The Moldovan ASSR Between the Bolshevik “Empire” and Greater Romania

CEU eTD Collection Second Reader: Professor Alfred Rieber Supervisor: Professor Constantin Iordachi The MoldovanThe ASSR betweenthe Bolshevik “Empire” and GreaterRomania: Nation- and State- Building in the Soviet Borderland (1917-1940) In partialfulfillment oftherequirements forthedegree of CentralEuropean University Alexandr Voronovici History Department Budapest, Hungary Master ofArts Submitted to 2010 By CEU eTD Collection this researchthis project. support of thesecond year ofmy studies at the CentralEuropean University and I would to express like my tothe gratitude International Visegrad Fund forthe written permission of theAuthor. copies made accordance in with suchinstructions may notbemadewithout the from the librarian. This page must form a partofanysuchcopies made. Further the Author and lodged inthe CentralEuropean Library.Details may beobtained fulleither in orpart,mayaccordance bemade in only with theinstructions givenby Copyright thein text ofthis thesis rests withthe Author.Copies byany process, Statement ofcopyright CEU eTD Collection project but also as a case of the as acaseof alsobut project context. explainingmajor strategies decisions, the and logic behind theall-Union within them experienceASSR,approach. Theauthorreassesses of Moldovan the top-down the frameworkusually of highly expansionist,analyzed the arbitrary, within centralized, the historiography in nationality 1940). In MASSR of developments are policy the the dimensions acquired primary importance within importance acquireddimensions changingcontexts. primary Sovietthe of the Moldovan population. Therefore, different, sometimes opposing, views and ASSR canbeexplainedby ambiguousopinionsthe of Sovietthe authorities on identity the ASSR. majorreinterpret turning pointsand of paradoxes nation-buildingthe in Moldovan the nationality policy and its relation to the Soviet foreign goals give the possibility to The nation-building in ASSR theMoldovan is analyzed just not as an expansionist The study The focusesstudy on building nation-the and state- inthe ASSRMoldovan (1924- The arguesradicalin quite that author the turnsin nationality thepolicies Moldovan korenizatsiia Abstract iii . The emphasis on the logic of Soviet CEU eTD Collection VUTsIK - All-Ukrainian Central Executive Central VUTsIKCommittee -All-Ukrainian (Bolshevik) Party –All-Union Communist VKP(b) Committee TsK –Central TsIKCentral Executive Committee – Republic Socialist SSR –Soviet Sovnarkom – People’s Soviet of Commissariats Black Sea Fleet andOdeesan Oblast’ (region) Front, of the Soviets ofRomanian – Central Executive Rumcherod Committee Republic Socialist Federative Soviet – Russian RSFSR –Russian Party (Bolshevik)RKP(b) Communist Committee Revkom –Revolutionary – RegionalCommittee Obkom NKVD – People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs Narkompros – People’s Commissar of Enlightenment Narkomindel – People’s Commissar of Foreign Affairs ScientificMSC –Moldovan Committee MASSR –MoldovanAutonomousSoviet Socialist Republic East of the oftheToilers –CommunistUniversity KUTV West Minorities ofthe – Communist UniversityoftheNational KUNMZ KPZU –Communist Party of Western Ukraine ofWesternBelarus Party –Communist KPZB (Bolshevik) –CommunistParty ofUkraine KP(b)U (Bolshevik) Party ofBelarus –Communist KP(b)B –ProvinceCommittee Gubkom Social-Political Organizations of the Republic of Moldova], Chi Moldova], of Republic the of Organizations Social-Political AOSPRM – Arhiva Organiza – Arhiva AOSPRM Ġ iilor Social-Politice a Republicii Moldova [Archive of [Archive Moldova Republicii a Social-Politice iilor Abbreviations iv ú in ă u CEU eTD Collection Korenizatsiia The Establishment 39 of the Moldovan ASSR and First ...... State-Building Steps Nation-Building 28 on the Left Bank of the Dniester before 1924...... 8 Theoretical Chapter: Soviet Nationality ...... Policies in the Borderlands 1 ...... Introduction h yh fteMloa SR...... 56 The myths of the Moldovan ASSR...... 53 Building the Moldovan RegionalCommittee of KP(b)U...... 48 Counting Moldovans –Drawing borders...... Ukrainian 44 problem in the Soviet Union and the . question of the Moldovan ASSR 39 ...... Republic The Memorandum on the Necessity of Creation of the Moldovan Soviet Socialist 35 ...... before 1924 policies andUkrainianiization bank onthe nationality left oftheDniester Soviet 32 underground...... Future leadership of the Moldovan ASSR inthe Bessarabian revolutionary 28 Bessarabian SSR –the prototype of ...... the Moldovan ASSR? 25 Two models ofthe Piedmont Principle...... Soviet nationalities and transborder ethnic 23 politics in the interwar period...... 20 Korenizatsiia viewed fromthe ...... localperspective 15 Soviet federalism...... 10 Soviet Union as “Empire”...... 8 ...... Marxism and nationalism raigMloa oils ainlclue...... 75 Creating Moldovan socialist ...... nationalculture created only for 69 the annexation of Bessarabia”...... “There was a certain misunderstanding that… the Moldovan Republic was 63 FromMoldovan language to ...... Moldovan nationality 61 Soviet nationality ...... policies in the 1920s o h odvnSi:MloaiainCmag,12-92..... 61 onthe Moldovan Soil: ...... Moldovanization Campaign, 1924-1932 Table of Contents v CEU eTD Collection Bibliography...... 107 99 Conclusion...... 79 To Latinization and Back, 1932-1940...... h femt fGetPre...... 95 The aftermath of Great Purges...... 92 Latinization: ...... break or continuation? 86 The Soviet war scare and the shift ...... to Latinization Latinization as an expansionist 82 project: Historiographicalviews...... The 79 rehabilitation of Russians and the competing ...... nation-building projects vi CEU eTD Collection the expansionist, highly centralized top-down character of Republic. in policies character the the highlytop-down centralized expansionist, the ASSR by is nation-building heldhostage Moldovan of the approach, which emphasizes the ASSR, a small republic on the left bank of the Dniester. In historiographyestablishment of Moldovan the Autonomous Soviet SocialistRepublic. the storythe proclaimed of VUTsIK of theSession Third the 12 October on year a than less in and authorities central of the reaction less positive more or received Thedocument Europe. strategic becomegate the forspringboard the would which Republic, Socialist Moldovan the of establishment for the of idea the advocated expansionthe recession of Bessarabia Republic the CreationofMoldovanSovietSocialist Memorandum ontheNecessity of of to thethe Soviet socialist Unionby famousthe and influential Red Army G.I.Kotovskii.commander paper The was entitled and even the headed was list the while revolutionmovement, Communist Romanian the of figures major several by to the Balkans and Central with a copy TsK to KP(b)U. The document had the classification on the USSR Foreign Policy,” in (ed.) Roman Szporluk, Romania,” Stephen Fischer-Galati, “The Moldavian Soviet Republic in Soviet Domestic and inception the Moldavian Republic was a Soviet instrument for political action against Moldavian Republic … was unrelated to any internal needs of the Soviet Union… From its 2 1982), 22-23. Bukovina: the Soviet-Romanian Territorial Dispute Documents and Materials] (Chi Materials] and Documents the Moldavian SSR and the Creation of the Communist Party of Moldavia: Collection of Kommunisticheskoi Partii Moldavii: Sbornik Dokumentov i Materialov are mine. The decree can be found in 1 Introduction Stephen Fischer-Galati was especially explicit on the issue: “The foundation ofthe “Thefoundation the on issue: explicit wasespecially Fischer-Galati Stephen Allthe translations of the primary sources from Romanian/Moldovan, Ukrainian and Russian silenceoffices of and laboratories, on the dusty excavations, in imposing discussions… In the thesis I will tell the story of nation- and state- building in the Moldovan the in building state- and nation- of story the tell will I thesis the In On February 4, 1924 a short document of several pages was sent to TsK RKP(b) (New York: Praeger, 1975, c1976), 229; see also Nicholas Dima, We have a faultless weapon – basic theory of feudalism, elaborated in the in elaborated feudalism, of – basictheory a faultless weapon Wehave ü It’s a pity that Don Reba knows nothing about about this theory. knowsnothing apitythat Reba It’s Don in Arkady andBoris Strugatsky, Ć u: 1984),84-86. u: Obrazovanie Moldavskoi SSR i Sozdanie The Influence of East Europe and the Soviet theWest Soviet and Europe ofEast Influence The 1 (Boulder: East European Monographs, European East (Boulder: Hard tobe aGod Top Secret [The Establishment of Establishment [The 1 Bessarabia and and was signed (1964) . It . 