction inequality and unreasonableness in all this, of New Hampshire, not because she had a full that the people of the Northern States could title to three members, but because it was in never be reconciled to it. No candid man his contemplation, first, to make it the duty, could undertake to justify it to them. He had instead of leaving it to the discretion of the hoped that some accommodation would have Legislature, to regulate the representation by taken place on this subject; that at least a a periodical census secondly, to require more time would have been limited for the importa- ; than a bare majority of votes in the Legisla- tion of slaves. He never could agree to let ture, in certain cases, and particularly in com- them be imported without limitation, and then mercial cases. be represented in the National Legislature. In- On the question for reducing New Hamp- deed, he could so little persuade himself of the shire from three to two Representatives, it rectitude of such a practice, that he was not passed in the negative : sure he could assent to it, under any circum- North Carolina, South Carolina, aye; 2. stances. At all events, either slaves should Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Penn- not be represented, or exports should be taxa- sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Geor- ble. gia, no Pages 1056-1059. Mr. Sherman regarded the slave trade as ; Mr. Randolph. He urged strenuously that iniquitous ; but the point of representation express security ought to be provided for in- having been settled, after much difficulty and cluding slaves in the ratio of representation. deliberation, he did not think himself bound to make opposition especially as the present He lamented that such a species of property ; existed. But, as it did exist, the holders of it article, as amended, did not preclude any ar- would require this security. It was perceived rangement whatever on that point, in another that the design was entertained by some, of place of the report. excluding slaves altogether; the Legislature Mr. Gouverneur Morris moved to insert be- therefore ought not to be left at liberty. Page fore "inhabitants" the word "free." Much, 1083. he said, would depend on this point. He never General Pinckney reminded the Convention, would concur in upholding domestic slavery — — THE SODTHEEN PLATFORM. 15 all contributions for It was a nefarious institution. It was the their slaves exempt from curse of Heaven on the States where it pre- the public service. vailed. Compare the free regions of the Mid- Let it not be said that direct taxation is to dle States, where a rich and noble cultivation be proportioned to representation. It is idle marks the prosperity and happiness of the to suppose that the General Government can people, with the misery and poverty which stretch its hand directly into the pockets of overspread the barren wastes of Virginia, Ma- the people, scattered over so vast a country. ryland, and the other States having slaves. They can only do it through the medium of Travel through the whole continent, and you exports, imports, and excises. For what, then, behold the prospect continually varying with are all the sacrifices to be made? He would the appearance and disappearance of slavery. sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for The moment you leave the Eastern States, and all the negroes in the United States, than sad- enter New York, the effects of the institution dle posterity with such a Constitution. become visible. Passing through the Jerseys, Mr. Dayton seconded the motion. He did and entering Pennsylvania, every criterion of it, he said, that his sentiments on the subject superior improvement witnesses the change. might appear, whatever might be the fate of Proceeding southwardly, every step you take the amendment. through the great regions of slaves presents a Mr. Sherman did not regard the admission desert, increasing with the increasing propor- of the negroes into the ratio of representation tion of these wretched beings. Upon what as liable to such insuperable objections. It principle is it that the slaves shall be computed was the freemen of the Southern States who in the representation? Are they men? Then, were, in fact, to be represented, according to make them citizens, and let them vote. Are the taxes paid by them, and the negroes ara they property? Why, then, is no other prop- only included, in the estimate of the taxes. erty included? The houses in this city (Phil- This was his idea of the matter. adelphia) are worth more than all the wretch- Mr. Pinckney considered the fisheries and ed slaves who cover the rice swamps of South the Western frontier as more burdensome to Carolina. The admission of slaves into the the United States than the slaves. He thought representation, when fairly explained, comes this could be demonstrated, if the occasion to this : That the inhabitant of Georgia and were a proper one. of South Carolina, who goes to the coast of Mr. Wilson thought the motion premature., Africa, and, in defiance of the most sacred laws An agreement to the clause would be no bai of humanity, tears awa^^ his fellow-creatures to the object of it. from their dearest connections, and damns them On the question on the motion to insert. to the most cruel bondage, shall have more " free " before inhabitants " votes in a Government instituted for the pro- New Jersey, aye; 1. New Hampshire, Mas- tection of the rights of mankind, than the citi- sachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Dela- zen of Pennsylvania or New Jersey, who views ware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, with a laudable horror so nefarious a practice. South Carolina, Georgia, no; 10. Fp. 12G1 He would add, that domestic slavery is the to 1266. most prominent feature in the aristocratic Mr. L. Martin proposed to vary article 7, countenance of the proposed Constitution. section 4, so as to allow a prohibition or tax The vassalage of the poor has ever been the on the importation of slaves. In the first place, favorite offspring of aristocracy. And what is as five slaves are to be counted as three free- the proposed compensation to the Northern men, in the apportionment of Eepresentatives, States, for a sacrifice of every principle of such a clause would leave an encouragement right—of every impulse of humanity? They to this traffic. In the second place, slaves are to bind themselves to march their militia weakened one part of the Union, which the for the defence of the Southern States—for other parts were bound to protect; the privi- their defence against those very slaves of whom lege of importing them was therefore unrea- they complain. They must supply vessels and sonable. And, in the third place, it was seamen, in case of foreign attack. The Legis- inconsistent with the principles of the Revolu- lature will have indefinite power to tax them by tion, and dishonorable to the American char- excises and duties on imports, both of which acter, to have such a feature in the Constitu- will fall heavier on them than on the Southern tion. inhabitants, for the Bohea tea used by a North- Mr. Rutledge did not see how the importa- ern freeman will pay more tax than the whole tion of slaves could be encouraged by this consumption of the miserable slave, which con- section. He was not apprehensive of insurrec- sists of nothing more than his physical sub- tions, and would readily exempt the other sistence and the rag that covers his nakedness. States from the obligation to protect the On the other side, the Southern States are not Southern against them. Religion and hu- to be restrained from importing fresh supplies manity had nothing to do with this question. of wretched Africans, at once to increase the Interest alone is the governing principle with danger of attack and the difficulty of defence. nations. The true question at present is, Nay, they are to be encouraged to it, by an as- whether the Southern States shall or shall surance of having their votes in the National not be parties to the Union. If the Northern Government increased in proportion ; and are, States consult their interest, they will not op- at the same time, to have their exports and 1 pose the increase of slaves, which will increase 16 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. the commodities of which they will become prevent the emigration of whites, who really the carriers. enrich and strengthen a country. They pro- Mr. Ellsworth was for leaving the clause as duce the most pernicious effect on manners. it stands. Let every State import what it Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. pleases. The morality or wisdom of slavery They bring the judgment of Heaven on a coun- lire considerations belonging to the States try. As nations cannot be rewarded or pun- themselves. What enriches a part enriches ished in the next world, they must be in this. the whole, and the States are the best judges By an inevitable chain of causes and effects, of their particular interest. The old Confede- Providence punishes national sins by national ration had not meddled with this point, and calamities. He lamented that some of our he did not see any greater necessity for bring- Eastern brethren had, from a lust of gain, em- ing it within the policy of the new one. barked in this nefarious traffic. As to the Mr. Pinckney. South Carolina can never States being in possession of the right to im- receive the plan, if it prohibits the slave trade. port, this was the case with many other rights, In every proposed extension of the powers of now to be properly given up. He held it es- Congress, that State has expressly and watch- sential, in every point of view, that the General fully excepted that of meddling with the im- Government should have power to prevent the portation of negroes. If the States be all left increase of slavery. at liberty on this subject. South Carolina may, Mr. Ellsworth, as he had never owned a perhaps, by degrees, do of herself what is slave, could not judge of the effects of slavery wished, as Virginia and Maryland have already on character. He said, however, that if it was done. to be considered in a moral light, we ought to Adjourned. go further, and free those already in the coun- Wednesday, August 22. try. As slaves also multiply so fast in Virginia In Convention.—Article 7, section 4, was re- and Maryland that it is cheaper to raise than sumed. import them, whilst in the sickly rice swamps Mr. Sherman was for leaving the clause as foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no fur- it stands. He disapproved of the slave trade; ther than is urged, we shall be unjust towards yet, as the States were now possessed of the South Carolina and Georgia. Let us not in- right to import slaves, as the public good did termeddle. As population increases, poor la- not require it to be taken from them, and as it borers will be so plenty as to render slaves was expedient to have as few objections as useless. Slavery, in time, will not be a speck possible to the proposed scheme of Govern- in our country. Provision is already made in ment, he thought it be?t to leave the matter Connecticut for abolishing it. And the aboli- as we find it. He observed that the abolition tion has already taken place in Massachusetts. of slavery seemed to be going on in the United As to the danger of insurrections from foreign States, and that the good sense of the several influence, that will become a motive to kind States would probably, by degrees, complete treatment of the slaves. it. He urged on the Convention the necessity Mr. Pinckney. If slavery be wrong, it is of despatching its business. justified by the example of all the world. He Col. Mason. This infernal traffic originated cited the cases of Greece, Rome, and other in the avarice of British merchants. The Brit- ancient States ; the sanction given by France,' ish Government constantly checked the at- England, Holland, and other modern States. tempts of Virginia to put a stop to it. The In all ages, one-half of mankind have been present question concerns not the importing slaves. If the Southern States were let alone, States alone, but the whole Union. The evil they will probably of themselves stop importa- of having slaves was experienced during the tion. He would himself, as a citizen of South late war. Had slaves been treated as they Carolina, vote for it. An attempt to take aAvay might have been by the enemy, they would the right, as proposed, will produce serious ob- have proved dangerous instruments in their jections to the Constitution, which he wished hands. But their folly dealt by the slaves as to see adopted. Gen. Pinckney declared it to it did by the Tories. He mentioned the dan- be his firm opinion, that if himself and all his gerous insurrections of the slaves in Greece colleagues were to sign the Constitution, and and Sicily; and the instructions given by use their personal influence, it would be of no Cromwell to the Commissioners sent to Vir- avail towards obtaining the assent of their ginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in case constituents. South Carolina and Georgia other means of obtaining its submission should cannot do without slaves. As to Virginia, she fail. Maryland and Virginia, he said, had al- will gain by stopping the importations. Her ready prohibited the importation of slaves, ex- slaves will rise in value, and she has more than pressly. North 'Carolina had done the same, she wants. It would be unequal to require in substance. All this would be in vain, if South Carolina and Georgia to confederate on South Carolina and Georgia be at liberty to such unequal terms. He said the royal assent, import. The Western people are already call- before the Revolution, had never been refused ing out for slaves for their new lands, and will to South Carolina, as to Virginia. He con- fill that country with slaves, if they can be got tended that the importation of slaves would be through South Carolina and Georgia. Slavery for the interest of the whole Union. The more discourages arts and manufactures. The poor slaves, the more produce to employ the carry- despise labor when performed by slaves. They ing trade; the more consumption also; and THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 17 tho more of this, the more revenue for the com- sidercd in a political light only. If two States mon treasury. He admitted it to be reasona- will not agree to the Constitution, as stated ble that skives should be dutied, like other im- on one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great and equal opposition ports ; but should consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of South Carolina from would be experienced from the other States. the Union. He remarked on the exemption of slaves from Mr. Baldwin had conceived national objects duty, whilst every other import was subjected alone to be before the Convention—not such to it, as an inequality that could not fail to as, like the present, were of a local nature. strike the commercial sagacity of the North Georgia was decided on this point. That State ern and Middle States. has always hitherto supposed a General Gov- Mr. Langdon was strenuous for giving the ernment to be the pursuit of the central States, power to the General Government. He could who wished to have a'vortex for everything; not, with a good conscience, leave it with the that her distance would preclude her from States, who could then go on with the traffic, equal advantage, and thai she could not pru- without being restrained by the opinions here dently purchase it by yielding national powers. given, that they will themselves cease to im- From this, it might be understood in wliat port slaves. light she would view an attempt to abridge General Pinckney thought himself bound to one of her favorite prerogatives. If left to her- declare candidly that he did not think South self, she may probably put a stop to the evil. Carolina would stop her importation of slaves As one ground for this conjecture, he took in any short time; but only stop them occa- said sionally, as she now does. He moved to com- notice of the sect of , which he was a respectable class of people, who carried their mit the clause, that slaves might be made ethics beyond the mere equality of men, ex- liable to an equal tax with other imports; tending their humanity to the claims of the which he thought right, and which would re- whole animal creation. move one difficulty that had been started. Mr. Wilson observed, that if South Carolina Mr. Rutledge. If the Convention thinks that and Georgia were themselves disposed to get North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, rid of the importation of slaves in a short time, will never agree to the plan, unless their right as had been suggested, they would never refuse to import slaves be untouched, the expectation to unite because the importation might be pro- is vain. The people of those States will never hibited. As the section now stands, all arti- be such fools as to give up so important an cles imported are to be taxed. Slaves alone interest. He was strenuous against striking are exempt. This is, in fact, a bounty on that out the section, and seconded the motion of article. General Pinckney for a commitment. Mr. Gerry thought we had nothing to do Mr. Gouverneur Morris wished the whole with the conduct of the States as to slaves, but subject to be cominitted, including the clauses ought to be careful not to give any sanction relating to taxes on exports, and to a naviga- to it. tion act. These things may form a bargain Mr. Dickinson considered it as inadmissible, among the Northern and Southern States. on every principle of honor and safety, that Mr. Butler declared that he never would the importation of slaves should be authorized agree to the power taxing exports. to the States by the Constitution. The true Mr. Sherman said it was better to let the question was, whether the national happiness Southern States import slaves than to part would be promoted or impeded by the import- with them, if they made that a sine qua non. ation; and this question ought to be left to the He was opposod to a tax on slaves imported, National Government, not to the States par- as making the matter worse, because it implied ticularly interested. If England and France they were property. He acknowledged that if permit slavery, slaves are, at the same time, the power of prohibiting the importation should excluded from both those kingdoms. Greece be given to the General Government, that it and Rome were made unhappy by their slaves. would be exercised. He thought it would be He could not believe that the Southern States its duty to exercise the power. would refuse to confederate on the account Mr. Read was for the commitment, provided apprehended, especially as the power was not the clause concerning taxes on exports should likely to be immediately exercised by the also be commited. General Government. Mr. Sherman observed that that clause had ' Mr. Williamson stated the law of North Car- been agreed to, and therefore could not be olina on the subject—to wit: that it did not committed. directly prohibit the importation of slaves. It Mr. Randolph was for committing, in order imposed a duty of £5 on each slave imported that some middle ground might, if possible, be from Africa, £10 on each from elsewhere, and found. He could never agree to the clause as £50 on each from a State licensing manumis- it stands. He would sooner risk the Constitu- sion. He thought the Southern States could tion. He dwelt on the dilemma to which the not be members of the Union, if the clause Convention was exposed. By agreeing to the should be rejected; and that it was wrong to clause, it would revolt the Quakers, the Meth- force anything down, not absolutely necessary, odists, and many others in the States having and which any State must disagree to. no slaves. On the other hand, two States Mr. King thought the subject should be con- might be lost to the Union Let as, then, he 2 — — — : 18 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. said, try the chances of a commitment. Pages cut, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, 1388 to 1396. Georgia, aye; T. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, The report of the committee of eleven (see Delaware, Virginia, no; 4. Friday-, the 24th) being taken up Mr. Baldwin, in order to restrain and more General Pinckney moved to strike out the explicitly define "the average duty," moved words, " the year eighteen hundred," as the to strike out of the second part the words year limiting the importation of slaves ; and "average of the duties laid on imports," and to insert the words, " the year eighteen hun- insert, "common impost on articles not enu- dred and eight." merated ; " which was agreed to, nem. con. Mr. Gorham seconded the n^otion. Mr. Sherman was against this second part, Mr. Madison. Twenty years will produce as acknowledging men to be property, by tax- all the mischief that can be apprehended from ing them as such, under the character of the liberty to import slaves. So long a term slaves. will be more dishonorable to the American Mr. King and Mr. Langdon considered this character, than to say nothing about it in the as the price of the first part. Constitution. Gen. Pinckney admitted that it was so. On the motion, which passed in the affirm- Col. Mason. Not to tax, will be equivalent ative : to a bounty on the importation of slaves. New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecti- Mr. Gorham thought that Mr. Sherman cut, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, should consider the duty not as implying that Georgia, aye; 7. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, slaves are property, but as a discouragement Delaware, Virginia, no; 4. to the importation of them. Mr. Gouverneur Morris was for making the Mr. Gouverneur Morris remarked that, as the clause read at once, "the importation of slaves clause now stands, it implies that the Legisla-. into North Carolina, South Carolina, and Geor- ture may tax freemen imported. gia, shall not be prohibited," &c. This, he Mr. Sherman, in answer to Mr. Gorham, ob- said, would be most fair, and would avoid the served that the smalluess of the duty showed ambiguity by which, under the power with re- revenue to be the object, not the discourage- gard to naturalization, the liberty reserved to ment of the importation. the States might be defeated. He wished it to Mr. MADISON THOUGHT IT WRONG TO be known, also, that this part of the Constitu- ADMIT, IN THE CONSTITUTION, THE imA tion was a compliance with those States. If THAT THERE COULD BE PROPERTY I>^ the change of language, however, should be MEN. THE REASON OF DUTIES DID NOT objected to by the members from those States, HOLD, AS SLAVES ARE NOT, LIKE MER- he should not urge it. CHANDISE, CONSUMED, kc—Pages 1427 to Col. Mason was not against using the term 1430. " slaves," but against naming North Carolina, Mr. Pinckney, urging the propriety of secu- South Carolina, and Georgia, lest it should ring the benefit of the habeas corpus in the most give offence to the people of those States. ample manner, moved that it should not be Mr. Sherman liked a description better than suspended but on the most urgent occasions; the terms proposed, which had been declined and then only for a limited time, not exceed- by the old Congress, and were not pleasing to ing twelve months. some people. Mr. Rutledge was for declaring the habeas Mr. Clymer concurred with Mr. Sherman. corpus inviolate. He did not conceive that a Mr. Williamson said, that both in opinion suspension could ever be necessary, at the same and practice he was against slavery ; but time, through all the States. thought it more in favor of humanity, from a Mr. Gouverneur Morris moved that "the view of all circumstances, to let in South Car- privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not olina and Georgia on those terms, than to ex- be suspended, unless where, in cases of rebel- clude them from the Union. lion or invasion, the public safety may require Mr. Gouverneur Morris withdrew his mo- it." tion. Mr. Wilson doubted whether, in any case, a Mr. Dickinson wished the clause to be con- suspension could be necessary; as the discre- fined to the States which had not themselves tion now exists with Judges, in most import- prohibited the importation of slaves and, for ant cases, to keep in jail or admit to bail. ; that purpose, moved to amend the clause so as The first part of Mr. Gouverneur Morris's to read: "The importation of slaves into such motion, to the word "unless," was agreed to, of the States as shall permit the same, shall nem. con. On the remaining part not be prohibited by the Legislature of the New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecti- United States until the year 1808;" which was cut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Vir- disagreed to, nem. con. ginia, aye; 7. North Carolina, South Caroli- The first part of the report was then agreed na, Georgia, no; 3. Pages 1441-2. to, amended as follows: Article 14 was then taken up. "The migration or importation of such per- General Pinckney was not satisfied with it. sons as the several States now existing shall He seemed to wish some provision should be think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited included in favor of property in slaves. by the Legislature prior to the year 1808." On the question on article 14: New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecti- New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, — — — — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 19 New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, give a power by which the articles relating to Virginia, North Carolina, aye; 9, South Car- slaves might be altered by the States not inter- olina, no; 1. Georgia, divided. ested in that property, and prejudiced against Mr. Butler and Mr. Pinckney moved to re- it. In order to obviate this objection, these quire "fugitive slaves and servants to be de- words were added to the proposition: livered up like criminals." ''Provided, Tliat no amendments which may Mr. Wilson. This would oblige the Execu- ' be made prior to the year 1808 shall in any tive of the State to do it at the public expense. ' manner affect the fourth and fifth sections of Mr. Sherman saw no more propriety in the ' the seventh article." public seizing and surrendering a slave or ser- The postponement being agreed to, vant, than a horse. On the question on the proposition of Mr. Mr. Butler withdrew his proposition, in or- Madison and Mr. Hamilton, as amended : der thiit some particular provision might be Massachusetts, Connecticut, N. Jersey, Penn- made, apart from this article. Pages 1447-8. sylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye; 9. Delaware, General Pinckney said it was +he true inter- no; 1. New Hampshire, divided. P«^e 1535. est of the Southern States to have no regula- — Article 1, section 2: tion of commerce; l)ut considering the loss On motion of Mr. Randolph, the word "ser- brought on the commerce of the Eastern States vitude" was struck out, and "service" unani- by the Revolution, their liberal conduct to- mously inserted the former being thought to wards the views * of South Carolina, and the — express the condition of slaves, and the latter interest the weak Southern States had in be- the obligations of free persons. ing united with the strong Eastern States, he Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Wilson moved to thought it proper that no fetters should be strike out "and direct taxes," from article imposed on the power of making commercial 1, section 2, as improperly placed in a clause re- regulations; and that his constituents, though lating merely to the constitution of the House prejudiced against the Eastern States, would of Representatives. be reconciled to this liberality. He had him- Mr. Gouverneur Morris. The insertion here self, he said, prejudices against the Eastern was in consequence of what had passed on States before he came here, but would ac- this point in order to exclude the appearance knowledge that he had found them as liberal — of counting the negroes in the representation. and candid as any men whatever. Page 1451. The including of them may now be referred to The report of the committee for striking out the object of direct taxes, and incidentally only section 6, requiring two-thirds of each House to that of representation. to pass a navigation act, was then agreed to, On the motion to strike out "and direct nem. con. taxes" from this place: Mr. Butler moved to insert, after article 15, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, aye; 3. "If any person, bound to service or labor in New Harppshire, • Massachusetts, Connecticut, any of the United States, shall escape into an- Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South other State, he or she shall not be discharged Carolina, Georgia, no; 8. Pages 1569-70. from such service or labor, in consequence of Article section (the third paragraph,) any regulations subsisting in the State to which 4, 2, the term "legally" was struck out, and the they escape, but shall be delivered up to the words "under the laws thereof" inserted, after person justly claiming their service or labor;" the word "State," in compliance with the wish which was agreed to, nem. con. —Page 1456. of some, who thought the term "legal" equiv- Mr. Madison moved to postpone the consid- ocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was eration of the amended proposition, in order legal in a moral view. Page 1589. to take up the following: Mr. Sherman expressed his fears that three- " The Legislature of the United States, when- fourths of the States might be brought to do ' ever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem things fatal to particular States—as abolishing ' necessary, or on the application of two-thirds them altogether, or depriving them of their ' of the Legislatures of the several States, shall equality in the Senate. He thought it reason- ' propose amendments to this Constitution, able that the proviso in favor of the States ' which shall be valid to all intents and pur- importing slaves should be extended, so as to ' poses as part thereof, when the same shall provide that no State should be affected in its ' have been ratified by three-fourths, at least, internal police, or deprived of its equality in ' of the Legislatures of the several States, or the Senate. Pages 1590-91, ' by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as Mr. Sherman moved, according to his idea ' one or the other mode of ratification may be above expressed, to annex to the end of the * proposed by the Legislature of the United article a further proviso, "that no State shall, ' States." without its consent, be affected in its internal Mr. Hamilton seconded the motion, police, or deprived of its equal suffrage in the Mr. Rutledge said he never could agree to Senate." Mr. Madison, Begin with these special pro- * He meant the permission to import slaves. An under-tanding on the two subjects of navigation and visos, and every State will insist on them, for slavery had taken plaee between those parts of the their boundaries, exports, &c. Union, vi^hich explains the vote on the mo'ion depend- motion of Mr. ing, as well as the language of General Pinckney and On Sherman: others. Connecticut, New Jersey, Delaware, aye ; 3. — ; — 20 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, former laws, and the loss of which would bring Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Car- ruin on a great many people. olina, Georgia, no; 8. Page 1592. Mr. Lee, of Westmoreland. The honorable gentleman abominates it, because it does not prohibit the importation of slaves, and because ELLIOTT'S DEBATES, VOL. XL it does not secure the continuance of the exist- Debates in Virginia State Convention^ called to ing slavery! Is it not obviously inconsistent ratify the Constitution. to criminate it for two contradictorj'^ reasons? I submit it to the consideration of the gentle- Governor Randolph. I am informed, I and man, Avhether, if it be reprehensible in the one rightly, because I derive believe my informa- case, it can be censurable in the other. Mr. tion from those whose knowledge is most re- Lee then concluded, by earnestly recommend- spectable, that Virginia is in a very unhappy ing to the committee to proceed regularlv. position with respect to the access of foes by Page 212. situated sea, though happily for commerce. Mr. Pendleton. I am unfortunate enough This being her situation by sea, let us look at to differ from the worthy member in another land. She has frontiers adjoining the States circumstance. He professes himself an advo- of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and North Caro- cate for middling and lower classes of men. I lina. Two of those States have declared them- profess to be a friend to the equal liberty of all selves members of the Union. Will she be in- men—from the palace to the cottage—without accessible to the inhabitants of those States ? any other distinction than between good and Cast your eyes to the Western country, that bad men. I appeal to my public life and pri- is inhabited by cruel savages, your natural vate behaviour, to decide whether I departed enemies. Besides their natural propensity to from this rule. Since distinctions have been barbarity, they may be excited by the gold of brought forth and communicated to the audi- foreign enemies to commit the most horrid ence, and Avill be therefore disseminated, I beg ravages on your people. Our great and in- gentlemen to take with them this observation, creasing population is one remedy to this evil that distinctions have been produced by the but being scattered thinly over so extensive a opposition. From the friends of the new Gov- country, how difficult is it to collect their ernment they have heard none. None such strength or defend the country. This is one are to be found in the organization of the pa- point of weakness. I wish, for the honor of my per before me. countrymen, that it was the only one. There Why bring into the debate the whims of is another circumstance which renders us more writers—introducing the distinction of well vulnerable. Are we not weakened by the pop- born from others ? I consider every man well ulation of those whom we hold in slavery? born who comes into the world with an intel- The day may come when they may make im- ligent mind, and with all his parts perfect. I pression upon us. Gentlemen who have been am an advocate for fixing our Government on long accustomed to .the contemplation of the true republican principles, giving to the poor subject, think there is a cause of alarm in this man free liberty in his person and property. case. The number of those people, compared Page 212. to that of the whites, is in an immense pro- Mr. Henry. It is exceedingly painful to me portion: their number amounts to 236,000, to be objecting, but I must make a few obser- that of the whites only to 352,000.—Po^es vations. I shall not again review the cata- 80, 81. logue of dangers which the honorable gentle- Mr. Mason. We are told, in strong lan- man entertained us with. They appear to me guage, of dangers to which we will be exposed, absolutely imaginary. They have, in my con- unless we adopt this Constitution. Among ception, been proved to be such. But sure I the rest, domestic safety is said to be in danger. am, that the dangers of this system are real, This Government does not attend to our do- when those who have no similar interests with mestic safety. It authorizes the importation the people of this country are to legislate for of slaves for twenty odd years, and thus con- us—when our dearest interests are left in the tinues upon us that nefarious trade. Instead power of those whose advantage it may be to of securing and protecting us, the continua- infringe them. How will the quotas of troops tion of this detestable trade adds daily to our be furnished? Hated as requisitions are, your weakness. Though this evil is increasing, Federal officers cannot collect troops like dol- there is no clause in the Constitution that will lars, and carry them in their pockets. You prevent the Northern and Eastern States from must make those abominable requisitions for meddling with our whole property of that them, and the scale will be in proportion to the kind. There is a clause to prohibit the import- number of your blacks as well as your whites, ation of slaves after twenty years ; but there is unless they violate the constitutional rule of no provision made for securing to the South- apportionment. This is not calculated to rouse ern States those they now possess. It is far the fears of the people. It is founded in truth. from being a desirable property. But it will How oppressive and dangerous must this be to involve us in great difficulties and infelicity to the Southern States, who alone have slaves! be now deprived of them. There ought to be This will render their proportion infinitely a clause in the Constitution, to secure us that greater than that of the Northern States. It property which we have acquired under our has been openly avowed that this shall be the — — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 21 rule. 1 will appeal to the judgments of the Mr. G. Nicholas. Another worthy member oommittee, whether there be danger. Pages says there is no power in the States to quell 240, 241. an insurrection of slaves. Have they it now? Mr. Henry. He told gentlemen that these If they have, does the Constitution take it clauses were suiiicient to shake all their impli- away? If it does, it must be in one of the cation. For, saj's he, if Congress had no power three clauses which have been mentioned by but what was given to them, why restrict them the worthy member. The first clause gives by negative words? Is not the clear implica- the General Government power to call them tion this—that if these restrictions were not out when necessary. Does this take it away inserted, they could have performed what they from the States? No; but it gives an addi- prohibit? The worthy member had said that tional security; for, beside the power in the Congress ought to have power to protect all, State Governments to use their own militia, it and had given this system the highest enco- will be the duty of the General Government to mium; but still insisted that the power over aid them with the strength of the Union when the militia was concurrent. To obviate the called for. No part of this Constitution can f aility of this doctrine, Mr. Henry alleged that show that this power is taken away. it was not reducible to practice. Examine it, But an argument is drawn from that clause says he, reduce it to practice. Suppose an which saj^s that "No State shall engage in war insurrection in Virginia, and suppose there be unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger apprehended of an insurrection in an- danger as will not admit of delay? What other State, from the exercise of the Govern- does this prohibition amount to? It must be ment; or, suppose a national war, and there a war with a foreign enemy that the States are be discontent among the people of this State, prohibited from making, for the exception to that produces or threatens an insurrection; the restriction proves it. The restriction in- suppose Congress, in either case, demands a cludes only offensive hostility, as they are at number of militia, will they not be obliged to liberty to engage in war when invaded, or in go ? AVhere are your reserved rights, when imminent danger. They are therefore not re- 3'-our militia go to a neighboring State ? Which strained from quelling domestic insurrections, call is to be obeyed, the Congressional call, or which are totally different from making war the call of the State Legislature? The call of with a foreign Power. But the great thing to Congress must be obeyed. I need not remind be dreaded is, that during an insurrection, the this committee, that the sweeping clause will militia will be called out from the State. This cause their demands to be submitted to. This is his kind of argument. Is it possible that at clause enables them ''to make all laws which such a time the General Government would tball be necessary and proper to carry into order the militia to be called? It is a ground- execution all the powers vested by this Consti- less objection, to work on gentlemen's appre- tution in the Government of the United States, hensions within these walls. As to the fourth or in an}^ department or officer thereof." Mr. article, it was introduced wholly for the par- Chairman, I will turn to another clause, which ticular aid of the States. A republican form relates to the same subject, and tends to show of government is guarantied, and protection the fallacy of their argument. The tenth sec- is secured against invasion and domestic vio- tion of the first article, to which reference was lence, on application. Is not this a guard as made by the worthy member, militates against strong as possible? Does it not exclude the himself. It says, that " no State shall engage unnecessary interference of Congress in busi- iu war, unless actually invaded." If you give ness of this sort? Page 318. this clause a fair construction, what is the true Sec. 9. The migration or importation of meaning of it ? What does this relate to ? Not such persons as any of the States now existing domestic insurrections, but war. If the coun- shall think proper to admit, shall not be pro- try be invaded, a State may go to war, but hibited by the Congress prior to the year one cannot suppress insurrections. If there should thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax happen an insurrection of slaves, the country or duty may be imposed on such importation, cannot be said to be invaded. They cannot not exceeding ten dollars for each person. therefore suppress it, without the interposition Mr. George Mason. Mr. Chairman, this is of Congress. The fourth section of the fourth a fatal section, which has created more dan- article expressly directs, that in case of domes- gers than any other. The first clause allows' tic violence, Congress shall protect the State, the importation of slaves for twenty years. on application of the Legislature or Executive; Under the Royal Government this evil was and the eighth section of the first article gives looked upon as a great oppression, and many Congress power to call forth the militia, to attempts were made to prevent it ; but the in- quell insurrections. There cannot, therefore, terest of the African merchants prevented its be a concurrent power. The State Legislatures prohibition. No sooner did the Revolution ought to have power to call forth the efforts of take place, than it was thought of. It was militia, when necessary. Occasions for call- one of the great causes of our separation from ing them out may be urgent, pressing, and in- Great Britain. Its exclusion has been a prin- stantaneous. The States cannot now call them, cipal object of this State and most of the let an insurrection be ever so perilous, without States in the Union. The augmentation of an application to Congress. So long a delay slaves weakens the States, and such a trade is may be fatal. Page 315. diabolical in itself and disgraceful to mankind. ; — 22 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. Yet, by this Constitution, it is continued for that period thjey can. The gentlemen fiom twenty years. As much as I value an union of South Carolina and Georgia argued in this all the States, I would not admit the Southern menner: "We have now liberty to import this States into the Union, unless they agree to the species of property, and much of the property discontinuance of this disgraceful trade, be- now possessed has been purchased or other- cause it ATOuld bring weakness and not strength wise acquired in contemplation of improving to the Union. And, though this infamous it by the assistance of imported slaves. What traffic be continued, we have no security for would be the consequence of hindering us the property of that kind which we have al- from it? The slaves of Virginia would rise in ready. There is no clause in this Constitution value, and we would be obliged to go to your to secure it; for they may lay such tax as will markets." I need not expatiate on this sub- amount to manumission. And should the ject. Great as the evil is, a dismemberment Government be amended, still this detestable of the Union would be worse. If those States kind of commerce cannot be discontinued till should disunite from the other States, for not after the expiration of twenty years ; for the including them in the temporary continuance fifth article, which provides for amendments, of this traffic, they might solicit and obtain aid expresslj' excepts this clause. I have ever from foreign Powers. looked upon this as a most disgraceful thing Mr. Tyler warmly enlarged on the impolicy, to America. I cannot express my detestation iniquity, and disgracefulness, of this wicked of it. Yet they have not secured us the prop- traffic. He thought the reasons urged by gen- erty of the slaves we have already; so that tlemen in defence of it were inconclusive and " they have done what they ought not to have ill-founded. It was one cause of the com- done, and have left undone what they ought plaints against British tyranny, that this trade to have done." Avas permitted. The Revolution had put a Mr. Madison. Mr. Chairman, I should con- period to it; but noAV it was to be rcAived. ceive this clause to be impolitic, if it were one He thought nothing could justify it. This of the things which could be excluded without temporary restriction on Congress militated, encountering greater evils. The Southern in his opinion, against the arguments of gen- States would not have entered into the Union tlemen on the other side, that AA'hat was not of America, without the temporary permission given up was retained by the States ; for that, of that trade ; and if they were excluded from if this restriction had not been inserted. Con- the Union, the consequences might be dreadful gress could have prohibited the African trade. to them and to us. We are not in a worse The power of prohibiting it was not expressly situation than before. That traffic is prohibited delegated to them yet they Avould have had ; by our laws, and Ave may continue the prohi- it by implication, if this restraint had not been bition. The Union in general is not in a worse provided. This seemed to him to demonstrate situation. Under the Articles of Confederation most clearly the necessity ofrestraining them, by it might be continued forever; but by this a bill of rights, from infringing our inalienable clause an end may be put to it after tAventy rights. It was immaterial Avhether the bill of years. There is, therefore, an amelioration of rights was by itself, or included in the Consti- our circumstances. A tax may be laid in the tution. But he contended for it, one way or meantime; but it is limited, otherwise Con- the other. It would be justified in our own gress might lay such a tax as would amount to example, and that of England. His earnest a prohibition. From the mode of representa- desire Avas, that it should be handed doAvn to tion and taxation, Congress cannot lay such a posterity, that he had opposed this wicked tax ou slaves as will amount to manumission. clause. Pages 335, 336. Another clause secures us that property which Mr. Madison was surprised that any gentle- w^ now possess. At present, if any slave man shonld return to the clauses Avhich had elopes to any of those States where slaves are already been discussed. He begged the gen- free, he becomes emancipated by their laws tleman to read the clauses Avhich gave the for the laws of the States are uncharitable to poAver of exclusive legislation, and he might one another in this respect. But in this Con- see that nothing could be done without tlie stitution, "No person held to service or labor consent of the States. With respect to the in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping supposed operation of what was denominated into another, shall, in consequence of any law the SAveeping clause, the gentleman, he said, or regulation therein, be discharged from such was mistaken; for it only extended to the service or labor, but shall be delivered up on enumerated poAvers. Should Congress attempt claim of the party to whom such service or to extend it to any poAver not enumerated, it labor may be due." This clause was expressly AA^ould not be warranted by the clause. to inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim the restriction in the clause under considera- them. This is a better security than any that tion, it was a restraint on the exercise of a now exists. No power is given to the General poAver expressly delegated to Congress, A'iz: Government to interfere with respect to the that of regulating commerce with foreign property in slaves now held by the States. nations. The taxation of this State being equal only to Mr. Henry insisted that the insertion of its representation, such a tax cannot be laid these restrictions on Congress Avas a plain as he supposes. They cannot prevent the im- demonstration that Congress should exercise portation of slaves for twenty years, but after powers by implication. The gentleman had — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 23 admitted that Congress could have interdicted twenty years. It could not, therefore, have the African trade, were it not for this restric- been a power by implication, as the restriction tion. If so, the power, not having been ex- was an exception from a delegated power. pressly delegated, must be obtained by impli- The taxes could not, as had been suggested, cation. He demanded, where, then, was their be laid so high on negroes as to amount to doctrine of reserved rights? He wished for emancipation; because taxation and repre- negative clauses, to prevent them from assum- sentation were fixed according to the census ing any powers but those expressly given. He established in the Constitution. The excep- asked Avhy it was omitted to secure us that tion of taxes from the uniformity annexed to property in slaves which we hold now? He duties and excises, could not have the opera- feared its omission was done with design. tion contended for by the gentlemen; because They might lay such heavy taxes on slaves as other clauses had clearly and positively fixed would amount to emancipation, and then the the census. Had taxes been uniform, it would Southern States would be the only sufferers. have been universally objected to; for no one His opinion was confirmed by the mode of object could be selected without involving levying money. Congress, he observed, had great inconveniences and oppressions. But, power to lay and collect taxes, imposts, and says Mr. Nicholas, is it from the General Gov- excises. Imposts (or duties) and excises were vernment we are to fear emanci])ation? Gen- to be uniform. But this uniformity did not tlemen will recollect what I said in another extend to taxes. This might compel the South- House, and what other gentlemen have said ern States to liberate their negroes. He wished that advocated emancipation. Give me leave this property, therefore, to be guarded. He to say, that that clause is a great security for considered the clause which had been adduced our slave tax. I can tell the committee that by the gentleman as a security for this property, the people of our country are reduced to beg- as no security at all. It was no more than gary by the taxes on negroes. Had this Con- this—thau a runaway negro could be taken up stitution been adopted, it would not have been in Maryland or New York. This could not the case. The taxes were laid on all our ne- prevent Congress from interfering with that groes. By this system, two-fifths are exemjjted. property, by laying a grievous and enormous He then added, that he had imagined gentle- tax on it, so as to compel owners to emanci- men would not support here what they had pate their slaves rather than pay the tax. He opposed in another place. apprehended it would be productive of much Mr. Henry replied, that though the propor- stock-jobbing, and that they would play into tion of each was to be fixed by the census, and one another's hands in such a manner as that three-fifths of the slaves only were included this property would be lost to the country. in the enumeration, yet the proportion of Vir- Mr. Greorge Nicholas wondered that gentle- ginia, being once fixed, might be laid on blacks, men who were against slavery Avould be op- and blacks only; for the mode of raising the posed to this clause; as, after that period, the proportion of each State being to be directed slave trade would be done away. He asked if by Congress, they might make slaves the sole gentlemen did not see the inconsistency of their object to raise it. Personalities he wislied to arguments? They object, says he, to the Con- take leave of; they had nothing to do with stitution, because the slave trade is laid open the question, which was solely whether that for tAventy odd years ; and yet tell you that, paper was wrong or not. by some latent operation of it, the slaves, who Mr. Nicholas replied, that negroes must be are so now, will be manumitted. At the same considered as persons or property. If as prop- moment it is opposed for being promotive and erty, the proportion of taxes to be laid on them destructive of slavery. He contended that it was fixed in the Constitution. If he appre- Avas advantageous to Virginia that it should hended a poll tax on negroes, the Constitution be in the power of Congress to prevent the im- had prevented it; for, by the census, where a portation of slaves after twenty years, as it paid ten shillings, a , white man negro paid would then put a period to the evil complained but six shillings ; for the exemption of two- [ of. As the Southern States would not con- fifths of them reduced it to that proportion. federate without this clause, he asked if gen- Page 337. tlemen would rather dissolve the Confederacy Mr. George Mason said, that gentlemen might than to suffer this temporary inconvenience, think themselves secured by the restriction in. admitting it to be such? Virginia might con- the fourth clause, that no capitation or other tinue the prohibition of such importation du- direct tax should be laid, but in proportion to ring the intermediate period, and would be the census before directed to be taken; but benefitted by it, as a tax of ten dollars on each that, when maturely considered, it would be slave might be laid, of which she would receive found to be no security whatever. It was a share. He endeavored to obviate the objec- nothing but a direct assertion, or mere con- j tion of gentlemen, that the restriction on firmation, of clause Con- 1 the which fixed the ratio gress was a proof that they would have power of taxes and representation. It only meant [ not given them, by remarking that they would that the to raised of j quantum be each State only have had a general superintendency of ! should be in proportion to their numbers, in trade, if the restriction had not been inserted. the manner therein directed ; but the General I But the Southern States insisted on this ex- Government was not precluded from laying j ception to that general superintendency for 1 the proportion of any particular State on any — — 24 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. one species of property they might think proper. surate to the end. All the means in the pos- For instance, if five hundred thousand dollars session of the people must be given to the were to be raised, they might lay the whole of Government which is intrusted with the pub- the proportion of the Southern States on the lic defence. In this State there are 236,000 blacks, or any one species of property; so that, blacks, and there are many in several other by laying taxes too heavily on slaves, they States ; but there are feAv or none in the North- might totally annihilate that kind of property. ern States ; and yet, if the Northern States shall No real security could arise from the clause, be of opinion that our numbers are numberless, which provides that persons held to labor in they may call forth every national resource. one State, escaping into another, shall be de- May Congress not say that every black man must livered up. This only meant that runaway fight? Did we not see a little of this last war? slaves should not be protected in other States. We were not so hard pushed as to make eman- As to the exclusion of ex post facto laws, it cipation general; but acts of Assembly passed, could not be said to create any security in this that every slave who would go to the army case ; for laying a tax on slaves would not be should be free. Another thing will contribute cx post facto. to bring this event about: slavery is detested Mr. Madison replied, that even the Southern we feel its fatal effects—we deplore it with all States, who were most affected, were perfectly the pity of humanity. Let all these consider- satisfied with this provision, and dreaded no ations, at some future period, press with full danger to the property they now hold. It ap- force on the minds of Congress. Let that hu- peared to him that the General Government manity, which I trust will distinguish America, would not intermeddle with that property for and the necessity of national defence—let all twenty years, but to lay a tax on every slave these things operate on their minds they will ; imported, not exceeding ten dollars ; and that search that paper, and see if they have power after the expiration of that period, they might of manumission. And have they not, sir? prohibit the traffic altogether. The census in Have they not power to provide for the gene- the Constitution was intended to introduce ral defence and welfare? May they not think equality in the burdens to be laid on the com- that these call for the abolition of slavery? munity. No gentleman objected to laying du- May not they pronounce all slaves free, and ties, imposts, and excises, uniformly; but uni- will they not be warranted by that power? formity of taxes would be subversive to the There is no ambiguous implication or logical principles of equality; for that it was not pos- deduction. The paper speaks to the point. sible to select any article which would be easy They have the power, in clear, unequivocal for one State, but what would be heavy for terms, and will clearly and certainly exercise another; that the proportion of each State it. As much as I deplore slavery, I see that Ijeing ascertained, it would be raised by the prudence forbids its abolition. I deny that General Government in the most convenient the General Government ought to set them manner for the people, and not by the selection free because a decided majority of the States of any one particular object; that there must have not the ties of sympathy and fellow-feel- be some degree of confidence put in agents, ing for those whose interest would be affected or else we must reject a state of civil society by their emancipation. The majority of Con- altogether. Another great security to this gress is to the North, and the slaves are to the property, which he mentioned, was, that five South. In this situation, I see a great deal of States were greatly interested in that species the property of the people of Virginia in jeop- tranquillity