2 CEU eTD Collection Transnistria (1812-1993)](Chi Transnistria (1812-1993) si Transnistria Basarabia Romaniilor: Policy in the Moldavian ASSR] (Chi 4 of Moldova on the developments in the interwar Moldovan ASSR. 3 culture” in local todetach from government “inherent its order Romanian-speaking population expansionist thederomanization add tothe pursuedbySoviet Soviet goals policy therhetoricexpansionism.measure undermine of totalitarian in askand necessity controversialthe which to seekanswersto anda crucial questions, from exempted thescholars all questions. It to timetheanswer and same atthe framework agenda political explicit or implicit along carries frequently perception ASSRof Moldovan the as whichorganizedan top-down expansionist, project, Dniester toand not riverby the Prut whoconsidered Bolsheviks, the recognized Unification was never be the state Empire from 1812, which with Kingdom united Oldin Romanian the 1918.The 1918 border Romanov the of of apart of Bessarabia, recession the goal of the to subjugated were region the the SovietSovietStalin’s Union’s or expansionist policy.From perspectivethis thedevelopments in Union. Unfortunatelyimplemented of policies asthe product the river the subsequent exclusively Dniesterand the of bank left the on ASSR Moldovan the of establishment the treat usually Historians in many cases the propagandistic potential of socialistrepublic. autonomous the propagandistic potential of the and undermine thus Dniester banksofthe between two distance the increased population, deromanization ASSR the have population the shouldof Moldovan the of wastheRomanian propaganda of Soviet target the supposed since the together: strategies political both expansionist andderomanizing putting arising from contradictions factual For example, Elena Negru, Republic inthe issues presentday identity the in their position project historians Frequently The authors, who are writing in the Romanian national-oriented tradition, often often tradition, also national-oriented writingin whoare Romanian the The authors, 4 by “moldovanizing” it. At the same time these authors neglect the logical and logical the neglect authors these time same the At it. “moldovanizing” by ü Politica Etnoculturala in R.A.S.S. Moldoveneasca in Ć u: Universal, 1995), Universal, 282-311. u: ü in Ć u: Prut International, 2003); Anton Moraru, 2 [The History of Romanians: Bessarabia and 3 , is both an analytical [Ethnocultual Istoria CEU eTD Collection Moldavian People] (Chi [Leninist Nationality Policy of the Communist Party and the Creation of the Statehood of Naroda Moldavskogo the Sovetskoi Gosudarstvennosti Obrazovanie i Partii Kommunisticheskoi 5 of thoroughthe analysis of andeach omission every contradiction or in publishedthe works any an extensive expansionisthave or would critique of the approach,other consisted which not is text the that mentioned be should it time same the At USSR. interwar in the decisions attention to the changing contexts,Moldovan balances and of powerSoviet and local specificof andmythology discourse inthe issue a crucial was Bessarabia authorities.of The recession circumstances Yet, of major what inASSR. nation-building Moldovan historicize the the to relativizeRather Iattempt and I propose ASSR. Moldovan in the in policies local in the dimension foreign the of thesis exclusion the namely is much more careful extreme, theother presuppose though, not, does This field study. under the on approach eventual success of endeavor.this Bessarabia of recession the emphasized colleagues, Romanian their like just historians, Soviet the time as the primaryfactual data, though omitting the “taboo” issues, suchgoal as inter-ethnic relations. At the same ofusually various materials, archival onthe providingtherefore relied the readerwith rich the Moldovanproblems inthe publications.Soviet However, studies the publishedin socialist period ASSR, historical of the analysis serious the especially substituted cases in most – MASSRpolicies of the likeassumption – just inRomanianhistoriography the perception arbitrary the of character in the lightinfluenced by various kinds of “bourgeois nationalist deviations”. That predominant of the cultural nation-buildingand spheres were by behistorians considered heavily Soviet to statehood Moldovan socialist the of building in the steps first the as MASSR depicted who historians, Moldavian ASSR] (Chi For example A. Repida, Therefore, the purpose of the thesis is to loosen the bonds of the expansionist Significant studies the history of on publishedregion were by local Soviet the 5 . Nevertheless, despite the socialist successes in society and the economy the economy the and society in successes socialist the despite . Nevertheless, ü in ü Ć in Obrazovanie Moldavskoi ASSR u: Stiinta, 1974); S. Afteniuk, Ć u: Cartea Moldoveneasca, 1971). 3 Leninskaia Natsional’naia Politika [The Establishment of the CEU eTD Collection building in the MASSR emerged not as a mere by-product of as but expansionism,buildinga mereby-product inSoviet emerged not the MASSR identity Moldovan a distinctly construct to effort the of origins were“the that he writes when King, not simply initiation of ASSRin Moldovan years.the 1924andin subsequent Iagreewith the Charles the result nation-building, Moldovan emergedatdifferentparty which levels of duringthe period the of Soviet foreignemergence of such policy. In this light Iunderscore the fragmentation of the opinions on thethe for crucial was experience Russian Imperial policythe reject to desire The policies. nationality needs… Moldovan innon-Russiansprovide terms autonomy the of Bolsheviks to significant to tended nation-years.interwar Despite theirin centralizing aspirations, 1920sandthe early 1930s Stalinist tendency, regime, butasaprocess,aspiration or inevolvedgradually which the Soviet of the characteristic as adefault treated isnot centralization The centralization. power involved in majorthe decision-making process. nationality policies provides the basis for the reassessment of the logic and balances of asexamples of Soviet the (1932-1937) a lesser of campaign to Latinization the degree campaign and of Moldovanization the (1924-1932) with certain Thedefinition specificities. of case as a ASSR Moldovan the in nation-building the treat I Bessarabia, to references the to addition eachside.In on claims therespective with question Bessarabian the analysisof to the from the limits of the national historiographies, which subordinate the discussion of the case ASSRde-isolate Moldovan the to possibilities the study with the contextualization provides re- years. the Asaresult, during interwar the context changing all-Soviet the usedin approach/framework Moldovan research.of the ASSRis Theexperience the putin ASSR. Moldovan in the policies nationality in the changes major the of explanations focusingand interpretations possible alternative on Iam on the topic.the Instead, In addition, the approach In more approach addition, the complex presupposes a of understanding Sovietthe a largedetermined the paragraphsto extent in outlined previous The considerations korenizatsiia (indigenization, nativization; (indigenization,nationality policy), though Soviet 4 CEU eTD Collection the republic?the Why thedid authorities add thepredominantly Ukrainian and Russian ASSRMoldovan in the 1920s formedfrom that initiatedwas not group the the creation of of the Moldovan ASSR. For example, I mention some of them.Why the political elite of the history studying interwar carefully explanations the paradoxes,which one encounters tothe groups. intellectual and political various between power of balances regional and local the as well Union as Soviet interwar inthe place taking transformations certain general the on extent a significant depended to above-mentioned dimensions two thebalance between the periods itson borderlandspecificity ASSR. As the within in Moldovan I will differentargue, on focus not will I thesis in the Hence, thesis. the of issues central nation-within buildingin theand state- the Moldovan ASSRwillbe policies of one the interwar period. Hoover Institution Press, 2000) Press, Institution Hoover 6 republic itself.” indigenous identity, the and agendas cultural of and elites political inside theautonomous rather as a result of the interplay of central foreign-policy goals, existing forms of contexts of both the Yet, therepublic. within national project proposed the on depending even Romania Moldovan inBolsheviks consideredthe ASSRa “Piedmont” lightfor Bessarabiathis or attempts to attract thewas populationa linkThere between position. borderland its and Republic the of on implications foreign the the the of discussion the otherSoviet side preferential of the border treatment – “Piedmont of thePrinciple”. Moldovan population and the Charles King, Examining the problems, which I have outlined above, I will try to give some give to try will I above, outlined have I which problems, the Examining Therefore, the interrelations between the local the between interrelations the Therefore, The analysis of the nation-building in the Moldovan ASSR cannot be separated from be separated cannot ASSR Moldovan the in nation-building the of analysis The The The Moldovans: Romania, Russia, and the Politics of Culture 6 korenizatsiia , 63. and its foreign implications were changing throughout the throughout changing were implications foreign its and 5 korenizatsiia and foreign andforeign policy goals korenizatsiia per se per korenizatsiia (Stanford, CA: , but CEU eTD Collection intersection of the of intersection building andstate-buildingin will the thesis. The chapter end with discussion the the of policies. during this period tosomeinfluenced extent their subsequent aspirations in nationality the leaders of MASSR’s differentI will future beforethe experiences political 1924. argue that of subversivecommunistsketchy activity the account the local conditions, in outline creation and the republic the of policies after the inthe change assess degreeof the which the Moldovan ASSR before establishment the of Moldovanthe ASSRin 1924. Thisemerged. will thegive opportunity to In addition, I will provide a paper. the Piedmont Principle – along which the experience of the Moldovan ASSR will be assessed in majority-oriented and minority-oriented – types ideal two of scheme the propose will I Assessing discuss such Iwill Afterwards, Nationalism. and Marxism of inter-relations thetheoretical of discussion concepts as empire and federalism in their relation to the Soviet Union. was aiming at the deligitimization of the Romanian authorities and state inSoviet general. support) to instigate popular insurrection in the region and their propaganda, which 7 theoretical issues of the etc? intervention, suspicion fear of of momentthe was that atthat borderlands the towards attitude predominant the same time turn to the Latin script MASSRthe territoriesWhy its establishment? toalreadyafterin official did 1932-1933a and more Romanian-based nationality policies occur, while at the By subversive communist activity I mean the attempts of the local communists (with the In the second chapter I will briefly describe the nationality policies in the region in the policies nationality the describe briefly will I chapter second the In Structurally the thesis is organized into 5 chapters. The first chapter deals with the with deals chapter 5 chapters.The first into is organized Structurally thesis the korenizatsiia korenizatsiia in the local contexts, I will explain my usage of the terms nation- terms the of my usage Iwill explain contexts, local inthe korenizatsiia and Soviet foreign policy – Piedmont Principle. In thislight and borderland policies. I will start with the short the with start will I policies. borderland and 6 7 in Bessarabia, especially strong CEU eTD Collection the nationality policies in the Moldovan ASSR. Moldovan in the policies nationality the for Purges consequences Iwill of the Great the of conclusion outline1930s. In chapter the I will put time thesame the At limited. turnsignificantly was potential its Therefore, toequals.” among Latinization“first the within “rehabilitation”the context of the Russians in the Soviet Union,of who afterthe a decade of Sovietoblivion becameinscript Moldovanthe ASSR This (1932-1938). turn roughly coincided with the war scare in the early mid-1920s’context. better suited the Soviet that the choice in favor of Moldovanization in contrast to more Romanian-oriented argue will I time same At the projects goals. policy foreign the with in comparison role predominant Asprocess. Iwillshow, during try to period this the local policies of “Moldovanization” by of the predominance the 1932 and characterized from to was 1924 the periodthe of flourishingthe of the issues of state-building process. elite andthe of madeaswell some other republicanborders the drawing subsequent the importance for the Moldovan case. That would give the choices possibility the outline in specificity Iwill Union Ukrainian the of the Sovietits question and to explain the choice of explainsome paradoxical to In order thechapter. problem of core bethe republic, would issue of the choice of were dealing with Bessarabian/Moldovan the question,views. their and conflicting The the group, which wouldand building nation- first and Iwill state- steps. present main the political groups,which form the political and cultural elite of the The last chapter will outline the nation-building directions after the turn to the Latin the to turn the after directions nation-building the outline will chapter last The In Iwill deal fourth the chapter nation-building in ASSRin with Moldovan the the The willexplore ASSR chapter thethird issueof establishmentthe Moldovan the of korenizatsiia 7 . For Moldovan . For the ASSRlasted period this korenizatsiia occupied CEU eTD Collection intellectual intellectual and practical from dimensions various geographical and chronological contexts. both in nationalism with flirtation Leninist and Marxist the of examples multiple provides rarely invariousother itself not ways,Walker Connor’s also conflicting. though account each and ideologies bloc. fused,shuffled and nationalism socialistreinforced Marxist-based example would be the Soviet Union and after the Second practice. morepolitical and often even outlook World War other countries of the in ideologies still one’s political reconcile they could exists, between two incompatibility the vertical national lines cutting across the classes. the across cutting lines national vertical the emphasizes nationalism while lines, class horizontal to according isdivided society human the upontheconviction that Marxism rests incompatible.” andMarxism are philosophically “Nationalism statement: the with inMarxism-Leninism question national placethe of Fascism L.Mosse, George analysis, Marxist-based was even appealing for the intellectuals and frequently found comfortable place within the interwar Europe turned to Fascism and Nazism. The ideologies’ fascination with the nation 10 N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984), 6. 9 (2009): 377. 8 socialist and camp cameuptriumphant only 1989. after in the oppressed nationalism thatthe was Thesecond presupposes projects. modernizing in the differences radical the to due nationalism, and of communism character exclusive mutually the asserts first The nationalism. and communism between relationship the Marxism and nationalism Chapter:SovietNationalityPoliciesintheBorderlands Theoretical Walker Connor Walker Martin Mevius, “Reappraising Communism and Nationalism,” George L. Mosse has convincingly demonstrated how many left-oriented intellectuals in intellectuals many left-oriented how demonstrated convincingly L. Mosse has George Walker Connor reinforces the first myth reinforcesWalker the first Connor his morestarting account on than 600-page Martin Mevius has pointed out two myths that were characteristic for the viewson for the were characteristic myths that out two has pointed Martin Mevius (New York: H. Fertig, 1999), , The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy Theory Marxist-Leninist in National Question The 95-116. The Fascist Revolution: Toward a General Theory of Theory a General Toward Revolution: Fascist The 8 10 In terms of practical conciliation the best 8 9 Even if such philosophical Nationalities Papers (Princeton, 37 CEU eTD Collection 14 13 Nationalism: Theoretical Origins of a Political Crisis concrete disillusions of the universal process in bias of change, Eurocentric Ephraimthe c) Nimni, reductionism; economic of theory the b) production; of forces 12 History of Radicalism 11 parameters were not specific to the discussion of the national national question. of the specific discussion the not to were parameters national the analysis of question. of linelegacy acohesive determinedby“Marxistparameters of represent the argumentation marginalitythe national of the Engels’Ephraim NimniarguedthatMarx’and question dealing with precise individual andcases notwith the theoretical conceptualization. Despite issue remained ratherrevolutionary (pre-class)unsystematic, times. scatteredpreoccupation human with associations in families, terms tribes,of systems kinship in pre- in his by their analysis class-based the broadened writingsslightly Engels phenomenon. a temporary on other topics andEngels nationalthe questionmostly was on the periphery of their interests and nations as such were vagueness of the founders’ positions on the issue. For both Marx and to a lesser degree frequently basing their answers on their own local context. Austro-Marxists, first of all by engagedgroups inthetofill attempts gapinthe the recommendations,theory and practical system.” original the to faithful really was variant own her or “his that insist could Marxist each and nationalism” political of notion Marxist ‘true’ single was no “there As the result Engels. Marx and legacy of in intellectual the recommendations practical nor framework conceptual neither a existed there economic question national question, but it was hardly evident for their followers. Unlike the social and Gregor, 185. Ibid., Nimni points out the following parameters: a) the theory of the universal evolution of the A. James Gregor, The uneasiness of The uneasiness Marxism with of nationalism is a significant grounded to inextent the Indeed, it is possible to detect certainIndeed,itis detect behind logicfounders’ possible remarks on the to the Marxism,Fascism, and Totalitarianism Marxism, Fascism, and Totalitarianism: Chapters in the Intellectual (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2009), 162. 11 Nevertheless, Marx’ and Engels’ remarks on the national the on remarks Engels’ and Marx’ Nevertheless, 12 At the same time Nimni himself added that these that added himself Nimni time same the At 9 , 165. (London: Pluto Press, 1994, Pluto Press, c1991), 6-14. (London: 14 Therefore many Marxist 13 Marxism and CEU eTD Collection 1-2. 