gone. of property ; and there were other States which ardy, and their peace and had some slaves, and had made no attempt or I repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very taken any step to take them from the people. soul, that every one of my fellow-beings was There were a few slaves in New York, New emancipated. As we ought, Avith gratitude, Jersey, and Connecticut; these States would to admire that decree of Heaven which has probably oppose any attempts to annihilate numbered us among the free, we ought to la- this species of property. He concluded, by ment and deplore the necessity of holding our observing that he would be glad to leave the fellow-men in bondage. But is it practicable, decision of this to the committee. Pages by any human means, to liberate them, with- 422, 423. out producing the most dreadful and ruinous Mr. Henry. Among ten thousand implied consequences? We ought to possess them in powers which they may assume, they may, if the manner we have inherited them from our v/e be engaged in war, liberate every one of ancestors, as their manumission is incompati- your slaves, if they please. And this must and ble with the felicity of the country: but we will be done by men, a majority of whom have ought to soften, as much as possible, the rigor not a common interest with you. They will, of their unhappy fate. I know that, in a va- therefore, have no feeling for your interests. riety of particular instances, the Legislature, It has been repeatedly said here, that the great listening to complaints, have admitted their object of a National Government was national emancipation. Let me not dwell on this sub- defence. That power which is said to be in- ject. I will only add, that this, as well as tended for security and safety, may be rendered every other property of the people of Virginia, detestable and oppressive. If you give power is in jeopardy, and put in the hands of those to the General Government to provide for the who have no similarity of situation with us. general defence, the means must be commen- This is a local matter, and I can see no pro- — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 25 prioty in subjecting it to Congress. Page 431. which shall be necessary'-, shall be raised by Gov. Randolph. That honorable gentleman the consent of two-thirds of the States. I [Mr. Henry] and some others have insisted most devoutly wish that there may never be that the abolition of slavery will result from an occasion of having a single regiment. it, and at the same time have complained that There can be no harm in declaring that stand- it encourages its continuation. The incoia- ing armies in time of peace are dangerous to sistency proves, in some degree, the futility of liberty, and ought to be avoided, as far as it their arguments. But if it be not conclusive may be consistent with the protection of the to satisfy the committee that there is no dan- community. But when we come to say that ger of enfranchisement taking place, I beg the national security shall depend, not on a leave to refer them to the paper itself. I hope majority of the people of America, but that it that there is none here who, considering the may be frustrated by less than one-third of the subject in the calm light of philosophy, will people of America, I ask if this be a safe or advance an objection dishonorable to Virginia; proper mode ? What part of the United States that at the moment they are securing the rights are most likely to stand in need of this pro- of their citizens, an objection is started, that tection? The weak parts, which are the South- there iS a spark of hope that those unfortunate ern States. Will it be safe to leave the United men now held in bondage may, by the opera- States at the mercy of one-third of the States, tion of the General Government, be made free. a number which may comprise a very small But if any gentleman be terrified by this ap- proportion of the American people? They prehension, let him read the system. I ask, may all be in that part of America Avhich is and I will ask again and again, till I be an- least exposed to danger. As far as a remote swered, (not by declamation,) AVhere is the part situation from danger would render exertions that has a tendency to the abolition of slavery? for public defence less active, so far the South- Is it the clause which says that "the migration ern States would be endangered. or importation of such persons as any of the The regulation of commerce, he further pro- States now existing shall think proper to ad- posed, should depend on two-thirds of both mit, shall not be prohibited by Congress prior Houses. I wish I could recollect the history to the year 1808?" This is an exception from of this matter ; but I cannot call it to mind the power of regulating commerce, and the re- with sufficient exactness. But I well recollect striction is only to continue till 1808. Then the reasoning of some gentlemen on that sub- Congress can, by the exercise of that power, pre- ject. It was said, and I believe with truth, vent future importations; but does it affect the that every part of America does not stand in existing state of slavery? Were it right here equal need of security. It was observed that to mention what passed in Convention on the the Northern States were most competent to occasion, I might tell you that the Southern their own safety. Was it reasonable, asked States—even South Carolina herself— conceived they, that they should bind themselves to the this property to be secure by these words. I defence of the Southern States, and still be left believe, whatever we may think here, that there at the mercy of the minority for commercial was not a member of the Virginia delegation advantages? Should it be in the power of the who had the smallest suspicion of the abolition minority to deprive them of this and other ad- of slavery. Go to their meaning. Point out vantages, when they are bound to defend the the clause where this formidable power of whole Union, it might be a disadvantage for emancipation is inserted. them to confederate. But another clause of the Constitution proves These Avere his arguments. This policy of the absurdity of the supposition. The words guarding against political inconveniences, by of the clause are: "No person held to service enabling a small part of the community to op- or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, pose the Government, and subjecting the ma- escaping into another, shall, in consequence jority to a small minority, is fallacious. In of any law or regulation therein, be discharged some cases, it may be good ; in others, it may from such service or labor, but shall be de- be fatal. In all cases, it puts it in the power livered up, on claim of the party to whom such of the minority to decide a question which service or labor may be due." Every one concerns the majority. knows that slaves are held to service and labor. I was struck with surprise when I heard And when authority is given to owners of hira express himself alarmed with respect to slaves to vindicate their property, can it be the emancipation of slaves. Let me ask, if supposed they can be deprived of it ? If a citi- they should even attempt it, if it will not be zen of this State, in consequence of this clause, an usurpation of power? There is no power can take his runaway slave in Maryland, can to Avarrant it, in that paper. If there be, I it be seriously thought that, after taking him know it not. But w^hy should it be done? and bringing him home, he could be made Says the honorable gentleman, for the general heel—Page 437. welfare; it will infuse strength into our sys- Mr. Madison. With respect to the amend- tem. Can any member of this committee sup- ments proposed by the honorable gentleman, it pose that it will increase our strength ? Can ought to be considered how far they are good. any one believe that the American Councils As far as they are palpably and insuperably will come into a measure which will strip them objectionable, they ought to be opposed. One of their property, discourage and alienate the amendment he proposes is, that any army affections of five-thirteenths of the Union? — 26 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. Why was nothing of this sort aimed at before? distant period. I hope, therefore, that this I believe such an idea never entered into any pai't of the Constitution will not be condemned, American breast, nor do I believe it ever will, because it has not stipulated for what it was unless it will enter into the heads of those gen- impracticable to obtain. tlemen who substitute unsupported suspicions Mr. Spaight further explained the clause: for reasons. Page 452. that the limitation of this trade to the term of twenty years, was a compromise between the ELLIOT'S DEBATES—VOL. IIL Eastern States and the Southern States. South Carolina and Georgia wished to extend the North Carolina State Convention, called to ratify term ; the Eastern States insisted on the entire the Constitution. abolition of the trade. That the State of North First clause of the ninth section read. Carolina had not thought proper to pass any Mr, J. McDowall wished to hear the reasons law prohibiting the importation of slaves, and of this restriction. therefore its delegation in the Convention did Mr. Spaight answered, that there was a not think themselves authorized to contend for the Northern contest between and Southern an immediate prohibition of it. States; that the Southern States, whose prin- Mr. Iredell added to what he had said before, cipal support depended on the labor of slaves, that the States of Georgia and South Carolina would not consent to the desire of the North- had lost a great many slaves during the war, ern States to exclude the importation of slaves and that they wished to supply the loss. absolutely; that South Carolina and Georgia Mr. Galloway. Mr. Chairman, the explana- insisted on this clause, as they were now in tion given to this clause does not satisfy my want of hands to cultivate their lands ; that in mind. I wish to see this abominable trade put the course of twenty years they would be fully an end to. But in case it be thought proper supplied; that the trade would be abolished to contiuTip this abominable traffic for twenty then, and that, in the mean time, some tax or years, yet I do not wish to see the tax on the duty might be laid on. importation extended to all persons whatso- Mr. McDoAvall replied, that the explanation ever. Our situation is different from the peo- was just such as he expected, and by no means ple to the North. We want citizens; they do satisfactory to him, and that he looked upon not. Instead of laying a tax, we ought to it as a very objectionable part of the system. give a bounty to encourage foreigners to come Mr. Iredell. Mr. Chairman, I rise to express among us. With respect to the abolition of sentiments similar to those of the gentleman slavery, it requires the utmost consideration. from Craven. For my part, were it practica- The' property of the Southern States, consists ble to put an end to the importation of slaves principally of slaves. If they mean to do aAvay immediately, it would give me the greatest slavery altogether, this property will be de- pleasure, for it certainly is a trade utterly in- stroyed. I apprehend it means to bring for- consistent with the rights of humanity, and ward manumission. If we must manumit our under which great cruelties have been exer- slaves, what country- shall we send them to? cised. When the entire abolition of slavery It is impossible to be happy, if, after manu- takes place, it will be an event which must be mission, they are to stay among us. pleasing to every generous mind and every Mr. Iredell. Mr. Chairman, the worthy gen- friend of human nature; but we often wish for tleman, I believe, has misunderstood this clause, things which are not attainable. It was the which runs in the following words : "The mi- wish of a great majority of the Convention to gration or importation of such persons as any put an end to the trade immediately, but the of the States now existing shall think proper States of South Carolina and Georgia would to admit, sUall not be prohibited by the Con- not agree to it. Consider, then, what would gress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or duty be the difference between our present situation, may be imposed on such importation, not ex- in this respect, if Ave do not agree to the Con- ceeding ten dollars for each person." Now, stitution, and what it will be if we do agree sir, observe that the Eastern States, who long to it. If we do not agree to it, do we remedy ago have abolished slavery, did not approve of the evil? No, sir, we do not; for if the Con- the expression, slaves; they therefore used stitution be not adopted, it will be in the power another that answered the same purpose. The of every State to continue it forever. They committee will observe the distinction between may or may not abolish it, at their discretion. the two words, migration and importation. But if we adopt the Constitution, the trade The first part of the clause will extend to per- must cease after twenty years, if Congress sons who come into the country as free people, declare so, whether particular States please so or are brought as slaves ; but the last part or not. Surely, then, we gain by it. This was extends to slaves only. The word migration the utmost that could be obtained. I heartily refers to free persons; but the word importa- v. ish more could have been done. But as it tion refers to slaves, because free people can- is, this Government is nobly distinguished not be said to be imported. The tax, there- above others by that very provision. Where fore, is only to be laid on slaves, who are is there another country in which such a re- imported, and not on free persons, who migrate. striction prevails? We therefore, sir, set an I further beg leave to say, tjiat the gentleman Example of humanity, by providing for the is mistaken in another thing. He seems to abolition of this inhuman traffic, though at a say that this extends to the abolition of sla- — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 27 it is left to the very. Is there anything in this Constitution supply. In the mean time, the importation, which says that Congress shall have it in their States to admit or prohibit limited duty power to abolish the slavery of those slaves and Congress may impose a upon who are now in the country? Is it not the it—Fage 158. plain meaning of it, that after twenty years State Convention, they may prevent the future importation of Debates in the Fcnnsylvania called to ratify the Constitution. slaves? It does not extend to those now in the country. There is another circumstance Mr. Wilson. Much fault has been found to be observed. There is no authority vested with the mode of expression used in the first in Congress to restrain the States, in the in- clause of the ninth section of the first article. terval of twenty years, from doing what they I believe I can assign a reason why that mode please. If they wish to inhibit such importa- of expression was used, and why the term slave tion, they may do so. Our next Assembly was not admitted in this Constitution. And may put an eiitire end to the importation of as to the manner of laying taxes, this is not slaves.—Faffes, 96, 97, 98. the first time that the subject has come into Article fourth. The first section, and two the view of the United States, and of the Legis- first clauses of the second section, read without latures of the several States. The gentleman observation. [Mr. Findley] will recollect that in the present The last clause read. Congress the quota of the Federal debt and Mr. Iredell begged leave to explain the rea- general expenses was to be in proportion to son of this clause. In some of the Northern the value of land, and other enumerated prop- States they have emancipated all their slaves. erty, within the States. After trying this for If any of our slaves, said he, go there, and re- a number of years, it was found, on all hands, main there a certain time, they would, by the to be a mode that could not be carried into present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so execution. Congress was satisfied of this, and that their masters could not get them again. in the year 1783 recommended, in conformity This would be extremely prejudicial to the in- with the powers they possessed under the Arti- habitants of the Southern States, and, to pre- cles of Confederation, that the quota should be vent it, this clause is inserted in the Constitu- according to the number of free people, inclu- tion. Though the word slave be not mentioned, ding those bound to servitude, and excluding this is the meaning of it. The Northern dele- Indians not taxed. These were the expressions gates, owing to their particular scruples on the used in 1783, and the fate of this recommend- subject of slavery, did not choose the word ation was similar to all their other resolutions. slave to be mentioned. Faffe 157. It was not carried into effect, but it was adopted Mr. Iredell. It is, however, to be observed, by no fewer than eleven out of thirteen States; that the first and fourth clauses in the ninth and it cannot be but matter of surprise to hear section of the first article are protected from gentlemen, who agreed to this very mode of any alteration till the year 1808; and in order expression at that time, come forward and that no consolidation should take place, it is state it as an objection on the present occa- provided that no State shall, by any amend- sion. It was natural, sir, for the late Conven- ment or alteration, be ever deprived of an to adopt the mode after it had been agreed equal sufirage in the Senate, without its own to by eleven States, and to use the expression consent. The two first prohibitions are with which they found had been received as unex- respect to the census, according to which di- ceptionable before. With respect to the clause rect taxes are imposed, and with respect to restricting Congress from prohibiting the mi- the importation of slaves. As to the first, it gration or importation of such persons as any must be observed that there is a material dif- of the States now existing shall think proper ference between the Northern and Southern to admit prior to the year 1808, the honorable States. The Northern States have been much gentleman says that this clause is not only longer settled and are much fuller of people dark, but intended to grant to Congress, for than the Southern, but have not land in equal that time, the power to admit the importation proportion, nor scarcely any slaves. The sub- of slaves. No such thing was intended; but I ject of this article was regulated with great will tell you what was done—and it gives me difl&culty, and by a spirit of concession which high pleasure that so much was done. Under it would not be prudent to disturb for a good the present Confederation, the States may ad- many years. In twenty years there will prob- mit the importation of slaves as long as they ably be a great alteration, and then the subject please; but by this article, after the year 1808 may be considered with less difficulty and the Congress will have power to prohibit such greater coolness. In the mean time, the com- importation, notwithstanding the disposition promise was upon the best footing that could of any State to the contrary. I consider this be obtained. A compromise likewise took as laying the foundation for banishing slavery place in regard to the importation of slaves. out of this country; and though the period is It is probable that all the members reprobated more distant than I could wish, yet it will this inhuman traffic, but those of South Caro- produce the same kind, gradual change which lina and Georgia would not consent to an im- was pursued in Pennsylvania. It is with much mediate prohibition of it; one reason of which satisfaction I view this power in the General was, that during the last war they lost a vast Government, whereby they may lay an inter- number of negroes, which loss they wish to diction on this reproachful trade; but an im- — — 28 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. mediate advantage is also obtained, for a tax scarcely believe there is. Let an invading or duty may be imposed on such importation, Power send a naval force into the Chesapeake, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. to keep Virginia in alarm, and attack South And this, sir, operates as a partial prohibition. Carolina with such a naval and military force It was all that could be obtained—I am sorry as Sir Henry Clinton brought here in 1780, it was no more; but from this, I think there and, though they might not soon conquer us, is reason to hope that yet a few years, and it they would certainly do us an infinite deal of will be prohibited altogether; and in the mean mischief; and if they considerably increased time the new States which are to be formed their numbers, we should probably fall. As, will be under the control of Congress in this from the nature of our climate and the fewness particular, and slaves will never be introduced of our inhabitants, we are undoubtedly weak, amongst them. The gentleman says that it is should we not endeavor to form a close union unfortunate in another point of view—it means with the Eastern States, who are strong? to prohibit the introduction of white people And ought we not to endeavor to increase that from Europe, as this tax may deter them from species of strength which will render them of coming among us. A little impartiality and most service to us, both in peace and war? I attention will discover the care that the Con- mean their navy. We certainly ought ; and by vention took in selecting their language. The doing this, we render it their peculiar interest words are: ''The migration or importation of to afford us every assistance in their power, as such persons, &c., shall not be prohibited by every wound that we receive will eventually Congress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or affect them. Reflect, for a moment, on the duty may be imposed on such importation." It situation of the Eastern States—their country is observable, here, that the term migration is full of inhabitants, and so impracticable to an dropped Avheu a tax or duty is mentioned, so invading enemy by their numberless stone that Congress have power to impose the tax walls, and a variety of other circumstances, only on those imported. Par/es 250, 251. that they can be under no apprehension of danger from an attack. They can enjoy their Debates in the South Carolina State Convention, independence without our assistance. If our called to ratify the Comtitution. Government is to be founded on equal com- General Pinckney. Tbe numbers in the dif- pact, what inducement can they possibly have ferent States, according to the most accurate to be united with us, if we do not grant them accounts we could obtain, were some privileges with regard to their shipping? In New Hampshire, 102,000; Massachusetts, Or, supposing they were to unite with us with- 360,000; Rhode Island, 58,000; Connecticut, out having these privileges, can we flatter 202,000; New York, 238,000; New Jersey, ourselves that such a union would be lasting, 138,000; Pennsylvania, 360,000; Delaware, or that they would afford us effectual assist- 37,000; Maryland, (intiluding three-fifths of ance when invaded? Interest and policy both 80,000 negroes,) 218,000; Virginia, (including concurred in prevailing upon us to submit the three-fifths of 280,000 negroes,) 420,000 ; North regulation of commerce to the General Gov- justice and hu- Carolina, (including three-fifths of 60,000 ne- ernment ; but I will also add, manity require it, likewise for, who have been groes,) 200,000; South Carolina, (including ; three-fifths of 80.000 negroes,) 150,000; Geor- the greatest sufferers in the Union, by our ob- gia, (including three-fifths of 20,000 negroes,) taining our independence? I answer, the 90,000. Eastern States; they have lost everything but The first House of Representatives will con- their country and their freedom. It is noto- rious the eastward, which sist of si.\t3'-live members ; South Carolina will that some ports to send five of them. Each State has the same used to fit out one hundred and fifty sail of representation in the Senate that she has at vessels, do not now fit out thirty; that their present; so that South Carolina will have, trade of ship building, which used to be very under the new Constitution, a thirtieth share considerable, is now annihilated; that their in the Goyei'nment, which is the proportion fisheries are trifling, and their mariners in want Surely we are called upon, by she has under the old Confederation ; and when of bread. humanity, it is considered that the Eastern States are full every tie of justice, friendship, and of men, and that we must necessarily increase to relieve their distresses; and as, by their rapidly to the southward and southwestward, exertions, they have assisted us in establish- he did not think that the Southern States will ing our freedom, we should let them, in some have an inadequate share in the representa- measure, partake of our prosperity. The Gen- observa- tion. The honorable gentleman alleges that eral then said he would make a few gentleman the Southern States are weak. I sincerely tions on the objections which the might agree with him; we are so weak that, by had thrown out on the restrictions that the year ourselves, we could not form a union strong be laid on the African trade after delegates had to enough for the purpose of effectually protect- 1808. On this point your political preju- ing eacli other. Without union with the other contend with the religious and States, and States, South Carolina must soon fall. Is tiiere dices of the Eastern and Middle opinion any one among us so much a Quixote as to with the interested and inconsistent opposed to our suppose ihat this State could long maintain of Virginia, who was warmly of the same her independence if she stood alone, or was importing more slaves. I am when I only connected with the Southern States? 1 opinion now as I was two years ago, — ; — ; THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 2a used the expressions the gentleman has quoted, the Atlantic; and that they are, perhaps, more that while there remained one acre of swamp purely republican in habits and sentiment than land uncleared, of South Carolina, I would any other part of the Union. The inhabitants raise my voice against restricting the importa- of New York and the eastern part of New Jer- tion of negroes. I am as thoroughly convinced sey, originally Dutch settlements, seem to have as that gentleman is, that the nature of our altered less than might have been expected in climate, and the flat, swampy situf^tion of our the course of a century; indeed, the greatest country, obliges us to cultivate our lands with part of New York may still be considered as a people in the interior negroes ; and that, without them, South Caro- Dutch settlement—the lina would soon be a desert waste. You have country generally using that language in their so frequently heard my sentiments on this sub- families, and having very little varied their ject, that I need not now repeat them. It was ancient customs. Pennsylvania and Delaware alleged by some of the members who opposed are nearly one-half inhabited by Quakers, an unlimited importation, that slaves increased whose passive principles upon questions of the weakness of any State who admitted them; Government, and rigid opinions in private, that they were a dangerous species of proper- render them extremely different from the citi- ty, which an invading enemy could easily turn zens either of the Eastern or Southern States. against ourselves and the neighboring States Maryland was originally a Roman Catholic and that as we were allowed a representation colony, and a great number of their inhabit- for them in the House of Representatives, our ants, some of them the most wealthy and cul- influence in Government would be increased tivated, are still of this persuasion; it is unne- in proportion as we were less able to defend cessary for me to state the striking difference ourselves. "Show some period," said the in sentiment and habit which must always ex- members from the Eastern States, "Avhen it ist between the Independents of the East, the may be in our power to put a stop, if we please, Calvinists and Quakers of the Middle States, to the importation of this weakness, and we and the Roman Catholics of Maryland; but will endeavor, for your convenience, to restrain striking as this is, it is not to be compared the religious and political prejudices of our with the difference that there is between the people on this subject." The Middle States and inhabitants of Northern and Southern States Virginia made us no such proposition ; theij loere when I say Southern, I mean Maryland and for an immediate and total prohibition. We en- the States to the southward of her; here we deavored to obviate the objections that were may truly observe that nature has drawn as made, in the best manner we could, and as- strong marks of distinction in the habits and signed reasons for our insisting on the import- manners of the people as she has in her cli- ation, which there is no occasion to repeat, as mates and productions. The Southern citizen they must occur to ever}^ gentleman in the beholds with a kind of surprise the simple house. A committee of the States was ap- manners of the East, and is too often induced pointed, in order to accommodate this matter; to entertain undeserved opinions of the appa- and, after a great deal of difficulty, it was set- rent purity of the Quaker; while they, in their tled on the footing recited in the Constitution. turn, seem concerned at what they term the By this settlement we have secured an un- extravagance and dissipation of their Southern limited importation of. negroes for twenty friends, and reprobate, as an unpardonable X years ; nor is it declared that the importation moral and political evil, the dominion they shall be then stopped ; it may be continued. hold over a part of the human race. Tlv& in- We have a security that the General Govern- conveniences which too frequently attend these ment can never emancipate them, for no such differences in habits and opinions among the authority is granted, and it is admitted on all citizens that compose the Union, are not a hands that the General Government has no little increased by the variety of their State powers but what are expressly granted by the Governments for, as I have already observed, ; Constitution, and that all rights not expressed the Constitution or laws under which a people were reserved by the several States. We have live never fail to have a powerful eff'ect upon obtained a right to recover our slaves in what- their manners. We know that all the States ever part of America they may take refuge, have adhered in their forms to the republican which is a right we had not before. In short, principle, though they have differed widely in considering all circumstances, we have made their opinions of the mode best calculated to the best terms for the security of this species preserve it. Pages 386, 387. of property it was in our power to make. We would have made better if we could but, on ; EXTRACTS FROM JEFFERSON'S NOTES the whole, I do not think them bad. Pages ON VIRGINIA. 355—357. C. Pinckney. Those who are acquainted Boston Edition^ 1832. with the Eastern States, the reason of their Under the mild treatment our slaves expe- original migration, and their pursuits, habits, rience, and their wholesome though coarse and principles, Avell know that they are essen- food, this blot in our country increases as fast tially different from those of the Middle and or faster than the whites. During the Regal Southern States; that they retain all those Government, we had at one time obtained a opinions respecting religion and government law, which imposed such a duty on the import- which first induced their ancestors to cross ation of slaves as amounted nearly to a pro- : — — 30 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. bibition, Avlicn one inconsiderate Assembly, ably never end but in the extermination of placed under a peculiarity of circumstance, the one or the other race. Pages 142 — 144. repealed the law. This repeal met a joyful Whether further observation will or will not sanction from the then sovereign, and no de- verify the conjecture, that nature has been less vices, no expedients, which could ever after be bountiful to them in the endowments of the attempted by subsequent Assemblies—and they head, I believe that in those of the heart she seldom met Avithout attempting them—could will be found to have done them justice. That succeed in getting the royal assent to a renewal disposition to theft with which they have been of the duty. In the very first session held un- branded must be ascribed to their situation, der the Republican Government, the Assembly and not to any depravity of the moral sense. passed a law for the perpetual prohibition of The man in whose favor no laws of property the importation of slaves. This will, in some exist, probably feels himself less bound to re- measure, stop the increase of this great politi- spect those made in favor of others. When cal and moral evil, while the minds of our arguing for ourselves, we lay it down as a fun- citizens may be ripening for a complete eman- damental, that laws, to be just, must give a cipation of human nature. Page 93. reciprocation of right; that, Avithout this, they Many of the laws which were in force during are mere arbitrary rules of conduct, founded the monarchy, being relative merely to that in force, and not in conscience; and it is a form of Government, or inculcating principles problem which I give to the master to solve, inconsistent with republicanism, the first As- whether the religious precepts against the sembly which met after the establishment of violation of property were not framed for him the Commonwealth, appointed a committee* as well as his slave? And whether the slave to revise the whole code—to reduce it into may not as justifiably lake a little from one proper form and volume, and report it to the who has taken all from him, as he may slay Assembly. This work has been executed by one who would slay him? That a change in three gentlemen, and reported, but probably the relations in which a man is placed should will not be talffjn up till a restoration of peace change his ideas of moral right or wrong, is shall leave to the Legislature leisure to go neithet new nor peculiar to the color of the through such a work. blacks. Homer tells it was so 2,600 years ago. They proposed the following, among other 'F.misu, ger t' aretes apoainutai euruopa Zous alterations Haneros, eul' an min kola doulion ema elepiii. To emancipate all slaves born after passing Odd. 17. 3i3. the act. The bill reported by the revisors .Tove fix'd it certain, that whatever day Makes man a slave, takes half his worth away. does not itself contain this proposition, but an amendment containing it was prepared, to be But the slaves of which Homer speaks were offered to the Legislature whenever the bill whites. Notwithstanding these considerations, should betaken up; and further directing that which must weaken their respect for the laws they should continue with their parents to a of property, we find among them numerous certain age, then be brought up, at the public instances of the most rigid integrity, and as expense, to tillage, arts, or sciences, according many as among their better-instructed mas- to their geniuses, till the females should be ters, of benevolence, gratitude, and unshaken eighteen and the males twenty-one years of fidelity. The opinion that they are inferior in age, when they should be colonized to such the faculties of reason and imagination, must place as the circumstances of the time should be hazarded with great diffidence. To justify render most proper, sending them out with a general conclusion, requires many observa- arms, implements of household and of the tions, even where the subject may be sub- handicraft arts, seeds, pairs of the useful do- mitted to the anatomical knife, to optical mestic animals, &c., to declare them a free and glasses, to analysis by fire or by solvents. independent people, and extend to them our How much more, then, where it is a faculty, alliance and protection, till they have acquired not a substance, we are examining; where it strength ; and to send vessels at the same time eludes the research of all the senses; where to other parts of the world, for an equal num- the conditions of its existence are various, and ber of white inhabitants to induce to where the effects of those ; whom variously combined; migrate hither, proper encouragements were to which are present or absent bid defiance to be proposed. It will probably be asked. Why calculation. Let me add, too, as a circum- not retain and incorporate the blacks into the stance of great tenderness, where our conclu- State, and thus save the expense of supplying, sion would degrade a whole race of men from by importation of white settlers, the vacancies the rank in the scale of beings which their they Avill leave? Deep-rooted prejudices en- Creator may perhaps have given them. To tertained by the whites, ten thousand recol- our reproach it mtist be said, that though for lections by the blacks of the injuries they have a century and a half we have had under our sustained, new provocations, the real dis- eyes the races of black and red men, they have tinctions Avhich nature has made, and many never yet been viewed by us as subjects of other circumstances, will divide us into par- natural history. I advance it, therefore, as a ties, and produce convulsions, which will prob- suspicion only, that the blacks, whether origin- ally a distinct race, or made distinct by time and circumstances, are inferior to the whites *Thomas Jeffergon, George Wytlie, and Edmund Pendleton in the endowments both of body and mind. — — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM, 31 It is not gainst experience to s ippose tliat contribute, as far as depends on his individual different species of the same genus, or varieties endeavors, to the evanish ment of the human of the same species, may possess different race, or entail his own miserable condition on qualifications. Will not a lover of natural the endless generations proceeding from him. history, then—one who views the gradations With the morals of the people, their industry in all the races of animals with the eye of also is destroyed; for, in a warm climate, no philosophy—excuse an effort to keep those in man will labor for himself who can make an- the department of man as distinct as nature other labor for him. This is so true, that of has formed them? This unfortunate differ- the proprietors of slaves a very small propor- ence of color, and perhaps of faculty, is a tion, indeed, are ever seen to labor. And can powerful obstacle to the emancipation of these the liberties of a nation be thought secure, people. Many of their advocates, while they when we have removed their only firm basis wish to vindicate the liberty of human nature, a conviction in the minds of the people that are anxious also to preserve its dignity and these liberties are the gift of God? that they beauty. Some of these, embarrassed by the are not to be violated but with his wrath? In- question, "What further is to be done with deed, I tremble for my country when I reflect thom?" join themselves in opposition wath that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep those who are actuated by sordid avarice only. forever that, considering numbers, nature, and ; Among the Romans, emancipation required natural means only, a revolution of the wheel but one effort. The slaves, when made free, of fortune, an exchange of situation, is among with, without staining, the blood of possible events that it may become probable might mix ; his master. But with us a second is necessary, by supernatural interference I The Almighty unknown to history. When freed, he is to be has no attribute which can take side with us removed beyond the reach of mixture. The in such a contest. But it is impossible to be revised code further proposes to proportion temperate and to pursue this subject through crimes and punishments. This is attempted the various considerations of policy, of morals, on the following scale. Pages 149— 151. of history, natural and civil. We must be It is difficult to determine on the standard contented to hope they Avill force their way by which the manners of a nation may be tried, into every one's mind. I think a change al- whether catholic or particular. It is more ready perceptible, since the origin of the difficult for a native to bring to that standard present Revolution. The spirit of the master the manners of his own nation, famili:irized to is abating, that of the slave rising from the him by habit. There must doubtless be an dust, his condition mollifying, the way I hope unhappy influence on the manners of our peo- preparing, under the auspices of Heaven, for a ple, produced by the existence of slavery among total emancipation; and that this is disposed, us. The whole commerce between master and in the order of events, to be with the consent slave is a perpetual exercise of the most bois- of the masters, rather than by their extirpa- terous passions—the most unremitting despot- tion.—Paye^ 169—171. ism on the one part, and degrading submis- sions on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it; for man is an imitative EXTRACT FROM PLAN OP A CONSTITU- animal. This quality is the germ of all educa- TION FOR VIRGINIA. tion in him. From his cradle to his grave, he Dravm up hy Mr. Jefferson in 1783. is learning to do what he sees others do. If a parent could find no motive, either in his The General Assembly shall not have power philanthropy or his self-love, for restraining to infringe this Constitution; to abridge the the intemperance of passion towards his slave, civil rights of any person on account of his it should always be a sufficient one that his religious belief; to restrain him from profess- child is present. But generally it is not suf- ing and supporting 4hat belief, or to compel ficient. The parent storms, the child looks him to contributions, other than those he shall on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on have personally stipulated, for the support of the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, that or any other; to ordain death for any gives a loose rein to the worst of passions; crime but treason or murder, or military of-- and, thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised fences ; to pardon, or give a power of pardon- in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with ing, persons duly convicted of treason or felo- odious peculiarities. The man must be a ny, but, instead thereof, they may substitute prodigy who can retain his manners and mor- one or two new trials, and no more ; to pass als undepraved by such circumstances. And such laws for punishing actions done before what with execration should the statesman be the existence of such laws ; to pass any bill loaded, who, permitting one-half the citizens of attainder of treason or felony; to prescribe thus to trample on the rights of the other, torture in any case whatever; nor to permit transforms those into despots and these into the introduction of any more slaves to reside enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, in this State, or the continuance of slavery and the amor patrix of the other ; for if a slave beyond the generation which shall be living can have a country in this world, it must be on the thirty-first day of December, one thou- any other in preference to that in which he is sand eight hundred—all persons born after born to live and labor for another; in which that day being hereby declared free. Page he must lock up the faculties of his nature, 226. —— ; — a; 32 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. • EXTRACTS FROM MR. JEFFERSON'S COR- lication Avould do most harm or good. It is RESPONDENCE—VOL. L possible that in my own country these strict- ures might produce an irritation The first establishment in Virginia which which would indispose the people towards the became permanent Avas made in 1G07. I have two great I that is, found no mention of negroes in the colony objects have in view— the emancipa- tion of their slaves, and the settlement of their nntil about 1650. The first brought here as Constitution on a jfirmer and more permanent slaves were by a Dutch ship ; after which, the English commenced the trade, and continued basis. If I learn from thence that they will not produce that effect, I have printed it until the revolutionary war. That sus- and reserved copies able to pended, ipso facto, their further importation just enough to be give for the present; and the business of the war one to every young man at the college. It is to I rising generation, pressing constantly on the Legislature, this them look—to the and subject was not acted on finally until the year not to the one now in power—for these great reformations. Page 228. 1778, when I brought in a bill to prevent their further importation. This passed without op- To Dr. Price. position, and stopped the increase of the Paris, August 7, 1785. evil by importation, leaving to future efforts Sir Your favor of July the 2d came duly its final eradication. Page 31. ; to hand. The concern you therein express, as The bill on the subject of slaves was a mere to the effect of your pamphlet in America, in- digest of the existing laws respecting them, duces me to trouble you with some observa- without any intimation of a plan for a future tions on that subject. From my acquaintance and general emancipation. It was thought with that country, I think I am able to judge, better that this should be kept back, and at- with some degree of certainty, of the manner tempted only by way of amendment, whenever in which it will have been received. South- the bill should be brought on. The principles Avard of the Chesapeake, it will find but few of the amendment, however, were agreed on readers concurring with it in sentiment on the that is to say, the freedom of all born after a subject of slavery; from the mouth to the head certain day, and deportation at a proper age. of the Chesapeake, the bulk of the people will But it was found that the .public mind would approve it in theory, and it will find a respecta- not yet bear the proposition, nor will it bear ble minority ready to adopt it in practice— it even at this day yet the day is not distant ; minority which, for weight and worth of char- when it must bear and adopt it, or worse will acter, preponderates against the greater num- follow. Nothing is more certainly written in ber, who have not the courage to divest their the book of fate, than that these people are to families of a property which, however, keeps be free; nor is it less certain that the two their consciences unquiet; northward of the races, equally free, cannot live in the satne Chesapeake, you may find, here and there, an Government. Nature, habit, opinion, have opponent to your doctrine, as you may find, drawn indelible lines of distinction between here and there, a robber and murderer; but in them. It is still in our power to direct the no great number. process of emancipation and deportation peace- In that part of America, there being but ably, and in such slow degree as that the evil few slaves, they can easily disencumber them- will wear off insensibly, and their phice be selves of them; and emancipation is put into pari passu filled up by free white laborers. such a train that in a few years there will be If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, no slaves northward of Maryland. In Mary- human nature must shudder at the prospect land I do not find such a disposition to begin held up. We should in vain look for an ex- the redress of this enormity, as in Virginia. ample in the Spanish deportation or deletion This is the next State to which we may turn of the Moors. This precedent would fall far our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice short of our case. Pages 39, 40. in conflict with avarice and oppression—a con- To General Chastellux. flict wherein the sacred side is gaining daily oftice of Paris, June 1, 1785. recruits from the influx into young Deau Sir: I have been honored with the re- men grown and growing up. These have ceipt of your letter of the 2d instant, and am sucked in the principles of liberty, as it were, to thank you, as I do sincerely, for the par- with their mothers' milk; and it is to them I tiality with which you receive the copy of the look with anxiety to turn the fate of this ques- Notes on my country. As I can answer for tion. Be not, therefore, discouraged. What the facts therein reported on my own observa- you have written will do a great deal of good tion, and have admitted none on the report of and could you still trouble yourself Avith our others, which were not supported by evidence welfi^re, no man is more able to give aid to sufficient to command my own assent, I am the laboring side. The college of William and not afraid that you should make any extracts Mary, in Williamsburg, since the remodelling you please for the Journal de Physique, which of its plan, is the place where are collected come within their plan of publication. The together all the young men of Virginia, under strictures on slavery and on the Constitution preparation for public life. They are there of Virginia are not of that kind, and they are under the direction (most of them) of a Mr. the parts which I do not wish to have made Wythe, one of the most virtuous of characters, public, at least till I know whether their pub- and whose sentiments on the subject of slavery ; — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 33 are unequivocal. I am satisfied, if you could I must await, with patience, the workings of an exhortation to those overruling Providence, and hope that that is resolve to address an \ young men, with all that eloquence of which preparing the deliverance of these our suffer- you are master, that its influence on the future ing brethren. When the measure of their decision of this important question would be tears shall be full, when their groans shall great, perhaps decisive. Thus you see that, have involved heaven itself in darkness, doubt- so far from thinking you have cause to repent less a God of Justice will awaken to their dis- of what you have done, I wish you to do more tress, and, by diffusing light and liberality his and wish it, on an assurance of its eflfect. The among their oppressors, or at length by information I have received from America of exterminating thunder, manifest his attention the reception of your pamphlet in the different to the things of this world, and that they are States, agrees with the expectations I had not left to the guidance of a blind fatality. formed. Our country is getting into a ferment Pages 427, 428. or rather has caught it from against yours, VOL. IL yours. God knows how this will end; but assuredly in one extreme or the other. There To Dr. Gordon. [Fztraci.'] can be no medium between those who have Lord Cornwallis then proceeded to the Point loved so much. I think the decision is in of Fork, and encamped his army from thence your power as yet, but will not be so long. I all along the main James river, to a seat of pray you to be assured of the sincerity of the mine, called Elk-hill, opposite to Elk island, esteem and respect with which I have the and a little below the mouth of Byrd creek. honor to be, sir, your most obedient, humble (You will see all these places exactly laid down j servant, Th. Jefferson. in the map annexed to my Notes on Virginia, [Paffes 268, 269.] printed by Stockdale.) He remained in this M. de Meusnier, where he mentions that the position ten days, his own headquarters being slave law has been passed in Virginia without in my house at that place. I had time to re- the clause of emancipation, is pleased to men- move most of the effects out of the house. He tion that neither Mr. Wythe nor Mr. Jefferson destroyed all my growing crops of corn and was present, to make the proposition they had tobacco ; he burne 1 all my barns, containing meditated; from which, people who do not the same articles oi the last year, having first give themselves the trouble to reflect or in- taken what corn he wanted; he used, as was quire, might conclude, hastily, that their ab- to be expected, all my stock of cattle, sheep, sence was the cause why the proposition was and hogs, for the sustenance of his army, and not made, and, of course, that there were not carried off all the horses capable of service; of persons of virtue and firmness those too for service he cut the throats in the Assembly young ; enough to propose the clause for emancipation. and he burned all the fences on the plantation, This supposition would not be true. There so as to leave it an absolute waste. He car- were persons there who wanted neither the ried off, also, about thirty slaves. Had this virtue to propose nor talents to enforce the prop- been to give them freedom, he would have osition, had they seen that the disposition of the done right ; but it was to consign them to in- Legislature was ripe for it. These worthy evitable death from the small-pox and putrid characters would feel themselves wounded, de- fever, then raging in his camp. This I knew graded, and discouraged, by this idea. Mr. afterwards to be the fate of twenty-seven of Jefferson would therefore be obliged to M. de them. I never had news of the remaining Meusnier to mention it in some such manner three, but presume they shared the same fate. as this: "Of the two commissioners who had When I say that Lord Cornwallis did all this, concerted the amendatory clause for the grad- I do not mean that he carried about the torch ual emancipation of slaves, Mr. Wythe could in his own hands, but that it was all done not be present, he being a member of the judi- under his eye—the situation of the house in ciary department, and Mr. Jefferson was absent which he was, commanding a view of every on tiie legation to France. But there were not part of the plantation, so that he must have wanting in that Assembly men of virtue enough seen every fire. I relate these things on my to propose and talents to vindicate this clause. own knowledge, in a great degree, as I was on But they saw that the moment of doing it with the ground soon after he left it. He treated success was not yet arrived, and that an un- the rest of the neighborhood somewhat in the successful effort, as too often happens, would same style, but not with that spirit of total only rivet still closer the chains of bondage, extermination with Avhich he seemed to rage and retard the moment of delivery to this op- over my possessions. Wherever he went, the pressed description of men. What a stupen- dwelling-houses were plundered of everything dous, what an incomprehensible machine is which could be carried off. Lor I Cornwallis's man! who can endure toil, famine, stripes, character in England would forbid the belief imprisonment, and death itself, in vindication that he shared in the plunder; but that his of his own liberty, and, the next moment, be table was served with the plate thus pillaged deaf to all those motives whose power sup- from private houses, can be proved by many ported him through his trial, and inflict on his hundred eye-witnesses. From an estimate I fellow-men a bondage, one hour of which is made at that time, on the best information I fraught with more misery than ages of that could collect, I supposed the State of Virginia which he rose in rebellion to oppose. But we lost under Lord Cornwallis's hands, that year. 3 — — 34 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. about thirty thousand shaves ; and that of these, try is a matter of municipal arrangement, of about twenty-seven thousand died of the small- Avhich no foreign country has a right to take pox and camp fever, and the rest were pp.rtly notice. All its inhabitants are men, as to sent to the West Indies, and exchanged for them. Thus, in the New England States, none rum, sugar, coffee, and fruit, and partly sent have the powers of citizens but those whom to New York, from whence they went, at the they call freemen ; and none are freemen until peace, either to Nova Scotia or England. admitted by a vote of the freemen of the town. From this last place I believe they have been Yet, in the General Government, these non- lately sent to Africa. History will never re- freemen are counted in their quantum of rep- late the horrors committed by the British ar- resentation and taxation. So, slaves with us my in the Southern States of America. They have no powers as citizens: yet, in represent- raged in Virginia six months only—from the ation in the General Government, they count middle of April to the middle of October, in the proportion of three to five ; and so also 1781 —when they were all taken prisoners; in taxation. Whether this is equal, is not and I give you a faithful specimen of their here the question. It is a capitulation of dis- transactions for ten days of that time, and on cordant sentiments and circumstances, and is one spot only. Ex pede Herculcm. I suppose obligatory on that ground. But this view their whole devastations during those six shoAvs there is no inconsistency in claiming months amounted to about three millions representation for them from the other States, sterling. The copiousness of this subject has and refusing it within our own. Accept the only left me space to assure you of the senti- renewal of assurances of my respect. ments of esteem and respect with which I am, {^Page 295.] Thomas Jefferson. sir, your most obedient, humble servant, To William Short. [Extract.'] \_Page 334.] Th. Jefferson. Although I had laid down as a law to my- VOL. m. self, never to write, talk, or even to think of politics, to know nothing of public affairs, and To John Jay. [^Extract.'] therefore had ceased to read newspapers, yet The emancipation of their [French] islands the Missouri question aroused and filled me idea prevailing in tl e minds of several is an with alarm. The old schism of Federal and members of the National .Assembly, particu- Republican threatened nothing, because it ex- enlightened and liberal larly those most most isted in every State, and united them together a step this .country in their views. Such by by the fraternism of party. But the coinci- lead to other emancipations or revolu- would dence of a marked principle, moral and politi- tions in the quarter. Page 21. same cal, with a geographical line, once conceived, VOL. IV. I feared would never more be obliterated from the mind; it on every To S. Kerchival. [^Extract.'] that would be recurring occasion, and renewing irritations, until it Since writing my letter of July the 12th, I would kindle such mutual and mortal hatred, have been told that, on the question of equal as to render separation preferable to eternal representation, our fellow-citizens in some discord. I have been among the most san- sections of the State claim peremptorily a right guine in believing that our Union would be of of representation for their slaves. Principle long duration. I now doubt it much, and see will, in this, as in most other cases, open the the event at no great distance, and the direct w^ay for us to correct conclusions. Were our consequence of this question; not by the line State a pure democracy, in which all its in- which has been so confidently counted on ; the habitants should meet together to transact all laws of Nature control this ; but by the Poto- their business, there would yet be excluded mac, Ohio, and Missouri, or, more probably, from their deliberations 1. Infants, until ar- — the Mississippi upwards to our Northern bound- rived at years of discretion. 