16 notions, the term has acquired specific connotations that presuppose, inpresuppose, certain that addition, has connotations term notions, acquiredspecific the scholar strictly unlike life. Therefore, everyday and politics invoked actively also inthe Socialist 1941-1953 Patriotism, Socialist 15 detail with the relations of nationalism and communism. ofnationalism detail relations the with degree from the lessons of the First World War and the Russian Civil War. a largerImperial theBund. Russian context, answeremergedto The practical Bolshevik in national andtheirfollowers the with in emerged debate the Austro-Marxists the question to answer theoretical Bolshevik The autonomy. national non-territorial the of necessity the advocated They question. the on position comprehensive most the elaborated Bauer, Otto for example, nation/nationalism and identity and nation/nationalism example, for Soviet Union as“Empire” the Moldovan ASSR. understand the logic behind and theof contexts majorthe policies and political in decision to the intellectualtime to time from refer will I text the In policies. in actual but communism, and nationalism origins of some of thementioned in the text. policies, be will them of Some appeared. communism and nationalism of relations practical but the main aim intellectual breakingissues Many be up both studies take that a the seenas and of point. of the paper is to no coincidence that the word the that coincidence no Rogers Brubaker and Frederick Cooper, “Beyond Identity,” Martin Mevius, Due to the above-mentioned myths there were relatively few studies that deal in deal that studies few relatively were myths there above-mentioned the Due to In the title of the thesis the Soviet Union is labeled as the as labeled is Union Soviet the thesis the of title the In between relations the of evolution intellectual in the not interested am I thesis my In Agents ofMoscow: the Hungarian Communist Party and the Origins of empire (Oxford: Clarendon, 2004), Clarendon, (Oxford: is putinto the quotation marks.As some notions, other 10 16 , empire has not only scholarly usage, but is but usage, scholarly only not has 15 5. In this year respectthe 1989can Theory and Society Bolshevik “Empire.” Bolshevik 29(2000): It is CEU eTD Collection 17 (London: Macmillan, 1970). (London: 19 (ed), Rieber 18 Contemporary History itrule”. - “imperial notion with substitute flexiblemore and value-free a to scholars some led concept the of ambiguity The analysis. scholarly the into incorporation uncritical its in results sometimes life everyday in the concept the of popularity the time same the At “Empireis concept.” that a difficult assertion Lieven’s Hence,Dominic moral assessment. 21 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), 258. Theoretically about Soviet Nationalities: History and Comparison in the Study of the USSR and Concept in the Study of Soviet Nationalities,” in Alexandr J. Motyl (ed), policies peripheral, Alexander J. Motyl, “Building Bridges and Changing Landmarks: Theory 20 Last Empire: Nationality and the Soviet Future 1917-1923 term. the can hardly encounter reader the works these in Therefore spheres. economical and social the more on focusing developments, Soviet the of dimension political the to attention less much paid school, totalitarian politicized highly making. nationalitythe itspolicies focuswas on RussiansMoscow, and centralized decision- feature reinforcedimportant impression.Another of inpowers, this that approach of terms Union. War conjuncture,major The whichpresupposed Cold struggle the of two world Usually these scholars do not even discuss the concept empire in its relation to the Soviet representatives of the especially scholars, some For Union. Soviet of the the character imperial to the totalitarian school, attitudes general several were bethere Previously to recently. not,started discussed only or the Soviet Union was by definition an empire. policies of the Moscow Bolsheviks or Russians etc. Dominic Lieven, “The Russian Empire and the Soviet Union as Imperial Polities,” For example, Richard Pipes, Alexei Miller and Alfred J. Rieber, “Introduction: Imperial Rule,” in Alexei Miller and Alfred J. For instance, Robert Conquest, The focus of Sovietology on Moscow and Russian made the issue of the Soviet nationality The revisionist school,emerged asa which inflexiblereaction to the and usually In relation to the Soviet Union the question, whether the Soviet Union was an empire 20 Other nationalities emerge mostly only as victims of the deliberately violent deliberately the of victims as only mostly emerge nationalities Other (Cambridge. Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1954); Robert Conquest (ed), Imperial Rule 30 (1995): 607. (Budapest: CEU Press, 2004), 1-2. Formation of the Soviet Union: Communism and Nationalism, and Communism Union: Soviet the of Formation Nation Killers: the Soviet Deportation of Nationalities 11 (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, 1986). Press, Institution Hoover Calif.: (Stanford, 21 Thinking Journal of Journal 18 The 17 19 CEU eTD Collection – the effective sovereignty effective– the sovereignty the subordinate– of periphery” other, the policy external and internal the over control political exerts metropole, dominant the which, of one entities, political two between interaction of system is a argue, shall I “Empire, composition (cultural) multi-ethnic center, the of domination authoritarianism, size, andperiphery, center and the expansionist between distinction clear-cut rather following: are the areusuallymentioned that features imperial The in empire.an of a definition andputtogether elements or characteristics aspirations. measurable certain of set a in it embodied empires, etc) Russian French, Ottoman, (British, To“evident” more other from type citeideal the drew scholars Usually empire. an of type ideal few examples Weberian some kind of Union against Sovietthe of imperial character assess the attempt to of the definitions: in imperial features past. the lookingfor Soviet history, the backwards, imperial Soviet the on projectframework the labeling the USSR an empire basing upon the criterion of its collapse, the scholars started to collapse.After laws to by historical the Union, an waspredestined Sovietempire, being other empires, therefore along lines,like all Union the national this Soviet disintegrated the casewasthe following: the USSR was an empire. Basically, the conclusion was that the 24 Imperio 23 23. and Nation-Building in the Age ofLenin and Stalin Theories of Empire,” in Ronald Grigor Suny and Terry Martin (ed), 22 political actors in history. actors Soviet the political important as nationalities, non-Russian the rediscovered have scholars result, As the lines. (~national) republican Union along Soviet the of collapse the after Union reemerged Michael W. Doyle, Terry Martin, “The Soviet Union as Empire: Salvaging aDubious Analytical Category,” Ronald Grigor Suny, “The Empire Strikes Out: ImperialRussia, “National” Identity, and Another approach, which was only recently applied to the Soviet case, was an As Ronald Grigor Suny pointed out, the term no.2 (2002): 91. Empires 23 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1986), 12, see also 19. 22 Thelogic usage behindthe of concept the 12 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), empire as an attribute of the Soviet A State of Nations: Empire 24 and “Empire is, first empire Ab in CEU eTD Collection 27 the cases. between Education, 2001), 374. But this view overlooks the differences in logic, goals and extent Andreas Kappeler, policies on the basis of the appointment of non-Russians in local government in both cases, korenizatsiia 26 University Press, 2001), xi. 25 For me, an empire is empire. of by dilemmas definitionperennial great the of one is multiethnicity not and space of a democracymanagement …” era. an I of relations alsointernational the on mark its left has that power great a very foremost, mean and a polity that rules over wide territories and many peoples, since the the Sovietthe Union as an empireby its population and leadership. of theperception of evolution the analysis of the presupposes that approach characteristics, objective to in contrast subjective, hasthe proposed case. Terry Martin Soviet “minorities.” of the preferential treatment presupposed unlike but other empires Russians andnon-Russians, between were differences were treated on the same basis. From the and“periphery” “core” presupposed the inand oflegislation state terms highly-centralized point of view of Soviet nationality policies a Union was Soviet mentioned,Martin the history. AsTerry Soviet the of analyzed period there the on much depends empire an of characteristics or definitions various with Union Soviet of the The conformity emerge. problems case, certain theSoviet to and characteristics scholarly usage of term of the usage scholarly the mentioned, has himself Martin Terry As analysis. the for and thesis the for important hardly necessary insights. the provide mightthis approach be more in productive some sense,within ofmy limits the itcan thesis Martin, Martin, Dominic C.B. Lieven, At the same time one aspect of the above-mentioned imperial characteristics is imperial characteristics sameabove-mentioned of the At timeaspect one At the same time one cannot fully discard the concept the fully discard cannot same one the At time The Soviet Union as Empire, The Soviet Union as Empire and Russian Imperial pre-national (in the period before the Russification) (in the periodbefore pre-national Russian Imperial and The Russian Empire: a Multiethnic History Empire: the Russian Empire and its Rivlas and its Empire Russian the Empire: empire , 98-99. Andreas Kappeler still draws the line between line the still draws Kappeler , 98-99.Andreas should not shoulddepart farfromtoo ordinary the language 102; Ronald Grigor Suny, Grigor Ronald 102; 13 26 25 When applying these definitions (Harlow, England: Pearson Empire Strikes Out. Strikes Empire (New Haven, Conn.: Yale empire 27 Even though I agree that Iagree Even though in its relation to the to relation its in korenizatsiia CEU eTD Collection revolutions to the Soviet center. was not clear, whether Bolsheviks wanted to politically subordinated the European policy. Definitely Bolsheviks desired to support the revolutionary movements in Europe. But it 31 oriented ideology could easily merge with the imperialistic ideas of world expansion. 30 28 Methodological Notes for the Ab Imperio Roundtable,” 29 state. modern of category more general a with them andsubstitute nation-states and empires resultof Worldthe War I.Some historians proposed even togive upthedivision between topicthe exampleisRomania,by mostly means which military doubledits as territory the A to close in eagerlycampaigns. expansionist engaged nation-states, alternatives, supposed Itof “expansionist.” canbe considered amyth,though. Not empiresonly but also their a synonym almost became “imperialistic” adjective The aspirations. atexpansionist leastor usage. eventually the formula “socialism in one country” became predominant. Despite amore Despite becamepredominant. inone formulaeventually “socialism country” the and aspirations, ambitious such up gave leaders Soviet the soon quite Nevertheless, insupport to social the order Hungary revolutions in andrespectively. Germany worldthe internationalistideology the stimulated attempts toconquer Romania andPoland interwar Revolution Justafter the period. the types ofexpansionist throughout aspirations capacities. necessary the had they when boundaries national symbolic the beyond expand also to tended nation-states Nevertheless, polities. other to inits relation state imperial isby limited not symbolicthe but boundaries bythemilitary and control capacity of the borders. Itcan also belabeled as irredentistthe expansionism. Imperial expansionism in turn national the linguisticspace, isdetermined(cultural) imaginedethnicand/or which by the can be identified. expansionism National is limited by usually boundaries imagined the of Yet, the term expansionism cannot be unequivocally applied to the early Soviet foreign nation- a racial how Italydemonstrate Fascist and Nazi cases Germany extreme of The Martin, Nick Baron, “ ‘Empire’ and ‘Nation’ as Categories of Spacial Politics and Historical Study: 29 28 At the same time certain differences between imperial and national expansionisms national imperial and between Atcertain differences sametime the Interestingly, in terms of expansionism the Soviet Union drifted between these two these between drifted Union Soviet the expansionism of in terms Interestingly, In the ordinary usage empires are almostinextricably associated with expansionism The Soviet Union as Empire, 99. 14 Ab Imperio , no. 2 , (2002). no. 30 31 CEU eTD Collection preoccupation with the state and centralizingfunctions. its administrating preoccupation state the with Bolshevik consequently, Marxistand, wasthe instance,for anarchists, side of, in V.F. Claveton (ed), V.F. Claveton in 33 simplified approach, totalitarian the within mostly is working who Pipes, Richard sentence Marxism in general.” to both wings of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, as indeed it was to European Soviet federalism expansionist goals of the Soviet Union. the to only ASSR) Moldovan (e.g. areas border the in policies nationality the subordinate Bessarabian recessionisinto marks.itsuggest even quotation the It alsoto that, onthe plans though the were part of the officialput to of I prefer term the character vague ambiguous, the At dueto sametime the invoked. discourse, it is incorrect in the analysis to Library, 1937). Library, term the of connotations expansionist the borderlands the in policies Russian Imperial symbolic elements. In the context of my thesis and the study nationalityof “rehabilitation” of Russians in the mid-1930stheSoviet authorities revivedsome of the justifies the use of the term in the title and, when necessary,in the text. In the process of the empire of growingself-perception interwar period the throughout Soviet the Nevertheless, 32 borderland nationalities on the other side of were targeted. side other onthe of border nationalities borderland the more an irredentist type. In this case the territories populated by the “brethren” of the Soviet resembled 1920s-1930s of the expansionism the limited. more Basically, they already were isolationist claims the Soviet Union didnot fully itsdiscarded expansionist aspirations, but For example, Jan Waclaw Machajski, “Excerpts from the ‘Intellectual Worker’ (1904-1905)” Pipes, “The belief that the socialist state required a centralized administration was common administration acentralized required state socialist the belief that “The Due to the ambiguity of the term The Formation of the Soviet Union 32 The Making of Society: an Outline of Sociology of an Outline Society: of Making The As the result, one of the major criticisms of the Bolsheviks from the , 242. empire 15 I will not use it extensively in my thesis. my in extensively it use not Iwill (New York: The Modern empire 33 In the cited Inthe are also CEU eTD Collection 35 Gosudarstvennoe Izdatel’stvo Politicheskoi Literatury), 294-297. 63. 36 34 discussion. any significant merged,without basically concepts warthe two the why after Nevertheless, one. a negative latter the and phenomenon a positive theformer the considering essencefederation, and and logic behindWorld WarIboth Lenin andStalinmade certain distinctions between territorial autonomy such distinction the before enough, Interestingly autonomy. cultural non-territorial of model isAustro-Marxist not clear; as it is not clear, the nation the Stalin shared Austro-Marxists with certain common philosophical and viewson sociological ofanation. features theessential of one in“Marxismwrote famous 1913his Question”, and theNational territoriality considered national Austro-Marxistsquestion with and the Bund.upon Lenin’s Stalin, who request place would occupy authorities in significant thesis. the borders andrelationsestablishment itsof and Ukrainian Republic, central the with relations. Third,since I am dealing with Moldovanthe ASSR, issues of the the forit thecenter-local was alsocrucial Second, national with question. the intertwined issues are crucial from several andorigins, purposes structures of federalism. Soviet the of purposes the Forthe thesis these points of view. First, federalistmightseem surprisingand unexpected. historians Indeed, question debatethe still of the system of the Soviet Union Union of Soviet the structure federal eventual the thegeneral Therefore, tendency. captured its membershomogenizing and the existing neglecting debates.Nevertheless,in citation herightly the camp, Social-Democratic Russian the within situation the extent some to Erik van Ree, “Stalin and the National Question,” Jeremy Smith, “The Origins of Soviet National Autonomy,” Revolutionary Russia 10 (1997): I.V. Stalin, I.V. Bolsheviks developed the idea of the territorial autonomy in their debate on the on debate in their autonomy territorial the of idea the developed Bolsheviks 35 , in , terms of practicalthe he instruments and Lenin categorically refused the Sochineniia, Tom2,1907-1913 Sochineniia, [Works, Vol. 2, 1907-1913] (Moscow: 2, 1907-1913] [Works,Vol. 34 Even though, as Erik van Ree demonstrated, Ree van Erik as though, Even 16 Revolutionary Russia 7(1994): 226-227. 36 CEU eTD Collection of Nationalities, 1917-1924 Nationalities, of establish personal control, Stephen Blank, 45-62; a more detailed account but with probably too strong emphasis on Stalin’s desire to and Jamesand Harris, Jeremy Smith, “Stalin as Commissar for Nationalities Affairs, 1918-1922,” in ed. Sarah Davies 39 and logic of periods policies, various addition, In 1920s. in policies nationality Soviet the on extensively 38 (Moscow: 1992). and Materials] Nauka, 1920s: Documents Mnenii, 20-e Gody: Dokumenty i Materialy 37 structure of the state. administrative-territorial the on accordingly, and, question national the on debates heated in 1922,official launch the of creation of a separate territorial for eachnationality. territorial unit of creation a separate the also necessitated nationalities, of non-Russian treatment preferential presupposed Constitution arrangements. reinforced1924, which of these elements of Lewin’sMoshe famous thesis of“Lenin’s last struggle” against Stalin’s the Stalin on the issue voluntary the union of formallythe independent republics. Thisstruggle betweenLenin and of territorialwithin RSFSR republics. autonomous Lenin this opposed planand proposed model the of structure already established like some other basis the RSFSRon autonomy, the of into the republics of the Soviet independent the of theincorporation presupposed project plan”. The “autonomization Union becamemajor one of theexpert, core alongkorenizatsiia with of launch official the before even debates major of subject a became units administrative Lenin,territorial on the national structure question, of theproposed Bolshevik the so-called state and the establishment of the national Bolshevik republics. Stalin, who was the Commissar of Nationalities of Commissar the was who Stalin, republics. Bolshevik For the discussion of Stalin’s activity on the position of the Commissar of Nationalities, see I will