2. Women, who, ary. M}^ only comfort and confidence is, that to prevent depravation of morals and ambi- I shall not live to see this; and I envy not the issue, could not mix promiscuously in guity of present generation the glory of throwing away the public meetings of men. 3. Slaves, from the fruits of their fathers' sacrifices of life and unfortunate state of things with us whom the fortune, and of rendering desperate the experi- the rights of will and of property. takes away ment which was to decide ultimately whether Those, then, who have no will, could be per- man is capable of self-government. This trea- in the popular assem- mitted to exercise none son against human hope will signalize their course, could delegate none to be bly; and, of epoch in future history, as the counterpart of assembly. The an agent in a representative the medal of their predecessors. Page 322. business, in the first case, would be done by To John Holmes, qualified citizens only; and in the second, by the representatives of qualified citizens only. MoNTiCELLO, April 22, 1820. It is true, that in the general Constitution, our I thank you, dear sir, for the copy you have State is allowed a larger representation on ac- been so kind as to send me of the letter to count of its slaves. But every one knows that your constituents on the Missouri question. that Constitution was a matter of compromise; It is a perfect justification to them. I had for a capitulation between conflicting interests a long time ceased to read newspapers, or pay and opinions. In truth, the condition of dif- any attention to public affairs, confident they ferent descriptions of inhabitants in any coun- were in good hands, and content to be a pas- — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 35 senger hi our bark to the shore from which I To M. de Lafayeiie. lExtracLl am noi t.li,st:uit. But this momentous question, On the eclipse of Federalism with us, al- like a lire-beii in the night, awakened and though not its extinction, its leaders got up filled me with terror. I considered it at once the Missouri question, under the false front of as the knell of the Union. It is hushed, in- lessening the measure of slavery, but with the deed, for the moment. But this is a reprieve real view of producing a geographical division only, not a final sentence. A geographical of parties, which might insure them the next line, coinciding with a marked principle, moral President. The people of the North went blind- and political, once conceived and held up to fold into the snare, followed their leaders for the angry passions of men, will never be ob- laudable, j a while with a zeal truly moral and it literated ; and every new irritation will mark until they became sensible that they were in- deeper and deeper. I can say, with conscious juring instead of aiding the real interests of truth, that there is not a man on earth who the slaves, that they had been used merely as would sacrifice more than I would to relieve tools for electioneering purposes; and that us from this heavy reproach, in any practica- trick of hypocrisy then fell as quickly as it ble way. The cession of that kind of proper- had been got up. Page 384. ty, for so it is misnamed, is a bagatelle which would not cost me a second thought, if, in To Jared Sjmrks. that way, a general emancipation and expa- MoNTiCELLO, February 4, 1824. triation could be effected ; and gradually, and Dear Sir: I duly received your favor of the with due sacrifices, I think it might be. But 13th, and with it the last number of the North as it is, we have the wolf by the ears, and we American Review. This has anticipated the can neither hold him, nor safely let him go. one I should receive in course, but have not Justice is in one scale, and self-preservation yet received, under my subscription to the new in the other. Of one thing I am certain, that series. The article on the African coloniza- as the passage of slaves from one State to an- tion of the people of color, to which you invite other would not make a slave of a single hu- my attention, I have read with much consid- man being who would be so without it, so eration. It is, indeed, a fine one, and will do their diffusion over a greater surface would much good. I learn from it more, too, than I make them individually happier, and propor- had before known, of the degree of success and tionally facilitate the accomplishment of their promise of that colony. In the disposition of emancipation, by dividing the burden on a these unfortunate people, there are two rational greater number of coadjutors. An abstinence, objects to be distinctly kept in view. 1. The too, from this act of power, would remove the establishment of a colony on the coast of Afri- jealousy excited by the undertaking of Con- ca, which may introduce among the aborigines gress to regulate the condition of the different the arts of cultivated life, and the blessings of descriptions of men composing a State. This civilization and science. By doing this, we certainly is the exclusive right of every State, may make to them some retribution for tL3 which nothing in the Constitution has taken long course of injuries we have been commit- from them, and given to the General Govern- ting on their population. And considering ment. Could Congress, for example, say that that these blessings will descend to the naii the non-freemen of Connecticut shall be free- natoru7n, et qui nasceniur ah illis^''^ Ave shall in men, or that they shall not emigrate into any the long run have rendered them perhaps more other State?—Pa^e 323. good than evil. To fulfil this object, the colo- ny of Sierra Leone promises well, and that of To J. Adams, \_Extract.'] Mesurado adds to our prospect of success. Our anxieties in this quarter are all concen- Under this view, the Colonization Society is trated in the question, what does the Holy to be considered as a missionary society, hav- Alliance in and out of Congress mean to do ing in view, however, objects more humane, with us on the Missouri question ? And this, more justifiable, and less aggressive on the by the bye, is but the name of the case; it is peace of other nations, than the others of that only the John Doe or Richard Roe of the eject- appellation. ment. The real question, as seen in the States The second object, and the most interesting afflicted with the unfortunate population, is, to us, as coming home to our physical and are our slaves to be presented with freedom moral characters, to our happiness and safety, and a dagger? For if Congress has the power is to provide an asylum, to which we can, by to regulate the conditions of the inhabitants degrees, send the whole of that population of the States, within the States, it will be but from among us, and establish them under our another exercise of that power, to declare that patronage and protection, as a separate, free, all shall be free. Are we then to see again and independent people, in some country and Athenian and Lacedemonian Confederacies? climate friendly to human life and happiness. To wage another Peloponnesian war to settle That any place on the coast of Africa should the ascendency between them? Or is this the answer the latter purpose, I have ever deemed tocsin of merely a servile war? That remains entirely impossible. And without repeating to be seen ; but not, I hope, by you or me. the other arguments which have been urged Surely they will parley awhile, and give us by others, I will appeal to figures only, which time to get out of the way. What a Bedlamite admit of no controversy. I shall speak in is man! Page 338. round numbers, not absolutely accurate, yet ; 36 THE SOUTHERN PLxVTFORM. not so -wide from truth as to vary the result is highly so to the others also. If they were materially. There are in the United States a serious in their arguments on the Missouri million and a half of people of color in sla- question. The slave States, too, if more in- very. To send off the whole of these at once, terested, would also contribute more by their nobody conceives to be praciticable for us, or gratuitous liberation, thus taking on themselves expedient for them. Let us take twenty-five alone the first and heaviest item of expense. years for its accomplishment, within which In the plan sketched in the Notes on Virginia, time they will be doubled. Their estimated no particular place of asylum was specified, value as property, in the first place, (for actual because it was thought possible that, in the rev- propei'ty has been lawfully vested in that form, olutionary state of America, then commenced, and who can lawfully take it from the possess- events might open to us some one within prac- ors?) at an average of two hundred dollars ticable distance. This has now happened. St. each, young and old, would amount to six Domingo has become independent, and with a hundred millions of dollars, which must be population of that color only; and if the pub- paid or lost by somebody. To this, add the lic papers are to be credited, their chief offers cost of their transportation by land and sea to pay their passage, to receive them as free to Mesurado, a year's provision of food and citizens, and to provide them employment. clothing, implements of husbandry and of their This leaves, then, for the general Confederacy, trades, which will amount to three hundred no expense but of nurture with the mother a millions more, making thirty-six millions of few years, and would call, of course, for a very dollars a year for twenty-five years, with in- moderate appropriation of the vacant lands. surance of peace all that time, and it is impos- Suppose the whole annual increase to be of sible to look at the question a second time. I sixty thousand effective births fifty vessels, ; am aware that, at the end of about sixteen of four hundred tons burden each, constantly years, a gradual detraction from this sum will employed in tliat short run, Avould carr}^ off commence, from the gradual diminution of the increase of every year, and the old stock breeders, and go on during the remaining nine would die off in the ordinary course of nature, years. Calculate this deduction, and it is still lessening from the commencement until its impossible to look at the enterprise a second final disappearance. In this way, no violation tame. of private right is proposed. Voluntary sur- I do not say this to induce an inference renders would probably come in as fast as the that the getting rid of them is forever impos- means to be provided for their care would be sible ; for that is neither my opinion nor my competent to it. Looking at; my own State hope; but only that it cannot be done in this only—and I presume not to speak for the way. There is, I think, a way in which it can others—I verily believe that this surrender of be done—that is, by emancipating the after- property would not amount to more, annually, born, leaving them, on due compensation, with than half our present direct taxes, to be con- their mothers, until their services are worth tinued fully about twenty or twent3--five years, their maintenance, and then putting them to and then gradually diminishing for as many industrious occupations until a proper age more, until their final extinction; and even for deportation. This was the result of my this half tax would not be paid in cash, but reflections on the subject five-and-forty years by the delivery of an object which they have ago, and I have never yet been able to conceive never yet known or counted as part of their any other practicable plan. It was sketched property; and those not possessing the object in the Notes on Virginia, under the fourteenth will be called on for nothing. I do not go query. The estimated value of the new-born into all the details of the burdens and benefits infant is so low, (say twelve dollars and fifty of this operation. And who could estimate cents,) that it would probably be yielded by its blessed effects? I leave this to those who the owner gratis, and would thus reduce the will live to see their accomplishment, and to six hundred millions of dollars—the first head enjoy a beatitude forbidden to my age. But I of expense—to thirty-seven millions and a half leave it with this admonition, to rise and be leaving only the expenses of nourishment while doing. A million and a half are within their with the mother, and of transportation. And control; but six millions, (which a majority from what fund are these expenses to be fur- of those now living will see them attain,) and nished ? Why not from that of the lands which one million of these fighting men, will sav, have been ceded by the very States now need- "We will not go." ing this relief?—and ceded on no considera- I am aware that this subject involves some tion, for the most part, but that of the general constitutional scruples; but a liberal construc- good of the whole. These cessions already tion, justified by the object, may go far, and constitute one-fourth of the States of the an amendment of the Constitution the whole Union. It may be said that these lands have length necessary. The separation of infiints been sold, are now the property of the citizens from their mothers, too, would produce some composing those States, and the money long scruples of humanity ; but this would be strain- ago received and expended. But an equiva- ing at a gnat, and swallowing a camel. lent of lands in the territories since acquired I am much pleased to see that you have maybe appropriated to that object, or so much, taken up the subject of the duty on imported at least, as may be sufficient; and the object, books. I hope a crusade will be kept up although more important to the slave States, against it, until those in power shall become : THE SOUTUERN PLATFORM. 37 sensible of this stain on our legislation, and good; and to commute them for other proper- shall wipe it from their code, and from the re- ty is to commit them to those whose usage to membrance of man, if possible. them we cannot control. I hope, then, my dear I salute you with assurances of high respect sir, you will reconcile yourself to your country and esteem. Tii. Jefferson. and its unfortunate condition, and that you [Fage 388.] will not lessen its stock of sound disposition by withdrawing your proportion from the Extract a letter, tcritten by Thomas Jeffer- from mass; that, on the contrary, you will come son, addressed to Edward Coles. forward in the public councils, become the mis- I had always hoped that the younger gener- sionary of the doctrine truly Christian, insinu- ation, receiving their early impressions after ate and inculcate it softly but steadily, through the flame of liberty had been kindled in every the medium of writing and conversation, asso- breast, and had become, as it were, the vital ciate others in .your labors, and when the spark of every American, that the generous phalanx is formed, bring on and press the temperament of youth, analogous to the mo- proposition perseveringly until its accomplish- tion of their blood, and above the suggestions ment. It is an encouraging observation, that of avarice, would have sympathized with op- no good measure was ever proposed, which, if pression wherever found, and proved their love duly pursued, failed to prevail in the end. We of liberty beyond their own share of it. have proof of this, in the history of the en- But my intercourse with them, since my deavors of the British Parliament to suppress return, has not been sufficient to ascertain that very trade which brought this evil on us. that they had made, towards this point, the And you Avill be supported by the religious progress I had hoped. Your solitary but wel- precept, "Be not weary in well-doing." That come voice is the first which has brought this your success may be speedy and complete, as sound to my ear; and I have considered the it will be of honorable and immortal consola- general silence which prevails on this subject tion, I shall fervently and sincerely pray, as I as indicating an apathy unfavorable to every assure you of my great friendship and respect. hope. Yet the hour of emancipation is ad- Thomas Jefferson. vancing, in the march of time. It will come; brought on by the generous en- and, whether The people of North Carolina are justly proud ergies of our own minds, or by the bloody of the fame of the wise and good Judge Gaston. process of St. Domingo, excited and conducted by the power of our present enemy, if once He was distinguished alike for talents, attain- stationed permanently within our country, ments, and moral worth. They will therefore and offering asylum and arms to the oppressed, receive, with attention and respect, his warn- is a leaf of our history not yet turned over. As to the method by which this difficult ing admonition upon the subject of slavery. work is to be effected, if permitted to be done In an address to the students of the University by ourselves, I have seen no proposition so ex- at Chapel Hill, in June, 1832, he used the fol- pedient, on the whole, as that of emancipation of those born after a given day, and of their lowing language education and expatriation at a proper age. On you, too, will devolve the duty, which I. am sensible of the partialities with which has been too long neglected, but which can- you have looked towards me, as the person not with impunity be neglected much longer, who should undertake this salutary but ardu- of providing for the migration and (is it too ous work. But this, my dear sir, is like bid- much to hope for in North Carolina?) for the ding old Priam to buckle the armor of Hector: ultimate extirpation of the worst evil that af- " Trementibus aevo humeris et inutile ferrum cin- flicts the Southern part of our Confederacy. gitur.^^ No ; I have overlived the generation Full well do you know to what I refer; for on Avith which mutual labors and perils beget this subject there is, with all of us, a morbid mutual confidence and influence. This enter- sensitiveness which gives warning even of an prise is for the young—for those who can fol- approach to it. Disguise the truth as we may, low it up, and bear it through to its consum- and throw the blame where we will, it is sla- mation. very which, more than any other cause, keeps It shall have all my prayers, and these are us back in the career of improvement. It the only weapons of an old man but, in the stifles industry and represses enterprise; it is ; mean time, are you right in abandoning this fatal to economy and providence; it discour- property, and your country with it? I think ages skill, impairs our strength as a commu- not. nity, and poisons morals at the fountain head. My opinion has ever been, that -until more How this evil is to be encountered, how sub- can be done for them, we should endeavor, dued, is indeed a difficult and delicate in- with those whom fortune has thrown on our quiry, which this is not the time to examine hands, to feed and clothe them well, protect nor the occasion to discuss. I felt, however, them from ill usage, require such reasonable that I could not discharge my duty without labor only as is performed by free men, and be referring to this subject, as one which ought led by no repugnances to abdicate them, and to engage the prudence, moderation, and firm- our duties to them. The laws do not permit ness, of those who sooner or later, must act turn them loose, if that for it. us to were their ! decisively upon ; : —— 38 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. AXXALS OF FIRST CONGRESS. in some parts of the United States, it will cer- tainly tend to the interest and honor of the Thursday, February 11, 1*790. community to attempt a remedy, and is a the address to Mr. Fitzsimmons presented proper subject for our discussion. It may be the Senate and House of Representatives of that foreigners take the advantage of the lib- the United States, of the people called Quakers, erty afforded them by the American trade, to in their annual assembly convened; signed in employ our shipping in the slave trade between and on behalf of the Yearly Meeting for Penn- Africa and the West Indies, when they are re- sylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, and the west- strained from employing their own by restric- held ern parts of Maryland and Virginia, by tive laws of their nation. If this is the case, adjournments from the 28th day of the ninth is there any person of humanity that would month, to the 3d day of the tenth month, in- not wish to prevent them? Another consid- clerk to the clusive, 1V89, by Nicholas Wain, eration why we should commit the petition is, meeting this year. that we may giA^e no ground of alarm by a Mr. Lawrence also presented an address from serious opposition, as if we were about to take the Society of Friends in the city of New York, measures that were unconstitutional. Far/es in which they set forth their desire of co-ope- 1182 to 1191. rating with their Southern brethren in their protest against the slave trade. Friday, February 12, 1790. Mr. Hartley, of Pa., moved to refer the ad- The following memorial of the Pennsylvania dress of the annual assembly of Friends, held Society for promoting the Abolition of Sla- at Philadelphia, to a committee. He thought very, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held it a mark of respect due to so numerous and in bondage, and the improvement of the con- repectable a part of the community. dition of the African race, was presented and Mr, White, of Va., seconded the motion. read Mr. Parker, of Ya. I hope, Mr. Speaker, The memorial respectfully showeth the petition of these respectable persons will That, from a regard for the happiness of be attended to with all the readiness the im- mankind, an association was formed several portance of its objects demands; and I cannot years since, in this State, by a number of her help expressing the pleasure I feel in finding citizens, of various religious denominations, so considerable a part of the community at- for promoting the abolition of slavery, and for tending to matters of such momentous concern the relief of those unlawfully held in bondage. to the future prosperity and happiness of the A just and acute conception of the true princi- people of America. I think it mj duty, as a ples of liberty, as it spread through the land, citizen of the Union, to espouse their cause produced accessions to their numbers, many and it is incumbent upon every member of this friends to their cause, and a legislative co- House to sift the subject Avell, and to ascertain operation with their views, which, by the what can be done to restrain a practice so ne- blessings of Divine Providence, have been farious. The Constitution has authorized us successfully directed to the relieving from to levy a tax upon the importation of such bondage a large number of their fellow crea- persons as the States shall authorize to be ad- tures of the African race. They have also the mitted. I would willingly go to that extent; satisfaction to observe, that in consequence and if anything further can be devised to dis- of that spirit of philanthropy and genuine lib- countenance the trade, consistent with the erty which is generally diffusing its beneficial terms of the Constitution, I shall cheerfully influence, similar institutions are forming, at give it my assent and support. home and abroad. Mr. Madison, of Ya. The gentleman from That mankind are all formed by the same Pennsylvania [Mr. Fitzsimmons] has put this Almighty Being, alike objects of his care, and question on its proper ground. If gentlemen equally designed for the enjoyment of hajjpi- do not mean to oppose the commitment to- ness, the Christian religion teaches us to be- morrow, they may as well acquiesce in it to- lieve, and the political creed of Americans day; and I apprehend gentlemen need not be fully coincides with the position. Your memo- alarmed at any measure it is likely Congress rialists, particularly engaged in attending to will take ; because they will recollect that the the distresses arising from slavery, believe it Constitution secures to the individual States their indispensable duty to present this sub- the right of admitting, if they think proper, ject to your notice. They have observed, with the importation of slaves into their own terri- real satisfaction, that many important and tory^ for eighteen years yet unexpired; sub- salutary powers are vested in you, for "pro- ject, however, to a tax, if Congress are dis- moting the welfare and securing the blessings posed to impose it, of not more than ten dollars of liberty to the people of the United States;" on each person. The petition, if I mistake and as they conceive that these blessings not, speaks of artifices used by self-interested ought rightfully to be administered, without persons to carry on this trade; and the peti- distinction of color, to all descriptions of peo- tion from New York states a case that may ple, so they indulge themselves in the pleasing require the consideration of Congress. If expectation that nothing which can be done for anything is within the Federal authority to the relief of the unhappy objects of their care restrain such violation of the rights of nations will be either omitted or delayed. and of mankind as is supposed to be practiced From a persuasion that equal liberty was : THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 39 to every class of citi- origin, li e poftion and is still the birth-] great good would result their ears against the \oice of I "11. had shut right i Mid influenced by the strong zens) | and he should despair of any allevi- ties 1 lid the principles of their humanity, j he and his posterity had instina; .. /.morialists conceive them- ation of the miseries i!:,e ; if anything could induce him to selves i) )!iu I M all justifiable endeavors in prospect this, impressing to luuscu ihv i.;tii(Ks of slavery, and promote a rebel, it must be a stroke like general eiijoyuicut of the blessings of freedom. on his mind all the horrors of despair. But was made in his Under tht.\sc Impressions, they earnestly en- ! if he was told that application treat your .serious attention on the subject of behalf, and that -Congress was Avilling to hear slavery; that you will be pleased to counte- what could be urged in favor of discouraging nance the restoration of liberty to those un- the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, happy iiK'n, who alone, in this land of freedom, he would trust in their justice and humanity, are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who, and wait the decision patiently. He presumed amidst the general joy of surrounding free- that these unfortunate people would reason in men, are L'r;;;niing in servile subjection; that the same way; and he therefore conceived the you will (.i(;\;se means for removing this in- most likely way to prevent danger was to com- consisLciK^y ^:om the character of the Ameri- mit the petition. He lived in a State which the misfortune of having in her bosom a can people ; that you will promote mercy and Lad justice towards this distressed race, and that great number of slaves; he held many of them you will step to the very verge of the power himself, and was as much interested in the vested in you for discouraging every species business as any gentleman in South Carolina and Georgia yet if he was determined to hold of traffic in the persons of our fellow-men. ; Benj. Franklin, President. them in eternal bondage, he should feel no Philadelphia^ February 3, 1'790. uneasiness or alarm on account of the present measure, because he should rely upon the vir- Mr. Hartley then called up the memorial tue of Congress, that they would not exercise presented ye.^terday, from the annual meeting any unconstitutional authority. of Frimidh at Philadelphia, for a second read- Mr. Madison, of Va. The debate has taken ing; where ;i()on the same was read a second a serious turn, and it will be owing to this time, and luoveil to be committed. alone if an alarm is created; for, had the Mr. y, of Md., denied that there was memorial been treated in the usual way, it aiiythnig uiieon.stitutional in the memorial; would have been considered, as a matter of at least, if there was, it had escaped his atten- course, and a report might have been made, tion, and he should be obliged to the gentle- so as to have given general satisfaction. If man to [xniit it out. Its only object was, that there was the slightest tendency, by the com- Congress should exercise their constitutional mitment, to break in upon the Constitution, authority to abate the horrors of slavery, as he would object to it; but he did not see upon far as they could indeed, he considered that what ground such an event was to be appre- ; all altercation on the subject of commitment hended. The petition prayed, in general terms, was at an end, as the House had impliedly for the interference of Congress, so far as they determined yesterday that it should be com- were constitutionally authorized; but even if mitted. its prayer was in some degree unconstitution- Mr. Page, of Ya., was in favor of the com- al, it might be committed, as was the case on mitment. He hoped that the designs of the Mr. Churchman's petition—one part of which respectable memorialists would not be stopped was supposed to apply for an unconstitutional at the threshold, in order to preclude a f;iir interference by the General Government. He discussion of the prayer of the memorial. He admitted that Congress is restricted by the observed that gentlemen had founded their Constitution from taking measures to abolish arguments upon a misrepresentation; for the the slave trade yet there are a variety of ways ; object of the memorial is not declared to be hy which it could countenance the abolition, and the total abolition of the slave trade, but that regulations might be made in relation to the in- Congress will consider whether it be not in troduction of them into the new States to be formed reality within their power to exercise justice out of the Western Territory. He thought the and mercy, which, if adhered to, they cannot object well worthy of consideration. doubt, must produce the abolition of the slave The question on the commitment being ti'ade. If, then, the prayer contained nothing about to be put, the yeas and nays were called unconstitutional, he trusted the meritorious for, and were as follows effort of the petitioners would not be frus- Yeas — Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, trated. Brown, Cadwalader, Clymer, Fitzsimmons, With respect to the alarm that was appre- Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, hended, he conjectured there was none; but Griffin, Grout, Hartley, Hathorn, Heister, Hun- there might be just cause, if the memorial was tington, Lawrence, Lee, Leonard, Livermore, not taken into consideration. He placed him- Madison, Moore, Muhlenburg, Page, Parker, self in the case of a slave, and said that, on Partridge, Rensselaer, Schureman, Scott, Sedg- hearing that Congress had refused to listen to wick, Seney, Sherman, Sinnickson, Smith of the decent suggestions of a respectable part of Maryland, Sturgis, Thatcher, Trumbull, Wads- the community, he should infer that the Gen- worth, White, and Wynkoop—43. eral Government (from which was expected Nays—Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Burke, Coles, — — : — 40 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. Huger, Jackson, Matthews, Sylvester, Smith far as it respects the citizens of the United of South Carolina, Stone, and Tucker—11. States. The memorials were referred accordingly. Sixthly. That Congress have also authority \_Fa(/es 1197 to 1205, inclusive.^ to prohibit foreigners from fitting out vessels in any part of the United States, for transport- Friday, March 1T90. 5, ing persons from Africa to any foreign port. Mr. Foster, from the committee appointed Seventhly. That the memorialists be in- for the purpose, made a report on the petitions formed that in all cases, to whith the authority of the people called Quakers, and also of the of Congress extends, they will exercise it for Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Aboli- the humane objects of the memorialists, so far tion of Slavery. Page 1413. as they can be promoted on the principles of justice, humanity, and good policy. Monday, March 8, 1790. \_Pages 1414 to 1417, inclusive.'] Mr. Hartley moved that the report of the committee on the memorials, of the people Wednesday, March 17, 1790. called Quakers should be taken up for a second The House again resolved itself into a Com- reading; which motion being adopted, it was mittee of the Whole on the report of the com- read, as follows, viz mittee to whom was referred the memorial of the people called Quakers, &c., (Mr. Benson in REPORT. the chair.) That, from the nature of the matters con- The question of order was put, when it was tained in those memorials, they were induced determined that Mr. Tucker's last amendment to examine the powers vested in Congress, was not in order. under the present Constitution, relating to Tbe report was then taken up by paragraphs. the abolition of slavery, and are clearly of The first proposition being read opinion Mr. White, of Va., moved that it be struck First. That the General Government is ex- out. He did this, he said, because he was pressly restrained from prohibiting the import- against entering into a consideration, at this ation of such persons as any of the States now time, of the powers of Congress. He thought existing shall think proper to admit, until the it would be time enough for this, when the year 1808. powers are called in question. He then read Secondly. That Congress, by a fair construc- the next, which he said was entirely unneces- tion of the Constitution, are equally restrained sary, as it contains nothing more than what is from interfering in the emancipation of slaves, contained in express terms in the Constitution. who already are, or Avho may, within the period He passed on to the third, which he said was mentioned, be imported into or born within equall}^ unnecessary; and to the fourth, which any of the said States. was provided for by the Constitution. He said . Thirdly. That Congress have no authority that he should agree to the fifth and sixth, to interfere in the internal regulations of par- Avith certain modifications. Agreeable to this ticular States, relative to the instruction of idea, he offered those two in a diiferent form. slaves in the principles of morality and religion, He disagreed to the seventh proposition, as to their comfortable clothing, accommodation, unnecessary and improper. He concluded by and subsistence; to the regulation of their observing that his wish was to promote the marriages, and the prevention of the violation happiness of all mankind, and, among the rest, af the rights thereof, or to the separation of those who are the objects of the present con- children from their to sideration this he wished to do in con- parents; a comfortable ; but provision in the case of sickness, age, or infirm- formity to the principles of justice, and with a ity, or to the seizure, transportation, or sale, due regard to the peace and happiness of of free negroes ; but have the fullest confidence others. He would contribute all in his power in the wisdom and humanity of the Legisla- to their comfort and well-being while in a tures of the several States, that they will revise state of slavery; but he was fully of opinion their laws, from time to time, when necessary, that Congress has no right to interfere in the and promote the objects mentioned in the business, any further than he proposed by the memorials, and every other measure that may two propositions as modified. He did not, tend to the happiness of slaves. however, anticipate the difficulties from a total Fourthly. That, nevertheless. Congress have prohibition which some gentlemen seem to authority, if they shall think it necessary, to apprehend; and if Congress had it in their lay, at any time, a tax or duty, not exceeding power to interdict this business at the present ten dollars for each person, of any description, moment, he did not think the essential inter- the importation of whom shall be by any of ests of the Southern States would suffer. the States admitted as aforesaid. Twenty years ago, he supposed the idea he Fifthly. That Congress have authority to in- noAV suggested would have caused universal terdict, or (so far as it is or may be carried on alarm. Virginia, however, about twelve years by citizens of the United States, for supplying since, prohibited the importation of negroes foreigners) to regulate the African trade, and from Africa, and the consequences apprehended j to make provision for the humane treatment never were realized; on the contrary, the agi'i- I of slaves, in all cases, Vhile on their passages 1 culture of that State was never in a more ports, as flourishing situation. to the United States or to foreign i — — : — —— THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 41 Friday, MARen 19, 1790. firmative, by a majority of one. Whereupon, on motion that the said report of the commit- The House then went again into a Commit- tee, and also the report of the Committee of tee on the Quakers' memorial, &c. (Mr, Benson the Whole House, of amendments to said re- in the chair.) port, inserted on the Journal, it was resolved The fourth proposition, respecting a duty of be in the aflfirmative—29 votes to 25. The yeas ten doUars on slaves imported, being read, it and nays were as follows: was moved that it be struck out; which mo- Those voted in the affirmative were tion, after much debate, was adopted. who Messrs. Boudinot, Brown, Cadwalader, Con- Several modifications of the fifth proposition tee, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, were offered, but the following, in substance, Griffin, Hartley, Hathorn, Heister, Huntington, offered by Mr. Madison, was agreed to, viz: Lee, Leonard, Madison, Muhlen- Congress have authority to restrain the citizens Lawrence, burg, Parker, Partridge, Schureman, Scott, of the United States, who are concerned in Sedgwick, Sylvester, Sinnickson, the African trade, from supplying foreigners Sherman, Vining, and Wynkoop. with slaves, and to provide for their humane in the negative were treatment while on their passage to the United Those who voted Messrs. Baldwin, Benson, Bland, States. Ames, Burke, Carroll, Coles, Gale, Grout, Jackson, The Committee then rose, and the House Livermore, Matthews, Moore, Page, Van Rens- adjourned till Monday next. Page 1466. selaer, Smith of Maryland, Smith of South Monday, March 22, 1790. Carolina, Stone, Sturges, Sumter, Thatcher, The House again went into a Committee of Trumbull, Tucker, White, and Williamson. the Whole on the Quakers' memorial, &c. Report of the Committee of the Whole House. (Mr. Benson in the chair.) The Committee of the Whole House, to whom The sixth article was further discussed. was referred the report of the committee on Mr. Scott commenced the debate, advocating memorials of the people called Quakers, and the prayer of the memorialists, and was re- of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting plied to by several of the Southern members. the Abolition of Slavery, report the following Page 1466. amendments It vfas moved that the sixth article be struck Strike out the first clause, together with the out, but the motion was negatived. The Com- recital thereto, and in lieu thereof insert, mittee then agreed to the proposition. The "That the migration or importation of such seventh article was, on motion, struck out. persons as an}^ of the States now existing shall The Committee then rose, and made their think proper to admit, cannot be prohibited report to the House, which was laid on the by Congress prior to the year one thousand table.—Ptf^e 1471. eight hundred and eight." Tuesday, March 23, 1790. Strike out the second and third clauses, and It was then moved that the House should in lieu thereof insert, "That Congress have take up the report of the Committee of the no authority to interfere in the emancipation Whole on the report of the committee to whom of slaves, or in the treatment of them within was referred the memorials of the people called any of the States, it remaining with the sev- Quakers, and of the Pennsylvania Society for eral States alone to provide any regulations Promoting the Abolition of Slavery. therein which humanity and true policy may This motion was opposed by Mr, Jackson require." of Ga., Mr. Smith of S. C, Mr. Burke of Ga., Strike out the fourth and fifth clauses, and and Mr, Bland. They severally observed that in lieu thereof insert, "That Congress have the discussion of the subject has already ex- authority to restrain the citizens of the United cited a spirit of dissension among the members States from carrying on the African trade, for of the House, and that every principle of policy the purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and concern for the dignity of the House, and and of providing, by proper regulations, for the peace and tranquillity of the United States, the humane treatment, during their passage, concur to show the propriety of dropping the of slaves imported by the said citizens into the subject, and letting it sleep where it is. On States admitting such importation," the other hand, Mr. Vining of Del., Mr, Hart- Strike out the seventh clause, Pages 1472 ley of Pa., and Mr, Page of Va,, observed to 1474, inclusive. that there was the same propriety in taking up the subject at the present moment, and THIRD CONGRESS. bringing it to a conclusion, as there was for Monday, January 20, 1794. first taking it up; that it has been so fully dis- Quakers' Memorial. cussed, it cannot be supposed gentlemen will go over the same ground again; it may soon A memorial was read, from the people called be determined; to pass it over will be unpre- Quakers. The substance of this memorial is, cedented, and will leave the public mind in the to request that Congress would pass a law to same state of uncertainty from wlijch so much prohibit the citizens of the United States from danger i s apprehended. The motion for taking transporting slaves from the coast of Africa to up the report was warmly contested in a the West India islands. lengthy debate, and finally passed in the af- The petition was read by the Speaker. — — — —— : — 42 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. Mr, Giles wished that it might be referred time spent therein, the Chairm.an' reported that to a select committee. the Committee had had the said report under Mr. Bourne "wished that it should lie on the consideration, and come to a resolution there- table for a day or two. He did not, by this, upon; which was twice read, and agreed to mean to oppose the principle of the memorial; by the House, as follows but he understood that another of the same Resolved^ That a committee be appointed to tenor was to be pi-esented to the Senate. He prepare and bring in a bill or bills to prohibit therefore wished that it might be deferred, till the fitting out of any ship or vessel, in any the House could see whether the Senate should port of the United States, either by citizens of take it up. If they did not, he should then the United States or foreigners, for the pur- move that it should be referred to a select pose of procuring, from any kingdom or coun- committee. try, the inhabitants of such kingdom or coun- The petition was ordered to lie on the ta- try, to be transported to any foreign parts or ble.—Pa^e 249. places of the world, to be sold or disposed of as slaves. Tuesday, January 21, 1794. Ordered, That Mr. Trumbull, Mr. Ward, Mr. Ordered^ That the memorial of the people Giles, Mr. Talbot, and Mr. Grove, be a com- cPvlled Quakers, at their yearly meeting, held mittee pursuant to the said resolution. Page in Rhode Island, in the year 1793, which lay 455. on the table, be referred to Mr. Trumbull, Mr. Friday, February 28, 1794. Ward, Mr. Giles, Mr. Talbot, and Mr. Grove; Mr. Trumbull, from the committee appointed, that they do examine the matter thereof, and presented a bill to prohibit the carrying report the same, with their opinion thereupon, on the slave trade from the United States to any to the House. Page 253. foreign place or country; which was read Tuesday, January 28, 1794. twice, and committed. Page 469. A. memorial of the delegates from the several Thursday, March 6, 1794. societies formed in different parts of the United The House went into Committee of the States for promoting the abolition of slavery, Whole on the bill to prohibit the carrying on in convention assembled, at Philadelphia, on the slave trade from the ports of the United the 1st instant, was presented to the House States Mr. Boudinot in the chair. and read, praying that Congress may adopt — The two first sections of the bill were agreed such measures as may be the most effectual to, with one alteration, moved by Mr. Trum- and expedient for the abolition of the slave bull, Avhich was, to give the District Court, as trade. Also, a memorial of the Providence well as the Circuit Courts, cognizance of the Society for abolishing the slave trade, to the otFence. same effect. The third section which relates to the Ordered^ That the said memorials be referred — penaltj', &c. it was moved should be struck to Mr. Trumbull, Mr. Ward, Mr. Giles, Mr. Tal- — out. bot, and Mr. Grove ; that they do examine the This motion was negatived. matter thereof, and report the same, with their It was then moved to insert the word foreign opinion thereupon, to the House. Page 349. before "ship orvessej;" which was agreed to. The Committee proceeded through the bill, Tuesday, February 11, 1794. which was reported to the House with sundry Trumbull, from the committee to Mr. whom amendments. These were agreed to by the referred the memorials of the people call- were House, and the bill ordered to be engrossed Quakers, at their yearly meeting, held in ed for a third reading. Page 483. Rhode Island, in the year 1793, of the dele- gates from the several societies for promoting DEBATE OX EMANCIPATIOX, IX VIR- the abolition of slavery, in convention assem- THE . GIXIA LEGISLATURE, IX 1832. bled, at Philadelphia, on the 1st day of Janu- ary last, and of the Providence Society for The debate in the Virginia Legislature, at abolishing the slave trade, made a report; the session of 1831-32, on the subject of which was read, and ordered to be committed Emancipation, was occasioned b}^ the South- to a Committee of the Whole House on Mon- ampton insurrection, which occurred in the day next. Page 448. preceding August. The minds of the people were awakened by that event to the continual Monday, February 1794. 17, insecurity and danger of a state of society in The House resolved itself into a Committee which one half of the people are made the of the Whole House, on the report of the com- natural enemies of the other; and the press mittee to whom were referred the memorials of almost unanimously broke forth in condemna- the people called Quakers, at their yearly meet- tion of a system to which they justly traced ing, held in Rhode Island, in the year 1792; the dilapidation and deca}^ of agriculture, the of the delegates from the several societies for absence of arts, manufactures, and internal promoting the abolition of slavery, in conven- improvements, and the prevalent ignorance tion assembled, at Philadelphia, on the 1st day among the body of the people. The condition of January last; and of the Providence Society of Virginia was contrasted with that of the for abolishing the slave trade; and, after some Xorthern States in these particulars, and her THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 43 poverty and degeneracy demonstrated on the ' on such a subject—at the ignorance and folly incontestable authority of official statistics. * of the politician who ascribes that to an act The debate occupied many consecutive days ' of the Government which is the inevitable at the session, and must be regarded, by all ' effect of the eternal laws of Nature. What who peruse it, as one of the ablest, and, owing ' is to be done? Oh! my God, 1 do not know, to the vital importance of the subject, one of ' but something must be done." the most interesting that has ever occurred on Yes, something must be done, and it is the the continent. The Virginian of the present part of no honest man to deny it—of no free day, who would bury in oblivion all recollec- press to affect to conceal it. When this dark tion of this debate, is untrue to the honor and population is growing upon us; when every renown of his country. Nowhere has genius new census is but gathering its appalling and liberty been more closely allied than in numbers upon us when, within a period equal ; the Old Dominion, It would be difficult to to that in which this Federal Constitution has find one illustrious name in all her history, been in existence, these numbers will increase which is not identified with freedom in the to more than two millions within Virginia; broadest sense of the term ; while those who when our sister States are closing their doora have signalized themselves as the champions upon our blacks for sale, and when our whites of slavery are stars of a lesser magnitude. are moving westwardly in greater numbers Foremost in the ranks of the Emancipation than we like to hear of; when this, the fairest party was the distinguished editor of the Rich- land on all this continent, for soil, and climate, mond Enquirer^ Thomas Ritchie, Esq., a gen- and situation, combined, might become a sort teman of high character, a cool, cautious, and of garden spot, if it were worked by the hands wary politician, whose influence was, perhaps, of white men alone, can we, ought we, to sit at that time and subsequently, greater than quietly down, fold our arms, and say to each that of any man in Virginia. Side by side other, "Well, well, this thing will not come with the Enquirer stood the Richmond Whig^ to the worst in our day; we will leave it to edited by the gallant and impetuous John our children, and our grandchildren, and great- Hampden Pleasants, a man of brilliant genius, grandchildren, to take care of themselves, and who, for dashing and racy editorial writing, to brave the storm." Is this to act like wise has never been excelled in this country. The men? Heaven knows we are no fanatics—we press of Norfolk, Charlottesville, and other detest the madness which actuated the Amies places, responded in manly strains to the Rich- des Noirs; but something ought to be done. mond papers : and I believe I shall not be in- Means, sure but gradual, systematic but dis- vidious in saying that a majority of enlightened creet, ought to be adopted, for reducing the men in the State took a decided stand in favor mass of evil which is pressing upon the South, of Emancipation. and will still more press upon her, the longer Among the most distinguished advocates of it is put off. AVe ought not to shut our eyes, Emancipation, in the House of Delegates, were nor avert our faces, and, though we speak al- Mr. Moore of 'Rockbridge, Mr. Boiling of most without a hope that the committee of the , Mr. Randolph of Albemarle, Mr. Rives of Legislature will do anything at the present Campbell, General Brodnax of Dinwiddle, Mr, session to meet this question, yet we say now, Powell, Mr. Faulkner, and Mr. Summers of in the utmost sincerity of our hearts, that our Kanawha. wisest men cannot give too much of their at- tention to this subject, nor can they give it From the Richmond Enquirer^ Jan. 7, 1832. too soon. Editorial. I shall give only a few extracts It is probable, from what we hear, that the from the Committee on the Colored Population will re- debate. It will be found in full in the Rich- port some plan for getting rid of the free peo- mond Enquirer for 1832, in the State Depart- ple of color. But is this all that can be done? ment. Are we forever to suffer the greatest evil which can scourge our land, not only to remain, but Mr. Moore, of Rockbridge, said: * * * to increase in its dimensions? "We may shut Permit me, now, sir, to direct your attention ' our eyes and avert our faces, if we please, to some of the evil consequences of slavery, ' (writes an eloquent South Carolinian, on his by way of argument in favor of our maturely ' return from the North, a few weeks ago,) but deliberating on the whole subject, and adopt- ' there it is, the dark and growing evil at our ing some efficient measures to remove the cause ' doors; and meet the question we must, at no from which those evils spring. In the first * distant day. God only knows what it is the place, I shall confine my remarks to such of ' part of wise men to do on that momentous those evils as affect the white population ex- ' and appalling subject. Of this I am very clusively. And even in that point of view, I ' sure, that the dilference nothing — short of think that slavery, as it exists among us, may ' frightful—between all that exists on one side be regarded as the heaviest calamity which has ' of the Potomac and all on the other, is owing ever befallen any portion of the human race. ' to that cause alone. The disease is deep If we look back through the long course of ' seated it is at the heart's — core—it is con- time which has elapsed since the creation to ' suming, and has all along been consumine-, the present moment, we shall scarcely be able ' our vitals; and I could laugh—if I could laugh to point out a people whose situation was not, — 44 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. in many respects, preferable to our own, and Mr. Preston said: * * * Sir, Mr. Jef- that of the other States in which negro slavery ferson, whose hand drew the preamble to the exists. True, sir, shall we see nations which Bill of Rights, has eloquently remarked that have groaned under the yoke of despotism, for we had invoked for ourselves"^ the benefit of a hundreds and thousands of years; but the in- principle Avhich we had denied to others. He dividuals composing those nations have en- saw and felt that slaves, as men, were embraced joyed a degree of happiness, peace, and free- within this principle. dom from apprehension, which the holders of Mr. Summers, of Kanawha, -ss- * * gut, slaves in this ^ ^ ^ country can never know. sir, the evils of this system cannot be enumer- If, sir, we compare the face of the country in ated. It were unnecessary to attempt it. Virginia with that of the Northern States, we They glare upon us at every step. When the shall find the result greatly to the advantage owner looks to his wasted estate, he knows of the latter. We shall see the Old Dominion, and feels them. When the statesman examines though blessed by nature with all the advan- the condition of his country, and finds her tages of a mild climate, a fruitful soil, and fine moral influence gone, her physical strength navigable bays and rivers, generally declining diminished, her physical power waning, he in all that constitutes national wealth. In sees and must confess them. They may be that part of the State below tide-water, the viewed, written on the nations's map. Con- whole face of the country wears an appearance i trast the condition of the Southern States with of almost utter desolation, distressing to the that which those of the Northern and Middle beholder. Tall and thick forests of pines are present. Examine them in relation to general everywhere to be seen encroaching upon the education, the state of their agriculture, man- once cultivated fields, and casting a deep ufactures, foreign and domestic commerce gloom over the land, which looks as if nature you have here the problem worked out on a mourned over the misfortunes of man. large scale. -J^ -x- * Sir, we should take * Mr. Rives, of Campbell, said: * ^ courage from the goodness of the cause in On the multiplied and desolating evils of sla- v> hich we are engaged. It is one on which very he Avas not disposed to say much. The Heaven will smile. We shall not be left un- curse and deteriorating consequences were aided in our exertions. Slavery is a national within the observation and experience of the calamity. Such it has been regarded by those members of the House and the people of Vir- who are entirely free from the evil. Nine of ginia, and it did seem to him that there could the non-slaveholding States have generously not be two opinions about it. But there were offered to the South the common treasury for strong objections to discussing this branch of the removal of this common evil. Such, too, the subject in its details, and he would content was the purport of the resolutions submitted . himself with giving a brief attention to the to the Senate of the United States by Rufus strange political effects produced by the exist- King, at the close of his long and useful pub- ence of this unnatural connection of master lic life. and slave, &c., &c. -h- Extract the speech Chandler^ Mr. Powell said: * * i can scarce- from of John A. of Norfolk County. ly persuade myself that there is a solitary gentleman in this House who will not readi- It is admitted by all who have addressed ly admit that slavery is an evil, and that this House, that slavery is a curse, and an in- its removal, if practicable, is a consummation creasing one. That it has been destructive to most devoutly to be wished. I have not heard, the lives of our citizens, history, with unerring nor do I expect to hear, a voice raised in this truth, will record. That its future increase Hall to the contrary. Sir, the gentleman from will create commotion, cannot be doubted. Buckingham a few days ago sketched to us, The time, then, sir, has arrived, when the and sketched it, too, with a masterly hand, a salus populi applies, and every consideration of picture of the withering and blighting effects patriotism requires us to act upon it. This of slavery. That picture is before this House, principle—this fundamental principle, the safe- and I Avill not attempt to add to it a shade, or ty of the people—embraces not only the pres- another tint; I will not, sir, lest, instead of ent race, but posterity also. The gentleman adding to its effect, I might, with a less skill- from Brunswick, with great force and elo- ful hand, diminish it. Sir, Virginia, the much- quence, has insisted that the master has prop- loved, the venerated mother of us all, from erty, not only in the female slave, but in the being the first State in this great Confederacy, issue, ad infinitum. And, sir, we have an in- is now the third, possibly the fourth ; and her terest, not only in our own welfare, but in declining fortunes have long been the source that of our posterity. We are bound to legis- of melancholy reflection to her patriotic sons. late for them as well as for ourselves. What, sir, is the cause of this decline? What- This principle, that posterity are interested ever others may think, to my mind it is clear in the acts of their ancestors, is recognised in that the answer to this interrogatory is, her the Bill of Rights, in the very first section of slave population. Hinc illx lachrymse. Here it. That instrument is hallowed by its an- lies the source of all her misfortunes. This is tiquity—by the double confirmation of the the clog that has weighed her down, and pre- people of this Dominion. I may say, it is su- vented her onward march pari passu with her perior to the Constitution itself, as that pro- eister States, in their career of improvement. fesses to be based upon the Bill of Rights. : THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 45 What says that instrument? "That man unqualified, and beyond the disposition of the has certain inalienable rights, of which, when Government? In general cases, the derivative he enters into society, he cannot by any com- title cannot be better than the primitive. If pact deprive his poster iU/ ; namely, the enjoy- the warrior had no absolute right to the person ment of life and liberty, with the means of of his captive, may there not be some doubt acquiring and possessing property, and of pur- whether the Virginia planter has an unquali- suing and obtaining happiness and safety." fied one? Has slavery interfered with our means of en- What, sir, would be thought, at the present joying life, liberty, property, happiness, and day, if an elephant were taken, by force or safety? Look at Southampton. The answer fraud, from its true owner, on the coast of is written in letters of blood, upon the floors Africa, and brought to our country, and an of that unhappy county. Under these circum- individual, knowing of the circumstance, were stances, may we not inquire into the right of to purchase it—would it not be said that he our ancestors to inflict this curse upon us, participated in the crime? Would not the old seeing that it has interfered so essentially with adage, "that the receiver of stolen goods is as the first article of the Bill of Rights? bad as the thief," apply? And, sir, is the rea- But, sir, will this evil—this curse—not in- soning different when the subject is a human crease? Will not the life, liberty, prosperity, being—when a man has been taken, by force happiness, and safety, of those who may come or fraud, from his native shore, and sold in after us be endangered, in a still greater de- your market? It maybe said that our ances- gree, by it? How, then, can we reconcile it tors did not know the circumstances under to ourselves, to fasten this upon them? Do which the slave lost his liberty. I hope they we not endanger our very national existence, did not. It will, in some measure, extenuate by entailing slavery upon them? the crime, but cannot enhance the title. The Sir, the gentleman from Brunswick very truth is, that our ancestors had no title to this emphatically asked, ''Are notour slaves our property, and we have acquired it only by property?" And the gentleman from Dinwid- legislative enactments, sanctioned by the ne- dle, sustaining his position, said, in that in- cessity of the case. tegrity and firmness which characterizes all It may be argued, that length of time has his actions, that he would own no property created a title. Some thirty years ago, a frig- respecting which he was afraid to show his ate, which had been captured from the French title papers. He even invited discussion upon by the valor and skill of our gallant tars, after w this question of title to slaves as property. As having been brought into port, was refitted, a Virginian^ I do not question the master's and sailed on a cruise; she has never been title to his slave; but I put it to the gentle- heard of since. Imagine, for a moment, that man, as a man, as a moral man, as a Christian it was now announced to this nation that the man, whether he has not some doubt of his ship had foundered on the coast of Africa, and claim being as absolute and unqualified as that her crew, or part of them, were alive, slaves to of other property? I do this, not for the pur- some petty monarch in that country. Think pose of raising an argument to sustain the you, sir, that w^e Avould listen to the plea of power of the Legislature to remove them, length of time? No; the voice of a mighty which I think I have satisfactorily shown, but people, with re;sistless force, would proclaim mainly to call his attention to the title, that that freemen can never be made slaves, and if a doubt as to that should be created, it may the hum of preparation to demand our long- operate in some measure in withdrawing op- lost brethren, w'ould soon resound throughout position to the removal of the slaves. Let us, the land. And, sir, but for the degradation sir, in the investigation of ihis title, go back and absence of nationality in Africa, one of to its origin. Whence came the slaves into this the most interesting principles of international country? From Africa. Were they free men law might be presented to the Am.erican peo- there ? At one time they were. How came they ple, which has ever engaged the attention of to be converted into slaves? By the stratagem the statesman—a principle that would be ad- of Avar and the strong arm of the conqueror; vocated by the good and wise throughout the they were vanquished in battle, sold by the Union. Were Africa erected into a sovereign victorious party to the slave trader, who and independent State, and recognised as a brought them to our shores, and disposed of nation by the potentates of the world, to make them to the planter of Virginia. Had the con- a demand upon our Government for her long- queror an absolute and unqualified right to them ? lost and enslaved children, accompanied with a The gentleman from Campbell, [Mr. Daniel,] recital of all the circumstances of fraud by in arguing this part of the subject, stated that w^hich they were taken from their native coun- ancient authors insisted upon two modes by ivj, it would present a claim too strong to be which a free man might become a slave, viz discussed—a demand too just to be denied by by voluntary compact, and by conquest; but the free-born sons of Virginia. These reflec- he was in the end compelled, by the course of tions I have thrown out, Mr. Speaker, in the his reasoning, to admit that those doctrines hope that, if masters of slaves should perceive have been exploded by modern writers. If, some defect in their title, they may be inclined then, liberty, rightfully, cannot be converted "to let them go." into slavery, may I not question whether the I have, ]\Ir. Speaker, entered into but few t-itle of the master to the slave is absolute and statistical details; the course of my argument, " —a; 46 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. I trust, made it unnecessary. One estimate, lover of his country, bear to see this ancient however, I will mention ; it is this : that if the Dominion, rendered illustrious by the noble slave population increases as it has done for devotion and patriotism of her sons to the some years past, in the year 1880—less than cause of Liberty, converted into one grand fifiy years hence—there will be, in the seven menagerie, where men are to be reared for States of Virginia, North and South Carolina, market like oxen in the shambles? Is it bet- Georgia, Louisiana, Alabama, and Mississippi, ter— is it not worse—than the slave trade something more than 5,000,000 of slaves, of that trade which enlisted the labor of the good which Virginia alone will possess largely up- and the wise of every creed and every c4ime to wards of 1,000,000—an amount too great, too abolish it? The trader receives the slave— appalling, for a statesman not to apprehend stranger in language, aspect, and manner some danger from. I acknowledge, 1 tremble from the merchant, who has brought him from for the fate of my country at some future day, the interior. The ties of father, mother, hus- ! " unless we do something band, and child, have all been rent in twain. Before he receives him, his soul has become Extracts from the speech Thomas J. Randolph^ of callous. of Albemarle. But here, sir, individuals, whom the master I will quote, in part, the statistics of the has known from infancy, with whom he 'has gentleman from Dinwiddle, whose accuracy been sporting in the innocent gambols of cannot be questioned. Judging the future by childhood, who has been accustomed to look the past, in forty years the colored poijula- to him for protection, he tears from the moth- tion in Eastern Virginia will exceed the white er's arms, and sells into a strange country, 200,000. In the last forty years, the whites in among strange people, subject to cruel task- the same district have increased 51 per cent., masters. In my opinion, sir, it is much worse. the blacks 186 per cent. Forty years ago, the He has compared slave property to a capital whites exceeded the colored 25,000; the col- in money. I wish it were money, sir, or any- ored noAV exceeds the whites 81,000—a net tliing else than Avhat it is. It is not money gain of the blacks over the whites, in forty it is labor—it is the labor which produces that years, of 106,000; and these results, too, du- for which money is the representative. The ring an exportation of near 200,000 slaves interest on money is 4 to 6 per cent. The hire since the year 1790—now perhaps the fruitful of male slaves is about 15 per cent, upon their progenitors of half a million in other States. value. In ten years, or less, you have returned By reference to Document No. 16, on your ta- your principal, with interest. Thus it is with ble, you will perceive that, in the year 1830. much of the one hundred millions of property, of that part of the population of ten years old the loss of which the gentleman has so elo- and under, the blacks exceed the whites 26 quently depicted in ruining the country. He per cent. ; over that age, only 3 per cent. has attempted to justify slavery here, because What a change will not eighteen years make it exists in Africa, and has stated that it exists for the worse, when those children shall be all over the world. Upon the same princijde, grown; what a change will not forty years, he could justify Mahometanism, with its plu- with its geometrical progression, evolve, when rality of wives, petty wars for plunder, rob- they shall become fathers and mothers, and bery, and murder, or any other of the abomi- some of them grandmothers? If exportation nations and enormities of savage tribes. Does ceases, some of those now within the hearing slavery exist in any part of civilized Europe? of my voice may live to see the colored popu- N'o, sir, in no pari of it. America is the only lation of Virginia 2,000,000, or 2,500,000; civilized Christian nation that bears the op- children now born may live to see them probrium. In every other country, where 3,000,000, determining their increase by their civilization and Christianity have existed to- average increase in the United States in the gether, they have erased it from their codes, last forty years. they have blotted it from the page of their Sir, is not this the case of the salus poptdi, history. demonstrated to exist in the certain future? The gentleman has appealed to the Christian Who will be so hardy as to assert that, when religion in justification of slavery. I would the time arrives, a remedy can be applied? ask him upon what part of those pure doc- W^ho will say that 2,000,000 can be attempted trines does he rely, to which of those sublime to be removed? They will say to you, long precepts does he advert, to sustain his posi- before that, "We will not go." Here, sir, ap- tion? Is it that which teaches charity, jus- " plies that wise maxim of the law, Venienii tice, and good will to all ; or is it that which occurite morbo," (meet the coming ill.) teaches, "that ye do unto others as ye would The gentleman has spoken of the increase they should do unto you?" of the female slaves being a part of the profit. Extracts from the speech of Henri/ Berry, of Jef- It is admitted ; but no great evil can be averted, no good attained, without some inconvenience. ferson. It may be questioned how far it is desirable Sir, I believe that no cancer on the physical to foster and encourage this branch of profit. body was ever more certain, steady, and fatal It is a practice—and an increasing practice in its progress, than is the cancer on the po- in parts of Virginia—to rear slaves for market. litical body of the State of Virginia. It is eat- How can an honorable mind, a patriot, and a ing into her very vitals. And shall we admi ; THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 47 that the evil is past remedy? Shall we act support. The evil admits of no remedy. Tt the part of a puny patient, suffering under the is increasing, and will continue to increase, ravages of a fatal disease, who would say the until the whole country will be inundated remedy is too painful, the dose too nauseous, with one black wave, covering its whole ex- I cannot bear it; who would close his eyes in tent, with a few white faces here and there despair, and give himself up to death? No, floating on the surface. The master^ has no sir; I would bear the knife and the cautery, capital but what is vested in liuraan flesh; the for the sake of health. father, instead of being richer for his sons, is I believe it is high time that this subject at a loss to provide for them. There is no should be discussed and considered by the diversity of occupations, no incentive to en- people of Virginia. I believe that the people terprise. Labor of every species is disreputa- are awaktned on the subject, but not alarmed; ble, because performed mostly by slaves. Our I believe they will consider it calmly, and de- towns are stationary, our villages almost every- cide upon it correctly. Sir, I have no fears, where declining ; and the general aspect of the now, for any general results from any efforts country marks the curse of a wasteful, idle, at incLirrcction, by this unfoitunatc class of reckless population, who have no interest in our population. I know that we have the the soil, and care not how much it is impov- power to crash any such effort at a blow. I erished. Public improvements are neglected, know that any such effort on their part, at and the entire continent does not present a this day, will end in the annihilation of all region for which nature has done so much, concerned in it; and I believe *our greatest and art so little. security now, is in their knowledge of these Extracts from the speech James McDowell^ jr.^ things—in their knowledge of their own weak- of Rockbridge. ness. of Pass as severe laws as you will, to keep Who, sir, that looks at this property as a these unfortunate creatures in ignorance, it is legislator, and marks its effect upon the na- vain, unless you can extinguish that spark of tional advance, but weeps over it as the worst intellect which God has given them. Let any of patrimonies? Who that looks to this un- man who advocates slavery, examine the sys- happ3^ bondage of our unhappy people in the tem of laws which we have adopted (from stern midst of our societ^^, and thinks oJf its inci- necessity, it may be said) towards these crea- dents and its issues, but weeps over it as a tures, and he may shed a tear upon that; and curse upon him who inflicts as upon him who would to God, sir, the memory of it might be suffers it? blotted out forever. Sir, we have, as far as If I am to judge from the tone of our debate, possible, closed every avenue by which light from the concessions on all hands expressed, might enter their minds; we have only to go there is not a man in this body—not one, per- one step further to extinguish the capacity to haps, that is even represented here—who would Bee the light, and our work would be com- not have thanked the generations that have pleted; they would then be reduced to the gone before us, if, acting as public men, they level of the beasts of the field, and we should had brought this bondage to a close—who be safe; and I am not certain that we would would not have thanked them, if, acting as not do it. if we could find out the necessary private men, on private notions, they had re- process—and that under the plea of necessity. linquished the property which their mistaken But, sir, this is impossible. And can man be kindness has devolved upon us. Proud as are in the midst of freemen, and not know what the names, for intellect and patriotism, which freedom is? Can he feel that he has the power enrich the volumes of our history, and rever- to assert his liberty, and will he not do it? entially as we turn to them at this period of Yes, sir; with the certainty of the current of waning reputation, that name, that man, above time will he do it, whenever he has the power. all parallel, would have been the chief, who Sir, to prove that the time will come, I need could have blotted out this curse from his offer no other argument than that of arithme- country—those, above all others, would have tic, the conclusions from which are clear dem- received the homage of an eternal gratitude, onstrations on this subject. The data are who, casting away every suggestion of petty before us all, and every man can work out the interest, had broken the yoke which in an evil process for himself. Sir, a death-struggle hour had been imposed, and had translated, as must come between the two classes, in which a free man^ to another continent, the outcast the one or the other will be extinguished and the wretched being who burdens ours with forever. Who can contemplate such a catas- his presence, and defiles it with his crimes. trophe as even possible, and be indifferent? But, sir, it has been otherwise appointed. Slavery has come down to us from our fathers Extract from the speech Thomas Blarshall^ of of and the question now is, shall we, in turn, Fauquier. hand it over to our children—hand it over to Wherefore, Ihen, object to slavery? Because them, aggravated with every attribute of evil? it is ruinous to the whites—retards improve- Shall we perpetuate the calamity we deplore, ment, roots out an industrious population, and become to posterity the objects, not of banishes the yeomanry of the country, de- kindness, but of cursing? prives the spinner, the weaver, the smith, the Sir, you may place the slave where you shoemaker, the carpenter, of employment and please—you may dry up, to your utmost, the — ! — 48 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. fountains of his feelings, the springs of his which threw a portion of it into alarm—a por- thought—3'0ii may close upon his mind every tion of it into panic; which wrung out from avenue to knowledge, and cloud it over with au affrighted people the thrilling cry, day after artificial night—you may yoke him to your day conveyed to your Executive, "We are in. labor, as an ox which liveth only to work, peril of our lives, send us arms for defence." and worketh only to live—you may put him Was that a "petty affair," which drove families under any process, which, without destroying from their homes, which assembled women his value as a slave, will debase and crush him and children in crowds, and without shelter, as a rational being—you may do this, and the at places of common refuge, in every condition idea that he was born to be free will survive of weakness and infirmity, under every suffer- it all. It is allied to his hope of immortality ing which Avant and pain and terror could in- it is the ethereal part of his nature, which flict, yet Avilling to endure all—willing to meet oppression cannot reach—it is a torch lit up death from famine, death from climate, death in his soul by the hand of the Deity, and from hardships—preferring anything, rather, never meant to be extinguished by the hand to the horrors of meeting it from a domestic of man. * -st * assassin? Was that a "petty affair," which If gentlemen do not see nor feel the evil of erected a peaceful and confiding portion of the slavery whilst this Federal Union lasts, they State into a military camp ; Avhich outlawed will see and feel it when it is gone they will from pity the unfortunate beings whose broth- ; see and suffer it then, in a magnitude of deso- ers had offended; which barred every door, lating power, to which the "pestilence that penetrated every bosom with fear or suspicion; walketh at noonday" would be a blessing—to AA'hich so banished every scene of security from which the malaria that is now threatening ex- every man's dwelling, that, let a hoof or a horn tinction to the "eternal city," as the proud one but break upon the silence of the night, and of the Pontiffs and the Caesars is called, would an aching throb Avould be driven to the heart, be as refreshing and as balmy as the first breath the husband Avould look to his weapon, and of spring to the chamber of disease. the mother would shudder and weep upon her It has been frankly and unquestionably de- cradle clared, from the very commencement of this Was it the fear of Nat Turner, and his de- debate, by the most decided enemies of aboli- luded drunken handful of fellows, which pro- tion_ themselves, as well as others, that this duced, or could produce, such effects? Was it property is an "em7"—that it is a dangerous this that induced distant counties, where the property. Yes, sir; so dangerous has it been very name of Southampton was strange, to arm represented to be, even by those who desire to and equip for a struggle? No, sir; it Avas the retain it, that Ave have been reproached for suspicion eternally attached to the slave him- speaking of it otherwise than in fireside whis- self—the suspicion that a Nat Turner might pers—reproached for entertaining debate upon be in every family; that the same bloody deed it in this Hall; and the discussion of it with could be acted over at any time, and in any open doors, and to the general ear, has been place; that the materials for it were spread charged upon us as a climax of rashness and through the land, and ahvays ready for a like folly, which threatens issues of calamity to explosion Nothing but the force of this our country. It is, then, a dangerous prop- AA'ithering apprehension—nothing but the par- erty. No one disguises the danger of this alyzing and deadening weight Avith which it property—that it is inevitable, or that it is falls upon and prostrates the heart of every increasing. How, then, is the Government to man Avho has helpless dependents to protect avert it? By a precautionary and preventive nothing but this could have thrown a brave legislation, or by permitting it to "grow Avith people into consternation, or could have made our growth" until it becomes intolerable, and any portion of this powerful Commonwealth, then correcting it by the sword? In the one for a single instant, to haA'e quailed and trem- way or the other—by the peaceful process of bled. legislation or the bloody one of the baj'onet This Commonwealth, in the late war, stood our personal and public security must be main- the shock of England's power, and the skill of tained against the dangers of this property. England's veterans, with scarce a moment of [After meeting, in an impressive and digni- public disquiet. Admiral Cockburn, with his fied manner, the facetious remarks of another incendiary spirit, and backed by his incendiary member of the House, who considered the in- myrmidons, alarmed not the State—struck no surrection as a '•'•petty affair^'' and wished, by fear into its private families ; and had his spirit his wit, to turn the whole scene into ridicule, been ten-fold more savage than it was, and his J. McDowell read a nrpnber of extracts from army an hundred-fold stronger, and had he letters, written by and to the most distin- plied every energy and pledged every faculty guished characters in the State, respecting the of his soul to the destruction of the State, he dismay and terror Avhich almost universally could not have produced one moment of that pervaded the minds of the citizens in every terror for priA'ate security which seizes upon all part of the State. He then proceeded:] at the cry of insurrection. He Avould have been Now, sir, I ask you—I ask gentlemen—in our enemy in the field, would have warred an conscience to say, was this a '•'petty affair?^^ open combat with the disciplined and the gal- I ask you whether that was a petty affair which lant of the land. But an insurgent enemy wars startled the feelings of your whole population; at the fireside, makes his battle-ground in the — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 49 chamber, and seeks, at tlie hour of repose, for rent of events. We cannot change the course the life of the slumbering and the helpless. No of nature, nor prevent the silent but sure ope- wonder, sir, that the gentleman from Bruns- ration of causes now at work. wick, [Mr. Gholson,] with his sensibilities Extracts from the speech of Philip A. Boiling^ aroused by the acts and the full energies of of Buckingham. such an enemy as this, should have said that "they filled the mind with the most appalling The time will come—and it may be sooner apprehensions." * -sfr * than many are willing to believe—when this Why, from the earliest period of our history oppressed and degraded race cannot be held to the massacre of Southampton, was a silence, as they now are—when a change will be ef- deep and awful as that of death, observed upon fected, by means abhorrent, Mr. Speaker, to this subject? Why was it forbidden in legis- you, and to the feelings of every good man. lative debate or to the public press, and spoken The wounded adder will recoil, and sting only in mysterious whispers around the do- the foot that tramples upon it. The day is mestic hearth ? Because a sense of security re- fast approaching, when those who oppose all quired, or was thought to require, this course. action upon this subject, and, instead of aid- Why, sir, is this mystery now dispelled ? Why ing in devising some feasible plan for freeing has the grave opened its "ponderous and mar- their country from an acknowledged curse, ble jaws?" Why is the subject openly and freely cry impossible" to every plan suggested, will discussed, in every place and under every form ? curse their perverseness and lament their folly. Because a general sense of insecurity pervades Those gentlemen who hug slavery to their the land, and our citizens are deeply impressed bosoms, and "roll it as a sweet morsel under with the belief that something must be done. their tongues/' have been very lavish in their The numerous petitions and memorials which denunciations of all who are for stirring one crowd your table furnish abundant evidence inch on this subject. of this truth. They may mistake the remedy, There is, sir, a "still, small voice," which but they indicate most clearly that some action speaks to the heart of man in a tone too clear is imperiously required at our hands—that the and distinct to be disregarded. It tells him evil has attained a magnitude which demands that every system of slavery is based upon in- all the skill and energy of prompt and able justice and oppression. If gentlemen dis- legislation. It is contended, on the other hand, regard it now, and lull their consciences to that nothing efficient can be accomplished, and sleep, they may be aroused to a sense of their that any proceedings by this Legislature will danger when it is too late to repair their {I reduce the value of property, and endanger errors. the security of the people. With respect to However the employment of slave labor the first consideration, he would say that the might be defended, gentlemen would not, could price of property can never be injuriously af- not, justify the traffic in human beings. High- fected by a system which would operate on minded men should disdain to hold their fel- that portion only of the slaves who belong to ' low-creatures as articles of traffic, disregard- masters desirous to liberate them, or to sell ing all the ties of blood and afi'ection, tearing them for their own benefit, at a reduced price. asunder all those sympathies dear to men The effect, if any, upon the residue, must be dividing husbands and wives, parents and to enhance their value. As to the other and children, as they would cut asunder a piece more serious objection, he would remark that of cotton cloth. They have hearts and feel- it constitutes and must forever constitute, an ings like other men. How many a broken obstacle to abolition, requiring all the wisdom heart, how many a Rachel, mourns because and discretion of Legislature and people; but her house is left unto her desolate! The time the removal of free blacks, or the purchase and has come when these feelings could not be deportation of slaves, can involve no danger. suppressed—the day would come when they If, indeed, the whole fabric shall totter to its could not be resisted. Slavery was, and had fall, when touched by the gentlest hand, it long been, offensive to the moral feelings of a must rest on a precarious foundation. If dan- large proportion of the community. Their ger lurks under just, benignant legislation, lips had been sealed, but their minds had been aiming to relieve both master and slave—to unfettered; many had thought, and thought combine justice with humanity—will the pe- deeply, on the subject. This, sir, is a Chris- riod ever come when it will be safe to act? tian community. They read in their Bibles, But, admitting the subject cannot be ap- "Z)o unto all men as you would have them do proached without danger now, the great ques- unto you;" and this golden rule and slavery reconcile. tion for us to determine is, whether, by delay, are hard to Gentlemen may, per- it may not become fearfully worse, and in haps, curl the lip of scorn at such considera- but such a feeling existed in Virginia. process of time attain a magnitude far trans- tions ; cending our feeble powers. We owe it to our Extracts the speech Brodnax, children to determine whether we or they shall from of Mr. of incur the hazard of attempting something. Dinwiddle. Gentlemen say, let things alone; the evil will That slavery in Virginia is an evil^ and a correct itself. Sir, we may let things alone, transcendent evil, it would be idle, and more but they will riot let us alone. We cannot than idle, for any human being to doubt or the march of correct time, nor stop the cur- j deny. It is a mildew which has blighted iu 4 —; 50 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. its course every region it has touched, from subject which at this time, and under the pres- the creation of the world. Illustrations, from ent attitude of affairs in Virginia, is worthy of the history of other countries and other times, the serious gravity of legislation. When and might be instructive and profitable, had we upon what previous occasion did a question the time to review them ; but we have evi- so grand, so all-pervading in its consequences, dences tending to the same conviction nearer at absorb the consideration of this House? The hand, and accessible to daily observation, in Revolution which agitated this Commonwealth the short histories of the different States in fifty years ago, great and important as it was, this great Confederacy, which are impressive involved in its results but a change of our po- in their admonitions and conclusive in their litical relations with the mother country. This character. That Virginia—originally the first- measure (should it prove successful, and that rated State in the Union—the one which, in it must, sooner or later, no individual in this better days, led the councils and dictated the House can reasonably doubt) must involve in measures of the Federal Government, had been its consequences a moral, physical, and politi- gradually razeed'to the condition of a third-rate cal revolution in this State—a revolution which State, and was destined soon to yield prece- will be beneficially felt by every great interest dency to another, among the youngest of her in the Commonwealth, and by every slavehold- daughters; that many of the finest portions, ing State upon this continent. Sir, I care not originally, of her territory, now (as was so what may be the feelings of other gentlemen, glowingly depicted the other day) exhibited but I glory that it is given to me to participate scenes of wide-spread desolation and decay; in this measure. I shall ever reckon it among that many of her most valuable citizens are the proudest incidents of my life, that I have removing to other parts of the world—have contributed my feeble aid to forward a revolu- certainly been attributed to a variety of causes. tion so grand and patriotic in its results. But, But who can doubt that it is principally slavery sir, at the same time that I do accord with that is at the bottom of all—that this is the those gentlemen who have preceded me in this ijicuhus which paralyzes her energies and re- debate, on the opposite side of the question, in tards her every effort at advancement? I pre- the all-absorbing magnitude of the topic under sume' that everybody is prepared to admit and consideration, I cannot think, with them, that regret the existence of this evil, and that some- on that account it is not a fit subject of in- thing should be done to alleviate or extermi- quiry. Its very importance appeals to us, and nate it, if anything can be done, by means less demands inquiry. Let that inquiry be cautious injurious or dangerous than the evil itself. let it be deliberate; let it be guarded; above But, sir, it is on this point on which so much all, let it be conducted with a sacred regard diversity of opinion exists among us. All to the rights of private property, so far at least would remove it, if they could. Some seem to as those rights can, upon an occasion of this think this immediately and directly attainable, sort, be legitimately recognised. But, still, let while others conclude that it is a misfortune the inquiry go on. The people demand it (not a crime, for we are not responsible for its their safety requires it. Mystery in State af- introduction among us) which no effort can fairs I have always considered impolitic and remove or reduce, and that we must content unwise. It is unsuited to the genius of this ourselves to submit to it forever, and avert Government, which is b^sed upon the right of our eyes from the consequences which are the people to a free and full examination of hereafter to follow. whatever concerns their interest and happi- Believing, however, that there is an entire ness. Sir, they pay you for your counsel coincidence of public opinion on the prelim- they have a right to it. If there be danger, inary question involved, I deem it useless to let us know it, and prepare for the worst. If enter into a long abstract discussion of the slavery can be eradicated, in God's name let origin of slavery, or the evil effects which re- us get rid of it. If it cannot, let that melan- sult from it. All will admit its extinction choly fact be distinctly ascertained; and let desirable, if attainable. those who we have been told are now awaiting with painful solicitude the result of your de- a speech Chas. J. Faulkner, Extracts from of Hon. liberation, pack up their household goods, a the House Representatives, now member of of and find among the luxuriant forests and prai- delivered in the Virginia House Delegates, of ries of the West that security and repose which January 20th, 1832. their native land does not afford. Sir, there is one point in which I do most Again, sir, I ask, what new fact has occur- sincerely agree with those who are arrayed red—what new light has dawned upon the against me in this discussion. It is, that the gentleman from Mecklenburg—that we should proposed inquiry is one of great delicacy and be called upon to retrace our course, and to of transcendent importance. I will go further, disappoint the hopes which our first manly and say it is, in my judgment, the most mo- decision gave? Does not the same evil exist? mentous subject of public interest which has Is it not increasing? Does not every day give ever occupied the deliberations of this body. it permanency and force? Is it not rising like Indeed, sir, (if I may be pardoned the extrav- a heavy and portentous cloud above the hori- agance of the expression,) I will say, notwith- zon, extending its deep and sable volumes standing the horror with which the inquiry is athwart the sky, and gathering in its impene- regarded by some gentlemen, it is the only trable folds the active materials of eleraertal — ; THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 51 war? And, yet, shall we be requested to close too deep, too engrossing a subject of consid- our eyes to the danger, and without an effort eration. It addresses itself too strongly to our without even an inquiry—to yield to the im- interests, to our passions, and to our feelings. pulses of a dark and withering despair? Sir, There is not a county, not a town, not a news- is this manly legislation? Is it correct—is it paper, not a fireside, in the State, where the HONEST—legislation? Is it acting with that subject is not fully and fearlessly canvassed fidelity to our constituents which their sacred and shall we, the constitutional inquest of the interest requires ? Commonwealth, sworn to make a true inquiry Sir, if this evil, great as it is, was even sta- into all the grievances of the people, and to tionary—if the worthy gentleman from Meck- the best of our abilities apply the remedy, lenburg and Brunswick [Mr. Gholson] could shall we alone be found to shrink from this give us any assurance that it would not in- inquiry? And here permit me to advert to a crease until it reaches a point which it is hor- remark which fell (I am sure inadvertently) rible to contemplate—I might be induced to from the gentleman from Brunswick. Be- acquiesce in the course which their pathetic cause, forsooth, in asking this inquiry, we appeals suggest. But, when they know it is have chosen to depart from the folly of our otherwise—when they know that each succes- ancestors, and to discuss this question—not sive billow is detracting from the small space with closed doors; not in low and breathless of ground left between us and the angry ocean whispers; not with all the mummer}'^ of an chafing at our feet—how can they advise us Oriental Divan—we have been told that we how can they advise their own constituents are treating the subject "flippantly"—not as to remain still, when the next advancing wave was done in the better days of the Common- may overwhelm them and us in hopeless ruin wealth. If flippancy, sir, in the vocabulary and desolation? of that gentleman, signifies a free and open Sir, if the gentleman from Mecklenburg was discussion of that which concerns the people, not satisfied when he submitted his resolution, and which they have a right to know, I plead he must now be convinced that this is one of guilty to this charge—most certainly not other- those questions which no parliamentary adroit- wise. ness can smother. The spirit of free inquiry Sir, uniformity in political views, feelings, is abroad upon the earth ; and Governments and interests, in all the parts of this widely- and all the institutions connected with them extended State, would, I admit, be extremely must be sustained, not by any mystical and desirable. But that uniformity is purchased superstitious reverence for them, as existing in- at too dear a rate, when the bold and intrepid stitutions^ but as they are ascertained, after a forester of the West must yield to the slothful severe and searching scrutiny, to subserve the and degraded African, and those hills and val- great ends of popular weal. The same ques- leys which until now have re-echoed with the tion which is now convulsing Europe to its songs and industry of freemen shall have* be- centre—which is purifying that most gifted come converted into desolation and barrenness country from the despotism which has for so by the withering footsteps of slavery. many centuries hung over it—is, in a some- Sir, it is to avert any such possible conse- what modified shape, operating upon the pres- quence to my country, that I, one of the ent inquiry. As with them, it is asked. Why humblest, but not the least determined, of the have we so long tolerated the unequal and op- Western delegation, have raised my voice for pressive institutions of our country? Why have emancipation. Sir, tax our lands, vilify our we suffered ourselves to be ground into dust, country, carry the sword of extermination that others may be pampered in luxury and through our now defenceless villages; but ease? Of what use are crowns and hereditary spare us, I implore you, spare us the curse of aristocracies? Do they answer any great end slavery, that bitterest drop from the chalice of society? Do they conduce to the happiness of the destroying angel! of the PEOPLE? So with us the inquiry must Sir, we have lands, we have houses, we have be. Is slavery a beneficial institution? Is the property, and we are willing to pledge them prosperity of a nation promoted by nourishing all to any extent, to aid you in removing this within her bosom half a million of bondsmen, evil. Yet, we will not that you shall extend alien to her in interest, hostile to her in feel- to us the same evils under which you labor. ing, and prepared, at any favorable moment, We will not that you shall make our fair do- to deluge the country in blood, and dance upon main the receptacle of your mass of political the ruins of Public Liberty? In other words. filth and corruption. No, sir; before we can Are we better with or without slaves? It must submit to such terms, violent convulsions come to that point at last. If slavery can be must agitate this State. sustained as an institution conducive to the The gentleman from Brunswick and tb gen- great interests of society, it will be tolerated; tleman from Dinwiddle hold their slaves, ^ot if not, it must bow before the majesty of that by any law of nature, not by any patent from power which is supreme. But, sir, vain and God, as the latter gentleman on yesterday as- idle is every effort to strangle this inquiry. As sumed, but solely by virtue of the acquiescence well might you attempt to chain the ocean, or and consent of the society in which they live. stay the avenging thunderbolts of Heaven, as But, sir, it is said that society having con- to drive the people from any inquiry which ferred this property on the slaveholder, it can- may result in their better condition. This is not now take it from him without an adequate 52 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. compensation, bj which is meant full value. ' and humanity concurred, without even a mo- I may be singular in the opinion, but I defy ment's delay, in staving off this appalling and the legal research of the House to point me to overwhelming calamity? Sir, if this immense a principle recognised by the law, even in the negro population were now in arms, gathering ordinary course of its adjudications, where the into black and formidable masses of attack, community pays for property which is removed would that man be listened to, who spoke or destroyed because it is a nuisance, and found about property, who prayed you not to direct injurious to that society. There is, I humbly your artillery to such or such a point, for you apprehend, no such principle. There is no would destroy some of his property? Sir, to obligation upon society to continue your right the eye of the statesman, as to the eye of Om- one moment after it becomes injurious to the niscience, dangers pressing, and dangers that best interests of society; nor to compensate must necessarily press, are alike present. "With you for the loss of that, the deprivation of a single glance he embraces Virginia now, with which is demanded by the safety of the State, the elements of destruction reposing quietly and in which general benefit you participate upon her bosom, and Virginia lighted from as members of the community. Sir, there is one extremity to the other with the torch of to my mind a manifest distinction between servile insurrection and massacre. It is not condemning private property to be applied to sufficient for him that the match is not yet ap- some beneficial public purpose, and condemn- plied. It is enough that the magazine is open, ing or removing private property which is as- and the match will shortly be applied. certained to be a positive wrong to society. Sir, it is true in national as it is in private It is a distinction which pervades the whole contracts, that loss and injury to one party may genius of the law; and is founded upon the constitute as fair a consideration as gain to idea, that any man who holds property injuri- the other. Does the slaveholder, while he is ous to the peace of that society of which he is enjoying his slaves, reflect upon the deep in- a member, thereby violates the condition upon jury and incalculable loss which the possession the observance of which his right to the prop- of that property inflicts upon the true interests erty is alone guarantied. For property of the of the country? And does he not perceive that first class condemned, there ought to be com- society, in tolerating that evil, say for thirty pensation ; but for property of the latter class, years longer, for his benefit, is, in the shape of none can be demanded upon principle, none injury to herself and benefit to him, giving accorded as a matter of right, although con- him a full and adequate compensation? It is siderations of policy, considerations of human- the only compensation which, so help me God! ity, and a spirit of compromise, may dictate as a slaveholder, I will ever accept from the some compensation. Commonwealth of Virginia. It is the only Sir, does not that plan of emancipation which compensation which, as a lawgiver, I will ever proposes freedom at a future period, and which dispense to others. guaranties to the slaveholder the present enjoy- Sir, it is, in my judgment, the true and proper ment and profit of that most pernicious species ground of compromise between the slavehold- of property, contain within itself a principle ing and anti-slaveholding interests of this Com- of compensation—a fair and just proposition monwealth ; and by anti-slaveholding interest of compromise? I think it does, and I exhibit here, I mean to comprehend every interest, ex- my views thus: It is conceded that, at this cept that mere pecuniary interest which the precise moment of our legislation, slaves are master has in the property of his slave. Sla- injurious to the interests and threaten the sub- very, it is admitted, is an evil—it is an insti- version and ruin of this Commonwealth. Their tution which presses heavily against the best present number, their increasing number, all interests of the State. It banishes free white admonish us of this. In different terms, and labor, it exterminates the mechanic, the artisan, in more measured language, the same fact has the manufacturer. It deprives them of occu- been conceded by all who have yet addressed pation. It deprives them of bread. It converts this House. '^Something must be done^'' em- the energy of a community into indolence, its phatically exclaimed the gentleman from Din- poAver into imbecility, its efficiency into weak- widdle; and I thought I could perceive a re- ness. Sir, being thus injurious, have we not sponse to that declaration, in the countenance aright to demand its extermination? Shall of a large majority of this body. And why must society suffer, that the slaveholder may con- something be done? Because if not, says the tinue to gather his crop of human flesh ? What gentleman from Campbell, [Mr. Rives,] the is his mere pecuniary claim, compared with throats of all the white people of Virginia will the great interests of the common weal ? Must be cut. No, says the gentleman from Dinwid- the country languish, droop, die, that the slave- dle—"The whites cannot be conquered—the holder may flourish? Shall all interests be throats of the blacks will be cut." It is a tri- subservient to one—all rights subordinate to fling difference, to be sure, sir, and matters those of the slaveholder? Has not the me- not to the argument. For the fact is conceded, chanic, have not the middle classes their that one race or the other must be extermi- rights—rights incompatible with the existence nated. of slavery? Sir, such being the actual condition of this Sir, so great and overshadowing are the Commonwealth, I ask if we would not be justi- evils of slavery—so sensibly are they felt by fied now, supposing all considerations of policy those who have traced the causes of our na- — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 53 tional decline—so perceptible is the poisonous from slavery itself, permit me to refer him to operation of its principles in the varied and the two States of Kentucky and Ohio. No differ- diversified interests of this Commonwealth, ence of soil, no diversity of climate, no diver- that all, whose minds are not warped by pre- sity in the original settlement of those two judice or interest, must admit that the disease States, can account for the remarkable dispro- has now assumed that mortal tendency, as to portion in their natural advancement. Sepa- justify the application of any remedy which, rated by a river alone, they seem to have been under the great law of State necessity, we purposely and providentially designed to ex- might consider advisable. hibit in their future histories the difference Sir, I am gratified to perceive that no gen- which necessarily results from a country free tleman has yet risen in this Hall, the avowed from, and a country afflicted with, the curse advocate of slavery. The day has gone by of slavery. The same may be said of the two when such a voice could be listened to with States of Missouri and Illinois. patience, or even with forbearance. I even Sir, if still he should hesitate in the appre- regret, sir, that we should find those amongst hension of this important political truth, that us who enter the lists of discussion as its slavery is a curse, which no local advantages apologists, except alone upon the ground of can counterbalance, let me invite him back uncontrollable necessit}'. And yet, w^ho could again to his native State, and point to the have listened to the very eloquent remarks of tragedy of Southampton. There, sir, undis- the gentleman from Brunswick, without being guised and clear to the vision of all men, are forced to conclude that he at least considered the evils of slavery, written in blood. There slavery, however not be defended upon prin- may be seen a practical commentary upon that ciple, yet as being divested of much of its institution, as it actually exists among us. The enormity, as you approach it in practice? gentleman from Dinwiddle has called it a "pet- Sir, if there be one who concurs with that ty affair." It does not appear so to me. The j gentleman in the harmless character of this more I reflect upon it, the more am I convinced institution, let me request him to compare the that it is an important, a most momentous condition of the slaveholding portion of this affair. Sixty-one white native inhabitants of Commonwealth—barren, desolate, and seared Virginia, in a few hours, in the face of day, in as it were by the avenging hand of Heaven a county as well protected as most of the coun- with the descriptions which we have of this ties east of the Blue Ridge, attacked, butchered, same country from those who first broke its mangled, in a style of which the records of virgin soil. To what is this change ascriba- atrocity can scarcely furnisli a parallel. This ble? Alone to the withering and blasting a petty affair? Sir, it may suit the modesty effects of slavery. If this does not satisfy him, of those whose valor and energy suppressed let me request him to extend his travels to the that insurrection, to underrate its importance; Northern States of this Union, and beg him to but to the statesman, who knows that like contrast the happiness and contentment which causes will produce like effects, it must appear prevail throughout that country, the busy and fraught with useful and important instruction. cheerful sound of industry, the rapid and swell- Let it not be said that these insurrections ing growth of their population, their means rarely occur, and that a similar one may not and institutions of education, their skill and take place for half a century to come. To proficiency in the useful arts, their enterprise us, no more than to the murdered citizens of and public spirit, the monuments of their com- Southampton, is it given to know the day and mercial and manufacturing industry; and, the hour. It is sufficient that sncii an evil above all, their devoted attachment to the may occur; and that no vigilance of your po- Government from which they derive their pro- lice can prevent its recurrence. tection—with the division, discontent, indo- Sir, the evils of slavery stand confessed be- lence, and poverty, of the Southern country. fore us. The only question with a Virginia To what, sir, is all this ascribable? To that statesman should be. Is there any remedy, and voice in the organization of society, by which Avhat shall that remedy be? The gentleman one-half of its inhabitants are arrayed in in- from Albemarle has exhibited one scheme, the terest and feeling against the other half—to gentleman from Dinwiddle has presented an- that unfortunate state of society in which free- other. Other and perhaps less-exceptionable men regard labor as disgraceful, and slaves projects will be submitted, as soon as it is un- shrink from it as a burden tyrannically imposed derstood that we are disposed to apply some upon them—"to that condition of things in remedy. The only question now before us is, which half a million of your population can Shall we be permitted to make the inquiry? feel no sympathy with the society in the pros- Shall we be allowed to prosecute our investi- perity of which they are forbidden to partici- gations in the select committee? Let us mani- pate, and no attachment to a Government fest the wull —the means Avill assuredly follow. at whose hands they receive nothing but in- I never could despair, sir, in a cause so just as justice." this. I never could despair of accomplishing If this should not be sufficient, and the cu- that which eight States—although, it is true, rious and incredulous inquirer should suggest under more favorable circumstances—have al- that the contrast which has been adverted to, ready accomplished. I never could despair of a-ud which is so manifest, might be traced to doing that which the venerable fathers of our a difference of climate, or other causes distinct Republic have told us is not only practicable, — ^ 54 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. but I ave admonished us must be done, if we said in favor of what it proposes, at this time. mean to save the Commonwealth from ruin. These are merely our opinions; but the sub- With a steady perseverance, failure is impos- ject generally is one upon which we have sible. The sympathies and support of the read and reflected, more perhaps than upon world would gather around us. The smiles any other not immediately connected with pur of Heaven and our honest feelings would sus- daily avocations in life. We have become tain us. thoroughly convinced, that nothing but time, In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, permit me again and the future operation of moral principles, to repeat, that although I am decidedly in favor carried out in Avise legislation, founded upon of some scheme of manumission that will ulti- the principle of compensation, or some other mately relieve my country from the catastrophe principle of justice, which may become, here- which threatens it, let no gentleman suppose, after, acceptable to the owners, will ever ena- from what has fallen from me, that I am in ble the work to be done. Let restraints, how- favor of any rash, violent, or hasty legislation. ever, upon voluntary emancipation be as few I am for action, but it must be sober, circum- as the safety of society will permit—upon spect, well-considered action. I am for no colonization, none." plan which is not mild, gradual, prospective The Nashville Republican, also a Jackson in its operation. I shall advocate no scheme paper at the time, spoke as follows, on the that does not respect the right of property, so far as it is entitled to be respected, with a just 20th of February, 1834: regard to the safety and resources of the State. "It is supposed that efforts will be made to I would approach the subject as one of great insert a provision for the gradual abolition of magnitude and delicacy, as one whose varied slavery, and perhaps the colonization of our and momentous consequences demand the colored population. Upon the propriety of calmest and most deliberate investigation. this step we shall not at present decide. Much But still, sir, I would approach it—aye, deli- I would depend upon the nature of the provis- cate as it may be, encompassed as it may be ion, whether well adapted to our present and with difficulties and hazards, I would still ap- future condition. The Legislature oi Tennes- proach it. The people demand it. Their se- see has already taken up the cause of coloni- curity requires it. In the language of the wise zation, and made, perhaps, as liberal a provis- and prophetic Jefferson, "You must approach ion for it as our finances permitted. The it you must bear it you must adopt some plan — nature of things, the march of public opinion, of emancipation^ or worse will follow the voice of religion, all have said that Amer- ican slavery must have an end. What shall I next quote from the Nashville Banner^ then be the legislative measures to that effect, and the domestic organ of General Jackson: when they shall begin, are questions for pru- From the Nashville Banner of the SOih of June dence to determine." 1834, then edited by the late Samuel H. The State Convention declined to do any- Laughlin. thing at the time towards emancipation, "Emancipation.—The agitators and fanatics though the evils of slavery were generally ac- of the East have been recently engaged in some highly reprehensible measures. All the knowledged. Mr. Stephenson, a prominent sober friends of gradual and prospective eman- politician of the time, entered a protest against cipation, and who see the alarming and horrid this non-action. Mr. Laughlin, the editor of consequences of immediate or forcible aboli- prominent friend of General tion, have been open in the condemnation of the Banner, and a their measures in Boston, New York, and Phil- Jackson, pronounced the protest "wise and have set themselves adelphia. Those wretches benevolent." The following are extracts from up as the open enemies of the Colonization this document: Society, and speak in open derision of its prin- ciples and its measures. In this State, we "One of its (the Bible's) excellent rules is, have nothing to fear from such men; they 'As you would that men should do unto you, dare not show their faces. Here, the great do you even so unto them.' Now, to apply moral principle is at work, which, in the end, this golden rule to the case of the master and will inevitably accomplish the great work in slave, we have just to place each in the others a lawful and constitutional way. The warm- stead, then ask the question honestly, 'What est fi'iends of the cause here only wish to go a would I that my servant, thus placed in power, little in advance of the present spirit of the would do to me?' Surely, (if I durst,) I would age. The only weapons they pretend to em- say, ' When I had paid to you, with usury, a ploy are religion, expediency, reason, and full equivalent for all you have expended in moral duty. It is in this spirit that Mr. Ste- procuring me, and providing for my sujjport phenson's benevolent protest, introduced in and comfort, you ought to be satisfied; this i5 the Convention, has been drawn, which in the ull stern justice can require, and humanity benignancy of its purposes is unanswerable, and a regard for the rights of man would re- and in point of reason and argument—for the quire no more. Why, then, do you not permit hand of a man who has matured his subject is me to go out free to pursue happiness my own " apparent in it-^-says everything that can be way?' : : ; THE SOUTHERN PLATFOEM. 