mention major works on Collection of the opinions in V.A. Gornyi et al (ed), The first years after the Bolshevik accession to power witnessed a process of the of aprocess witnessed to power accession Bolshevik the years after firstThe The crucial issue in the debate was the relations between the RSFSR andother RSFSR the between wastherelations in debate issue the The crucial korenizatsiia . Stalin: A New History 37 Eventually these debates resulted in the establishment of USSR of the in establishment the resulted debates these Eventually will be discussed in more detail in the following chapters. (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1994). korenizatsiia korenizatsiia (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005): The Sorcerer as Apprentice: Stalin as Commissar [National Question at the Crossroad of Opinions, in chapter 4, where I will elaborate a bit more 17 (indigenization)in 1923 andthe Soviet Natsional’nyi Vopros na Perekriostke 38 Nevertheless, the issue of the of issue the Nevertheless, 39 Korenizatsiia at the moment and a , which CEU eTD Collection 43 41 40 imprint. who was trying to some extent to redeem Socialism (embodied in Lenin) from the Stalinist Criticizing Moshe Lewin, the historians should also take into account the author’s agenda, 42 RSFSR,” 1923-1939 chauvinism. power great and centralizing aspirations national question. national latterthe that fearing plan”, would“autonomization the of image external the about anxious also was be considered but he centralization necessity of Stalin inon the Leninagreedwith concludedthat general a return soradical.Jeremy Smith not viewswere and Stalin’s Lenin’s on differences the that to Russian ImperialTherefore Terry Martin called the RSFSRpractices an “awkward republic.” bodies all-Union the overlapped ones. with RSFSR the republics. Thegovernmental of in the spherelike republican other government, separate lacked since it its republic asany other, of the Union on formally independentin solution the was caught twoviews:between opposing the Soviet thejoined Republics the basis, but atcrucial issuethe was the positionsame of the RSFSR in timethe structure of the theSoviet Union. EventuallyRSFSRdifference was notin the views on the rights of Sovietdid nationalities, which were similar. The not become a “autonomization” and federation, several common points are important for our thesis. First, for our areimportant points several common federation, and “autonomization” that forced Lenin to reconsider his position in a more confederative direction. with and Georgians, Ukrainians foremost was theactual reality, struggles that Nevertheless, Therefore, proposing the “autonomization plan” Stalin wassuretogetLenin’s support. indown, asserting more Leninhad early centralizing that viewsthanStalin. even 1920s Erik van Ree, “ ‘Lenin’s Last Struggle’ Revisited,” Struggle’ Last “‘Lenin’s Ree, van Erik Terry Martin, Lewin, Moshe Smith, Recently there were attempts to reassess the Lenin-Stalin debate, mostly asserting mostly debate, Lenin-Stalin the reassess to attempts were there Recently Despite different views of the contemporary scholars on the debate on debate on the scholars contemporary the views of different Despite Cahiers du Monde Russe du Monde Cahiers The Origins of Soviet National Autonomy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001), 394-397; Idem, “The Russification of the The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, Lenin’s LastStruggle Lenin’s 42 At same the timevan Moshe turned Erik Lewin’sRee upside argument 39(1998): 99-102. (New York: Pantheon, 1968). 18 , 80. , Revolutionary Russia 40 In Terry Martin’s opinion the opinion Martin’s Terry In 41 14(2001): 100-113. 43 CEU eTD Collection 460. Commissariats) and local (the decisions were a full prerogative of the local local authorities, of the prerogative afull were decisions local (the and Commissariats) local between and central after negotiation the out decisions werecarried (the mixed territory), Soviet the all on obligatory were decisions (the all-Union Commissariats: (roughly the Commissariats the between were divided processes governmental in Soviet the spheres the synonym of problem separationthe of between powers of all-Union the and authorities. Republican All Ministries). At the will bebelow. issue discussed that relevant same time therelevels. Therefore the balance of the center-local relations in the Soviet nationality policy is a were threeunified homogenous There political actor. weremany both debates on central localand types of least morethey inmuch a at complex.were Second, 1920stheparty hardly the represented the earlier, demonstrated some was to simply extent a mask–asit not federalism were Soviet byMoscow.” borderlands the rule over for cover legitimizing a provided federalism “Soviet that conclusion the to scholars the of led some federalism. That situation feature of Soviet the a force was distinctive centralizing a as party the roleof The division. territorial administrative certain counterbalanced have should party unified The party. force Bolshevik wasthe That force. political be acentralizing wouldthere Lenin wereconvinced that bothStalin and state, federative majorities in national the withinrepublics the Soviet Union. Third, even though creating the within the non-Russian republicsSoviet could just claim territorial the likestatus the minorities The minorities. their for respective units territorial the ideaof the importantly 44 presupposed that the former were taking up the principles of the of principles up the weretaking former thatthe presupposed were taken for granted.they discussed, not were spheres national and cultural Second, in the nationalities of the rights the the accession of the Soviet republics to the Soviet Union Grey Hodnett, “The Debate over Soviet Federalism,” Soviet over “TheDebate GreyHodnett, Another importantAnother issue federalism of Soviet the thatshould bediscussed isthe 44 But this was an exaggeration. First, the roots of the 19 Europe-Asia Studies Europe-Asia korenizatsiia 18(1967): 459- and more CEU eTD Collection practice. Many of them had noticed and welcomed the Bolshevik concessions to concessions Bolsheviknoticed andwelcomed had the practice. Many them of Republics 45 consequences and at the same time causes of of the causes same time atthe and consequences the of one was politicians and intellectuals nation-oriented the of politics Soviet the in participation active unions. intellectuals’ and writers’ institutions, scientific Enlightenment, of Commissariats local the of case the especially was This flavor. Marxist-Leninist with and educational cultural, of fields the in autonomy broad At enjoyed same the authorities. authorities timeof supervision the local Moscow the under exclusively andwerealmost planning, trade foreign policy, spheres of the economic The local authorities. or central to either subordinated more were that spheres the out pointbutwill I just cases), andtemporal republican variedin (it different each Commissariat relatedwhich I will discuss hereto group central control). not sometimes under the though part of local participants of the literaryand studyingconstructing Therefore, asignificant canons, and national culture, etc. linguistic establishing countries: non-socialist in nation-builders like acting were they cases many In intellectuals. and leaders political local the by interpretations for space significant hadnofosterintent to all-around,the full-fledged nation-building, theirleft rhetoric developmentwas mostly prerogativeof the local the Even authorities. though Bolsheviks Korenizatsiia viewed from the local perspective federal level rather withinbut and administrative party the apparatus. decentralization. or centralization either of direction in the tendency any hardly discern level can one legal the fiscal policies in interwarUnion the Soviet (revenues and that expenditures) demonstrate on Donna Bahry, As I have mentioned above, the sphere of national, cultural and educational (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), 51-59. Outside Moscow: Power, Politics, and Budgetary Policy in the Soviet 45 The centralization in the interwar period was carried out not on the korenizatsiia perceived the policy asnation-building, policy perceivedthe though 20 korenizatsiia korenizatsiia ’s shift to more nationalistic policies. The analysis of the CEU eTD Collection California Press, 1995). Press, California 49 russe du monde Cahiers 48 1994). Press, 1920s the Early in RussianÉmigrés among Movement Hardeman, Hilde Union Soviet the with the Bolsheviks, Geoffrey Hosking, Geoffrey Hosking, the movement that provided the ideological basis for the alliance of the Russian Imperialists Union 47 History Plokhy, 46 directions of local nation-building were to a large extent the product of local leaderswho oflocal product the a large extent wereto local nation-building of directions precise The units. administrative smaller the in especially policies, nationality Soviet Magnitogorsk. of asthe construction endeavor misunderstandings and in reinterpretations relations center-local the in even such a crucial on distinctivenessthe inhistory of the new Ukrainian the environment. Central Rada in whotoSovietin Ukraine 1917-1918, returned 1924and hiswork continued one of the creators of the Ukrainian national history and the Chairman of the Ukrainian local