55 Again, I read in this "benevolent protest," been the land of promise to Europeans and their descendants, it hath been the vale of (which, in the benignancy of its purposes, was death to millions of the Avretched sons of Af- unanswerable, according to Mr. Laughlin,) as rica. The genial light of Liberty, which hath follows here shone with unrivalled lustre on the for- "The undersigned do not admit that the mer, hath yielded no comfort to the latter; refusal or neglect of other States to remove but to them hath proved a pillar of darkness, an existing evil is a justification for us. It is whilst it hath conducted the former to the written, when the Jews desired a king, one of most enviable state of human existence. AVhilst their reiisons was, that they might be like the we were offering up vows at the shrine of heathen natives around them; but this then Liberty and sacrificing hecatombs upon her was declared by the words of unerring Thought altars; whilst we swore irreconcilable hostility not to be good. In the Bible we have an ac- to her enemies, and hurled defiance in their count of a people once in bondage; and when faces; whilst we adjured the God of Hosts to the great God called for their deliverance, the witness our resolution to live free, or die, and cry of their cp].ressors was, (as we believe, in imprecated curses on their heads who refused the spirit of the report,) 'They be idle, they to unite with us in establishing the empire of be iiie.' God hath said, 'Let the oppressed Freedom, we were imposing upon our fellow- go free;' and he that oppresseth the poor, re- men, who differ in complexion from us, a sla- proa cheth his Maker. very ten tliousand times more cruel than the "The report suj'poses it a dangerous experi- utmost extremity of those grievances and op- ment; the command is, nevertheless, Go for- pressions of which we complained. Such are ward, -although the Red Sea, starvation, deg- the inconsistencies of human nature; such the radation, with all the train of horrors so blindness of those who pluck not the beam eIo.[.ieutIy set forth in the report, stare you in out of their own eyes, whilst they can espy a the face. Ts it better to obey God, or man? moat in the eyes of their brother; such that As wise nvi. judge ye." partial system of morality which confines rights and injuries to particular complexions Mr. Laaghhn remarked, in reference to the such the effect of that self-love which justifies subject: or condemns, not according to principle, but "Here (in Tennessee) the great moral prin- to the agent. Had we turned our eyes in- ciple is at work, which, in the end, will in- wardly when we supplicated the Father of evitably accoitplish the great work (of eman- Mercies to aid the injured and oppressed; when cipation) in a legal and constitutional way. we invoked the Author of Righteousness to The warmest iViends of the cause here only attest the purity of our motives and the justice want to go a liltle in advance of the present of our cause; and implored the God of Battles spirit of the ago. The only weapons they to aid our exertions in its defence, should Ave pretend to employ are religion, expediency, not have stood more self-convicted than the rea-on, and m -- al duty." contrite publican? Should we not have left our gift upon the altar, that we might first be l .ie debate in the Virginia Legislature in reconciled to our brethren whom we held in 1832, and in the Convention a year or two bondage? Should we not have loosed their before, together with the above extracts, will their fetters? Or, if the |i chains and broken serve to illustrate the spirit of Democracy, and difficulties and dangers of such an experiment prohibited the attempt during the convulsions of Whiggery too, in the palmy days of Jackson of a revolution, is it not our duty to embrace and Clay. the first moment of constitutional health and vigor to effectuate so desirable an object, and From Tucker's Blackstcne. to remove from us a stigma with which our never fail us, nor our ON THE STATE OF SLAVERY IN VIR- enemies will to upbraid GINIA. consciences to reproach us ? This note is very long, and embraces an £y St. George Tucker^ Professor of Law in the University of William and Mary^ and one of elaborate plan of emancipation. the Judges of the General Court in Virginia. \_Extract.'] LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. Note H. The following letter of Mr. Clay is copied In the preceding inquiry into the absolute from a newspaper of 1849. It was published rights of the citizens of United America, we at must not be understood as if those rights were widely the time of its appearance equally and universally the privilege of all the New Orleans, February 17, 1849. inhabitants of the United States, or even of Dear Sir : Prior to my departure from home all those who may challenge this land of free- in December last, in behalf of yourself and dom as their native country. Among the other friends, you obtained from me a promise blessings which the Almighty hath showered to make a public exposition of my views and down on these States, there is a large portion opinions upon a grave and important question of the bitterest draught that ever flowed from which, it was then anticipated, would be much the cup of athiction. Whilst America hath debated and considered by the people of Ken- 56 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. tucky, during this year, in consequence of the tors, lament that a single slave treads our soil, approaching Convention, summoned to amend deplore the necessity of the continuance of their present Constitution. I was not entirely slavery in any of the States, regard the in- well when I left home, and owing to that stitution as a great evil to both races, and cause, and my confinement several weeks, du- would rejoice in the adoption of any safe, just, ring my sojourn in this city, from the effects and practicable plan for the removal of all of an accident which befel me, I have been slaves from among us. Hitherto no such sat- delayed in the fulfilment of my promise, which isfactory plan has been presented. When, on I now propose to execute. the occasion of the formation of our present The question to which I allude is, whether Constitution of Kentucky, in 1799, the question African slavery, as it now exists in Kentucky, of the gradual emancipation of slavery in that shall be left to a perpetual or indefinite con- State was agitated, its friends had to encoun- tinuance, or some provision shall be made, in ter a great obstacle, in the fact that there then the new Constitution, for its gradual and ulti- existed no established colony to which they mate extinction? could be transported. Now, by the successful A few general observations will suffice my establishment of flourishing colonies on the present purpose, without entering on the whole western coast of Africa, that difficulty has been subject of slavery, under all its bearings and obviated. And I confess that, without in- in every aspect of it. I am aware that there dulging in any undue feelings of superstition, are respectable persons who believe that sla- it does seem to me that it may have been among very is a blessing, that the institution ought the dispensations of Providence to permit the to exist in every well-organized society, and Avrongs, under which Africa has suffered, to that it is even favorable to the preservation of be inflicted, that her children might be return- liberty. Happily, the number who entertain ed to their original home, civilized, imbued these extravagant opinions is not very great, with the benign spirit of Christianity, and pre- and the time would be uselessly occupied in pared ultimately to redeem that great conti- an elaborate refutation to them. I would, nent from barbarism and idolatry. however, remark that, if slavery be fraught Without undertaking to judge for any other with these alleged benefits, the principle on State, it was my opinion in 1V99 that Kentucky which it is maintained would require that one was in a condition to admit of the gradual portion of the white race should be reduced to emancipation of her slaves ; and how deeply bondage, to serve another portion of the same do I lament that a system with that object had race, when black subjects of slavery could not not been then established. If it had been, the be obtained; and that in Africa, where they State would now be nearly rid of all slaves. may entertain as great a preference for their My opinion has never changed, and I have fre- color as we do for ours, they would be justi- quently publicly expressed it. I should be fied in reducing the white race to slavery, in most happy, if what was impracticable at that order to secure the blessings Avhich that state epoch could now be accomplished. is said to diffuse. After full and deliberate consideration of the An argument, in support of reducing tne subject, it appears to me that three principles African race to slavery is sometimes derived should regulate the establishment of a system from their alleged intellectual inferiority to the of gradual emancipation. The first is, that it races but, if this argument be founded should be slow in its operation, cautious and white ; in fact, (as it may be, but which I shall not gradual, so as to occasion no convulsion, nor now examine,) it would prove entirely too any rash or sudden disturbance in the existing much. It would prove that any white nation, habits of society. Second, that, as an indis- which had made greater advances in civiliza- pensable condition, the emancipated slaves tion, knowledge, and wisdom, than another should be removed from the State to some white nation, would have a right to reduce the colony. And, thirdly, that the expenses of latter to a state of bondage. Nay, further : if their transportation to such colony, including the principle of subjugation founded upon in- an outfit for six months after their arrival at tellectual superiority be true, and be applica- it, should be defrayed by a fund to be raised ble to races and to nations, what is to prevent from the labor of each freed slave. its being applied to individuals? And then Nothing could be more unwise than the the wisest man in the world would have a right immediate liberation of all the slaves in the to make slaves of all the rest of mankind. State, comprehending both sexes and all ages, If indeed we possess this intellectual superi- from that of tender infancy to extreme old age. ority, profoundly grateful and thankful to Him It would lead to the most frightful and fatal who has bestowed it, we ought to fulfil all the consequences. Any great change in the con- obligations and duties which it imposes; and dition of society should be marked by extreme these would require us, not to subjugate or care and circumspection. The introduction deal unjustly by our fellow men who are less of slaves into the colonies was an operation blessed than we are, but to instruct, to im- of many years duration ; and the work of their prove, and to enlighten them. removal from the United States can only bo A vast majority of the people of the United effected after the lapse of a great length of States, in every section of them, I believe, re- time. gret the introduction of slavery into the colo- I think that a period should be fixed when nies, under the authority of our British ances- all born after it should be free at a specifiec ; THE SOUTHEEN PLATFORM. 57 age, all born before it remaining slaves for together in a state of cordial union. Social, life. That period, I would suggest, should be moral, and political degradation would be the 1855, or even 1860; for on this and other ar- inevitable lot of the colored race. Even in rangements of the system, if adopted, I incline the free States, (I use the terms free and slave to a liberal margin, so as to obviate as many States not in any sense derogatory from one objections and to unite as many opinions as class, or implying any superiority in the other, possible. Whether the commencement of the but for the sake of brevity,) that is their pres- operation of the system be a little earlier or ent condition. In some of those free States, later, it is not so important as that a day should the penal legislation against the people of color be permanently ^xe(/, from which we could look is quite as severe, if not harsher, than it is in forward with confidence to the final termina- some of the slave States. As nowhere in the tion of slavery within the limits of the Com- United States are amalgamation and equality * monwealth. between the two races possible, it is better Whatever may be the day fixed, whether that there should be a separation, and that the 1855 or 1860, or any other day, all born after African descendants should be returned to the it I suggest should be free at the age of twen- native land of their fathers. ty-five, but be liable afterwards to be hired It will have been seen that the plan I have out, under the authority of the State, for a suggested proposes the annual transportation term not exceeding three years, in order to of all born after a specified day, upon their raise a sum sufficient to pay the expenses of arrival at the prescribed age, to the colony their transportation to the colony, and to pro- which may be selected for their destination vide them an outfit for six months after their and this process of transportation is to be con- arrival there. tinued, until the separation of the two races If the descendants of those who were them- is completed. If the emancipated slaves were selves to be free at the age of twenty-five, were to remain in Kentucky until they attained the also to be considered as slaves until they at- age of twenty-eight, it would be about thirty- tained the same age, and this rule were con- four years before the first annual transporta- tinued indefinitely as to time, it is manifest tion began, if the system commenced in 1855; that slavery would be perpetuated instead of and about thirty-nine years, if its operation being terminated. To guard against this con- I began in 1860. sequence, provision might be made that the What the number thus to be annually trans- offspring of those who were to be free at twen- ported would be, cannot be precisely ascer- ty-five, should be free from their birth, but tained. I observe it stated by the auditor, upon the condition that they should be appren- that the increase of slaves in Kentucky last ticed until they were twenty-one, and be also year was between three and four thousand. afterwards liable to be hired out a period not But, as that statement was made upon a com- exceeding three years, for the purpose of rais- parison of the aggregate number of all the ing funds to meet the expense to the colony slaves in the State, without regard to births, and their subsistence for the first six months. it does not, I presume, exhibit truly the natural The Pennsylvania system of emancipation increase, which was probably larger. The fixed the period of twenty-eight for the liber- aggregate was affected by the introduction ation of slaves, and provided, or her courts and still more by the exportation of slaves. I have since interpreted the system to mean, suppose that there would not be less, probably that the issue of all who were to be free at the more, than five thousand to be transported the age, were from their births free. The first year of the operation of the system but, limited ; Pennsylvania system made no provision for after it was in progress some years, there would colonization. be be a constant diminution of the number. Until the commencement of the system which Would it be practicable annually to trans- I am endeavoring to sketch, I think all the legal port five thousand persons from Kentucky? rights of the proprietors of slaves, in their full- There cannot be a doubt of it, or even a much est extent, ought to remain unimpaired and larger aumber. We receive from Europe an- unrestricted. Consequently, they would have nually emigrants to an amount exceeding two the right to sell, devise, or remove them from hundred and fifty thousand, at a cost for the the State; and in the latter case, without their passage of about ten dollars per head, and offspring being entitled to the benefit of eman- they embark at European ports more distant cipation, for which the system provides. from the United States than the western coast 2d. The colonization of the free blacks, as of Africa. It is true that the commercial ma- they successively arrive, from year to year, at rine employed between Europe and the United the age entitling them to freedom, I consider States affords facilities, in the transportation a condition absolutely indispensable. Without of emigrants, at that low rate, which that en- it, I should be utterly opposed to any scheme gaged in the commerce between Liberia and of emancipation. One hundred and ninety odd this country does not now supply; but that thousand blacks, composing about one-fourth commerce is increasing; and by the time the of the entire population of the State, with their proposed system, if adopted, would go into descendants, could never live in peace, harmo- operation, it will have greatly augmented. ny, and equality, with the residue of the pop- If there were a certainty of the annual trans- ulation. The color, passions, and prejudices, portation of not less than five thousand per- would forever prevent the two races living sons to Africa, it would create a demand for — 58 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. transports, and the spirit of competition would, the already powerful and growing States of I have no doubt, greatly diminish the present Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. cost of the passage. That cost has been stated, Vast numbers of slaves have fled from most upon good authority, to be at present fifty dol- of the counties in Kentucky, from the mouth lars per head, including the passage and six of Big Sandy to the mouth of the Miami, and months' outfit after the arrival of the emigrant the evil has increased and is increasing. At- in Africa. Whatever may be the cost, and tempts to recover the fugitives lead to the whatever the number to be transported, the most painful and irritating collisions. Hith- fund to be raised by the hire of the liberated erto, countenance and assistance to the fugi- slave, for a period not exceeding three years, tives have been chiefly afforded by persons in will be amply sufficient. The annual hire, on the State of Ohio ; but it is to be apprehended, the average, may be estimated at fifty dollars, from the progressive opposition^ to slavery, or one hundred and fifty for the whole term. that, in process of time, similar facilities to Colonization will be attended with the pain- the escape of slaves will be found in the feiatus of Illinois. railroads, ful effect of the separation of the colonists from Indiana and By means of Cincinnati their parents, and in some instances from their Canada can be reached from in a little more than twenty-four hours. children ; but from the latter it will be only temporary, as they will follow, and be again In the event of a civil war breaking out, or the reunited. Their separation from their parents in more direful event of a dissolution of the Union, in of the existence of will not be until after they have attained a consequence slavery, the theatre mature age, nor greater than voluntarily takes Kentucky would become and bear the brunt of the war. place with emigrants from Europe, who leave She would doubtless defend herself with her known valor their parents behind. It will be far less dis- and gallantry ; but the superiority of the num- tressing than what frequently occurs in the bers by which she would opposed would state of slavery, and will be attended with the be lay waste and devastate her fair fields. Her animating encouragement, that the colonists sister slave States would fly to her succor; are transferred from a land of bondage and but, even if they should be successful in the degradation for them, to a land of liberty and obtain equality. unequal conflict, she never could any indemnity for the inevitable ravages of the And 3d. The expense of transporting the war. liberated slave to the colony, and of maintain- It may be urged that we ought not, by the ing him there for six months, I think ought gradual abolition of slavery, to separate our- to be provided for by a fund derived his from selves from the other slave States, but con- labor, in the manner already indicated. He tinue to share with them in all their future is the party benefited emancipation. most by fortunes. The power of each slave State, It would not be right to subject the non-slave- within its limits, over the institution of sla- holder to any part of that expense; and the very, is absolute, supreme, and exclusive slaveholder will have made sufficient sacrifices, exclusive of that of Congress or that of any without being exclusively burdened with taxes other State. The Government of each slave to raise that fund. The emancipated slaves State is bound, by the highest and most solemn could be hired out for the time proposed, by obligations, to dispose of the question of sla- - the sheriff", or other public agent, in each coun- very so as best to promote the peace, happiness, ty, subject who should be to strict account- and prosperity, of the people of the State. ability. And it would be requisite that there Kentucky being essentially a farming State, should be kept a register of all births of all slave labor is less profitable. children of color, after the day fixed for the If, in most of the other slave States, they of the system, commencement enforced by ap- find that labor more profitable in the culture propriate sanctions. It would be a very de- of the staples of cotton and sugar, they may regulation law, sirable of to have the births, perceive a reason in that feeling for continu- deaths, and marriages, of the whole population ing slavery, which it cannot be expected should of the State, registered and preserved, as is control the judgment of Kentucky, as to what done in most well-governed States. may be fitting and proper for her interests. Among other considerations which unite in If she should abolish slavery, it Avould be recommending to the State of Kentucky a sys- her duty, and I trust that she would be as tem for the gradual abolition of slavery, is that ready as she now is, to defend the slave States arising out of her exposed condition, affording in the enjoyment of all their lawful and con- great facilities to the escape of her slaves into stitutional rights. Her power, political and the free States and into Canada. She does physical, would be greatly increased ; for the not enjoy the security which some of the slave one hundred and niuciy odd thousand slaves, States have, by being covered in depth by two and their descendants, would be gradually su- or three slave States intervening between them perseded by an equal number of white inhab- and free States. She has a greater length of itants, who would be estimated per capita, and border on free States than any other slave not by the Federal rule of three-fifths pre- State in the Union. That border is the Ohio scribed for the colored race in the Constitution river, extending from the mouth of the Big of the United States. Sandy to the mouth of the Ohio, a distance I have thus, without reserve, freely expressed of near six hundred miles, separating her from my opinion and presented my views. The in- ; THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 59 teresting subject of which I have treated would different color ; we shall enjoy the proud and have admitted of much enlargement, but I have conscious satisfaction of placing that race desired to consult brevity. The plan which I where they can enjoy the great blessings of have proposed will hardly be accused of being liberty, and civil, political, and social equality; too early in its commencement or too rapid in we shall acquire the advantage of the diligence, its operation. It will be more 'likely to meet the fidelity, and the constancy, of free labor, with contrary reproaches. If adopted, it is to instead of the carelessness, the infidelity, and begin thirty-four or thirty-nine years from the the unsteadiness, of slave labor; we shall ele- time of its adoption, as the one period or the vate the character of white labor, and elevate other shall be selected for its commencement. the social condition of the white laborer; aug- How long a time it will take to remove all the ment the value of our lands, improve the agri- colored race from the State, by the annual culture of the State, attract capital from abroad transportation of each year's natural increase, to all the pursuits of commerce, manufactures, cannot be exactly ascertained. After the sys- and agriculture redress, as far and as fast as ; tem had been in operation some years, I think we prudently could, any wrongs which the it probable, from the manifest blessings that descendants of Africa have suffered at our would flow from it, from the diminished value hands; and we should demonstrate the sin- of slave labor, and from the humanity and cerity with which we pay indiscriminate hom- benevolence of private individuals prompting age to the great cause of the liberty of the a liberation of their slaves and their trans- human race. portation, a general disposition would exist to Kentucky enjoys high respect and honora- accelerate and complete the work of coloniza- ble consideration throughout the Union and tion. throughout the civilized world; but, in my That the system will be attended with some humble opinion, no title which she has to the sacrifices on the part of the slaveholders, which esteem and admiration of mankind, no deeds are to be regretted, need not be denied. What of her former glory, would equal, in greatness great and beneficial enterprise was ever accom- and grandeur, that of being the pioneer State plished without risk and sacrifice? But these in removing from her soil every trace of human sacrifices are distant, contingent, and incon- slavery, and in establishing the descendants siderable. Assuming the year 1860 for the of Africa within her jurisdiction in the native commencement of the system, all slaves born land of their forefathers. prior to that time remain such during would I have thus executed the promise I made, their lives, the loss of the slave- and personal alluded to in the commencement of this letter holder would be only the difference in value and I hope that I have done it calmly, free of a female slave offspring, if she whose had from intemperance, and so as to wound the any, born after the first day of January, 1860, sensibilities of none. I sincerely hope that the should be free at age of twenty-five, or the question may be considered and decided, should be slaves for life. without the influence of party or passion. I In the mean time, if the right to remove or should be most happy to have the good fortune sell the slaves out of the State should be exer- of coinciding in opinion with a majority of the cised, that trifling loss would not be incurred. people of Kentucky; but if there be a majority The slaveholder, after the commencement of opposed to all schemes of gradual emancipa- the system, would lose the difference in value tion, however much I may regret it, my duty between slaves for life and slaves until the age will be to bow in submission to their will. of twenty-five. might also incur in- He some If it be perfectly certain and manifest that considerable expense in rearing, from their such a majority exists. I should think it better birth, the issue of those who were to be free not to agitate the question at all, since that, at twenty-five, until they were old enough to in that case, it would be useless, and might be apprenticed out ; but as it is probable that exercise a pernicious collateral influence upon they would generally be most bound to him, the fair consideration of other amendments he would receive some indemnity for their which may be proposed to our Constitution. services until they attained their majority. If there be a majority of the people of Ken- Most of the evils, losses, and misfortunes of tucky, at this time, adverse to touching the human life have some compensation or allevi- institution of slavery, as it now exists, we, ation. The slaveholder is generally a land- who had thought and wished otherwise, can holder, and I am persuaded that he would find, only indulge the hope that at some future in the augmented value of his land, some, if time, under better auspices, and with the not full indemnity for losses arising to him from blessing of Providence, the cause which we emancipation and colonization. He would have so much at heart may be attended with also liberally share in the general benefits, better success. accruing to the whole State, from the extinc- In any event, I shall have the satisfaction tion of slavery. These have been so often and of having performed a duty to the State, to so fully stated, that I will not, nor is it neces- the subject, and to myself, by placing my sen- sary to dwell upon them extensively. They timents permanently upon record. may be summed up in a few words. We shall With great regard, I am your friend and remove from among us the contaminating in- obedient servant, H. Clay. fluences of a servile and degraded race, of Richard Findell, Esq. 60 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. SPEECH OF WILLIAM PINKNEY, the tyrannical policy of the Danes, the feudal tenures of the Saxons, or the pure villanage the Assembly Maryland^ at their Delivered in of of the Normans. But, Mr. Speaker, because a session in 1788, when the report a com,' of respect for the peace and safety of the commu- mittee the Ilouse^ favorable to a petition for of nity, and the already-injured rights of indi- the oppressed slaves, was under the relief of viduals, forbids a compulsory liberation of consideration. these unfortunate creatures, shall we unnecessa- Mr. Speaker: Before I proceed to deliver rily refine upon this gloomy system of bondage, my sentiments on the subject matter of the and prevent the owner of a slave from manu- report under consideration, I must entreat the mitting him, at the only probable period, when members of this House to hear me with pa- the warm feelings of benevolence and the gen- tience, and not to condemn what I may happen tle workings of commiseration dispose him to to advance in support of the opinion I have the generous deed? Sir, the natural character formed, until they shall have heard me out. of Maryland is sufficiently sullied and dishon- I am conscious, sir, that upon this occasion I ored, by barely tolerating slavery; but when have long-established principles to combat, and it is found that your laws give every possible deep-rooted prejudices to defeat; that I have encouragement to its continuance to the latest fears and apprehensions to silence, which the generations, and are ingenious to prevent even acts of former Legislatures have sanctioned; its slow and gradual decline, how is the die and that (what is equivalent to a host of diffi- of the imputation deepened? It may even be culties) the popular impressions are against thought that our late glorious struggle for lib- me. But, if I am honored with the same in- erty did not originate in principle, but took its dulgent attention which the House has been rise from popular caprice, the rage of faction, pleased to afford me on past subjects of delib- or the intemperance of party. Let it be re- eration, I do not despair of surmounting all membered, Mr. Speaker, that even in the days these obstacles, in the common cause of justice, of feudal barbarity, when the minds of men humanity, and policy. The report appears to were unexpauded by that liberality of senti- me to have two objects in view: to annihilate ment which springs from civilization and re- the existing restraints on the voluntary eman- finement, such was the antipathy, in England, cipation of slaves, and to relieve a particular against private bondage, that so far from being offspring from the punishment heretofore in- studious to stop the progress of emancipation, flicted on them, for the mere transgression of the courts of law (aided by legislative conni- their parents. To the whole report, separately vance) were inventive to liberate by construc- and collectively, my hearty assent, my cordial tion, [f, for example, a man brought an action assistance, shall be given. It was the policy against his villain, it was presumed that he of this country, sir, from an early period of designed to manumit him and, although per- ; colonization down to the Revolution, to en- haps this presumption was, in ninety-nine in- courage an importation of slaves, for purposes stances out of a hundred, contrary to the fact, which (if conjecture may be indulged) had yet, upon this ground alone were bondmen been far better answered without their assist- adjudged to be free. ance. That this inhuman policy was a dis- Sir, I sincerely wish it were in my power to grace to the colony, a dishonor to the Legis- impart my feelings upon this subject to those lature, and a scandal to human nature, we who hear me they would then acknowledge, ; need not, at this enlightened period, labor to that while the owner was protected in the prove. The generous mind, that has adequate property of his slave, he might, at the same ideas of the inherent rights of mankind, and time, be allowed to relinquish that property to knows the value of them, must feel its indig- the unhappy subject, whenever he should be so nation rise against the shameful traffic that inclined. They would then feel that denying introduces slavery into a country which seems this privilege was repugnant to every principle to have been designed by Providence as an of humanity—an everlasting stigma on our asylum for those whom the arm of power had Government—an act of unequalled barbarity, persecuted, and not as a nursery for wretches without a color of policy, or a pretext of ne- stripped of every privilege which Heaven in- cessity, to justify it. tended for its rational creatures, and reduced Sir, let gentlemen put it home to themselves, to a level with—nay, become themselves—the that after Providence has crowned our exer- mere goods and chattels of their masters. tions in the cause of general freedom with Sir, by the eternal principles of natural jus- success, and led us on to independence through tice, no master in the State has a right to hold a myriad of dangers, and in defiance of obsta- his slave in bondage for a single hour; but cles crowding thick upon each other, we should the law of the land, which (however oppressive not so soon forget the principles upon which and unjust, however inconsistent with the we fled to arms, and lose all sense of that in- great groundwork of the late Revolution and terposition of Heaven by which alone we could our present frame of Government) we cannot, have been saved from the grasp of arbitrary in prudence or from a regard to individual power. We may talk of liberty in our public rights, abolish, has authorized a slavery as councils, and fancy that we feel reverence for bad or perhaps worse than the most absolute, her dictates. We may declaim, with all the unconditional servitude, that ever England vehemence of animated rhetoric against op- knew in the early ages of its empire, under pression, and flatter ourselves that we detest ;; THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 61 sion. shall you neither violate the rights the ugl}- monster ; but so long as we continue Thus to cherish the poisonous weed of partial sla- of your people, nor endanger the quiet of the very among us, the world will doubt our sin- community, while you vindicate your public cerity. In the name of Heaven, with what councils from the imputation of cruelty and face can we call ourselves the friends of equal the stigma of causeless, unprovoked oppres- freedom and the inherent rights of our species, sion. We have never," would he argue, "re- when we wantonly pass laws inimical to each belled against our masters; Ave have never when we reject every opportunity of destroy- thrown your Government into a ferment by ing, by silent, imperceptible degrees, the horrid struggles to regain the independence of our fabric of individual bondage, reared by the fathers. We have yielded our necks submis- mercenary hands of those from whom the sa- sive to the yoke, and without a murmur ac- cred flame of liberty received no devotion? quiesced in the privation of our native rights. Sir, it is pitiable to reflect to what wild in- We conjure you, then, in the name of the com- consistencies, to what opposite extremes, we mon Parent of mankind, reward us not for this are hurried by the frailty of our nature. Long long and patient acquiescence by shutting up have I been convinced that no generous senti- the main avenues to our liberation, by with- ment of which the human heart is capable, no holding from us the poor privilege of benefit- elevated passion of the soul that dignifies ing by the kind indulgence, the generous in- mankind, can obtain a uniform and perfect tentions, of our superiors." dominion; to-day we maybe aroused as one What could we answer to arguments like man, by a wonderful and unaccountable sym- these? Silent and peremptory, we might re- pathy against the lawless invader of the rights ject the application; but no words could jus- of his fellow-creatures ; to-morrow we may be tify the deed. guilty of the same oppression which we rep- In vain should we resort to apologies, ground- robated and resisted in another. Is it, Mr. ed on the fallacious suggestions of a cautious Speaker, because the complexion of these de- and timid policy. I would as soon believe the voted victims is not quite so delicate as ours incoherent tale of a schoolboy who should tell is it because their untutored minds (humbled me he had been frightened by a ghost, as that and debased by the hereditary yoke) appear the grant of this permission ought in any de- less active and capacious than our own; or, is gree to alarm us. Are we apprehensive that it because we have been so habituated to their these men will become more dangerous by situation as to become callous to the horrors becoming free ? Are we alarmed, lest, by being of it, that we are determined, whether politic admitted to the enjoyment of civil rights, they or not, to keep them, till time shall be no more, will be inspired with a deadly enmity against on a level with the brutes? For "nothing," the rights of others? Strange, unaccountable " says Montesquieu, so much assimilates a man paradox I How much more rational would it to a brute, as living among freemen, himself a be, to argue that the natural enemy of the slave." Call not Maryland a land of liberty, privileges of freemen is he who is robbed of do not pretend that she has chosen this coun- them himself! In him, the foul demon of jeal- try as an asylum, that here she has erected ousy converts the sense of his own debasement her temple and consecrated her shrine, when into a rancorous hatred for the more auspicious here, also, her unhallowed enemy holds his fate of others ; while from him whom you have hellish pandscmonium, and our rulers offer sacri- raised from the degrading situation of a slave, fice at his polluted altar. The lily and the whom you have restored to that rank in the bramble may grow in social proximity, but order of the universe which the malignity of liberty and slavery delight in separation. his fortune prevented him from attaining be- Sir, let us figure to ourselves for a moment fore—from such a man (unless his soul be ten one of these unhappy victims, more informed thousand times blacker than his complexion) thau the rest, pleading at the bar of this House you may reasonably hope for ail the happy the cause of himself and his fellow-sufferers; effects of the warmest gratitude and love. what would be the language of this orator of Sir, let us not limit our views to the short nature? Thus, my imagination tells me he period of a life in being; let us extend them would address us: along the continuous liue of endless genera- "We belong, by the policy of our country, tions yet to come. How will the millions that to our masters, and submit to our rigorous now teem in the womb of futurity, and whom destiny ; we do not ask you to divest them of your present laws would doom to the curse of their property, because we are conscious you perpetual bondage, feel the inspiration of grat- have not the power ; we do not entreat you to itude to those whose sacred love of liberty compel an emancipation of us or our posterity, shall have opened the door to their admission because justice to your fellow-citizens forbids within the pale of freedom? Dishonorable to it; we only supplicate you not to arrest the the species is the idea, that they would ever gentle arm of humanity, when it may be prove injurious to our interests. Released stretched forth in our behalf, nor to wage from the shackles of slavery by the justice of hostilities against that moral or religious con- Government and the bounty of individuals, viction which may at any time incline our the want of fidelity and attachment would be masters to give freedom to us, or our unoffend- next to impossible. ing offspring; not to interpose legislative ob- Sir, when we talk of policy, it would be stacles to the course of voluntary manumis- well for us to reflect whether pride is not at — 62 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. the bottom of it; whether we do not feel our or country. There you have beheld an un- vanity and self-consequence wounded at the kindly surface wrested from its natural rude- idea of a dusty African participating equally ness, and made to smile with plenty by the with ourselves in the rights of human nature, labor and economy of a virtuous and hardy and rising to a level with us, from the lowest population, and fertilized by the sweat which point of degradation. Prejudices of this kind, falls from a freeman's brow. You have seen sir, are often so powerful as to persuade us the benefits of education, the beauty of moral that whatever countervails them is the ex- habits, which form the power and character tremity of folly, and that the peculiar path of of a people, elevated by all which can elevate wisdom is that which leads to their gratifica- ! human nature. You have said: 'Can this be tion. But it is for us to to the left be superior i the nation which I in the cradle? Can influence of such ungenerous motives; it is this be the country I left hardly emerged from for us to reflect, that whatever the complexion, a wilderness?' 'Yet such things are.' You however ignoble the ancestry or uncultivated left Liberty pluming her youthful pinions, just the mind, one universal Father gave being to ready to take her early flight. You find her them and us. and with that being conferred soaring on eagle's wings, undazzled by her the unalienable rights of the species. But I height, preparing to leave the favored regions tavo heard it argued, that if you permit a where the work is done, to skim the 'cloud master to manumit his slaves by his last will capt" summits of the Andes, and perch in tri- and testament, as soon as they discover he has umph on the banner of Bolivar. done so, they will destroy him, to prevent a '*In your tour, General, new and diversified revocation. Xever was a weaker defence at- scenes await you at every link of the very long tempted, to justify the severity of persecution; chain of the American Confederation. You never did a bigoted inquisition condemn a have already reached a more genial clime, a heretic to torture and to death, upon grounds region more blessed by Heaven, but. from the less adequate to justify the horrid sentence. error of our fathers, more cursed by man. Sir. is it not obvious that the argument applies "In the South, our hearths are growing equally against all devices whatsoever for any cold; our doors, which have so oft flown open person's benefit? For. if an advantageous be- at the call of hospitality, have rust on their quest is made, even to a white man. has he not hinges ; our chimneys, in which the blaze did ; the same temptation to cut short the life of his once * run roaring up,' now emit a feeble smoke, benefactor, to secure and accelerate the enjoy- scarce enough to stain a mid-day sky. Yet ment of the benefit? generous was the day of our greatness; the As the universality of this argument renders social virtues dwelt in our hearts, and under it completely nugatory, so is its cruelty palpa- our roofs the stranger always found a home. ble, by its being more applicable to other in- Our glory has passed away; the Ancient Do- stances to which it has never been applied at minion, "the seat of talent, of patriotism, of all, than to the case under consideration. See revolutionary pride and reminiscence, is falling WiUistoris Eloquence of the United States," vol. V. from her once high degree ; she yields before the powerful march of sister States, which LAFAYETTE AXD CUSTIi were once to her 'as I to Hercules.' 'Tis true still picture the southern : ^^le dreams of fancy From a xcorh in a series of numbers, en ^iV/e^f " proprietor as rechning on beds of roses, fanned Conversations of Lafayette while in the United i paradise; say 182- TT. ^7 Houris of the Mahomedan States of America, in George | rather the unenviable couch of Guatimozin. I*. Custis, Esq., of Arlington. " The roses which bloom in slavery's clime soon Mr. Custis said : My dear General, you will sweetness in its desert air,' and go to the meeting of the American Colonization 'waste their appear to be strewed with Society to-night, in the Capitol. While you re- the paths which will found to contain full many a main with us. we shall embrace every opportuni- flowers be thorn. ty of appropriating you to all good works. This small is the stream which divides the is an affair of philanthropy, and will be pecu- But Mother the States from her now mighty of$- liarly interesting, inasmuch as it will call up of nearly two centuries had the the recollections of a great work of philan- spring. For parent being, before this 'child of promise' thropy, in which you were engaged some forty the light; but behold the march of years ago. beheld Freedom ! for where her progress is unimpeded "Would to God, that on your return to our by the trammels of slavery, hers is a giant's shores you could have seen the land of free- But yesterday, and where this great dom untarnished by the presence of a slave. stride. community now flourishes was a trackless Would that you could have seen this fair coun- forest; 'tis now enlivened by the busy 'hum try, this great and rising empire, the abode of men,' and civilization and the arts have alone of freemen. a happy dwelling there; nay, more—his- Truly striking must the contrast have been fixed trionic* talent has illustrated the words of the to you, between the Northern and Southern divine Shakspeare, where late the panther sections of our Confederation. There, in the I howled, and land of steady habits, you beheld the genuine • Savage beasts of prey morality, the practice of republicanism, in the And men more savage fiill Uian they.' industry, and independence, of a people who would be the pride and ornament of any age * Cooper playing at Cincinnati, Ohio — : — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. The axe of the woodman rouses the echoes a plan for the amelioration of slavery, and the which have slept for ages in the silence of gradual emancipation of slaves in the colorij nature. The harvest smiles in luxuriance of Cayenne. Most of the property in the colo- where wild flowers grew of late, and the hymns ny belonged to the crown of France, which of praise, heard from the temples of the ever- enabled me the better to prosecute my plans, living God, succeed to the yell of the savage, being less liable to interruption from the con- the signal of despair and death. flicting interests and opinions of various pro- " Know you of changes like these in the land prietors. The purchase money of the estates of the slave? Xo, my dear General, there, and slaves amounted to about thirty thousand 'like a wounded snake,' improvement, pros- dollars, not a very large sum for my fortunes perity, and happiness, 'drag their slow length in those days, but laid out wholly and solely along;' but give to the land liberty, and at for the purposes just mentioned. Surely it once she puts on her seven-league boots, and could not have been desirable for me, in those rushes to glory and empire. times of affluence and interesting relations in "To remove so foul a blot from the Ameri- France, to cross the Atlantic and seek adven- can character—to restore a degraded popula- tures for profit in a distant clime. A young tion to the climate and soil of their ancestors man, just returned from aiding in the success- to cause freemen to overspread and cultivate ful accomplishment of American liberty, I felt the land now occupied by the slave, will be to such enthusiasm in her holy cause as induced honor and aggrandize the Republic, and aflford me to wish to see her blessings extended to a brilliant example to the world. the whole human family, and not even with- " With such views, the American Coloniza- held from that injured and degraded race who, tion Society steadily pursues its course," &c. lowest in the scale of human being, have, from their forlorn and friendless situation, superior Lafayette^ 8 Reply. claims to the aid and commiseration o( philan- " With much pleasure, my dear sir," the thropy. General replied, "will I go to the meeting of " Believing that the agents usually employed the American Colonization Society. We will in the colony were not of a sort to further first call on , and then to the Capitol. . my views, I engaged a Monsieur B., at Paris, a "Since arrival in the United States, I my man of firm yet amiable disposition, and well have, indeed, beheld wonderful improvements, calculated for the work in which he was to be far beyond most enthusiastic expectations. my engaged. Furnished with a perfect under- The benign influence of freedom has caused standing of my plans and wishes, B. sailed for creations to arise, rather than improvements, in Cayenne. Upon his arrival, the first act of this highly-favored land. The American por- his administration was to collect all the cart tion of my heart, and that is no small portion whips and such like instruments of punish- it, I can assure you, truly hails with delight, of ment, used under the former regime, and have and rejoices in sympathy with all which ele- them burnt in a general assemblage of the vates and aggrandizes this only free Govern- slaves. B. then proceeded to make and declare ment on earth. laws, rules, and discipline, for the government " I am well aware of the cloud of evil which of the estates. Affairs went on prosperously, overhangs and shadows the South. Some of and but for the Revolution, which convulsed fondest recollections belong to that genial my France both at home and abroad, the most region. It was there I first landed, a young favorable results were to be expected, and the recruit to the army of liberty, accompanied by slaves duly prepared for the rational enjoy- General de Kalb, the same who fell gal- poor ment of freedom. lantly fighting for her cause in the battle of "Poor B. died from the effects of climate, Camden. It was there I received the welcome the proscription of myself after the of Americans to a stranger from many friends, and 10th of August, followed by the confiscation of most of whom now sleep in their graves. I my estates, a period to this work, have too often experienced the kind hearted- put begun un- der auspices the favorable, ness and hospitality of the South, ever to forget most continued with success; and a happy accomplishment her. alone the decree " Again, her noble devotion to the cause of was denied by of the Conven- tion, which destroyed the whole colonial sys- liberty, her severe and manifold sufferings and tem, sudden and unconditional emancipa- sacrifices in the war of the Revolution, the by its horrors, in the colonies untiring patriotism of her sons, the campaign tion, and consequent of France. of 1781, the brilliant, heroic, never-to-be-for- gotten campaigns of Greene, form features the " But to the proof. On the Lafayette estates most sublime and interesting in the character the emancipated slaves came in a body to the and history of the South. Tis true she has agents, and declared that, if the property still much to deplore, but she has much too to ad- belonged to the general, they would reassume mire: she still boasts of sons the most patri- their labors for the use and benefit of him who j otic and enlightened, the most generous and had caused them to experience an ameliomted hospitable, and contains in her soil a grave ' condition of bondage, with the certain pros- the most revered. pect of gradual emancipation, and the rational I " Of the affair of Cayenne I will briefly state enjoyment of freedom." S^.e^ African {^Coloni- That on my return to France, in 1785, 1 formed zation) Repository, April, 1825. : — : 64 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. General Lafayette further says, in his con- valuable a portion of their property without equivalent, they versations with Mr. Custis some might be disposed to enable this property to pay for itself on some " I have been so long the friend of emanci- plan like one I have seen proposed." See Af- pation, particularly as regards these otherwise rican [Colonization) Repository, November, 1825. happy States, that I behold with the sincerest pleasure the commencement of an institution, BISHOP MEADE. whose progress and termination will, I trust, be attended by the most successful results. I From the African [Colonization) Repository, shall probably not live to witness the vast July, 1825. changes in the condition of man which are The Reverend Mr. Meade's address was de- about to take place in the world ; but the era livered to a crowded audience in Winchester, is already commenced, its progress is apparent, its end is certain. France will ere long give Virginia, on the Fourth of July. He said freedom to her few colonies. In England, the "But should any ask, has the American Parliament leaders, urged by the people, will Colonization Society no greater object in its urge the Government to some acts preparatory ultimate view than the improvement of the to the emancipation of her slaveholding colo- condition of those just described ? We answer, nies. Already she is looking with much anx- yes. It has a design and a hope which reaches iety towards her East India possessions, for forward to distant periods, and contemplates supplies of sugar, raised by free labor. England a far more extensive benefit—one which it has is, in fact, rich enough to buy up her slave ever boldly avowed and gloried in. It hopes, property, and the current of public opinion by the successful establishment of a colony of sets so decidedly against slavery, in all its forms, these unfortunate beings, to invite the Ameri- that if the people and Government unite, it can nation to a work of charity and of justice must soon cease to exist in the English pos- worthy of its great name ; it hopes soon to sessions. South America is crushing the evil show to the pious and benevolent how and at her first entrance upon political regenera- where they may accomplish a wish, near and tion; she will reap rich harvests of political dear to many hearts, which is now impossible; and individual prosperity and aggrandizement it hopes to point out to our several Legisla- by this wholesale measure. Where, then, my tures, and even to the august council of this dear sir, will be the last foothold of slavery great nation, a way by which, with safety and in the world? Is it destined to be the oppro- advantage, they may henceforth encourage and brium of this fine country? Again: you will, facilitate that system of emancipation which in time, have an accession of at least three they have almost forbidden. To such honor free States in this Union—Maryland, Virginia, and usefulness does the American Colonization and Kentucky. Society aspire, and thus hopes greatly to les- "In these three Commonwealths there is sen, if not entirely remove, at some distant nothing groAvn which may not be produced by day, one of the most tremendous evils that ever free, labor^ neither is the climate inimical to overhung a guilty nation upon earth, for in the white man, but the reverse. vain do we look through the annals of history "In the course of the next half century, the for a country in like calamity with ours. changes which I have foretold will probably "On this day, also, how much is expended come to pass ; and if they should, what, my in celebrating the Declaration of American dear sir, will be the condition of our friends in Independence? And will it interrupt the re- the extreme South and Southwest of the United joicings of this day to be reminded of one States? As slavery declines in the other sacred duty due to suffering humanity—to States, its migration will tend directly to those weep with those that weep, as well as rejoice regions as its last place of refuge. May we with those who rejoice? Is there not a danger not hope that this will be deemed a matter of that we will renew the crime of those in an- serious consideration, worthy of the labors of cient days, who chanted to the sound of the philosphers and philanthropists, and of all viol, and drank wine out of bowls, but were who feel an interest in the safety and well not grieved for the affliction of Joseph—felt being of a large portion of the American not for him who was in bondage? In the family ? midst of our laughter, might it not be well that "The views and labors of the society are our hearts be sometimes a little sorrowful to directed to the removal of free persons of color think how many of our fellow-creatures par- only, but there will be no want of emigrants, take not of our joy ; and if some happy scheme should that great object be successfully ac- be devised and offered to us for diffusing a complished, as in the munificent instance of more general joy, should we not gladly adopt Mr. Minge, of Virginia, who, for an individual, it, and thereby perhaps prevent our mirth from has done an act worthy of a community, and is ending in heaviness? entitled to the most unqualified and enthusias- "But there is one consideration peculiar to tic praise. No doubt, many proprietors will this day, which I must not omit to notice. follow this generous and noble example, per- What is the age of that joy which is again haps not on so large a scale ; but a little from renewed through the land? What year of many soon becomes a great deal. Again : as our Independence is this upon which we are few proprietors could afford to part with so entering? It is the fiftieth—the first jubilee ; THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 65 of American Independenc e. That word brings beings, in such circumstances as scarcely to with it some sacred reflections, drawn frou. a leave them the power of moral action. It ex- holy volume, for which I trust all present feel hibits them as dependent on the will of others 8uch a becoming reverence that it can never whether they shall receive religious iustrucii on f.eem amiss to refer to it. whether they shall know and worship the true "It is there recorded that an ancient nation God; whether they shall enjoy the ordinances love our neighbor as ourselves ; and as totally the safety and happiness of the master and the irreconcilable with the spirit and principles of slave. With those who are thus circumstanced, the Gospel of Christ, which enjoin, that 'all we repeat that we tenderly sympathize. At things whatsoever ye would that men should the same time, we earnestly exhort them to do to you, do ye even so to them.' Slavery continue, and, if possible, to increase their ex- creates a paradox in the moral system—it ex- ertions to effect a total abolition of slavery. hibits rational, accountable, and immortal I We exhort them to suffer no greater delay to : : — 66 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. take place in this most interesting concern ture,) and 450,000 slaves, is valued less than than ii regard to the public welfare truly and the very land of New York State, a tract of iiidispensably demands. about two-thirds its size." See African [Colo- "As our country has inflicted a most griev- nization) Repository^ January, 1826. ous injury on the unhappy Africans, by bring- ing them into slavery, we cannot, indeed, urge that we should add a second injury to the first, NORFOLK. by emancipating them in such a manner as The fifth annual meeting of the that they will be likely to destroy themselves Norfolk or others. But we do think that our country (Va.) Auxiliary Society, took place on the 2d ought to be governed in this matter by no January, 1826. We copy the following from other consideration than an honest and im- the Society's Report: partial regard to the happiness of the injured party, uninfluenced by the expense or incon- "At the same time, also, we shall have made venience which such a regard may involve. some reparation, according to our ability, to We therefore warn all who belong to our de- an injured quarter of the globe, for the wrongs nomination of Christians against unduly ex- that we have done her, by giving her in our tending this plea of necessity; against making colony another fortress against the piracy of it a cover for the love and practi.ce of slavery, the slave trade, and a seminary for the instruc- or a pretence for not using efibrts that are tion of her children in all the happy arts of lawful and practicable to extinguish the our own civilized country. In the mean time, evil. too, whilst we are doing this, we shall have "And we, at the same time, exhort others to indirectly but powerfully aided the cause of forbear harsh censures and uncharitable re- emancipation, by establishing a city of refuge, flections on their brethren who unhappily live a safe asylum, to which the pious and humane among slaves whom they cannot immediately may send out their liberated slaves, without set free, but who, at the same time, are really injury to them or to the community, but with using all their influence and all their endeav- the greatest advantage to both. We shall also ors to bring them into a state of freedom as have awakened the minds of our peo,ple to a consideration of their and interest soon as a door for it can be safely opened. deep duty "Having thus expressed our views of slavery, in putting away the whole of this black and and of the duty indispensably incumbent on menacing evil, gradually, safely, and most shall all Christians to labor for its complete extinc- happily, from our land. And we have to those wield the power of tion, we proceed to recommend (and we do it pointed out who halls, in with all the earnestness and solemnity which the people in our legislative what this momentous subject demands) a particular manner they might use that power for the attention to the following points purest and noblest ends, and to promote all the best and truest interests of our State and [Here follows a recommendation of the Col- country. onization Society—an injunction of the duty "The establishment of the new republics of of imparting religious instruction to slaves, South America, and the consequent emanci- pation of large classes of their population here- and of punishing cruelty to slaves, or sepa- tofore held in bondage, must naturally re- ration of families, by suspension from the double all our efforts to imitate their example, Church.] in its spirit and with those modifications only should prop- "Passed by the unanimous vote of the General whicii our different circumstances exertions too, which British Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the erly suggest. The philanthropists are making to United States, and signed, by their order, by politicians and raise the condition of their slaves in the West J. J. Janeway, Moderator. Indies, from absolute bondage to a partial par- Philadelphia^ June 2, 1818." ticipation in the rights of freemen, will increase the motives and the fiicilities to the execution DELAWARE. of our own better scheme of removing our bond- men to a happy distance from our shores. The The Union Colonization Society, Delaware, diffusion of the principle, too, that political held its annual meeting at Wilmington, on the economists are everywhere urging with so much cheaper I7th November last. The influence of the force, that free labor is incontestably and more productive than slave, will invigorate colored population of our country upon its all our appeals to benevolence, by adding the agriculture is thus stated by the Society weight of interest to that of duty. And over " It depreciates our soil, lessens our agricul- and above all, we are not afraid nor ashamed to tural revenue, and, like the lean kine of Egypt, avow, in the faces of all the infidels in the world, eats up the fat of the land. It will hardly ad- that we build our hope of ultimate success on our mit of a question, but that the Southern sec- faith in that sure word ofprophecy which, as it tion of our country would, in a few years, be authorizes us to expect that there shall be a richer' without one slave than it is now with day of universal holiness in the earth, warrants the 1,600,000. Virginia, with 63,000 square miles us also to believe that God, who sitteth in of territory, (and that well suited to agricul- heavens, and shapes and sways the purposes — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 67 and acts of men to his own ends, {for he turn- another, where the numbers of slaves and of eth the hearts of the people as the rivers of water whites are nearly the same, there was a decrease are turned,) will himself find out and secure of almost a fifth of its whole population. Lands the ways and means to extinguish an evil, of similar quality bear very different prices in whose continued existence would be absolute- the two districts ; for farmers will not migrate ly incompatible with all our notions of an era to a slave country; and there is the same dif- so happy and so divine. Wherefore, members ference in many other particulars of this na- and friends of the society, be ye steadfast, im- ture. movable, always abounding in this work of the "Nor is it only in reference to the value of Lord, forasmuch as ye know that your labor property and improvement of their outward cannot be in vain in the Lordy—See African circumstances that the inconvenience of the (Colonization) Repository, January, 1826. present condition of things is felt and acknoAvl- edged. In respect of moral advantages, they have impediments peculiar to this unfortunate HON. FRANCIS S. KEY. state of society. They cannot, with the same facility and benefit, have churches, schools, or [Mr. Key was District Attorney for the Dis- other institutions for religious and intellectual trict of Columbia, under General Jackson, a improvement, such as are found in every neigh- native of Maryland, and author of "The Star- borhood amidst the denser population of the Northern States. Not only have they no ac- Spangled Banner."] Extract from his address cessions to their numbers by emigration from to the Colonization delivered at Philadelphia, foreign countries or other States, but, where Society, November 25th, 1828. See African the slaves are numerous, the young people of the laboring classes, who grow up among ( Colonization) Repository, December, 1828. them, are unwilling to work in the company " It remains only to show that the execution of blacks, and feel their own station in society of the Society's plan will be followed by the to be degraded. For this reason, such of them consequence predicted, the promotion of eman- as are industrious and enterprising remove to cipation. It is reasonable to expect such a the new settlements of free States, while the consequence. Can any one believe that the idle and dissolute remain. So that such dis- States in which slavery exists desire its per- tricts lose their best and retain their worst petuation; that they will not make an effort population." See African [Colonization) Re- to relieve themselves from this evil, if a prac- pository, December, 1828. ticable and safe plan be presented to them? Slaveholders are like other men, governed by the same feelings, influenced by the same mo- PRESIDENT YOUNG, OF TRANSYLVANIA tives. Can it be supposed that they are in- COLLEGE, KY., ON SLAVERY. sensible to their own interests? They see the injurious eflFects of the slave system; that the The specific purpose of the writer was to value of their land is lessened by it, the pro- make some remarks on the "declaration and gress of improvements retarded, the increase resolutions of the Synod of Kentucky, in refer- of population checked. If the people of Mary- land and Virginia, for example, have common ence to slavery." The most important prin- sense and observation, they must see, they ciples of that paper are, he thinks have seen, and do see, that their neighbors of " 1. The system of slavery (or involuntary Pennsylvania increase in wealth and popula- and hereditary bondage) is sinful. tion in a ratio far greater than theirs. At the "2. It is not sinful in an individual to re- first census, the number of inhabitants in tain his legal authority over those of his ser- Pennsylvania was little more than one-half vants whom he sincerely and conscientiously that of Virginia; at the last, it was nearly believes to be unfit for freedom, while he is, equal. The increased value of lands and by the application of proper and vigorous houses in Pennsylvania, in fifteen years, from means, preparing them for the right and bene- 1799 to 1814, exceeded that of Virginia, though ficial enjoyment of liberty. her territory is much larger, upwards of "3. It is sinful in any individual to delay $90,000,000. The lands in the latter State the commencement of these benevolent and are as fertile as those of the former. No other conscientious labors, or to prosecute them de- cause can be assigned for this difference, than ceitfully when they are commenced—thus re- the existence in the one of an evil which tarding unnecessarily the day of complete been removed from the other. There is, has emancipation." moreover, in each of the slaveholding States just mentioned, nearer and plainer proof of After some remarks on transactions con- the bad effects of this evil in their institutions. nected with the preparation of the document There are counties wherein the slave popula- referred to, the reverend and learned gentle- tion nearly equals the white, and others where man says: the number of slaves is inconsiderable. In one county of Maryland, having but few slaves, "Any person, who has ever attempted to the increase of population between 1810 and draft a paper on so delicate and difficult a 1820 amounted to many thousands; while in subject, knows how small is the probability of — — : ; 63 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. so iVaming the expressions f\s to guard against REV. ROBERT J. BRECKENRIDGE. all erroneous inl'crences. Perhaps there might A7i Address delivered Rev. be advantageously substituted for the disputed by R. J. Brecken- phraseology, some modihcation of language ridge, of Ky., before the Colonization Society Kentucky, at more happy in expressing the idea that the mas- of Frankfort, on the Qth day 1831. ter might, for a limited time, and simply with of January, a view to the good of the bondman, retain his When the great Lawgiver of the Jews was legal power without a violation of that holy perfecting that remarkable feature of his code, law whieh requires us to do unto another that by which, &i the end of every seven years, the which we would that he should do unto us. debtor, the servant, and the oppressed, among There is no repugnance between this position the Hebrews, were to go out free among their and the position that the system of slavery is brethren, he enforced its observance by the wrong. If I am a slaveholder, and have used most striking and personal of all arguments no vigorous and conscientious efforts to qualify " Thou shalt remember that thou wast a bond- my slaves for freedom, I have sinned ; and if man in the land of Egypt, and the Lord thy I now, earnestly and in good faith, set about God redeemed thee." Again, after the lapse the work of preparation, executing deeds of of a thousand years, when Israel was shorn of emancipation for my slaves, to take effect at all her temporal glories, and the feeble remnant a certain lixed period hereafter, by which pe- that gathered out of all the East around the riod I may reasonably hope to be able to give sceptre of the house of David was restored them a suitable preparation—if I do all this, from a long and grievous captivity, it was as duty requires—I do not expect my present among the first and most solemn exclamations conduct to cancel my past sin, but I do con- of their gratitude: "We were bondmen, yet ceive that I am now making all the amends in our God hath not forsaken us in our bondage." my power. So far from sinning now^ my If there be any that now hear my voice who present course is virtuous and praiseworthy. have aided in working out the civil redemp- There are three classes on whom the guilt of tion of this large empire ; if there be any slavery rests : those who introduced the system whose kindred have poured out their blood in among us; those who have assisted to perpet- achieving the glories which have fallen upon uate it, either by actual efforts or by mere us ; if there be any who cherish the high ex- negligence ; and those are now refusing to co- ploits of our mighty ancestors, and cultivate operate in its extermination. Thus, in assert- an unquenching love for the free and noble in- ing the sinfulness of slavery and the innocence stitutions which have descended to us, I be- of gradual emancipation, we do not commit seech them to couple with the lofty emotions the absurdity of asserting that there is sin, belonging to such scenes, the solemn recollec- and yet that no one is guilty ; we only assign tion, that "we were bondmen." If any who the guilt to the real criminals. We shield the hear me have been led, by the power of thft innocent from false imputation; we strike the everlasting God, into the liberty of his own serpent, while we spare the sufferer who is sons, and who, rejoicing in the hope of eternal struggling in his coils. life, look back upon the bondage out of which "The difference, then, between the gradual their souls have been redeemed, with unutter- emancipator and the abolitionist is not a dif- able gratitude to Him who gave himself for ference as to the criminal nature of slavery them, I pray them to bring to the discussion they agree in considering it an enormous evil which lies before us those feelings which are but it is a difference as to the best mode of produced by the deep and sacred assurance, getting rid of this evil. The gradualist ter- that " our God hath not forsaken us in our minates slavery by first changing the condition bondage." of his slaves into a kind of apprenticeship ; he And will He not remember others also ? organizes them into a class of probationei-s for We have his own assurance, that " Ethiopia freedom. He still retains for a time his author- shall soon stretch out her hands unto God." ity over them, but exercises it for their good Will his justice sleep forever? Will he not as well as his own; and thus prepares them, " behold the tears of such as are oppressed?" as speedily as possible, for the enjoyment of Will he not "judge the poor?" Will he not self-government. The abolitionist would put "save the children of the needy?" Will he an cud to slavery by at once surrendering up not "break in pieces the oppressor?" The to ihe slaves all his power over them; thus forsaken, the afflicted, the smitten of men, will giving them the immediate and full enjoyment he also utterly cast off? And who shall stand of absolute freedom. It seems strange that a in the way of his righteous indignation ? Who reasonable and unprejudiced mind could hesi- shall resist the stroke of his Almighty arm, tate for a moment in deciding against the lat- or shield us from his fierce and consuming ter plan. An uneducated slave is little better wrath? Alas! for that people, who, resisting than an infant with the stature of a man. To all the lessons of a wise experience, blind to vest such a being with the power of absolute the unchanging course of the providence of and uncontrolled self-government, is fraught God, and deaf to the continual admonitions not only with mischief to others around him, of his eternal Word, will madly elect to brave but with almost certain destruction to himself the fury of his just and full retribution ! "Be- and misery to his offspring." See African {^Col- ' cause I have called, and ye refused; I have onization) Repository^ April, 1835. ' stretched out my hand, and no man regarded ; — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 69 * but 3^e hare set at nought all my counsel, and tuous actions. See African [Colonization) i2e- * would none of mj reproofs ; I also will laugh pository^ August, 1831. ' at your calamity ; I will mock when your fear * Cometh; when your fear cometh as desola- GEN. ROBERT GOODLOE HARPER. ' your destruction cometh as a whirl- tion, and Extract of a letter from General Robert Goodloe * ; distress and anguish cometh wind when Harper, of Md., to Ettas B. Caldwell, Secretary ' : shall they seek me, but upon you Then of the American Colonization Society, dated * shall not find me." Baltimore, August 20, 1817. See First Annual Report of the Society. The first settlements which were made by the English on the continent of North Amer- [General Harper was a native of Granville ica were under the auspices of corporations, county. North Carolina—emigrated to South or individuals, to whom extensive grants had Carolina at an early period of his life, and been made by the English Crown. The com- pany that settled the colony of Virginia had represented Charleston District in Congress. monopolized its commerce up to the year 1620. He afterwards settled in Baltimore, married In that year this monopoly was given up, and the daughter of Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, the trade opened. A Dutch vessel from the coast of Guinea, availing itself of the com- and became a United States Senator from mercial liberty which prevailed, brought into Maryland.] James river twenty Africans, who were imme- Great, however, as the benefits are which slaves. ordinance diately purchased as An we may thus promise ourselves from the col- persons might be held as tliat all heathen onization of the free people of color, by its slaves, and that their descendants, though tendency to prevent the discontent and cor- slavery, Christians, might be continued in ruption of our slaves, and to secure to them sealed on this continent the doom of the a better treatment, by rendering them more /- wretched African. Such M'as the inception of worthy of it, there is another advantage, in- the slavery in the United States. Such was finitely greater in every point of view, to which first settlement among us of an oppressed and it may lead the way. It tends, and may pow- a sulfering race, which has augmented by erfully tend, to rid us, gradually and entirely, very rapid propagation and continual import- in the United States, of slaves and slavery; a than centuries, ation, in somewhat more two great moral and political evil, of increasing Virginia, from tv.-enty souls to two millions. virulence and extent, from which much mis- the ancient of our Commonwealths, was most chief is now felt, and very great calamity in first to lend herself to the op- the of them future is justly apprehended. It is in this of these unhappy men. Holland, pression point of view, I confess, that your s.cheme of within forty years, emancipated her- who had, colonization most strongly recommends itself, despotism, the large self from a foreign used in my opinion, to attention and support. The the of resources which grew up under shade alarming danger of cherishing in our bosom a libert}*, to deliver an unof- her recovered up distinct nation, which c-an never become in- bondage and that fending people to hopeless ; corporated with us, while it rapidly increases the climax of cupidity and turpitude might be in numbers and improves in intelligence; aptly adjusted, the whole matter was concluded learning from us the arts of peace and war, of Christianity. in the name the secret of its own strength, and the talent Men were not so slow in discovering the of combining and directing its force—a nation evils of the unnatural condition of society, which must ever be hostile to us, from feeling whose origin among us I have been attempt- and interest, because it can never incorporate ing to disclose. As early as 1698, a settle- with us, nor participate in the advantages ment of Quakers, near Germantown, in Penn- which we enjoy ; the danger of such a nation sj-lvania, publicly expressed their opinion of in our bosom need not be pointed out to any the unrighteousness of human bondage. And reflecting mind. It speaks not only to our from that day till the present, there have flour- understandings, but to our very senses; and ished in our country men of large and just however it may be derided by some, or over- views, who have not ceased to pour over this looked by others, who have not the ability or subject a stream of clear and noble truth, and the time, or do not give themselves the trouble to importune their country, by every motive to reflect on and estimate properly the force of duty and advantage, to wipe from her es- and extent of those great moral and physical cutcheon the stain of human tears. They causes which prepare gradually, and at length have not lived in vain. In better times their bring forth, the most terrible convulsions in counsels will be heard. When the day comes, civil society, it will not be viewed without deep and come it surely will, when, throughout and awful apprehension by any who shall this broad empire not an aspiration shall go bring sound minds and some share of political up to the throne of God, that does not emanate knowledge and sagacity to the serious consid- from a freeman's heart, they will live in story, eration of the subject. Such persons will give the apostles of that hallowed reign of peace their most serious attention to any proposition and men will quote their names to adorn the which has for its object the eradication of this highest lessons of wisdom, and enforce, by terrible mischief, lurking in our vitals. I shall great examples, the practice of high and vir- presently have occasion to advert a little to —; 70 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. the manner in whicb your intended colony will minds of the free class. This arises from that conduce to this great end. It is therefore association of ideas which forms one of the unnecessary to touch on it here. Indeed, it characteristic features of the human mind, and is too obvious to require much explanation. with which every reflecting person is well ac- But, independently of this view of the case, quainted. They who continually from their there is enough in the proposed measure to infancy see black slaves employed in labor, command our attention and support, on the and forming by much the most numerous class score of benefit to ourselves. of laborers, insensibly associate the ideas of No person who has seen the slaveholding labor and of slavery, and are almost irresistibly States, and those where slavery does not exist, led to consic^er labor as a badge of slavery, and and has compared ever so slightly their con- consequently as a degradation. To be idle, dition and situation, can have failed to be on the contrary, is in their view the mark and struck with the vast difference in favor of the the privilege of freemen. The effect of this latter. This difference extends to everything, habitual feeling upon that class of free whites except only the character and manners of the which ought to labor, and consequently upon most opulent and best-educated people. These their condition, and the general condition of are very much the same everywhere. But in the country, will be readily perceived by those population; in the general diffusion of wealth who reflect on such subjects. It is seen in the and comfort; in public and private improve- vast difference between the laboring class of ments; in the education, manners, and mode whites in the Southern and Middle, and those of life, in the middle and laboring classes; in of the Northern and Eastern States. Why are the face of the country; in roads, bridges, and the latter incomparably more industrious, more inns; in schools and churches; in the general thriving, more orderly, more comfortably sit- advancement of improvement and prosperity uated, than the former? The effect is obvious there is no comparison. The change is seen to all those who have travelled through the the instant you cross the line Avhich separates different parts of our country. What is the the country where there are slaves from that cause? It is found in the association between where there are none. Even in the same State, the idea of slavery and the idea of labor, and the parts where slaves most abound are uni- in the feeling produced by this association, formly the worst cultivated, the poorest, and that labor, the proper occupation of negro the least populous ; while wealth and improve- slaves, and especially agricultural labor, is de- ment uniformly increase as the number of grading to a free white man. slaves in the country diminishes. I might Thus we see that, where slavery exists, the prove and illustrate this position by many ex- slave labors as little as possible, because all amples, drawn from a comparison of different the time that he can withdraw from labor is States, as Maryland and Pennsylvania, and be- saved to his own enjoyments; and consumes tween different counties in the same State, as much as possible, because what he consumes as Charles county and Frederick, in Maryland belongs to his master; while the free white but it is unnecessary, because everybody who man is insensibly but irresistibly led to regard has seen the different parts of the country has labor, the occupation of slaves, as a degra- been struck by this difference. dation, and to avoid it as much as he can. Whence does it arise? I answer, from this: The effect of these combined and powerful that in one division of the country the land is causes, steadily and constantly operating in cultivated by freemen, for their own benefit, the same direction, may easily be conceived. and in the other almost entirely by slaves, for It is seen in the striking diiference which ex- the benefit of their masters. It is the obvious ists between the slaveholding sections of our interest of the first class of laborers to produce country and those where slavery is not per- as much and consume as little as possible, and mitted. of the second class to consume as much and It is therefore obvious that a vast benefit produce as little as possible. What the slave would be conferred on the country, and espe- consumes is for himself; what he produces is cially on the slaveholding districts, if all the for his master. All the time that he can with- slave laborers could be gradually and imper- draw from labor is gained to himself; all that ceptibly withdrawn from cultivation, and their he spends in labor is devoted to his muster. place supplied by free white laborers—I say All that the free laborer, on the contrary, can gradually and imperceptibly, because, if it produce, is for himself; all that he can save, were possible to withdraw, suddenly and at is so much added to his own stock. All the once, so great a portion of the effective labor time that he loses from labor is his own loss. of the community as is now supplied by slaves, This, if it were all, would probably be quite it would be productive of the most disastrous sufficient to account for the whole difference consequences. It would create an immense in question. But, unfortunately, it is far from void, which could not be filled; it would im- being all. Another, and a still more injurious poverish a great part of the community, un- effect of slaver}', remains to be considered. hinge the whole frame of society in a large Where the laboring class is composed wholly, portion of the country, and probably end in or in a very considerable degree, of slaves, and the most destructive convulsions. But it is of slaves distinguished from the free class by clearly impossible, and therefore we need not color, features, and origin, the ideas of labor enlarge on the evils which it would produce. and of slavery soon become connected in the But to accomplish this great and beneficial — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 71 change gradually and imperceptibly, to sub- JAMES MADISON. stitute a free white class of cultivators for the The United States having been the first to slaves, with the consent of the owners, by a abolish, within the extent of their authority, slow but steady and certain operation, I hold the transportation of the natives of Africa to be as practicable as it would be beneficial; into slavery, by prohibiting the introduction and J regard this scheme of colonization as the of slaves, and by punishing their citizens first step in that great enterprise. participating in the traffic, cannot but be grati- This is what your society propose to accom- fied by the progress made by concurrent efi'orts plish. Their project therefore, if rightly formed of other nations towards a general suppression the for this and well conducted, will open way of so great an evil. They must feel, at the more extensive and beneficial plan of removing, same time, the greater solicitude to give the certainly, the gradually and imperceptibly, but fullest efficacy to their own regulations. With whole colored population from the country, that view, the interposition of Congress ap- and leaving its place to be imperceptibly sup- pears to be required, by the violations and plied, as it necessarily be, by a class of would evasions which, it is suggested, are chargeable of the free white cultivators. In every part on unworthy citizens, who mingle in the slave necessarily country, this operation must be trade under foreign flags, and with foreign slow. In the Southern and Southwestern ports and collusive importations of slaves ; by States it will be very long before it can be ac- into the United States, through adjoining complished, and a very considerable time must ports and territories. I present the subject to elapse before it ev^en probably can commence. Congress, with a full assurance of their dis- first, first completed, in the It will begin and be position to apply all the remedy which can be of slavery are Middle States, where the evils afi:brded by an amendment of the law. The most sensibly felt, the desire of getting rid of regulations which were intended to guard the slaves is already strong, and a greater fa- against abuses of a kindred character in the cility exists of supplying their place by white trade between the several States, ought also cultivators. From thence it will gradually to be more effectual for their humane object. extend to the South and Southwest, till, by its 3Iessage to Congress, Dec. 3, 1816. steady, constant, and imperceptible operation, the evils 'of slavery shall be rooted out from JAMES MONROE. every part of the United States, and the slaves themselves, and their posterity, shall be con- It is the cause of serious regret, that no ar- verted into a free, civilized, and great nation, rangement has yet been finally concluded be- in the country from which their progenitors tween the two Governments, to secure, by joint were dragged, to be wretched themselves and co-operation, the suppression of the slave trade. a curse to the whites. It was the object of the British Government, in the early stages of the negotiation, to adopt the plan for the suppression which should JOHN RANDOLPH. include the concession of the mutual right of search by the ships of war of each party, of the Representatives^ by Report in House of John the vessels of the other, for suspected offend- Randolph^ Roanoke^ as chairman a Com- of of ers. This was objected to by this Govern- 1803. mittee^ in March, ment, on the principle that, as the right of From the Convention held at Vincennes, in search was the right of war of a belligerenl Indiana, by their President, and from the peo- towards a neutral power, it might have an ple of the Territory, a petition was presented ill effect to extend it, by treaty, to an offence to Congress, praying the suspension of the that had been made comparatively mild, to provision which prohibited slavery in that a time of peace. Anxious, however, for the Territory. The report stated " that the rapid suppression of this trade, it was thouglit ad- population of the State of Ohio sufficiently visable, in compliance with a resolution of evinces, in the opinion of your committee, that the House of Representatives, founded on an the labor of slaves is not necessary to promote act of Congress, to propose to the British the growth and settlement of colonies in that Government an expedient which should be free region. That this labor, demonstrably the from that objection, and more effectual for the dearest of any, can only b6 employed to ad- object, by making it piratical. In that mode, vantage in the cultivation of products more the enormity of the crime would place the valuable than any known to that q\iarter of offenders out of the protection of their Gov- the United States ; that the committee deem it ernment, and involve no question of search, or highly dangerous and inexpedient to impair a other question, between the parties, touching provision wisely calculated to promote the their respective rights. It was believed, also, happiness and prosperity of the Northwestern that it would completely suppress the trade in country, and to give strength and security to the vessels of both parties, and by their re- that extensive frontier. In the salutarj' opera- spective citizens and subjects, in those of other tion of this sagacious and benevolent restraint, powers with whom, it was hoped, that the it is believed that the inhabitants will, at no odium which would thereby be attached to it, very distant day, find ample remuneration for would produce a corresponding arrangement, a temporary privation of labor and emigra- and, by means thereof, its entire extirpation tion.— 1 vol. Slate Papers, Public Lands, 160. forever. A convention to this effect was con- — 72 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. eluded and signed in London, on the thirteenth ples of civil and religious liberty, which form day of March, one thousand eight hundred the basis whereon these Republics, their laws and twentj^-four, by plenipotentiaries duly au- and Constitutions, are erected; to fix and es- thorized by both Governments, to the ratifica- tablish those principles as the basis of all laws, tion of which certain obstacles have arisen, Constitutions, and governments, which forever •which are not yet entirely removed. The dif- hereafter shall be formed in said Territory; to ference between the parties still remaining provide, also, for the establishment of States, has been reduced to a point not of sufficient and permanent government therein, and for magnitude, as is presumed, to be permitted to their admission to a share in the Federal coun- defeat an object so near to the heart of both cils, at as early a period as may be consistent nations, and so desirable to the friends of hu- with the general interest: Be it ordained and manity throughout the world. Message to Con- established," &c., &c. gress, December 7, 1824. Then follow the articles. The sixth is as follows: GENERAL JACKSON. "There shall be neither slavery nor invol- The following is Gen. Jackson's Address to the untary servitude, otherwise than in the pun- Men of Color,'' on the ISth December, 1814, ishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have at New Orleans : been duly convicted: Provided, always, That any person escaping into the same, from Soldiers : From the shores of Mobile I col- whom labor or service may be lawfully claimed lected you to arms. I invited you to share in in any one of the original States, such fugitive the perils aiid to divide the glory of your white may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to countrymen. • I expected much from you, for I the person claiming his or her labor or service, was not uninformed of those qualities which as aforesaid." must render you so formidable to an invading foe. I knew that you could endure hunger and thirst, and all the hardships of war. I JUDICIAL DECISIONS. knew that you loved the land of your nativity, No case in England, says Judge McLean, and that, like ourselves, you had to defend all appears to have been more thoroughly exam- that is most dear to man but you surpass — my ined than that of Somersett. The judgment hopes. I have found in yoti, united to those qual- pronounced by Lord Mansfield was the judg- ities, that noble enthusiasm which impels to great ment of the Court of King's Bench. The cause deeds. was argued at great length, and with great Soldiers : The President of the United ability, by Hargrave and others, who stood States shall be informed of your conduct on among the most eminent counsel in England. the present occasion, and the voice of the It was held under advisement from term to Representatives of the American Nation shall term, and a due sense of its importance was applaud your valor, as your general now felt and expressed by the Bench. praises your ardor. The enemy is near his ; In giving the opinion of the court, Lord " sails cover the lakes ; " the but brave are Mansfield said: united, and if he finds us contending among " The state of slavery is of such a nature that ourselves, it will be for the prize of valor, and it is incapable of being introduced on any rea- fame, its noblest reward. sons, moral or political, but only by positive By command. Thos. L. Butler, law, which preserves its force long after the Aid de Camp. reasons, occasion, and time itself, from whence \_See Niles's Register, Vol. VII, 346.] p. it was created, is erased from the memory; it is of a nature that nothing can be sutt'ered to ORDINANCE 1787. OF support it but positive law." While the Convention for drafting the Con- stitution of the United States was in session, In the case of Rankin v. Lydia, (2 A. K. Mar- in 1787, the Old Congress passed an ordinance shall's Rep.,) Judge Mills, speaking for the abolishing slavery in the Northwestern Terri- Court of Appeals of Kentucky, says: "In de- tory, and precluding its future introduction ciding the question, (of slavery,) we disclaim there. The first Congress under the new Con- the infiuence of the principles of general liber- stitution ratified this ordinance, by a special ty, which we all admire, and conceive it ought act. It received the approval of Washington, to be decided by the law as it is, and not as it who Avas then fresh from the discussions of ought to be. Slavery is sanctioned by the the Convention for drafting the Federal Con- laws of this State, and the right to hold slaves stitution. The measure originated with Jeffer- under our municipal regulations is unquestion- son, and its ratification in the new Congress able. But we view this as a right existing by received the vote of every member except Mr. positive law of a municipal character, without Yates, of N ew York, the entire Southern delegation foundation in the laAV of nature, or the unwrit- voting for its adoption. By this ordinance, sla- ten and common law." very was excluded from Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa. In the discussion of the power of Congress The series of articles is preceded by this to govern a Territory, in the case of the Atlan- preamble; tic Insurance Company v. Canter, (1 Peters, "And for extending the fundamental princi- 511; 7 Curtis, 685,) Chief Justice Marshall, : : THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 73 speaking for the court, said, in regard to the Mississippi river. "Walker, the defendant, held people of Florida, "they do not, however, par- Rachel under Stockton." ticipate in political power; they do not share The court said, in this case i in the Government till Florida shall become a "The officer lived State; in the mean time, Florida continues to in Missouri Territory at the be a Territory of the United States, governed time he bought the slave; he sent to a slaveholding by virtue of that clause in the Constitution country and procured her; this was his which empoAvers Congress *to make all need- voluntary act, done without any other reason than that ful rules and regulations respecting the terri- of his convenience; and he and those tory or other property belonging to the United claiming under him must be holden to abide States.'" the consequences of introducing sla- very both And he adds, "perhaps the power of gov- in Missouri Territory and Michigan, contrary to law; and on that ground Rachel erning a Territory belonging to the United , was declared States, which has not, by becoming a State, to be entitled to freedom." | In acquired the means of self-government, may answer to the argument that, as an officer | of the army, the master result necessarily from the fact that it is not had a right to take his slave into free territory, the court said no au- within the jurisdiction of any particular Slate, i thority of law or the and is within the power and jurisdiction of the Government compelled ; him to keep the Unlt^-d States. The right to govern may be plaintiff there as a slave. "Shall it be said, the inevitable consequence of the right to ac- that because an officer of \ the army owns slaves in Virginia, that when, quire territory ; whichever may be the source as an officer and soldier, he is required to whence the power is derived, the possession take tlie command of a fort in the non-slaveholding of it is unquestioned." And in the close of ; States or the opinion, the court say, "in legislating for Territories, he thereby has a right to take with him as them, [the Territories,] Congress exercises the many slaves as will suit his ; combined powers of the General and State interests or convenience? It surely cannot be Governments." — law. If this be true, the court say, then it is also true that the convenience or supposed In the case of Prigg v. The State of Penn- convenience of the officer re])eals, as to him sylvania, the court says: and others who have the same character, the " By the general law of nations, no nation ordinance and the act of 1821, admitting Mis- is bound to recognise the state of slavery as souri into the Union, and also the prohibition found within its territorial dominions, where of the several laws and Constitutions of the it is in opposition to its own policy and insti- non-slaveholding States." tutions, in favor of the subjects of other nations where slavery is organized. If it does it, it In the case of Dred Scott v. Emerson, (15 Mis- is as a matter of comity, and not as a matter souri Rep., 682, March term, 1852,) two of tho of international right. The state of slavery judges ruled the case, the Chief Justice dis- regulation, is deemed to be a mere municipal senting. founded upon and limited to the range of the Chief Justice Gamble dissented from the other laws." the court further territorial And says: two judges. He says "It is manifest, from this consideration, that "In every slaveholding State in the Union, if the Constitution had not contained the clause the subject of emancipation is regulated by requiring the rendition of fugitives from labor, statute; and the forms are prescribed in which every non-slaveholding State in the Union it shall be effected. Whenever the forms re- have been at liberty to have declared would quired by the laws of the State in which the all slaves coming within its free runaway master and slave are resident are complied limits, and to have given them entire immu- with, the emancipation is complete, and the nity and protection against the claims of their slave is free. If the right of the person thus masters." — emancipated is subsequently drawn in question Rachel v. Walker (4 Missouri Rep., 350. June in another State, it will be ascertained and term, 1836) is a case involving, in every par- determ ined by the law of the State in which ticular, the principles of the case before us. the slave and his former master resided ; and Rachel sued for her freedom ; and it appeared Avhen it appears that such lav,- has been com- that she had been bought as a slave in Mis- plied with, the right to freedom will be fully souri, by Stockton, an officer of the army, sustained in the courts of all the slaveholding taken to Fort Snelling, where he was stationed, States, although the act of emancipation may and she was retained there as a slave a year; not be in the form required by law in which and then Stockton removed to Prairie du Chicn, the court sits. taking Rachel with him as a slave, Avhere he "In all such cases, courts continually ad- continued to hold her three years, and then he minister the law of the country where the right took her to the State of Missouri, and sold her was acquired; and when that law becomes as a slave. known to the court, it is just as much a matter "Fort Snelling was admitted to be on the of course to decide the rights of the parties west side of the Mississippi river, and north of according to it requirements, as it is to settle the State of Missouri, in the territory of the the title of real estate situated in our State by United States. That Prairie du Chien was in its own laws." the Michigan Territory, on the east side of the This appears to me a most satisfactory an- 74 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. swer to the argument of the court. Chief Jus- brought into that State to reside are declared tice continues: free; a Virginian-born slave is carried by his " The perfect equality of the different States master to Maryland ; the master settled there, lies at the foundation of the Union. As the and keeps the slave there in bondage for tAvelve institution of slavery in the States is one over years, the statute in force all the time; then which the Constitution of the United States he brings him as a slave to Virginia, and sells gives no power to the General Government, it him there. Adjudged, in an action brought is left to be adopted or rejected by the several by the man against the purchaser, that he ia States, as they think best; nor can anyone free." State, or number of States, claim the right to Judge Kerr, in the case, says: interfere with any other State upon the ques- "Agreeing, as I do, with the general view tion of admitting or excluding this institution. taken in this case by my brother Green, I would •'A citizen of Missouri, who removes with not add a word, but to mark the exact extent his slave to Illinois, has no right to complain to which I mean to go. The law of Maryland that the fundamental law of that State to which having enacted that slaves carried into that he removes, and in which he makes his resi- State for sale or to reside shall be free, and dence, dissolves the relation between and him the owner of the slave here having carried his slave. It is as his voluntary much own him to Maryland, and voluntarily submitting act. as if he had executed a deed of emancipa- himself and the slave to that law, it governs tion. pretend ignorance this No one can of the case." — constitutional provision, and," he says, "the Josephine v. Poultney, (Louisiana An. Rep., decisions which have heretofore been made in 329,) "where the owner removes with a slave this State, and in many otlier slaveholding into a State in which slavery is prohibited, States, give effect this and other similar to with the intention of residing there, the slave provisions, on the ground that the master, by will be thereby emancipated, and their subse- making the free State the residence of his quent return to the State of Louisiana cannot slave, has submitted his right to the operation restore the relation of master and slave." To of the law of such State; and this," he says, the same import are the cases of Smith v. Smith, " is the same in law as a regular deed of eman- (13 Louisiana Rep., 441,) Thomas v. Generis, cipation." (Louisiana Rep., 483,) Harry et al. v. Decker He adds: and Hopkins, (Walker's Mississippi Rep., 36.) "I regard the question as conclusively set- It was held that "slaves within the jurisdic- tled by the repeated adjudications of this court, tion of the Northwestern Territory became and, if I doubted or denied the propriety of freemen by virtue of the Ordinance of 1787, those decisions, I would not feel myself any and can assert their claim to freedom in the more at liberty to overturn them, than I would courts of Mississippi." (Griffith v. Fanny, 1 any other series of decisions by which the law Virginia Rep., 143.) It was decided that a of any other question was settled. There is negro held in servitude in Ohio, under a deed with me," he says, "nothing in the law rela- executed in Virginia, is entitled to freedom by ting to slavery which distinguishes it from the the Constitution of Ohio. law on any other subject, or allows any more accommodation to the temporary public ex- citements which are gathered around it." The case of Rhodes v. Bell (2 Howard, 307; "In this State," he says, "it has been recog- 15 Curtis, 152) involved the main principle in nised from the beginning of the Government the case befoi-e us. A person residing in Wash- Bs a correct position in law, that a master who ington city purchased a slave in Alexandria, takes his slave to reside in a State or Territory and brought him to Washington. AVashington where slavery is prohibited, thereby emanci- continued under the law of Maryland, Alexan- pates his slave." — dria under the law of Virginia. The act of In 1851, the Court of Appeals of South Car- Maryland of November, 1796, (2 Maxcy's Laws, olina recognised the principle, that a slave, 351,) declared any one w^ho shall bring any being taken to a free State, became free. (Com- negro, mulatto, or other slave, into Maryland, monwealth v. Pleasants, 10 Leigh Rep., 697.) such slave should be free. The above slave, In Betty v. Horton, the Court of Appeals held by reason of his being brought into Washing- that the freedom of the slave was acquired by ton city, was declared by this court to be free. the action of the laws of Massachusetts, by the This, it appears to me, is a much stronger case said slave being taken there. (5 Leigh R., 615.) against the slave than the facts in the case of Scott. — In the case of Spencer v. Negro Dennis, (8 In Bush V. White, (3 Monroe, 104,) the court Gill's Rep., 321,) the court say: "Once free, say: and always free, is the maxim of Maryland law " That the ordinance was paramount to the upon the subject. Freedom having once vested, Territorial laws, and restrained the legislative by no compact between the master and the power there as effectually as a Constitution in liberated slave, nor by any condition subse- an organized State. It was a public act of the quent, attached V.y the master to the gift of Legislature of the Union, and a part of the freedom, can a state of slavery be reproduced." supreme law of the land; and, as such, this In Hunter v. Bulcher, (1 Leigh, 172:) court is as much bound to take notice of it as ''By a statute of Maryland of 1796, all slaves it can be of any other law." I : THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 75 In the case of Rankin v. Lydia, before cited, Carolina, and all free persons born within the Judge Mills, speaking for the Court of Appeals State are born citizens of the State. The Con- of Kentucky, says: stitution extended the elective franchise to " If, by the positive provision in our code, every freeman who had arrived at the age of we can and must hold our slaves in the one twenty-one, and paid a public tax; and it is a case, and statutory provisions equally positive matter of universal notoriety, that, under it, decide against that right in the other, and free persons, without regard to color, claimed liberate the slave, he must, by an authority and exercised the franchise, until it was taken equally imperious, be declared free. Every from the free men of color a few years since argument which supports the right of the mas- by our amended Constitution." ter on one side, based upon the force of written In the State v. Newcomb, (5 Iredell's R., 25.3,) law, must be equally conclusive in favor of the decided in 1844, the same court referred to this slave, when he can point out in the statute the case of the State v. Manuel, aud said: "That clause which secures his freedom." case underwent a very laborious investigation, And he further said: both by the bar and the bench. The case was "Free people of color in all the States are, brought here by appeal, and was felt to be one it is believed, quasi citizens, or, at least, deni- of great importance in principle. It was con- zens. Although none of the States may allow sidered with an anxiety and care worthy of them the privilege of office and suffrage, yet the principle involved, and which give it a all other civil and conventional rights are se- controlling influence and authority on all cured to them; at least, such rights were evi- questions of a similar character." dently secured to them by the ordinance in question for the government of Indiana. If The act of February 28, 1803, (2 Stat, at these rights are vested in that or any other Large, 205,) to prevent the importation of cer- portion of the United States, can it be com- tain persons into States, when by the laws patible with the spirit of our Confederated thereof their admission is prohibited, in its Government to deny their existence in any first section forbids all masters of vessels to other part? Is there less comity existing import or bring "any negro, mulatto, or other between State and State, or State and Ter- person of color, not being a native, a citizen, ritory, than exists between the despotic Gov- or registered seaman of the United States," &c. ernments of Europe?" The Constitution of Missouri, under which The Supreme Court of North Carolina, in that State applied for admission into the Union, the case of the State v. Manuel, (4 Dev. and provided, that it should be the duty of the Bat., 20,) has declared the law of that State Legislature "to pass laws to prevent free ne- on this subject, in terms which I believe to be groes and mulattoes from coming to and set- as sound law in the other States I have enu- tling in the State, under any pretext whatever." merated, as it was in North Carolina. One ground of objection to the admission of " According to the laws of this State," says the State under this Constitution was, that it Judge Gaston, in delivering the opinion of would require the Legislature to exclude free the court, "all human beings within it, who persons of color, who would be entitled, under are not slaves, fall within one of two classes. the second section of the fourth article of the "Whatever distinctions may have existed in the Constitution, not only to come within the State, Roman laws between citizens and free inhab- but to enjoy there the privileges and immuni- itants, they are unknown to our institutions. ties of citizens. The resolution of Congress Before our Revolution, all free persons born admitting the State was upon the fundamental within the dominions of the King of Great condition, "th^t the Constitution of Missouri Britain, whatever their color or complexion, shall never be construed to authorize the pas- were native-born British subjects—those born sage of any law, and that no law shall be passed out of his allegiance were aliens. Slavery did in conformity thereto, by which any citizen of not exist in England, but it did in the British either of the States of this Union shall be ex- colonies. Slaves were not in legal parlance cluded from the enjoyment of any of the priv- persons, but property. The moment the in- ileges and immunities to which such citizen is capacity, the disqualification of slavery, was entitled under the Constitution of the United removed, they became persons, and were then States." — either British subjects, or not British subjects, In Fulton v. Lewis, (3 Harris and Johnson,) according as they were or were not born within a case in the Court of Appeals in Maryland the allegiance of the British King. Upon the "At the trial, the following facts were ad- Revolution, no other change took place in the mitted in evidence: John Levant, a married laws of North Carolina than was consequent man, being a native and resident of the Island on the transition from a colony dependent on of St. Domingo, removed from that place in a European King, to a free and sovereign State. July, 1793, flying from disturbances which Slaves remained slaves. British subjects in then existed there, endangering the lives and North Carolina became North Carolina free- property of the inhabitants, and brought with men. Foreigners, until made members of the him into this State three negroes, of whom State, remained aliens. Slaves, manumitted the petitioner (now appellee) is one, who he here, became freemen, and therefore, if born then and before owned as a slave. That in within North Carolina, are citizens of North May, 1794, he sold the petitioner, as a slave. 