nationalitiesnationalisticby additionallyparticipation reinforced and thetheir dimension of collecting of the information was limited in its extent, especially ontheperiphery. in especially extent, was limited its of information collecting the understaffed control the andunderfunded, therefore of authorities andthe Sovietthe until mid-1930spoliceIndeed, asDavid the theSoviet Shearerhasdemonstrated, was national of cultures. creation and categorization processes study, of the in playedlatter leading roles geographers and The emerged. Russian Imperial ethnographers how hadsimilarly convincingly demonstrated the of alliance Bolsheviks the with the same time Stephen Kotkin has shown in his seminal book seminal his in shown has Kotkin Stephen time same Stephen Kotkin, David Shearer, “Social Disorder, Mass Repression, and the NKVD during the 1930s.” Francine Hirsch, For the thorough account of Mykhailo Hrushevsky’s life and work in the Soviet Union, Serhii korenizatsiia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005):21-62. University (Ithaca:Cornell (Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 2005). Press, Toronto of University Buffalo: (Toronto; In the 1920s Moscow did not have enough resources to fully control local affairs. Unmaking Imperial Russia: Mykhailo Hrushevsky and the Writing of Ukrainian (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006), 80-89; Coming to Terms with the Soviet Regime: the "Changing theSignposts" "Changing thewith Soviet toRegime: Coming Terms Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism as a Civilization Empire of Nations: Ethnographic Knowledge and the Making ofthe Soviet . An illustrative example of such an intellectual is Mykhailo Hrushevsky, isMykhailo intellectual an such of example illustrative An . 42 (2001): 509-511, 518-519. 21 49 Similar was the situation in the field of the Smena Vekh (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Rulers and Victims: the Russians in (Berkeley : University of (Changing Signposts) was Magnetic Mountain 46 47 Francine Hirsch 48 At the At the CEU eTD Collection Harvard University Press, 1983), 86-119. Press, University Harvard National Liberation: National Communism in Soviet Ukraine, 1918-1933 50 building.” “state- by term becovered the would units administrative of institutions governing the history culture, national of creation policies, linguistic the to andnotion the limit I but nation-building, elites. The of thedirections all In general cultures. national issuessocialist the of creation in the participating actively were that those ofespecially intellectuals, territorializationleadership Imostlyand local party By mean and government actors. local actors of nationalitiespurposes. and the formation of building and full-fledged was support Moscow nation-that willingnot demonstrated to Stalin’s response personally Kaganovich forhis Jewishorigins, demanding hissubstitution by a Ukrainian. and Ukrainianization the paceof slow for the his associates Kaganovich and Lazar demonstrated limitsthe of localthe for strive nation-building.Alexander Shumskyattacked local nationality policies. The Shumsky in affair Ukrainian the SSR in had1926-1927 of influencethe directions general the to hadand power enough Moscow resources Yet, central the authorities. terms in appealingframing to directions the chosen were the of any For the account of Shumsky affair see James E. Mace, Here when I speak of nation-building I am referring to the perspective of local of perspective the to referring Iam nation-building of I speak Here when 50 korenizatsiia , as viewed from the center, was much more limited in its in limited more much was center, the from viewed as , 22 korenizatsiia Communism and the Dilemmas of the Dilemmas and Communism had significance for the for significance had (Cambridge, Mass.: CEU eTD Collection national question into the weapons in international affairs.” in international weapons the into question national populations.“The In Timothy Soviet words: Snyder’s Union coulddomestic transform nationality policies be instrumentalized thecultural brethrencould toattract border the of level and reinforce the territorial claims and state position in the diplomatic sphere. Soviet borderlands. in the policies nationality Soviet the to dimension foreign ideas of bysignificantly accompanied altered were adding Revolution World aspecific the after turnthe to doctrinethe of “socialism in inone country” mid-1920s, firstfactors the two areas.Even more remote even and borderland on the pressure their stimulated itcontrary presupposeRevolution. thatconviction not Yet, the passivity did Bolsheviks; the of on the initially Bolsheviks perceivedthe Revolution only phaseas October first Worldthe of the Third, side border. the other the on brethren of with their connections certain preserves through ethnically,the whichlinguistically similar and nevertheless culturally groups, river Prut and not on Dniester,the case of asBessarabia it was ineven reality.the Soviet officialprewar Imperial Russian territories.Second, Bolsheviks were reluctant recognizemaps to the losses in and were the depicting state theborders state asborder were theon the cutting result came which Union,of Soviet the of borders state eventual the First, years. interwar the during the First World War and the Civil War, shrank in comparison with the 52 nationalities. area close to the state border. In most cases these areas were populated by non-Russian and not only the other way round. The word is used mostly in the geographic sense as an decisions certain toimplement Moscow forced the borderlands in developments the often of Soviet federalism and center-local relations in previous subchapters. Moreover, quite comes also conclusion fromthe up discussion This structure. the Soviet within population its 51 Ukraine Soviet nationalities and transborder ethnic politics in the interwar period Timothy Snyder, By borderlands I do not mean any peripheral or subjugated character of the region and Local affairs in the borderlands could be used for the pressure on the international the on pressure the for be used could borderlands in the affairs Local Three aspects were crucial for the Soviet nationality policies in borderlands nationality the Soviet werecrucial policies for the Three aspects (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005):39. UniversityPress, (New Yale Haven: Sketches from a Secret War: a Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Liberate to Mission Artist's War: aPolish aSecret from Sketches 23 52 The logic behind this 51 CEU eTD Collection ed. David L. Ransel and Bozena Shallcross, L.Ranseland ed. David Polonophobia and the Formulation of Nationalities Policy in the Ukrainian SSR, 1927-1934,” in 56 Indiana University Press, 2005): 172-188. Press, University Indiana 55 Press, 1998):4-9. University 1917-1993 States,Successor its Union Soviet and the in borderlands, for other reasons see Andrea Chandler, same time the transborder ethnic ties were not the only reason for the suspicion of the History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia 2005): 141; Idem., “Struggle Over the Boredrlands,” in ed. S. Frederick Starr, Davies and James Harris, and Davies 54 4. Ibid., regions.” border its allof in to korenizatsiia commitment the leadership’s strengthening nationalism within the Soviet Union was the main goal – but it was an important factor korenizatsiia or the formation of national territories – disarming and preventing the growth of the Piedmont Principle: “The Piedmont principle was not the primary justification of either also to stress Terry Martin’s opinion on the primacy of local 53 promote promote socialistin development neighboringthe countries and fearthe of incursionforeign to desire the between conflict of the result the canbearguedthat It borderlands. in the evident especially was nationalism, of suspicious highly was time same the at and cultures policies. similar with respond states neighboring the could so claims, foreign their promote could PiedmontJustPrincipleas mobilize two-sided. ties to ethnic Soviets was transborder ethnic ties as the “Piedmont Principle”. At the same time he emphasized that the delegitimize revolutions. socialist the there andfoster states would “capitalist” neighboring the nationalities Soviet the of treatment preferential the that was conviction interwar period the war fears concentrated primarily on the Soviet-Polish border. theSoviet-Polish primarily on thewarfears concentrated period interwar Russo-Polishthe heritage of war. Probably thisconviction the was intervention.” Soviet to frontiers Soviet of vulnerability with “obsession the and suspicion attractinof Sovietresultedto Ukrainian the view that point population.Stalin’s From respect Timothy of aninsightful attemptsthe provided Snyder of account Pilsudski’s Poland On the impact of Soviet fear of Polish offense see, Matthew D. Pauly, “Soviet D.Pauly, see,Matthew Polish offense fearof the of Soviet Onimpact Rieber, Alfred Rieber, “Stalin as Foreign Policy-Maker: Avoiding War, 1927-1953,” in ed. Sarah For both dimensions see Martin, The paradox of the Soviet nationality policies, which attempted to promote local promote to whichattempted policies, nationality Soviet the of The paradox Following Ukrainian MartinBolsheviks, labeled Terry the Soviet tendency exploitto Stalin as Foreign Policy-Maker Foreign as Stalin Stalin: A New History Affirmative Action Empire , 141. Polish Encounters,Russian Identity 24 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, (Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1994): 68. At the 68. 