76 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM, to William Clemm, who sold him as such to who thus expired, than their miserable sur- the defendant, (the appellant.) That said vivors ! Levant arrived in Baltimore in August, 1793, The United States, as a nation, are not re- and continued to reside there until some time sponsible for the original introduction or tha in 1796, when he returned to the West Indies. subsequent continuance of the slave trade. The defendant thereupon prayed the direction Whenever, as has often happened, their char- of the court to the jury, that if they believed acter has been assailed in foreign countries, the focts, the petitioner was not entitled to his and by foreign writers, on account of the in- freedom. This opinion the court [Scott, C. J.] stitution of slavery among us, the justness of refused to give, but directed the jury that upon that vindication has been admitted by the can- these facts the petitioner was free. The defend- did, which transfers to a foreign Government ant excepted; and the verdict and judgment the origin of the evil. Nor are the United being against him, he appealed to this court, States, as a sovereign Power, responsible for where the case was argued before Chase, Chief the continuance of slavery within their limits, Justice, and Buchanan, Nicholson, Earle, John- posterior to the establishment of their Inde- son, and Martin, Justices. pendence; because by neither the Articles of " Glenn, for the appellant, contended that the Confederation, nor by the present Constitution, act of 1783, ch. 23, under which the petitioner had they power to put an end to it by the claimed his freedom, meant only a voluntary adoption of any system of emancipation. But importation of slaves, and not an importation from that epoch, the responsibility of the arising from absolute necessity, produced by several States in which slavery was tolerated causes o^er which the owner, as in this case, commenced, and on them devolved the mo- had and could have no control." mentous duty of considering whether the evil of African slavery is incurable, or admits of a HENRY CLAY. safe and practical remedy. In performing it, they ought to reflect that, if when a given An Address delivered to the Colonization Society remedy is presented to their acceptance, in- Kentucky^ at Frankfort, December of 17, 1829, stead of a due examination and deliberate con- by the Hon. Henry Clay, at the request of the sideration of it, they promptly reject it, and — [^Extracts,'\ Board of Managers. manifest an impatience whenever a suggestion The African part of our population, or is made of any plan to remove the evil, they their ancestors, were brought hither forcibly will expose themselves to the reproach of yield- and by violence, in the prosecution of the ing to the illusions of self-interest, and of in- most abominable traffic that ever disgraced sincerity in the professions which they so often the annals of the human race. They were make of a desire to get rid of slaver}-. It is a chiefly procured, in their native country, as great misfortune, growing out of the actual captives in war, taken, and subsequently sold condition of the several States, some being b3'- the conqueror, as slaves, to the slave trader. exempt, and others liable to this evil, that they Sometimes the most atrocious practices of kid- are too prone to misinterpret the views and napping were employed to obtain possession of wishes of each other in respect to it. the victims. Wars were frequent between The several States of the Union were sen- numerous and ]parbarous neighboring tribes sible of the responsibility which accrued to scattered along the coast or stretched upon them, on the establishment of the Independ- the margin of large rivers of Africa. These ence of the United States, in regard to the wars were often enkindled and prosecuted for subject of slavery. And many of them, begin- no other object than to obtain a supply of ning at a period prior to the termination of subjects for this most shocking commerce. In the Revolutionary war, by successive but dis- these modes, husbands were torn from their tinct acts of legislation, have effectively pro- wives, parents from their children, brethren vided for the abolition of slavery within their from each other, and every tie cherished and respective jurisdictions. More than thirty years respected among men was violated. Upon the ago, an attempt was made, in this Common- arrival, at the African coast, of the unfortunate wealth, to adopt a system of gradual emanci- beings thus reduced to slavery, they were em- pation, similar to that which the illustrious barked on board of ships carefully constructed Franklin had mainly contributed to introduce, and arranged to contain the greatest amount of in the year 1779, in the State founded by the human beings. Here they were ironed and benevolent Penn. And, among the acts of my fastened in parallel rows, and crowded together life, which I look back to with most satisfac- so closely, in loathsome holes, as not to have tion, is that of my having co-operated Avith room for action or for breathing wholesome other zealous and intelligent friends, to pro- air. The great aim was to transport the largest cure the establishment of that system in this possible number, at the least possible charge, State. We believed that the sum of good from their native land to the markets for which which would have been attained by the State they Avere destined. The greediness of cupid- of Kentucky, in a gradual emancipation of her ity was frequently disappointed and punished slaves, at that period, would have far trans- in its purposes, by the loss of moieties of whole cended the aggregate of mischief which might cargoes of the subjects of this infamous com- have resulted to herself and the Union together, merce, from want and suffering and disease on from the gradual liberation of them, and their the voyage. How much happier were they dispersion and residence in the United States. — — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 77 We were overpowered by numbers, but sub- slave trade, with all its train of atrocities. mitted to the decision of the majority with the They must suppress the workings of British grace which the minority, in a Republic, sliould philanthropy, seeking to ameliorate the condi- ever yield to such a decision. I have, never- tion of the unfortunate West Indian slaves. theless, never ceased, and shall never cease, to They must arrest the career of South Ameri- regret a decision, the eflFects of which have can deliverance from thraldom. They must been to place us in the rear of our neighbors, blow out the moral lights around xis, and ex- who are exempt from slavery, in the state of tinguish that greatest torch of all, which Amer- agriculture, the progress of manufactures, the ica presents to a benighted world, pointing the advance of improvement, and the general pros- way to their rights, their liberties, and their perity of society. happiness. And when they have achieved all As a mere laborer, the slave feels that he these purposes, their Avork will be yet incom- toils for his master, and not for himself; that plete. They must penetrate the human soul, the laws do not recognise his capacity to ac- and eradicate the light of reason and the love quire and hold property, which depends al- of liberty. Then, and not till then, when uni- together upon the pleasure of his proprietor; versal darkness and despair prevail, can you and that all the fruits of his exertions are perpetuate slavery, and repress all syrapathie.s reaped by others. He knows that, whether and all humane and benevolent efforts among sick or well, in times of scarcity or abundance, freemen, in behalf of the unhappy portion of his master is bound to provide for him, by the our race who are doomed to bondage. all-powerful influence of the motive of self- Our friends, who are cursed with this greatest interest. He is generally, therefore, indifferent of human evils, deserve the kindest attention to the adverse or prosperous fortunes of his and consideration. Their property and their his i master, being contented, if he can escape i safety are both involved. But the liberal and displeasure or chastisement, by a careless and candid among them will not, cannot, expect slovenly performance of his duties. that every project to deliver our country from * * * This competition, and the prefer- it is to be crushed, because of a possible and ence for white labor, are believed to l)eulre;iily ideal danger. discernible in parts of Maryland, Virginia, ami Kentucky, and probably existed in Pennsyl- HON. BUSHROD WASHINGTON. vania and other States north of M;uyJ u i, The effect of this institution, if its prosperity prior the disappearance of slr.ves iV-i'u to shall equal our wishes, will be alike propitious them. The march of tlie aseL'iiil' .i among y to every interest of our domestic society; and of free labor over slave, will proceed from ;!;' sliould it lead, as we may fairly hope it will, North to the South, gradually entering tirst to the slow but gradual abolition of slavery, it the States nearest to the free region. Itc pvo- { will wipe from our political institutions the gress be more rapid, if it were not im- would only blot which stains them and, in palliation peded by the check resulting from the repug- ; of which, we shall not be at liberty to plead of the white to slaves, nance man work among the excuse of moral necessity, until we shall or where slavery is tolerated. See African have honestly exerted all the means which we {^Colonization) Repository^ March. 1830. possess for its extinction. See First Annual Colonization Society. Extract from Mr. Clay's Speech before the Amer- Report of the ican Colonization Society, January, 1827. See Tenth Annual Report. WILLIAM H. FITZHUGH, Esq. We are reproached with doing mischief by Extracts from a letter from William H. Fitzhugh, the agitation of this question. The society Esq., of Virginia, to a gentleman of New York, dated Ravensworth, August 11th, 1826. goes into no household to disturb its domestic tranquillity; it addresses itself to no slaves, Our design was, by providing an asylum to weaken their obligations of obedience. It on the coast of Africa, and furnishing the ne seeks to affect no man's property. It neither cessary facilities for removal to the people of has the power nor the will to affect the prop- color, to induce the voluntary emigration of erty of any one, contrary to his consent. The that portion of them already free, and to throw execution of its scheme would augment, instead open to individuals and the States a wider of diminishing, the value of the property left door for voluntary and legal emancipation. behind. The society, composed of free men, The operation, we were aware, must be — and, concerns itself only with the free. Collateral for the interests of our country, ought to be — consequences, we are not responsible for. It gradual. But we entertained a hope, founded is not this society which has produced the on our knowledge of the interests as well as great moral revolution which the age exhibits. the feelings of the South, that this operation, What would they, who thus reproach us, have properly conducted, would, in the end, remove done? If they would repress all tendencies from our country every vestige of domestic towards Liberty and ultimate emancipation, slavery, without a single violation of individ- they must do more than put down the benevo- ual wishes or individual rights. * * * lent efforts of this society. They must go back The Colonization Society has distinctly to the era of our Liberty and Independence, designated the extent to which it seeks the and muzzle the cannon which thunders its interposition of the Government of the coun- annual joyous return. They must revive the try. It asks only the provisions of a place and 78 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. a Government for the reception and protection what would be their condition ? Four hun- of such persons of color as are already free, dred thousand, or a greater number, of poor, and such others as the humanity of individuals^ without one cent of property, what would and the laics of the different States, may hereafter become of them ? Disorganization would fol- liberate — the necessary encouragement to, and low, and perfect confusion. They are separated the necessary facilities for, emigration — and, from the rest of society by a different color; .as occasion may require it, pecuniary aids to there can be no intercourse of equality between the States, for effecting, in such modes as they them ; nor can you remove them. How is it may choose, the extinction of slavery within their practicable? The thing is impossible, and respective limits. Such, and such only, is the they must remain as poor, free from the con- interference asked, * * * trol of their masters, and must soon fall upon But whence, it may be asked, is derived the rest of society, and resort to plunder for the proposed authority " to afford encourage- subsistence. As to the practicability of eman- ment to, and facilities for, emigration," and cipating them, it can never be done by the " pecuniary aids to the States for effecting the State itself, nor without the aid of the Union. extinction of slavery within their respective And what would be their condition, suppo- limits ? " From the very same source, I answer, sing they were emancipated, and not removed whence springs the whole power of appropria- beyond the limits of the Union ? The experi- tion; from the authority "to lay and collect ment has in part been tried. They have emi- taxes, duties, imposts, to pay the debts and grated to Pennsylvania in great numbers, and provide for the common defence and general form a part of the population of Philadelphia, welfare of the country," and an authority, evi- and likewise of New York and Boston. But dently imposing no other limitation on the those who were the most ardent advocates of power of appropriation, than that it be applied emancipation, in those portions of the Union, exclusively to promoting the general interests have been shocked at the charges of main- of the nation ; and it accordingly may be, and taining them, as well as at the effect of their under every Administration has been, used in example. Nay, sir, look at Ohio, and what aiding the accomplishment of objects not with- has she recently done? Ohio acknowledges in the reach of the other specified powers of the equal rights of all, yet she has driven them the Government. It is on this principle that off from her territory. She has been obliged large sums have been voted, at different times, to do it. If emancipation be possible, I look for making roads and canals, for ameliorating to the Union to aid in effecting it. the conditton of the Indians, for giving relief "Sir, what brought us together in the revo- to the inhabitants of Caraccas, for restoring lutionary war? It was the doctrine of equal captured Africans to their homes, for suppress- rights. Each part of the country encouraged ing the slave trade, and, above all, for evinc- and supported every other part of it. None ing the nation's gratitude to Gen. Lafayette. took advantage of the others' distresses. And None of these difi'erent acts can be brought if we find that this evil has preyed upon the j within the enumerated powers of the Govern- . vitals of the Union, and has been prejudicial ment. And if its revenue is to be expended to all the States where it has existed, and is only in sustaining these powers, not only must likeivise repugnant to their several State Constitu- the acts in question, but a very large propor- tions and Bills of Rights, why may we not ex- tion of tlie numerous acts on our statute book, pect that they will unite with us in accom- involving expenditure, be pronounced viola- plishing its removal ? If we make the attempt, j tions of the constitutional charter. — See Af- and cannot accomplish it, the effect will at rican (^Colonization) Repository, October, 1826. least be to abate the great number of petitions and memorials which are continually pouring MR. MONROE. in upon the Government. This matter is be- fore the nation, and the principles and con- Extract a speech Ex-President Monroe, from of sequences involved in it are of the highest delivered in the Virginia State Convention for importance. But, in the mean while, self-pres- altering the Constitution, Nov. 2d, 1829. ervation demands of us union in our councils. " What has been the leading spirit of this " What was the origin of our slave popula- State, ever since our independence was ob- tion? The evil commenced when we were in tained? She has always declared herself in our colonial state, but acts were passed by our favor of the equal rights of man. The revo- Colonial Legislature, prohibiting the importa- lution was conducted on that principle. Yet tion of more slaves into the colony. These there was at that time a slavish population in were rejected by the Crown. We declared our Virginia. We hold it in the condition in independence, and the prohibition of a further which the Revolution found it, and what can importation was among the first acts of State be done with this population ? If they were sovereignty. Virginia was the first State extinct, or had not been here, white persons which instructed her delegates to declare the would occupy their place, and perform all the Colonies independent. She braved all dangers. offices now performed by them, and conse- Froin Quebec to Boston, and from Boston to quently be represented. If the white people Sav.annah, Virginia shed the blood of her sons. were not taxed, they also would be free from No imputation, then, can be cast upon her in taxation. If you set them free, look at the this matter. She did all that was in her power condition of society. Emancipate them, and to do, to prevent the extension of slavery, and to — " : — ; THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 79 mitigate its evils^—See Debates of the Conven- basis of representation. The Eastern mem- tion, page 149. bers insisted on the representation of slaves * * * Mr. Benj. Watkins Leigh said : as persons or property, while those from the " Sir, the venerable gentleman from Loudoun West favored the white basis, but denied that (Mr. Monroe) spoke of the impracticability of any scheme of emancipation without the aid the West was disposed to interfere with slave of the General Government. Is he, then, and property. Several members incidentally ex- if he is, are we reconciled to the idea of the pressed sentiments adverse to slavery ; but I interference of the General Government in this most delicate and peculiar interest of our find no passage of marked interest, except the own ? What right can that Government have preceding from Mr. Monroe. to interfere in it? Mr. Monroe here explained. PATRICK HENRY. ^} " I consider the question of slavery as one Hanover, Jan. 18, 1779. of the most important that can come before Dear Sir : I take this opportunity to ac- this body; it is certainly one which must knowledge the receipt of Anthony Benezet's deeply affect the Commonwealth, whether the book against the slave trade. I thank you for decision be to maintain it over those now in it. It is not a little surprising, that the pro- that state, or to attempt their emancipation. fessors of Christianity, whose chief excellence The idea I meant to suggest was, that the sub- consists in softening the human heart, in cher- ject had assumed a new and very important ishing and improving its finer feelings, should character, by what had occurred in the other encourage a practice so totally repugnant to States, and particularly in those in which the first impressions of right and wrong. What slavery does not exist. We had seen in the adds to the wonder is, that this abominable early stage a strong pressure for emancipation practice has been introduced in the most en- from the Eastern States, and equally so, of lightened ages. Times that seem to have pre- late, from the States in the West ; but eman- tentions to boast of high improvements in the cipation had thrown many of our liberated arts and sciences, and refined morality, have in consequence of which, brought into general use, and guarded by many slaves upon them ; they have been driven back, and all interfer- laws, a species of violence and tyranny, which ence on their part has ceased. our more rude and barbarous, but more hon- " The subject is now brought home to them est ancestors, detested. Is it not amazing, as well as to ourselves ; and the question to be that at a time when the rights of humanity decided by us is, whether their emancipation are defined and understood with precision in is practicable or not. Should the decision be a country, above all others, fond of liberty, that it was practicable, I did not mean to con- that in such an age, and in such a country, we vey the idea that the United States should find men professing a religion the most hii- interfere, of right, as is advocated by many. raane, mild, gentle and generous, adopting a I meant to suggest, that if the wisdom of Vir- principle as repugnant to humanity as it is ginia should decide that it was practicable, inconsistent with the Bible and destructive to and invite the aid of the General Government, liberty? Every thinking, honest man rejects that it should then be afforded at her instance, it in speculation ; how few in practice, from and not that of the United States, as having conscientious motives! the least authority in the matter." Would any one believe that I am master of " Mr. Leigh : I thank the gentleman for his slaves, of my own purchase? I am drawn explanation." See Debates in Convention, page along by the general inconvenience of living 172-'3. here without them. I will not, I cannot jus- tify it. However culpable conduct, I will I find the following in the proceedings of the my so far pay my devoir to Virtue, as to own the Convention, which may throw some light on excellence and rectitude of her precepts, and the question of free negro citizenship. It oc- lament my want of conformity to them. curs in the proceedings of Friday, December 1 believe a time will come, when an opportunity will be ojfered to abolish this lamentable evil. 18, 1829: Everything we can do is to improve it, if it " The third resolution as amended in the happens in our day ; if not, let us transmit to House yesterday, on Mr. Leigh's motion, was our descendants, together with our slaves, a next read, in the words following pity for their unhapjjy lot, and our abhorrence " ' Every male citizen of the Commonwealth, for slavery. If we cannot reduce this wished- * resident therein, aged twenty-one years and for reformation to practice, let us treat the * upwards, other than free negroes and mulat- unhappy victims with lenity. It is the further- * " toes,' &c., &c. most advance we can make towards justice [This resolution was adopted but those who it is a debt we owe to the purity of our reli- ; voted against it did so without reference to gion, to show that it is at variance with that the above phraseology.] law which warrants slaver3\ I know not where to stop. I could say many things on The subject of slavery was only discussed the subject, a serious view of which gives a incidentally during the deliberations of the gloomy perspective to future times. Letter to Convention, and mainly in reference to the Robert Pleasants. 80 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. G. W. P. CUSTIS, ESQ., OF ARLINGTON, it now behooves us to apply the remedy, while VIRGINLi. remedy we have, and pave the way for distant though certain removal of the evil, ere it may- Extract his Speech before the Eleventh An- from be too late even to hope for success.. nual Meeting the American Colonization of " Sir, the prosperity and aggrandizement of Society, January, 1828. a State is to be seen in its increase of inhab- " My days of enthusiasm, said Mr. C, have itants, and consequent progress in industry long since gone past ; and I now look through and wealth. Of the vast tide of emigration, the plain medium of sober truth, upon the which now rushes like a cataract to the West, objects of this world. Viewing things in this not even a trickling rill wends its feeble course manner, I feel that the design of the Coloniza- to the Ancient Dominion. Of the multitude tion Society must succeed, as strongly as I of foreigners who daily seek an asylum and a feel the force of any self-evident proposition. home in the Empire of Liberty, how many Sir, it cannot be otherwise. Reason and ex- turn their steps toward the regions of the perience and principle are with us. The land slave? None. No, not one. There is a ma- of liberty is not a home for the slave. He laria in the atmosphere of those regions, which perishes there. His mind and energies are the new-comer shuns-, as being deleterious to withered. his views and habits. See the wide-spreading " Sir, if we go back to the olden time, and ruin which the avarice of our ancestral Gov- mark the progress of events, what do we see? ernment has produced in the South, as wit- Two barks, at different periods, left the shores nessed in a sparse population of freemen, of Europe, and spread their canvas for the deserted habitations, fields without culture, New World. Of the one which steered to the and, strange to tell, even the wolf, which, North, Religion sat at the helm, and with her driven back long since by the approach of came all the kindred virtues. They debarked man, now returns, after the lapse of an hun- upon a bleak and barren coast, where, by the dred years, to howl o'er the desolations of exercise of patient industry, social harmony, slavery. and all the best attributes of man, they have " Where, I ask, is the good ship Virginia, made the land, which was once an inhospita- in the array of the National Fleet ? Drifting ble desert, to flourish and " blossom as the down the line, sir—third, soon to be fourth. rose"— and, sir, from the seed of these Pilgrim Where next? Following in the wake of those a race of people, who, still Fathers hath descended she formerly led in the van ; her flag flying whether you shall estimate them by their at the main, the flag of her ancient glory; but progress in the arts of peace, their renown in her timbers are decaying, her rigging Avants war, or their active and successful enterprise setting up ancAv, and her Helmsman is old and on the soil or the wave, have not their fel- weather-beaten. But let her undergo an over- lows on the habitable globe. haul, let the parts decayed by slavery be " The bark which steered for the South, bore removed, and good sound materials put in the Genius of Chivalry, under the gallant pen- their stead, then manned by a gallant crew, nons of Raleigh and Smith, with all the no- my life on it, the Old Thing will once more ble and manly virtues in their train. From brace upon a wind, aye, and show her stern the followers of those adventurous leadings to those who have almost run her hull under. have sprung a people, Avho, born and nurtured " Sir. said Mr. C, a dawning of light has at under the fervid beams of a Southern sun, so length arisen upon the darkness of our long genial to the growth of the strong plants of night. It now begins to break, and gives glo- Talent and Tobacco, have quick yet kindly rious promise of its future splendor. At first feelings, warm-hearted friendships, and genu- it was but a foint and feeble streak along the ine, open-handed hospitality. God saw these verge of the horizon. Noav it brightens in its enterprises with approval, wafted them in progress, and grows ouAvard towards the me- safety over the trackless main, and bid them ridian day. It rises from that land where fix their abodes on the soil of America. Had darkness has hitherto reigned alone—Avhere it these have been the only description of freights has been said that genius sickens and fancy which the Old World ever sent to the Ncav, dies. The slave returns to the land of his there would have been everything to rejoice fathers, the land for Avhich nature has fitted at, and nothing to mourn ; but alas, sir, soon him. While Ave should sicken and die A'ictims did another bark speed her course o'er the of that ardent clime, the native African, invig- Atlantic Avave. Rapine and outrage furnished orated under the influence of a vertical sun, her lading. Avarice and Ambition trimmed glories in its blaze, and grapples with the lion her sails, and all the dark and deadly passions of the desert. But expose the African to the urged her on her baneful way ; and would, keen rigors of our Northern Avinter, and he sir, that Providence, in mercy to the destinies shivers and dies, while the white man can of this fair country, had whelmed the slave bare his bosom to the blast. Nature, then, has ship in the fathomless deep, ere she disgorged pointed out the Avay ; and let us folloAv, to her accursed cargo on our once smiling shores. obey her mandates. She hath draAvn a line This seed of evil, planted by the avarice of of demarkation between the countries of the our ancient rulers, Ave derive from those who Avhite man and the black. " have gone before us ; it is our misfortune, not Let me say, sir, in this Legislative Hall, our fault; but it is too late to complain, and Avhcre words of eloquence have so often ; — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 81 ' charmed the listening ear,' that the glorious have thus far been crowned with unexpected time is coming Avhen the wretched children success? of Africa shall establish on her shores a nation " May not this be looked upon as a glorious of Christians and freemen. It has been said work, the success of which has been demon- that this Society was an invasion of the rights strated! And when the time shall come of the slaveholders. Sir, if it is an invasion, and I trust in God it will come—when this it comes not from without. It is an irruption free and enlightened nation, dAvelling in peace of liberality, and threatens only that freemen and happiness under the mild influences will overrun our Southern country—that the of its Government and laws, shall have fixed soil will be fertilized by the sweat of freemen deep the foundations of civilization in that alone, and that what are now deserts will distant land, hitherto only known for its flourish and blossom under the influence of wide-spread deserts and its savage race; enterprise and industry. Such will be the oh, sir, what will be the gratitude of that happy results of this Society. people, who, transferred from the abode of *' Let the philanthropist look at the facts. their bondage, shall enjoy the rights of free- Nearly two millions of this unhappy people men in their native clime I And, oh, sir, tread our soil. In the Southern climate, their when we look to ourselves — when we see the increase is more rapid than that of the whites. fertilization of those barren wastes which What is the natural result, if some means are always mark the land of slaves — when we not applied to prevent it? What is now, see a dense population of freemen — when compared to our own population, but as a lovely cottages and improved farms arise upon molehill, will become a mountain, threatening the now deserted and sterile soil, and, where with its volcanic dangers all within its reach. now deep silence reigns, we hear the chimes What is the next consequence? Why, as in of Religion from the village spire, will you the slave colonies of other countries, you not, will not every friend of his country, must have an army of troops to keep in awe thank this Society for its patriotic labors? this dangerous population. What a sight Yes ! Kings might be proud of the effects would this be, in a land of liberty I The same which this Society will have produced. Far breeze that fanned our harvests, that played more glorious than all their conquests would among the leaves of the cane and the corn, ours be ; for it would be the triumph of free- would also rustle banners of war ! By the side dom over slavery — of liberality over preju- of implements of agriculture, employed in the dice — and of humanity over the vice and works of peace, will appear the gleam of arms. wretchedness, which ever wait on ignorance Shall it be said that we are not liable to the and servitude I same vicissitudes that have overtaken other " The spirit which pointed out and has at- nations ? No, sir ; we are operated upon by tended the course of this Society is rapidly the same circumstances to which other nations gaining ground in the civilized world. I trust have been subjected. The same causes will its progress will not be impeded. I trust, sir, produce the same effects, as long as the nature that the Eagle, who now makes his eyry in of man is unchanged, in every clime. the rocks and fastnesses of this land of free- "I trust, sir, that the march of mind is men, will spread his broad pinions over other now upon its glorious way. I trust that the climes ; and that the freedom for which our minds of all have been sufficiently opened to fathers contended, and which their sons know the true interest and glory of the country, to well how to prize and enjoy, may be diffused agree with me, that this is no fitting place for wherever the human footstep is imprinted on the slave. That this country must, at some the earth ! Yes, sir, it must be so ! The future time, be consecrated to freemen alone. liberty of the New World will find its way to There are many individuals in the Southern the Old. It will grow; it will flourish — for country, of which I am a native, who predict it is an imperishable principle." See Eleventh that the plan must fail. They say we shall go Annual Report Amer. Col. Soc.pp. 22, 23, 24, 25. on and partially succeed ; that a portion of the black population will go out to the Colony, VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. and, after residing there a short time, become Extract from the Report of the Committee to discontented, when the plan must be given up whom ivere referred sundry Memorials on the and that the evil which we have endeavored subject Colonizing the Free People of Color to remove will be only the worse for our exer- of of Virginia. tion to obviate it. But this, sir, will not hold " true. It was, as it were, but a few days since, a The establishment within the limits of any small number of individuals were thrown upon State of a large and growing community of the shores of Africa. And what is the result ? individuals, essentially different from the great Here let it be said — in the palace of legisla- mass of its inhabitants, would, under any tion — that this people, but just now a hand- circumstances, be a matter of questionable ful, are rising to consequence, and to a capa- expediency. But if that community be dis- bility of the enjoyment of political and civil tinguished by the peculiarity of its color, be slaves or of their immediate de- rights ; and let us say to those who doubt, made up of diffused over every part of this is the evidence in favor of our plan ! scendants, and be Ought not this to join all hearts, and call forth a slaveholding country, there is no longer renewed exertions from those whose labors room to doubt the baneful and dangerous 6 — : : 82 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. character of the influence it must exert. The there can be very little doubt that it will a distinctive complexion by which it is marked least open a drain for our colored population, necessarily debars it from all familiar inter- of which individual humanity and legislative course with the more-favored society that sur- wisdom may avail themselves to an extent rounds it, and of course denies to it all hope amply sufficient for all the purposes of public of either social or political elevation, by security. But should it realize, in its results, means of individual merit, however great, or the anticipations that have sometimes been individual exertions, however unremitted. The formed in relation to it, and draw from us, strongest incentives to industry, and moral as without a single interference with individual well as political rectitude, being thus with- rights, or a single violation of individual drawn, it would argue a most extraordinary wishes, the great mass of our colored popula- ignorance of the character of the human tion, then indeed may Virginia lock to it as heart, to anticipate from those, in relation to the surest means of restoring her to that whom virtue and intelligence and patriotism ascendency among her sister States, of which are stripped of their most powerful attractions, it may be safely affirmed that slavery only a course of conduct calculated either to exalt has deprived her." Appendix Twelfth Annual themselves, or to benefit the country in which Report, pp. 59, 60, 62, 63. they live. Reason, on the contrary, would point us to the very results which our own RESOLUTION OF VIRGINIA. experience has so fully demonstrated. Igno- Whereas the General Assembly of Vir- rance, idleness, and profligacy, must be the ginia have repeatedly sought to obtain an inseparable companions, the unavoidable con- asylum, beyond the limits of the United States, sequences, of individual degradation ; and for such persons of color as had been or they who are its unfortunate subjects cannot might be emancipated under the laws of this fail to be a curse to the community with which Commonwealth, but have hitherto found all they are connected, detracting at once from their efl'orts for the accomplishment of this its general wealth, its moral character, and its desirable purpose frustrated, either by the political strength." * * * disturbed state of other nations, or domestic " Under the influence of a policy, already causes equally unpropitious to its success referred to, and justified by the necessity from They now avail themselves of a period when which it sprung, the laws of Virginia have peace has healed the wounds of humanity, and prohibited emancipation within the limits of the principal nations of Europe have concur- the State, but on condition of the early re- red with the Government of the United States, moval of the individual emancipated. Do in abolishing the African slave trade, (a traffic not justice and humanity require that the which this Commonwealth, both before and rigors of this condition should be softened, since the Revolution, zealously sought to ter- as far as possible, by legislative interposition? minate,) to renew this eff'ort, and do therefore And how can this be so eff"ectually accom- Reaolve, That the Executive be requested to plished, as by providing a safe and suitable correspond with the President of the United asylum, together with the means of emigration States, for the purpose of obtaining a territory to it, for those whose removal from the State upon the coast of Africa, or at some other is positively enjoined? There can be no doubt place, not within any of the States or Territo- of the wisdom and propriety of controlling, rial Governments of the United States, to serve ^ and even entirely repressing the operations of i as an asylum for such persons of color as are benevolence and philanthropy, when inconsist- now free, and may desire the same, and for ent with the public safety or the public wel- those who may hereafter be emancipated within fare. But that Government would be justly this Commonwealth ; and that the Senators and chargeable with the extreme of despotism, Representatives of this State, in the Congress that should attempt, without necessity, to of the United States, be requested to exert interfere with the kind and generous feelings their best efl'orts to aid the President of the the human heart or, where the necessity attainment of the above of ; United States in the exists, without tempering the rigor of its de- object: Provided, That no contract or ar- crees with such emollients as charity may rangement respecting such territoiy shall be suggest, and the means at its disposal may obligatory on this Commonwealth until ratified supply. by the Legislature. On the present occasion, however, policy Passed by the House of Delegates, December fortunately points to the very course which 15th—by the Senate, with an amendment, humanity would require. In providing for December 20th — concurred in by the House those whose removal from the State is made a of Delegates, December 21, 18i6. condition of their emancipation, the means of emigration to Africa, the General Assembly MARYLAND. will be applying, in the opinion of your Com- Since the meeting of the Society, the fol- mittee, the only safe and efficient remedy to lowing resolution has unanimously passed the an evil, whose presence and magnitude is ac- Legislature of Maryland knowledged, and whose future increase is By the House of Delegates, Jan. 26, 1818. dreaded by all. If the effect of this operation Resolved, unanimously. That the Governor should not be, as some have sanguinely hoped, be requested to communicate to the President the entire extinction of slavery in the end, of the United States and to our Senators ; — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 83 the opinion have fully united in this work of humanity and Representatives in Congress, ; of this General Assembly, that a wise and whilst Portugal has also renounced the slave provident policy suggests the expediency, on trade to the north of the equator." See Fourth the part of our National Government, of pro- Annual Report of Col. Society. curing, through negotiation, by cession or purchase, a tract of country on the Western TENNESSEE. coast of Africa, for the colonization of the Address of the Synod of Tennessee to the Society free people of color of the United States. for the Colonization of the Free People of By order. Louis Gassaway, Clerk. Color in the United States. [The following extracts are made from the TO THE HON. BUSHROD WASHINGTON, ESQ., PRES- able and interesting Report of the Frederick IDENT, ETC. County, Virginia, Auxiliary Society.] Respected Sir : Through you, the synod ''Africa, the pride of antiquity, and the of Tennessee embrace, with lively pleasure, original seat of the arts and sciences, has for an early opportunity of congratulating the three hundred years been visited with every Society formed at the Capital of our nation, act of oppression which could be devised by and consisting of so many of our distinguished the tyranny or injustice of mankind. After statesmen and fellow citizens, for the coloniza- improving the condition of the ancient nations tion of the free people of color among us, of Europe and Asia, by instructing them in who may accede to their plan. the principles of civil government and the As ministers and disciples of Him who pro- has, maxims of philosophy, she in modern claims light to them that sit in darkness, ages, been rewarded for her services by a sys- peace to a jarring world, liberty to the cap- cruel, persecution, unparal- tem of inhuman tives, and the opening of the prison to them leled in the annals of the world. By means of that are bound, we anticipate the glorious the slave trade, that scourge of Africa, the day, when men shall know the Lord from the countries bordering on her sea-coast have l3een least unto the greatest in all lands ; when her virtues blasted, her peace de- desolated, every one shall sit under his own vine and her civilization retarded or converted stroyed, under his own fig tree, having none to molest to barbarism, and her intercourse with foreign or to make him afraid ; when the rod of the nations annihilated, except in the diabolical oppressor and the tears of the oppressed shall traffic of human flesh ! Our own country is be known no more ; but all men shall do unto the of slavery, already blackened with victims others as they would be done unto in similar nearly millions of souls amounting to two circumstances. This glorious change in the contemplate their increase through the and to state of the world we expect will be brought futurity, is alarming to the patriot vista of and about by the instrumentality of men, under the philanthropist. the blessing of God. While, then, th€ heralds " deprecate the horrors of slavery, While we of salvation go forth in the name and strength it is consoling to reflect that our country is of their divine Master to preach the gospel to guiltless of the crime, which originally was every creature, we ardently wish that your legalized by Great Britain under our Colonial exertions and the best influence of all philan- Government, and consummated by commercial thropists may be united, to meliorate the con- avarice, at a time when our powerless Legis- dition of human society, and especially of its latures vainly implored the mother country to most degraded classes, till liberty, religion, abolish a trade so impious in its character and happiness, shall be the enjoyment of the and dreadful in its consequences. In the year whole family of man. 1772, Virginia discouraged the importation Nashville Church, Oct. 1817. of slaves by the imposition of duties, and sup- 3, A true copy from the records of the Synod plicated the Throne to remove the evil ; and of Tennessee. in 1778, having broken the fetters of British tyranny, she passed a law prohibiting the fur- Charles Coffin, Stated Clerk. ther importation of slaves. The attention of ' Resolution the Legislature the Continental Congress was called to this of of the State of Ten- nessee. interesting subject as early as the year 1774, and the opposition then expressed to the slave Your committee are of opinion that such trade was afterwards effectuated by a law parts of said memorials and petitions as ask enacted by the Constitutional Congress as this General Assembly to aid the Federal Gov- soon as its delegated powers would permit. ernment in devising and executing a plan for In an address which was carried unanimously colonizing, in some distant country, the free in both Houses of the British Parliament, it is people of color in the United States, is rea- said ' that the United States of America were sonable and, for the purpose of effecting the ; honorably distinguished as the first which object which they have in view, the commit- pronounced the condemnation of this guilty tee have drafted a resolution, which accompa- traffic' In pursuance of our example, en- nies this report, the adoption of which they forced by the eloquence of Clarkson, Wilber- would recommend. force, and their coadjutors, the British Gov- The committee are of opinion that such ernment, and subsequently the other nations parts of said memorials and petitions as pray of Europe, (with the exception of Portugal,) the passage of a law to prohibit the bringing — ; 84 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. of slaves into or through the State, for sale, I am the person you will find mentioned in as well as those parts which pray that the Harris's collections (the last edition in two owners of slaves of certain ages and descrip- vol.) and Smollett's in Rolt. and all the histo- tions may be permitted to emancipate them ries of that time. •without giving any security, are reasonable " My friends and I settled the Colony of and to endeavor to accomplish those objects, Georgia, and by charter were established to they have drafted a bill, which accompanies make laws, &c. We determined not to suffer this report, the enacting of which into a law slavery there; but the slave merchants, and the committee also recommend. their adherents, occasioned us not only much All which is respectfully submitted. trouble, but at last got the then Government Nath. Willis, Chairman. to favor them. We would not suffer slavery Mr. Willis, from the same committee, sub- to be authorized under our authority. The Gov- mitted the following resolution, which was ernment, finding the trustees resolved firmly not to concur Avith what they thought unjust, read and adopted : Resolved^ (by the General Assembly of the took away the charter, by which no law could State of Tennessee,) That the Senators in Con- be passed Avithout our consent. gress from this State be and they are hereby " As you Avill find me in the history of those instructed, and that the Representatives be times, you will find me also in the present list and they are hereby requested, to give to the of the army; and Avhen you come to town, I Government of the United States any aid in shall be very glad to see you in Grosvenor their power, in devising and carrying into ef- street, Avhere I live in London, as I do here in fect a plan which may have for its object the the country. colonizing, in some distant country, the free " You mention an argument urged by Hume, people of color who are within the limits of that the Africans were incapable of liberty, and States, or limits of the United within the any that no man capable of government Avas ever of their Territories. produced by Africa. What a historian ! He must never have heard of Shishak, the great GEN. OGLETHORPE. Sesostris, of Hannibal, or of Tirhaka, king of Ethiopia, wdiose very name frightened the " More can be said of General Oglethorpe, mighty Assyrian monarch, (2 Kings, XIX, 9.) * than of the subject of any other prince in Is it possible he never should have seen * he founded the province of Europe ; Georgia Herodotus, w^iere the mighty works of the ' in America ; he lived to see it flourish and Pyramids, remaining to this day, are men- ' become of consequence to the commerce of tioned ; and in the ansAver of the king ' Great Britain ; he saw it in a state of resist- of Ethiopia to Cambyses. In Leo the Afri- * ance, and at length independent of the mother can's geographical description of Africa, he * country ; and of great political importance in would have found that Africa had produced quarter of the globe." 'one Vide 3IcCalVs races of heroes." History of Georgia. Such was the individual with whom Gran- ville Sharp now commenced a correspond- It is an interesting fact, that the most wor- ence. We give the following extract from thy and industrious settlers in Georgia were Gen. Oglethorpe's first letter. entirely opposed to the introduction of slavery into the Colony. The indulgences granted to TO GRANVILLE SHARP, ESQ. the Carolinians increased the discontent of " Sir : Being at Woolston Hall, Dr. Scott's those " who, having been not only useless house, he showed me your ' Law of Retribution.' members, but burdensome to society at home, I was greatly rejoiced to find that so laborious determined to be equally so abroad: and as and learned a man had appeared a champion they generally had nothing to lose, they Avere for the rights of mankind, against avarice, resolved obstinately to persist in their de- extortion, and inhumanity ; that you had with mands, until their wishes Avere satisfied or the heroic courage dared to an press home on an Colony ruined. Their idleness and dissipation infidel luxurious world the dreadful threats of prevailed to such a formidable degree that the prophets. the people were on the verge of starvation. The " 1 sir, ob't servant, am, your humble object of the trustees was to compel them to "James Oglethorpe." labor, and their object was to live without labor." The trustees required nothing from the people, GEN. OGLETHORPE TO GRANVILLE SHARP. but what they had bound them- selves by covenant to perform. " The Germans "Cranham Hill, Oct. 13, l^TG. and Highlanders, having been brought up in " Sir : With great pleasure I receive the habits of industry, yielded to a fulfilment of favor of yours of the 2'i'th of September, and their contracts for the public good, and under since, several excellent tracts of your compo- a full confidence that the trustees Avould in sing, which I have read with much satisfaction, due time extend to them such privileges as as they all point to the great end of life — would eventually lead to their interest and the honor of God and love of our neighbor. happiness." " As I have not the happiness of being From the petitions of the Highlanders, we known to you, it is necessary to tell you that give the following extract: : — ; — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 85 To his Excellency James Oglethorpe. KENTUCKY COLONIZATION SOCIETY. We are informed that our neighbors of Report presented by the Managers to the Society^ Savannah have petitioned your Excellency at its first Annual Meeting.— \Extract.'\ for the liberty of having slaves : We hope " It is a melancholy truth, that unconditional and earnestly entreat that, before such propo- slavery exists in the United States, although sals are hearkened to, your Excellency will it is the first of nations in understanding the consider our situation, and of w^hat dangerous rights of man, and is not backward in pro- and bad consequences such liberty would be claiming its exclusive possession of liberty. to us, for many reasons. The evil is great, and is regretted by all en- First. The nearness of the Spaniards, who lightened citizens. It was incorporated into have proclaimed freedom to all slaves who our institutions by the Government from which run aAvay from their masters, makes it impos- we separated, and the difficulty is, how to get sible for us to keep them without more labor clear of it with justice to all concerned, and in watching than we would be at to do their with a due regard to individual rights and work. national safety. Some of the States are free Second. We are laborious, and know a white from this evil, while others have still to bear man may be, by a year, more usefully em- the burden. Shortly after Kentucky assumed ployed than a negro. her station among her sister States, the ques- Third. We are not rich, and becoming tion was tried, in the canvass for her last debtors for slaves, in case of their running Convention, whether she should or should not away, or dying, would inevitably ruin the poor be one of those which retained slavery. It master, and he become a greater slave to the was decided, by not large majorities, that the negro merchant than the slave he bought evil should remain, because its extirpation could be to him. could not be effected without too great an in- Fourth. It would oblige us to keep a guard jury to those who had already fixed upon this of duty at least as severe as when expected we as their home, with numerous slaves, acquired a daily invasion ; and if that the case, were and possessed under pre-existing laws of un- how miserable it be for us our would and doubted validity. Since then, experience has wives and children an without, and a — enemy taught us that slaves add nothing to our more dangerous one in our bosom. national wealth. Where thoy exist, labor is The fifth objection stated was the moral not only high, but badly performed and the ; wrong of the proposed measure. communities grooving up around us, who are From the memorial of the Germans we give clear of this evil, flourish over us, and by their the following extract cheapness of labor, nicer mechanism, and "Though it is here a hotter climate than more abundant industry, are making us trib- utary. of light, the our native country is, yet not so extremely The progress conduct hot as we were told on the first time of our of other nations—and particularly those of arrival; but since we have now been used to our South American neighbors—in liberating their slaves, the belief of the disad- the country, we find it tolerable, and for work- growing ing people convenient, setting themselves to vantages of slavery, with other causes, con- tribute to increase the conviction that slavery work early in the morning till ten o'clock, and in the afternoon from three to sunset is an evil, and that its consequences may one day or other terrible. to this and having business at home, we do it in our become Add huts and houses in the middle of the day, the growing plans of Christian benevolence in operation, strive to happy, till the greatest heat is over. People in Ger- render man more many are hindered by frost and snow, in the and a commendable philanthropy induces us winter, from doing any work in the fields and to wish for the happiness of every class of the children of Adam." See African (^Coloniza- vineyards ; but we have this preference, to do the most and heaviest work at such a time, tion) Repository, May, 1830. preparing the ground sufficiently for planting in the spring. We were told by several peo- JOHN A. McKINNEY, ESQ., OF TENNESSEE. ple, after our arrival, that it proves quite Extracts from an Address delivered before the impossible and dangerous, for white people to Hawkins County Colonization Society, Ten- plant and manufacture rice, being a work for nessee, by John A. McKinney, Esq., July negroes but having experience to the contrary, Uh, 1830. ; laugh at such talking, seeing that several we " But this is not all the good the Society people of us have had in, last harvest, a greater proposes to do. For more than three hundred crop than they wanted for their own con- years, an odious traffic in human flesh has sumption. been carried on from the western coast of " We humbly beseech the honorable trustees Africa to the continent of America, Avhich, not to allow it, that any negro might be brought in its consequences, has produced more un- to our place or in our neighborhood, knowing mingled woe than any other calamity Avhich by experience that our fields and gardens will has ever befallen the human family. It is not always be robbed by them, and white persons my purpose to enter into a minute detail of be put in danger of life because of them, this abominable, Heaven-detested commerce. besides other great inconveniences.'' Vide Suffice it to say, that for hundreds of years McCalVs History of Georgia. past, about eighty thousand human beings have — ; 86 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. been torn from their homes and their friends, on earth ! Form an idea, if you can, of that and all their earthly attachments, in each anl unutterable desolation which encompasses the every year of that long and dreary period. father and mother whose children have been " When the Spaniards discovered the island torn from them in a moment, and of whom they of St. Domingo, it was supposed to contain are never again to hear any intelligence on this upwards of a million of inhabitants. And in side of the grave ! Conceive, if you can, the the short space of fifteen years that vast mul- bitterness of that cup of woe Avhich the cap- titude had been reduced to about sixty thou- tive drinks to the dregs, as he is carried across sand, and they were diminishing daily. About the ocean in a floating dungeon, the draught this time it was discovered that the western continually embittered by the remembrance coast of Africa was peopled with a hardy of that home and those friends he never more race, who were capable of enduring toil, and shall see ! Bring these things home to your whose constitutions were adapted to the heat own doors, and measure them by your own of a tropical climate. Thither the Spaniards feelings, and tell the result if you can ! Think turned their eyes, as to a place where slaves not that these people, either in the laud from could be procured to labor in their mines which they came or in that to which they are ; and from that accursed hour until the present carried, do not feel like other human beings time, the inhabitants of Africa have been torn in like circumstances. It is a sad mistake to from home, and all the sweets and comforts think so. of home, and have been dragged into bondage " Fleecy locks and black complezion under circumstances of cruelty and barbarity Caiiiiol forfeit nature's claim; which has stamped everlasting infamy on all Skins may differ, but affection Dwells in wiiite and black the same the actors in and aiders and abettors of this horrible traffic. Happy indeed would it be for these wretched "When the slave traders first visited the captives, if they lost their feeling at the same western coast of Africa, it is said to have time that they lost their freedom. But they been a most delightful country. It was thickly do continue to feel, and that most keenly studded with villages, and swarmed with a and such is the effect of that unutterable population who were simple in their manners, despair, which takes possession of their whole amiable in their dispositions, and were in the souls, that it prompts them to adopt every quiet enjoyment of the bounties which nature means in their power to destroy their misera- had bestowed upon them in great profusion. ble lives. It is true they were not civilized, according to " Of the eighty thousand persons supposed to our ideas of civilization ; and it is also true, have been carried captive yearly, from the con- that nature had stamped on them a complexion tinent of Africa, one-third of the whole num- different from ours ; but still they were com- ber are supposed to have died on the passage, paratively an innocent, happy, unoffending from causes, some of which I have enumerated, race. But the scene has been sadly changed and have been buried in the ocean. Another in that ill-fated country a country red with third are supposed to have died in what is black men^s blood, and black with white men's called the seasoning—that is, in becoming crimes. acclimated to the countries to which they " The slave traders introduced among these have been carried—so that out of the eighty simple people everything that could please the thousand persons torn from Africa every year, fancy, excite the cupidity, or rouse the passions upwards of fifty thousaad have died of broken of uncivilized persons. They fomented quar- hearts, and other causes, in the course of a rels among them, and furnished them with the few months from the time the galling chain means of destroying each other, until at length of slavery was fastened round their necks. every man's hand was turned against his Oh! what a prodigious waste of human life! brother. The consequence was, that the na- Let us pause for a moment, and form an idea, tive tribes on the coast of Africa made war on if we can, of that mighty multitude of the mur- each other, in which the great object was to dered sons and daughters of Africa, who, on its dead, make prisoners ; and every person who was that day when the ocean shall give up taken prisoner was sold to the slave dealer, shall appear at the bar of God to demand ven- and was hurried on board the slave ships which geance on their cruel murderers! Can any were constantly hovering off the shores of one for a moment contemplate this long pro- that devoted land. tracted scene of villainy, and not be satisfied " But, indeed, it is impossible to portray the that there is need for, and must be a day of sorrows and sufferings of the wretched sons awful retribution approaching ? and daughters of Africa. Think, if you can " In fact, the Colonization Society proposes conceive of it measure, if you can ascertain the only means by which this accursed trade ; and its dimensions, the length, and breadth, and can or ever will be effectually stopped ; height, and depth, of that tremendous load of indeed the Colony of Liberia, which this Soci- grief which presses on the heart of the captive, ety has planted, has already freed about two when he casts the last lingering look on all he hundred and fifty miles of that coast from the is leaving, when he is about to be torn from ravages of these enemies of the human race. home and all its pleasures, from his kindred And who, let me ask, will avow by his conduct and all their sympathies, and to be carried to that he possesses a heart so cold, so regardless in- a returnless distance from all he holds dear of the feelings of humanity and the best : — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 87 terests of society, and so engrossed with its we have the light of the spirit of God and own interests, and its own cares, and its own the approbation of conscience. If I am wrong, pleasures, that he will not move a step, nor do it is under such persuasion and approval of an act, in aid of those who are planning and mind. executing such great and glorious achieve- " In Kentucky, you are in advance of us in ments? I hope the number of such is small, preparation for measures of emancipation. But and that it will speedily diminish, until there if we were not joined politically to West Ten- shall not be an individual found, in all our nessee, we of East Tennessee would be moving happy land, who will not cheerfully contribute even before you of Kentucky on this subject. a little of his property, and the whole of his Our soundest politicians would at once have influence, be that much or little, until the sons their deliberations drawn to incipient meas- and daughters- of Africa shall be restored to ures, were they not restrained by our connec- that country from which their parents were tion with the other part of the State. " feloniously and barbarously stolen until our ; beloved country shall be freed from a great MR. UNDERWOOD. and sore evil, with which she is now afflicted On the 15th of January, 1835, the Hon. ; until that hateful traffic in human flesh, which Joseph Underwood delivered an Address to has so long and so cruelly desolated and now the Colonization Society of Kentucky, from desolates the African continent, shall be for- which I extract the following paragraphs : " ever done away ; and until the light of the For myself, I can say, that the difference gospel shall shine into every dark recess of between the domestic slave trade and that that much-injured part of the world." * * * which our forefathers carried on upon the " And let it be remembered that the forlorn coasts of Africa is so trifling, that I should be and wretched part of the community, on whose willing to arrest the one as soon as the other. behalf I would enlist your feelings and excite But I should not undertake to do it by eman- your compassion, are emphatically our neigh- cipating the slaves and permitting them to re- bors. They are bone of our bone and flesh of main among us. " our flesh ; and if we could be made to ex- I will endeavor to point out to the aboli- change situations with them, and to sulfer as tionist a better remedy. There are, as we they suffer, and to feel as they feel, and think have already seen, only three thousand nine as they think, we would then know by experi- hundred and fourteen male and female slaves " ence how " hope deferred yaaketh the heart sick; in Kentucky, in their iTth year. Now, if we and then, could we again resume our former were to send to Africa, annually, four thou- station, we would not need any argument to sand males and females, half to be females, convince us that it is our duty to assist, by all and in their sixteenth or seventeenth year, we lawful ways and means, the American Coloni- should soon begin to break up all the evils of zation Society in the mighty enterprise in slavery, &c. * * * which it is engaged. Our contributions would " It must be obvious to every one, that it is then be liberal, for they would be prompted by not a want of ability to raise the means, but that our feelings as well as our judgment." See it is a want of will to engage in the work, or to African [Colonization) Repository, Oct., 1830. suffer the slaves who are fit for colonization to do it for themselves. Our purses are not the THE REV. MR. ROSS, OF TENNESSEE. cause of the failure. The Egyptians would not let the Israelites go. Our eager pursuit of wealth The Rev. Frederick A. Ross, in a letter to and rank scarcely allows us time to think of President Young, dated Kingston, Tenn., Feb- a benevolent work, much less to do it; and ruary 1835, states that the letter of the 6, there lies the cause of the failure. If every latter gentleman on slavery, (see page 67 of bosom contained a fountain of love, deep and this work,) had brought to determination his broad enough to buoy up the glory and welfare views on " slavery." This determination is of mankind, we should return to Africa her announced as follows : long-persecuted race, and exterminate slavery "My last will and testament as to these ser- at home, with a certainty and success which vants is to be fulfilled in conformity with would astonish the world. measures of emancipation determined on, in " I think the remarks made must convince reference to my slaves, January, 1835. The the abolitionist, that colonization, carried on State of Tennessee forbids the manumission upon the plan suggested, would extirpate sla- of slaves within its limits. But I can effect a very in Kentucky, and produce a separation virtual emancipation in this State, by adopting between the whites and blacks, locating each the apprentice system." race in a congenial climate, and laying a sure [Here follows a statement of his plan.] foundation for the permanent felicity of both. He concludes his letter as follows If he wishes to contemplate the operations of *' Your principles and my own are thus in the scheme upon a still larger scale, I need only practice. I am living under the new order of inform him that there are three hundred and things. The servants are delighted—better twelve thousand five hundred and sixty-seven pleased, they assure me, than they would have male slaves, of ten and under twenty-four been with a sudden change to uncontrolled years of age, and three hundred and eight freedom. I hope I have not erred in my duty. thousand seven hundred and seventy females, Sometimes we are deceived when we think of the same age, in the United States. Divide : — : 88 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. these numbers by fourteen, and it will give JAMES MADISON. three hundred and twen- twenty-two thousand At the annual meeting of the American ty-six males, and twenty-two thousand and Colonization Society, in January, 1832, the fifty-five females, in their seventeenth year, or following highly interesting letters from ex- three hundred a total of forty-four thousand President Madison and Chief Justice Marshall should be annually col- and eighty-one, which were read by the Rev. R. R. Gurley, the Sec- doing which, would onized; the expense of retary, to whom they were addressed only amount to one million five hundred and " MoNTPELiER, December 29, 1831. fifty-three thousand three hundred and thirty- five dollars. Half the proceeds of the sale of "Dear Sir: I received, in due time, your the public lands, applied to the object, would letter of the 21st ult., and with due sensibility accomplish it." See African {Colonization) Re- to the subject of it. Such, however, has been pository May, 1835. the effect of a painful rheumatism on my gen- ^ eral condition, as well as in disqualifying my fingers for the use of the pen, that I could not do justice ' to the principles and measures of [From the Lexington Observer and Reporter ] the Colonization Society, in all the great and GRADUAL EMANCIPATION IN KEN- various relations they sustain to our own coun- try and to Africa,' if my views of TUCKY.—1835. them could have the value which your partiality supposes. Convention.—At a large and respectable I may observe, in brief, that the Society had meeting of the citizens of Shelby county, held always my good wishes, though with hopes of at the court-house in Shelbyville, Ky., on Sat- its success less sanguine than were entertained urday, the 23d May, in conformity with notice by others found to have been the better judges ; previously given, to discuss the expediency of and that I feel the greatest pleasure at the taking the sense of the voters of this Common- progress already made by the Society, and the wealth, as to the propriety of calling a conven- encouragement to encounter remaining diffi- tion to form a new Constitution, Major Samuel culties afforded by the earlier and greater ones White being called to the chair, the following already overcome. Many circumstances at the resolutions were offered, and, after considera- present moment seem to concur in brightening ble discussion, adopted, without a dissenting the prospects of the Society, and cherishing voice the hope that the time will come when the Resolved^ That the system of domestic slave- dreadful calamity which has so long aflSicted ry, as it now exists in this Commonwealth, is our country, and filled so many with despair, both a moral and political evil, and a violation will be gradually removed, and by means con- of the natural rights of man. sistent with justice, peace-, and the general Resolved, as the opinion of this meeting, satisfaction ; thus giving to our country the full That the additional value which would be given enjoyment of the blessings of liberty, and to the to our property and its products, by the intro- woi'ld the full benefit of its great example. I duction of free white labor, would in itself never considered the main difficulty of the be suflTicient, under a system of gradual eman- great work as lying in the deficiency of eman- cipation, to transport the whole of our popula- cipation, but in an inadequacy of asylums for tion. such a growing mass of population, and in the Resolced, That no system of emancipation great expense of removing it to its new liome. will meet with our approbation, unless coloni- The spirit of private manumission, as the laws zation be inseparably connected with it; and may permit and the exiles may consent, is in- that any scheme of emancipation which will creasing and will increase ; and there are leave the blacks within our borders is more to sufficient indications that the public authori- be deprecated than slavery itself ties, in slaveholding States, are looking forward Resolved, That it is believed by the present to interpositions, in different forms, that must meeting, that the time has arrived for the peo- have a powerful effect. With respect to the ple of Kentucky to call a convention, with the new abode for the emigrants, all agree that the view of providing for the prospective emanci- choice made by the Society is rendered peculiar- pation of slaves, and for other purposes. ly appropriate by considerations which need not Resolved, That all present, who have voted be repeated; and if other situations should not for ihe above resolutions, do hereby pledge be found eligible receptacles for a portion of themselves to use all lawful and prudent means them, the prospects in Africa seem to be ex- to promote the objects expressed therein. panding in a highly encouraging degree. Resolved, That the editors of newspapers " In contemplating the pecuniary resources throughout the State are hereby respectfully needed for the removal of such a number to solicited to publish the proceedings of this so great a distance, iny thoughts and hopes have meeting in their respective papers. been long turned to the rich fund presented in the Resolved, That this meeting now adjourn, to Western lands of the nation, which icill soon en- convene again at this place on Saturday next, tirely cease to be under a pledge for another object. at 2 o"clo(;k, P. M., to discuss further the sub- The great one in question is truly of a nation- the preceding resolutions al character, and it is known that distinguished jects presented in ; and all citizens are solicited to attend and patriots, not dwelling in slaveholding States, participate. have viewed the object in that light, and would THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 89 be willing to let the national domain be a re- ble traffic, detested by all good men—and would source in effecting it. protect the vessels and commerce of the colony "Should it be remarked that the States, from piraies, who infest those seas. The power though all may be interested in relieving our of the Government to afford this aid is not, I country from the colored population, they are believe, contested. I regret that its power to not equally so ; it is but fair to recollect, that grant pecuniary aid is not equally free from the sections most to be benefitted are those question. On this subject, I have always whose cessions created the fund to be dis- thought, and still think, that the proposition posed of. made by Mr. King, in the Senate, is the most " I am aware of the constitutional obstacle unexceptionable, and the most effective that which has presented itself; but if the general can be devised. will be reconciled to an application of the ter- " The fund would probably operate as rap- ritorial fund to the removal of the colored idly as would be desirable, when we take into population, a grant to Congress of the neces- view the other resources which might come sary authority could be carried, with little in aid of it, and its application would be per- delay, through the forms of the Constitution. haps less exposed to those constitutional ob- ''Sincerely wishing an increasing success to jections which are made in the South, than the labors of the Society, I pray you to be the application of money drawn from the Treas- assured of my esteem, and to accept my ury, and raised by taxes. The lands are the friendly salutations. James Madison." property of the United States, and have here- tofore been disposed of by the Government, JUDGE MARSHALL. under the idea of absolute ownership. The cessions of the several States convey them to "Richmond, Deceviber 14, 1831. the General Government, for the common ben- "Dear Sir: I received your letter of the 7th, efit, without prescribing any limits to the in the course of the mail, but it was not ac- judgment of Congress, or any rule by which companied by the documents you mention. that judgment shall be exercised. The cession " I undoubtedly feel a deep interest in the of Virginia, indeed, seems to look to an appor- success of the Society; but, if I had not long tionment of the fund among the States, ' ac- since formed a resolution against appearing in cording to their several respective proportions print on any occasion, I should now be unable in the general charge and expenditure.' But to comply with your request. In addition to this cession was made at a time when the lands various occupations which press on me very were believed to be the only available fund for seriously, the present state of my family is paying the debts of the United States and such as to prevent ray attempting to prepare supporting their Government. This condition anything for publication. has probably been supposed to be controlled " The great object of the Society, I presume, by the existing Constitution, which gives Con- is to obtain pecuniary aids. Application will gress ' power to dispose of, and make all undoubtedly be made, I hope successfully, to needful rules and regulations respecting, the the several State Legislatures, by the societies territories or the property belonging to the formed within them, respectively. It is ex- United States.' It is certain that the donations tremely desirable that they should pass per- made for roads and colleges are not in propor- manent laws on the subject, and the excitement tion to the part borne by each State of the produced by the late insurrection makes this general expenditure. The removal of our col- a favorable moment for the friends of the col- ored population is, I think, a common object, ony to press for such acts. It would be also by no means confined to the slave States, desirable, if such a direction could be given although they are more immediately interested to State legislation as might have some tend- in it. The whole Union would be strengthened ency to incline the people of color to mi^ate. by it, and relieved from a danger whose extent This, however, is a subject of much deliffacy. can scarcely be estimated. It lessens very Whatever may be the success of our endeavors much, in my estimation, the objection, in a to obtain acts for permanent aids, I have no political view, to the application of this ample doubt that our applications for immediate con- fund, that our lands are becoming an object tributions will receive attention. It is possi- for which the States are to scramble, and ble, though not probable, that more people of which threatens to sow the seeds of discord color may be disposed to migrate than can be among us, instead of being what they might provided for with the funds the Society may be—a source of national wealth. be enabled to command. Under this impres- "I am, dear sir, with great and respectful es- sion, I suggested, some j^ears past, to one or teem, your obedient servant, two of the Board of Managers, to allow a small "J. Marshall." additional bounty, in lands, to those who would pay their own passage, in whole or in part. HON. WILLIAM S. ARCHER. The suggestion, however, was not approved. Extracts from the Speech the Hon. William S. " It is undoubtedly of great importance to of Archer, Virginia, at the loth Annual Meet- retain the countenance and protection of the of ing the American Colonization Society. General Government. Some of our cruisers, of stationed on the coast of Africa, would, at the "These were claims to no ordinary approval same time, interrupt the slave trade—a horri- of the office and operation of the Society. — 90 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. Another, however, belongs to it, far greater. mind wide awake to the interest of this great Mr. Archer said that he was not one of those subject, in every quarter. The moment ought (however desirable it might be, and was, in not surely to be lost. Men could not now say, abstract speculation) who looked to the com- as they were wont, of the extremest peril and plete removal of slavery from among us. If crisis of this evil, they will not come in our that 'consummation, devoutly to be wished,' day. were to be considered feasible at all, it was at "It was demonstrated by proof of frightful a period too remote to warrant the expenditure validity that the peril impended, that the crisis of any resource of contemplation or contribu- might come on any day. No, he was wrong. tion now. But a great benefit, short of this, It was not in the day that this form of horrors was within reach, and made part of the scope ever disclosed itself It came in the night of operation of the plan of the Society. The disclosed itself in the midnight glare of habi- progress of slavery was subjected to the ac- tations, in which every form of outrage and tion of a law of the utmost regularity of action. butchery had previously been wreaked on Where this progress was neither stayed nor every form of life and helplessness, even to modified by causes of collateral operation, it the sleep of the cradle." hastened with a frightful rapidity, dispropor- tioned entirely to the ordinary law of the J. B. HARRISON, ESQ., OF VIRGINIA. advancement of population, to its catastrophe, which was repletion. If none were drained Extracts from the Report of the Board of 3Ian- away, slaves became, except under peculiar agers of the Lynchburg Auxiliary Colonization circumstances of climate and production, in- Society, presented by J. B. Harrison, Esq.— evitably and speedily redundant, first to the 1828. occasions of profitable employment, and, as a "Indeed, it strikes us forcibly that there is consequence, to the faculty of comfortable pro- now, and always has been, an essential differ- vision for them. No matter what the human- ence between the sentiment of Virginia and ity of the owners, fixed restriction on their South Carolina on the whole subject of slavery. resources must transfer itself to the comfort, If we may consider the author of an able and then the subsistence, of the slave. At pamphlet, by Brutus, as speaking the voice of this last stage, the evil, in this form, had to our opponents in Carolina, we shall find, by a stop. To this stage (from the disproportioned close analysis, that the true grounds of their rate of multiplication of the slaves double — hostility are : 1st. An apprehension that there that of the owners, in this country) it was does exist in all the non-slaveholding States a obliged, though at different periods in differ- rooted design to abolish slavery among us ent circumstances, to come. When this stage an apprehension which we will briefly declare, had been reached, what course or remedy re- in our opinion, to be, to any great extent, mained? Was open butchery to be resorted manifestly unfounded. In proof of this, let to, as among the Spartans with the Helots? them reflect either on the declaration of Mr. Or general emancipation and incorporation, as Everett, that, in case of an insurrection of our in South America? Or abandonment of the slaves, he and his fellow-citizens of Massachu- counti'y by the masters, as must come to be setts would be the first to take the knapsack and the case in the West Indies? Either of these the musket, to fight for us the holy war of our was a deplorable catastrophe. Could all of deliverance; or, let them believe Mr. McDufiBe, them be avoided, and if they could, how? who declared that he could most sincerely tell There was but oneway; but that might be them that there were not twenty men in Con- made effectual, fortunately ! It wag to provide gress who would not vote as South Carolina and keep open a drain for the excess of increase would wish, on a proposal to interfere in any beyond the occasions of profitable employment. manner with her slaves. Let then this un- This might be done effectually, by exten- wortljy suspicion be forever dismissed. 2d. sion of the plan of the Society. The drain However, they think it a full justification for was already opened. All that was necessary all their hostility, that a society dares to exist would be, to provide for the enlargement of which speaks of slavery at all; and Avhich, by the channel, as occasion might demand. To the most remote implication, can be shown to this end, aid was looked for from the Govern- desire the amelioration of slavery. We, of ment of the United States. This would re- Virginia, have never so much dreaded the bare quire, Mr. Archer thought, an amendment to hinting at slavery as an evil, as to attempt to the Constitution to authorize it—a resource suppress the natural workings of human nature. of precarious reliance. But the resources of Before the Revolution we passed twenty-three the States within which the evil was found acts to suppress the evil ; all negatived by the * were entirely adequate to the object. * * King. As early as 1'7T6, feeling that it was an "Large and overwhelming evils induce in- evil, we did not go into a corner to whisper out ertness and torpor in the public mind, which it a craven humanity; but we boldly closed up demands some signal incident or catastrophe and locked forever the great gate through which to awaken and direct to salutary action. This the pestilence was to be perpetually rein- has been the case, in an especial manner, with forced—we abolished the slave trade. South the portentous evil in question. A recent and Carolina laughed then at our fanaticism, and most tragical catastrophe, of which his own pretended to tremble at our pernicious exam- State had been the scene, had now put the public ple. Her nerves proved tough for thirty-two — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 91 years after this and, up to the very last limit it for granted, it is impossible for me to doubt ; of the patience of the other States, the slave it, that every individual slaveholder in the ship showed its ill-fated flag in her harbors. United States acknowledges the injustice and "From a period as early as 1782 we permitted violence of the right he assumes over his slaves, aiiy master, by deed or will, to emancipate his and feels it his duty, before God and to his slaves; and in 1806, for the best reasons, en- country, to renounce that right whenever he tirely accordant with the principles of this can do it with safety to the community and to Society, too, we added a clause requiring such the real benefit of the slaves. Men may doubt emancipated persons to depart out of the State. about the fitness of an opportunity; the op- Yet we learn from Brutus that no slave can portunity may not yet be come may not come ; by law be emancipated in South Carolina for one or two centuries ; but the wise know without a special act of the Legislature ; and that it will come, and patriotism trusts it may that the Legislature has, particularly of late come soon. When it has arrived, I know that years, set its face against all emancipation. honest men will take but one course. I do Will any one, after this, seek to ally the feeling not condemn, let me be understood, their de- of Virginia on this head with that of Caro- tention in bondage under the circumstances lina? We can give but cold applause to that which are yet existing. I may be permitted patriotism which declares war against the to declare that I would be a slaveholder to-day, most distant tendency—we use the words of without scruple. But, Mr. President, I hold Brutus—'to weaken the attachment of our it due to candor to say, that if there be a citizens to the policy which is the life-blood statesman in the United States—and I believe of Carolina,' and proclaims that domestic ser- there are two or three such—who is content vitude is so essentially interwoven with her that we shall always hold them in servitude, prosperity, that for her OAvn citizens to speak and would advise us to rest contented with of its abolition, now or in any future time, is them, us, and our posterity, without seeking or to talk of striking her out of political and accepting means of liberating ourselves and civil existence. [Brutus, page 124.) As for them, he deserves a heavier vengeance than the us, we mean to allow no dictation of the non- orator's bile—the curses alike of America, slaveholders but, in bidding them hold off", counselled to her ruin, and of outraged Africa. ; we cannot use such arguments as these. God Let me not be considered harsh ; for inasmuch forbid that we should be driven to incorporate as the piratical trader for human beings on the with our every-day sentiments of liberty the African coast—the master of the slave ship detestable paradox which those arguments is the most detestable of monsters in action, imply. There are not, we believe, a hundred so, I must say, is the advocate by cool argument men in Virginia who do not hope their poster- of slavery in the abstract, odious in thought. ity may one day find it fit to relieve themselves I know such is not the feeling of Virginia ; we of this curse. We should be unworthy of the hope that one day or other, more propitious beautiful system which it mars, did we not than the present, it must be, our posterity shall * lament its existence ' as a stain upon a vestal's see this a liberated land." * * robe, the worse for what it soils.' " * * * "And if I might divine something of the fu- " If it indeed be true that the richest cotton ture, I would say, that after ten years to come, lands of Carolina can never be cultivated ex- it will be with two classes of foes that we cept by slave labor, we sincerely pity our shall have chiefly to contend. The first is that brethren for their embarrassing condition; but number of men, not large I trust, who still this of itself puts up a perpetual barrier be- look on their slaves in the light in which most tween the interests of Virginia and Carolina, men regarded them when the slave trade was which no attachment for them can make us legitimate. There are not many such in Vir- throw down. Virginia, at least, has no physi- ginia. Almost all masters there assent to the cal obstacle which will decree her never to proposition, that when the slaves can be lib- become a flourishing Commonwealth of ho- erated without danger to ourselves, and to their mogeneous freemen." own advantage, it ought to be done. Of those, wherever they are, who hold their slaves with that same sentiment which impelled the kid- Extract from a Discourse delivered before the napper when he forcibly bore them off", I know Lynchburg [Va.) Colonization Society, at its not how morality can distinguish them from Anniversary, in July, by Harri- 1827, J. B. the original wrong-doers, pirates by nature, son, Esq. and pirates by civilized law. And if there are " But shall it be, indeed, matter of reproach few such in Virginia, I feel assured that there to the Society, that it offers a mode whereby are also few such anywhere in the South." such as are perfectly willing may relieve them- selves of their slaves without possibility of H. J. THORNTON, ESQ., OF ALABAMA. danger to the community ? Are the masters Extract an Address delivered in September, in Virginia afraid to trust themselves to the from before the Madison County (Ala.) Colo- temptation of an opportunity so inviting to 1832, nization Society, by H. J. Thornton, Esq. patriotism, so free from ill consequence as this will be, I trust, in some future day? For "Mr. President : I have thus far only con- surely this thing will never be done without sidered this Society in its primary object and our entire consent. But I draw nearer. I take its most obvious bearings. I intimated, how- — 92 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. ever, that in its cousequences (and in that view its Anniversary Meeting, held on the loth of I frankly confess its interests are doubly en- August, 1833, by Richard H. Toler. deared to me) it might lead to the gentle and "Mr. President: At a very early period of gradual, though certain and final, extermina- our colonial history, our wisest and best men tion of domestic slavery. Many of its friends perceived and felt the blighting and demoral- entertain the ardent hope that a little outlet izing evil which had been entailed on the fairest is here made, through which, in time, the portion of tlie New World, by the mistaken pol- whole mass of our black population may be icy of the colonists. The slave ship, freighted drained; and every one must admit, that if, with the heaviest curse in which the love of from any cause yet latent in the gloom of fu- gold ever tempted man to traffic, soon follow- turity, a total abolition should become desira- ed the first settlers of this continent across the ble or necessary, the prosperous operation of waters; and, unhappily for them and for us, the Colony of Liberia will have rendered that and for generations yet unborn, instead of object both feasible and facile. being indignantly driven from our coast, she " With regard to the manner in which the was permitted to furl her sails in our harbors, object just alluded to may be effectuated and to pour her vile cargo on our shores, then through me medium of this Society, if the for the first time burdened with a human be- c«bject itself, under any and all circumstances, ing in bondage. The lure, sir, was too great be not objectionable, which I trust is not the to be resisted. It was too tempting to the in- case, I feel assured that the means it proposes dolence and pride of the colonists, who saw cannot be repudiated. They seem to be just in it the means of revelling in the luxuries of and unexceptionable. The leading cause in wealth, coupled with exemption from that this effect will be voluntary emancipation. manual labor and toil which, without invol- When so happy a receptacle shall have been untary servitude, would be necessary to obtain established for freed slaves, there can be no them. From that day to this, the evil has just obstacle interposed to the exercise of in- continued to grow and spread, until now its dividual beneficence in this behalf. The be- anaconda folds embrace within their deadly nevolence of masters will be quickened as by grasp a vast portion of the great American a new birth, when the assurance is felt that Confederacy. It has not thus continued to an un mingled blessing will be conferred upon gather strength and power, however, without its object. Even hitherto, when that charity inspiring, even in the minds of those subject was, to say the least of it, doubtful as it re- to its influence, and enjoying its supposed garded its object, and positively detrimental to benefits, a deep conviction of its ruinous tend- the community, 3^et it has been flowing on in a encies; but that conviction has been also ac- constant and unremitting stream. Maj' we not companied by a not less sincerely entertained suppose that it will swell to overflowing, under apprehension that it was as ineradicable as it the benign auspices of this institution? W^hen was dangerous. Yet, sir, as I before remarked, emancipation shall have progressed until, by at a comparatively early period of our history, the vacuum created, a large mass of free white some of our leading statesmen turned their labor shall be called into action, its superior anxious attention to this subject, (and, as they advantages will be universally experienced, constituted a majority of the House of Bur- and even sordid avarice will begin to release gesses, it is fair to infer that they were not far her grasp the slave. In but, despairing upon some instances ahead of popular sentiment ;) the Socict}' has encountered opposition, from of undoing what had been already done, they the very fact of its likelihood to produce this contented themselves with arresting the in- result. Such opposition, however, I am per- crease of the evil by interdicting the farther suaded, will yield to better reflection. If it importation of slaves from Africa. Several be demonstrated that no private right is to be acts were passed by the Colonial Legislature violated—that no slave is to be liberated ex- in furtherance of this design ; but the Royal cept by the free consent of his owner, and sanction being necessary to give them the that consent, too, as we suppose, founded upon character of laws, and that having been fruit- a full and just apprehension of his own inter- lessly applied for, the accursed traffic contin- est, would not a continued opposition exhibit ued until, under a better order of things, the a strange example of human perversity? If Revolution having released us from foreign we interpose barriers to the exercise of the control, the slave trade was forbidden, as far will of the master to liberate his slave, do we as Virginia was concerned, under the severest not commit the very violence upon his rights penalties. But the principle of slavery had which we slander the promoters of colonization already been incorporated in our legal policy, with endeavoring to practice upon ourselves? and had interwoven its fibres in all the social It surely is so, unless this singular paralogism relations. It was not possible—nor, if it had can be maintained, that there is only a right been possible, would it have been either just to possess and enjoy this species of property, to the master or humane to the slave—to have and no right to abandon it." See African disruptured the settled order of things, and, by (^Colonization) Repository^ June, 1833. a general statute of emancipation, to have rev- olutionized our social relations by raising the MR. TOLER, OF VIRGINIA. latter to an equality with the former. Their Extract from an Address delivered before the ignorance and their loose notions of morality Lynchburg Auxiliary Colonization Society, at would have rendered them unfit associates in — — ; — t THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 93 the private circles of life, and ungovernable It would be superfluous for us, on the present and danc^erous as citizens, even had not their occasion, to attempt an enumeration of the difference of color precluded all idea of a evils resulting from slavery among us; permit gradual removal of the impediments to the us, however, to preseiit to your contemplation amalgamation of the two races—impediments, a picture drawn by the illustrious Jefferson springing not so much from their antecedent nearly fifty years ago. We would particularly relations, as from that broad and ineffaceable call your attention to that part of it which badge of distinction stamped upon them by breathes a prophetic spirit, as applicable to the the hand of Providence. It seemed, therefore, present times : "The whole commerce between to the wise and good men of that day, that sla- master and slave," says he, "is a perpetual very having once taken root in our soil, and exercise of the most boisterous passions, the having grown with our growth and strength- most unremitting despotism on the one part, ened with our strength in a ratio greatly favor- and degrading submissions on the other. Our able to the final numerical ascendency of the children see this, and learn to imitate it; for blacks, it was fixed here forever by the unal- man is an imitative animal. This quality is terable decree of Heaven. Indeed, I believe the germ of education in him. From his cradle it was no uncommon sentiment at that day to his grave, he is learning what he sees others and I doubt Avhether the opinion be not general do. If a parent had no other motive, either now—that God has cursed the African with in his own philanthropy or self-love, for re- an obtuser intellect, and stamped him with a straining the intemperance of passion towards darker hue, and loaded him with servile chains, his slave, it should always be a sufficient one as the penalty for the transgressions of his that his child is present. But generally it is reputed progenitor. But this is one of those not sufficient. The parent storms, the child popular errors which have their reign for a looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, brief period, until they are dispelled by a more puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller careful investigation into the truths of history, slaves, gives a loose to his worst of passions; and a more philosophical application of those and, thus nursed, educated, and exercised in truths to current events. For my own part, tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with I believe that the African is endowed with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prod- faculties as lofty, with perceptions as quick, igy who can retain his manners and morals with sensibilities as acute, and with natures as uudepraved by such circumstances," &c. susceptible of improvement, as we are, who The whole passage from Jefferson's Notes is boast a fairer skin ; and that, operated upon by recited in the memorial. tTie same ennobling impulses, stimulated by the same generous motives, and favored b}^ the same adventitious circumstances, they would, I find the following paragraph, from a North as a mass, reach as high an elevation in the Carolina paper, in the African [Colonization) scale of moral refinement, and attain as great Repository, August, 1829. distinction on the broad theatre of intellectual " The Effects of Slave Labor. John Nich- achievement, as ourselves. And I am proud — ols offers for sale that valuable property called that the free citizens of this Republic are about the James river slate mines, sixty miles above to test the accuracy of this opinion—to offer to Richmond, Va. He says his object is to relieve a portion of that 'doomed people' a country himself as far as possible from a dependence which they may call their own, and to encour- on slave labor. How many of our industrious age them to kindle upon their hearth-stones and enterprising citizens, being disgusted with the domestic fires around which they may the idea of rearing a family of children in a daily gather their little households, and teach land so rapidly peopling with slaves, have sold them the high moral lessons which raise man their possessions and removed themselves to above the level of the brute, and give him Ohio, where the increasing prosperity of the some faint conception of that spark within people so strikingly demonstrates the superior which links him to the Deity." See African advantage of free labor." Greensborough (iV. i^Colonization) Repository, Dec., 1833. C.) Patriot. KENTUCKY MEMORIAL. LUTHER MARTIN, OF MARYLAND. Extract from a Memorial of the Kentucky Colo- Mr. Martin, after the adjournment of the nization Society. Federal Convention, of which he was a mem- Representatives To the Senate and House of of ber, was called upon, early in the year 1788, the United States, in Congress assembled: to deliver to the State Legislature a statement The undersigned petitioners, citizens of the of the proceedings of the Convention. His State of Kentucky, would respectfully repre- statement was elaborate, and from it I take the sent, that we cordially unite with our fellow following extract. See American Eloquence, citizens of other States in the Union, in deeply by Frank Moore. D. Appleton & Co. 1857. lamenting the miseries attendant upon slavery " The report was adopted by a majority of the and that we arc anxious to see those miseries Convention, but not without considerable op- mitigated by every possible means, not repug- position. It was said that we had just assumed nant to the rights of individuals or to the 1 a place among independent nations, in conse- Constitution of the United States. quence of our opposition to the attempts of 94 THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM, Great Britain to enslave us; that this opposition same proportion the State was weakened and "was grounded upon the preservation of those exposed to foreign invasion or domestic insur- rights to which God and nature entitled us, not rection, and by so much less it will be able to in particular, but in common with all the rest protect itself against either; and therefore will of mankind. That we had appealed to the Su- by so much the more want aid from, and be a preme Being for his assistance as the God of burden to, the Union. It was further said, Freedom, who could not but approve our efforts that as in this sj'stem we were giving the Gen- to preserve the rights which He had thus im- eral Government a power, under the idea of parted to his creatures; that now, when we national character or national interest, to reg- scarcely had risen from our knees, from suppli- ulate even our weights and measures, and have cating His aid and protection in forming our prohibited all possibility of emitting paper Government over a. free people—a Government money and passing insolvent laws, &;c., it must formed pretendedly on the principles of liber- appear still more extraordinary that we should ty, and for its preservation—in that Govern- prohibit the Government from interfering with ment to have a provision, not only putting it the slave trade, than which nothing could so out of its power to restrain and prevent the materially affect both our national honor and slave trade, even encouraging that most infa- interest. These reasons influenced me, both mous traffic, by giving the States power and on the committee and in convention, most de- influence in the Union in proportion as they cidedly to oppose and vote agains*, the clause cruelly and wantonly sport with the rights of as it now makes a part of the system. their fellow-creatures, ought to be considered "At this time, we do not generally hold this as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that commerce in so great abhorrence as we have God whose protection we had then implored, done. When our liberties were at stake, we and could not fail to hold us up in detestation, warmly felt for the common rights of men. and render us contemptible to every true friend The danger being thought to be past which of liberty in the world. It was said, it ought threatened ourselves, we are daily growing to be considered that national crimes can only more insensible to those rights. In those be, and frequently are, punished in this world States which have restrained or prohibited the by national punishments ; and that the contin- importation of slaves, it is only done by leg- uance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a islative acts which may be repealed. When national sanction and encouragement, ought those States find that they must in their na- to be considered as justly exposing us to the tional character and connection suffer in the displeasure and vengeance of him who is disgrace and share in the inconveniences at- equally Lord of all, and who views with equal tendant upon that detestable traffic, they may eye the poor African slave and his American be desirous also to share in the benefits arising master! from it, and the odium attending it will be "It was urged, that by this system we were greatly effaced by the sanction which is given giving the General Government full and abso- it in the General Government. lute power to regulate commerce, under which " With respect to that part of the second sec- general power it would have a right to restrain, tion of the first article which relates to the or totally prohibit, the slave trade. It must apportionment of representation and direct therefore appear to the world absurd and dis- taxation, there were considerable objections graceful to the last degree, that we should made to it, besides the great objection of ine- except from the exercise of that power the quality. It was urged that no principle could only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable justify taking slaves into computation in ap- in its nature, and contrary to the rights of portioning the number of representatives a mankind. That, on the contrary, we ought State should have in the Government. That rather to prohibit expressly, in our Constitu- it involved the absurdity of increasing the tion, the further importation of slaves; and power of a State in making laws for freemen, to authorize the General Government from in proportion as that State violated the rights time to time to make such regulations as of freedom. That it might be proper to take should be thought most advantageous for the slaves into consideration when taxes were to gradual abolition of slavery, and the emanci- be apportioned, because it had a tendency to pation of the slaves which are already in the discourage slavery; but to take them into ac- States. count in giving representation, tended to en- " That slavery is inconsistent with the genius courage the slave trade, and to make it the of republicanism, and has a tendency to de- interest of the States to continue that in- stroy those principles on which it is supported, famous traffic. That slaves could not be taken as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of into account as men, or citizens, because they mankind, and habituates us to tyranny and were not admitted to the rights of citizens in oppression. It was further urged, that, by this the States which adopted or continued slavery. system of government, every State is to be If they were to be taken into account as prop- protected both from foreign invasion and from erty, it was asked, what peculiar-circumstance domestic insurrections; that, from this consid- should render this property (of all others the eration, it was of the utmost importance it most odious in its nature) entitled to the high should have a power to restrain the importation privilege of conferring consequence and power of slaves, since in proportion as the number in the Government to its possessors, rather of slaves was increased in any State, in the than any other; and why slaves should, as — — — — — THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM. 95 property, be taken into account rather than flowed from them, would then attach them horses, cattle, mules, or any other species; and to Government. They are then no longer the it was observed by an honorable member from creatures of despotisn. They are bound, by Massachusetts, [Elbridge Gerry,] that he gratitude as well as by interest, to seek the wel- considered it as dishonorable and humiliating fare of that country from which they have de- to enter into compact with the slaves of the rived the restoration of their plundered rights, Southern States, as it would with the horses and with whose prosperity their own is insep- and mules of the Eastern." arably involved. All apostacy from these principles, which form the good citizen, would, under such circumstances, be next to impossi- MARYLAND. WILLIAM PINKNEY, OF ble. Speech in the Maryland House of Dele- Sir, iniquitous and most dishonorable to gates, 1V89. Maryland is that dreary system of partial bond- age which her laws have hitherto supported Extract from a Prize Essay on the comparative with a solicitude worthy of abetter object, and Economy of Free and Slave Labor in Agri- her citizens by their practice countenanced. culture, by James Raymond, of Frederick, Ma- Founded in a disgraceful traffic, to which ryland. Published by the Frederick County the parent country lent her fostering aid from Agricultural Society, in 1827. motives of interest, but which even she would have disdained to encourage, had England been "The same causes which induced England the destined mart of such inhuman merchan- to prohibit slavery at home, while she waa dise, its continuance is as shameful as its origin. pouring them into her colonies, led Spain to Wherefore should we confine the edge of pursue the same course. And so of France, censure to our ancestors, or those from whom and all the European PoM^ers who were sup- they purchased? Are not we equally guilty? plied with free labor at home, but had in- They strewed around the seeds of slavery we fant colonies in the West Indies or America, cherish and sustain the growth. They intro- which would lie for a short time without cul- duced the system we enlarge, invigorate, and tivation for the want of labor, unless a forced, confirm it. unnatural, and, in the long run, an unprofitable That the dangerous consequences of this system was resorted to, to supply the article. system of bondage have not as yet been felt, Instead of waiting for the new world to popu- does not prove they never will be. At least, late with laborers by the emigration of free- the experiment has not been sufficiently made, men and the natural increase of population, to preclude speculation and conjecture. To slavery was resorted to as a more speedy me, sir, nothing for which I have not the evi- method of introducing labor. But the ten dence of my senses is more clear, than that it millions of inhabitants with which two hun- will one day destroy that reverence for liberty, dred years have peopled the United States, which is the vital principle of a republic. show how small must have been the necessity While a majority of your citizens are ac- of enslaving mankind in order to introduce customed to rule with the authority of despots, human labor into America. Labor, like all other commodities, if it had been left free to within particular limits ; while your youth are reared in the habit of thinking that the great regulate itself by the conflicting interests and rights of human nature are not so sacred but necessities of mankind, would soon have found they may with innocence be trampled on, can its way to the place where it was wanted, and it be expected that the public mind should supplied the demand. That this momentary glow with that generous ardor in the cause of deficiency of free labor was the sole cause of freedom, which can alone save a Government introducing slavery into America, appears con- like ours from the lurking demon of usurpa- clusively, from the fact that those nations who tion? Do you not dread the contamination of introduced it, prohibited slavery at home, where principle? there was free labor enough to do the work. The example of Rome shows that slaves are Slave labor could only obtain where free labor the proper, natural implements of usurpation, was absent. The former was not able to com- and therefore a serious and alarming evil in pete with the latter, where the employer had every free community. With much to hope his choice." See African [Colonization) Re- for by a change, and nothing to lose, they have pository, June, 182 7. no fears of consequences. Despoiled of their rights by the acts of Government and its cit- izens, they have no checks of pity or of con- WILLIAM WIRT. science, but are stimulated, by the desire of Slavery was contrary to the laws of nature reven'ge, to spread wide the horrors of desola- and of nations, and that the law of South Car- tion, and to subvert the foundation of that olina, concerning seizing colored seamen, was liberty of which they have never participated, unconstitutional. * -x- * Last and lowest, and which they have only been permitted to a feculum of beings called overseers—the most envy in others. abject, degraded, unprincipled race—always But where slaves are manumitted by Gov- cap in hand to the dons who employ them, ernment, or in consequence of its provisions, and furnishing materials for their pride, inso- the same motives which have attached them lence, and love of dominion. Life of Patrick to tyrants, when the act of emancipation has Henry. INDEX. The Slave Trade condemued by the page. PAGE. people of the South in County and Mr. Thomas Marshall, of Fauquier, 47 State Conventions, and by the Con- Mr. James McDowell, of Rockbridge, 47 tinental Congress, 3, 4, 5 Mr. Philip A. Boiling, of Buckingham, 49 The Writings of Washington, 5, 6, V, 8 Gen. Brodnax, of Dinwiddle, 49 Dr. Franklin on Slavery, 8, 9, 10, 38, 39 Hon. Charles J. Faulkner, 50—54 Tlios. Jefferson on Slavery, 10, 29—37 Nashville (Tenn.) Banner, 54 Mr. Chase, of Maryland, 11 Nashville (Tenn.) Republican, 54 John Adams, of Massachusetts, 11 State Convention of Tennessee, 54 Mr. Wilson, of Pennsylvania, 11, 17, 19, 27 Mr. Stephenson, of Tennessee, 54 Mr. Madison, 12,13,18, 19, 22, 24, 25, 38, 39,71, 88 Mr. Laughlin, of Tennessee, 54, 55 KufusKing, 13, 14 Protest against non-action, (Tenn.) 54, 55 Gouverneur Morris, of Penn., 14, 15, 18, 19 St. George Tucker, of Virginia, 55 Edmund Randolph, of Va., 14, 17, 19, 20, 25 Henry Clay, 55—59, 76 Roger Sherman, of Connecticut, 14, 16, 18,19 William Pinkney, of Maryland 60, 62, 95 Luther Martin, of Maryland, 15,93 General Lafayette, 63, 64 Col. George Mason, of Va., 16, 18, 20, 21, 23 G. W. P. Custis ,63, 64, 80 Mr. Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, 17, 18, 19 Bishop Meade, of Virginia, 64 Mr. Langdon, of New Hampshire, 17 Presbyterian Church on Slavery, 65 Mr. Williamson, of North Carolina, 18 Delaware Colonization Society, 66 Mr. Lee, of Westmoreland, 20 Norfolk, Va., Calouization Society, 66 Mr. Pendleton, of Va., 20 Hon. Francis S. Key, 67 Patrick Henry, , 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 79 President Young, of Transylvania College,. ..67 George Nicholas, 21, 23 Rev. Robert J. Breckenridge, Ky., 68 Mr. Tyler, of Virginia, 22 Gen. Robert Goodloe Harper, of Md., 69 Mr. McDowell, of North Carolina, 26 John Randolph, of Roanoke, 71 Mr. Iredell, of North Carolina, 26, 27 President Monroe, 71, 78 Mr. Wright, of North Carolina, 26 General Jackson, 72 Mr. Galloway, of North Carolina, 26 Ordinance of 1787, 72 Mr. Gaston, of North Carolina, 37 Judicial Decisions, 72 Mr. Parker, of Virginia, 38 Judge Bushrod Washington, 77 Memorial from Pennsylvania Abolition William H. Fitzhugh, Esq., of Va., 77 Society, 38, 40, 41, 42 Virginia Legislature, 81, 82 Mr. Seney, of Maryland, 39 Tennessee Synod, 83 Mr. Page, of Virginia, 39, 41 Tennessee Legislature, 83 Report of the House of Representatives, 40, 41 General Oglethorpe, 84 Mr. White, of Virginia, 40 Kentucky Colonization Society, 85 Mr. Vining, of Delaware, 41 J. A. McKinney, of Tennessee, 85 Quaker Memorial, 41 Rev. Mr. Ross, of Tennessee, 87 Debate on Emancipation in the Virginia Senator Underwood, of Kentucky, 87 Legislature in 1832, 42 Gradual Emancipation in Kentucky, 88 Richmond Enquirer, 43 Judge Marshall, 89 Mr. Moore, of Rockbridge, 43 Hon. W. S. Archer, of Virginia, 89 Mr. Rives, of Campbell, 44 J. B. Harrison, Esq., of Lynchburg, 90, 91 Mr. Powell, 44 H. J. Thornton, Esq., of Alabama, 91 Mr. Preston, 44 Richard H. Toler, Esq., of Virginia, 92 Mr. Summers, of Kanawha, 44 Kentucky Memorial, 93 Mr. Chandler, of Norfolk, 44 Greensborough (N. C.) Patriot, 93 Mr. Thomas J. Randolph, of Albemarle,.... 46 Prize Essay, Maryland,. 95 Mr. Henry Berry, of JeflFersou, 46 William Wirt, 95 NEW BOOKS TO BE ISSUED IN MARCH BY j JOHN P. JEWETT&CO.,i NO. 20 WASHINGTON STREET, BOSTON. TRAILL'S JOSEPHUS, with Isaac Taylor's JSTotes. 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