1994): M.E.Sharpe, N.Y.: (Armonk, Institutions of Isolation: Border Controls Border ofIsolation: Institutions (Montreal ; Buffalo: McGill-Queen's korenizatsiia , 274-282, 312-316. It is important , 274-282,312-316.It in comparison with 55 Throughout the Throughout The Legacy of Legacy The (Bloomington: 56 53 In this In 54 CEU eTD Collection University Press, 2004). University of noPlace: from Ethnic Borderland to Soviet Heartland 58 1914-1945 Age ofWars, Militarization and the Peasant War,” in ed. Silvio Pons and Andrea Romano, (Milano: Feltrinelli, 2000): 83-102; Andrea Romano, “Permanent War Scare: Mobilization, War Scare,” in ed. Silvio Pons and Andrea Romano, 57 functions had Autonomous the Dzerzhinskii Polish Region in the Belarusian SSR and the terms of purposes, directions and actual policies in the sphere of and the as them label can we that think I convenience For states. neighboring the Piedmontmajority nationalities inPrinciple. the adjoining states. In this light I propose to discern two models of One was targetingTwo models of the Piedmont Principle the majority from Moscow. radiating the tendency and the 1930s In andthe warscarecametothe foreground central the thisauthorities. wasmostly other minoritythe policies in was thethe resultthe Soviet of the nationality balance was determinedof by various factors in interestseach policiescase. In general, the direction of the promotion of wasof localpredominant interests in thein 1920s.their relationThe precise to embodiment of Ukrainian SSR was to build the Polish communism in miniature. in communism Polish the build to was SSR Ukrainian instance,For main the of purpose Marchlevskthe Polish Region Autonomous in the one. capitalist the to in contrast system socialist of the predominance the demonstrate was to units administrative national of the purpose the But peculiarities. national of the toleration the demonstrate to andnationalities here promotion the of thesupport instrumentalized propaganda wasideologicala lesser andonly national.to extentauthorities Soviet For the account of the history of Polish Autonomous Region see Kate Brown, For the account of the war scares, see Anna Di Biagio, “Moscow, the Comintern and the minority-oriented The Soviet propaganda was targeted not only at the minority groups but even atthe but minority notgroups only atthe wastargeted propaganda The Soviet In case of the majority-oriented use of the Piedmont principle the main field of Piedmont Principles.Eachmodel specificitiespresupposed certain in (Milano: Feltrinelli, 2000): 103-120. Feltrinelli, (Milano: 57 25 Russia in the Age of 1914-1945 Wars, in Russia (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Mass.: (Cambridge, korenizatsiia 58 For instance, similar For majority-oriented Russia in the . A Biography CEU eTD Collection projects for local projects ASSR inspeaking population Bessarabia in and the Moldovan resulted different quite The ambiguous views of the Bolsheviks (on various levels) on the identity of the Romanian- sometimes mutuallyincorporating, projectsmore less that or toboth models.corresponded extent tobothrelated models. During the interwar period there existed opposing, though interesting object for the analysis. Interestingly enough, the Moldovan ASSR can be tosome incorporationUnion. into Soviet presupposed the the it necessary did vague, not revolution”wererather but of “export the of successful the cases projects incase thefuture republics. In already majority-oriented the Soviet existing respective the into incorporation territories these of goals were the future The presupposed inPoland. population Ukrainian the could attract culturenational that create socialistthe to attempts were SSRthere in Ukrainian the instance, reality. For “oppressed” totheir contrast in minorities neighboring the to alternative attractive an be would that culture national socialist the of a creation was goal main the Principle Piedmont the of light In borderlands. dimensions. As a result this factor was reinforcing thenational dimension of Sovietthe propaganda eventhe overshadowed social nationalisticand economic tendencies in the Soviet the Frequently nation-states. neighboring in the minorities of these realities the to contrasted versa. vice usually was – it in minority-oriented developments; Soviet internal byforeign thanby goals policy a greaterdegree cases to weredetermined majority-oriented the usually addition, In cases. minority-oriented the than authorities the from finances and much lessattention casesattracted majority-oriented the Interestingly, state. neighboring livein have to necessary didthe not population cases targeted the majority-oriented the Pulin German Autonomous Region in the Ukrainian SSR. As the latter case demonstrates, in In light of the above-described models the Moldovan case stands out as an was nationalities Soviet of the treatment preferential casesthe In minority-oriented korenizatsiia and its foreign policy implications. I will discuss these discuss will I implications. policy foreign its and 26 CEU eTD Collection interestin the study of the Soviet nationality policies in the region. theoretical addsmore models above-described the to ASSR inrelation of Moldovan the intervention of the authorities in the field of the nationality policies. The ambiguous position active the presupposed projects Both essential. was culture socialist Moldovan separate minority status ASSR and restof the Romania identifying them inas Moldovans and attributing thus them the the Greater Moldovan the and Bessarabia of population Romanian-speaking the between Romaniadistinction context. orderFor to createthis a Piedmont project for the whole Moldovanthe ASSR inpresupposed the radicalRomanization population republican the of Romania.the Thedevelopment minority-oriented project projectfor in inmorebut brief chapters detail majority-oriented projects in the following the ofmade thethe 27 CEU eTD Collection Two Volumes] (Chi Two Volumes] 1918-1940 59 manifest when the first settlement on the right bank of the Dniester had been occupied. SSR Bessarabian the Sovnarkom shouldhave proclaimed the Sovietpower andissued a Ukrainian the of Sovnarkom to the sent telegram telephoned the to According Bessarabia. of liberated the have formed the government should was organized. The Sovnarkom Sovnarkom chaired by Firstof RakovskyBessarabian adopted. directions the of Christian all, the to according I.N. Krivorukov, onedecisions were in onApril two direction. active28,1919 Approximately up the that work of the leading revolutionariesRomanian andFrench local Therefore armies were stationed. Bolshevik leadershipstarted of Bessarabia,moment this Bessarabia, possible gave where at for occupation consideration the of grounds RedArmy the of advancement The successful Dniester. leftbankthe of the reached armies the Bessarabian SSR deserves some attention in this chapter. case of the circumstances changing andconstantly chaotic the in Despite region. the period notably Mahno’s Army Revolutionary Insurrection of wereall Ukraine duringactive the bands most army, different forces, Petliura’s interventionist War.Red andWhite Armies, Bessarabian SSR – the prototype of the Moldovan ASSR? the heritage which the government of MASSR encountered after its establishment. andin 1924 degreeof the change tounderstandbetter in order developments of period this Moldovan ASSR before 1924. At the same time it is necessary to elucidate the Bankofthe before 1924 Nation-Building ontheLeft Dniester Kommunisticheskoe Podpol’e Bessarabii. Sbornik Dokumentov i Materialov v 2-h Tomah, v2-h Materialov i Dokumentov Sbornik Bessarabii. Podpol’e Kommunisticheskoe In mid-April forcing1919 thedivisionsRed Army Petliuraof out andinterventional In 1919-1921theleft bank Dniesterthe of wasthe of battlefield RussianCivil the of territory the on nation-building the cover scarcely studies The historical [Bessarabian Communist Underground. Collection of Documents and Materials in and Materials Documents of Collection Communist Underground. [Bessarabian ü in Ć u: 1987-88), u: vol. 1,71-72. 28 59 As CEU eTD Collection Kommunisticheskoe Podpol’e 62 61 60 the Bessarabianthe Red Army, which was also established April on 28, 1919 RKP(b),the which mostly theundergroundunited revolutionary ofBessarabia, and groups obkom of theBessarabian structures: political other two affairin possessed theBessarabian more much power In real general Sovnarkom. Bessarabian and dissolution the the ledof to case of enemy advancementof the the whichhappenedin armies, endofAugustthe 1919 inin created inOdessa stationed in arailway Tiraspol tobeincar order quickly evacuated itself The beingbank right1919) either initially Sovnarkom Dniester. left of on the or exception can be the short-term occupation of Bendery after amilitary incursion on May 27, sizable never only controlledreality land(the Sovnarkom any really Bessarabian the In management. national-cultural respective in their Bessarabia of nationalities of autonomy industrial financialand the emancipationunits, of workers and peasants, and the full any of nationalization peasants, the among redistribution its and land the of requisition the lawmaking: Bolshevik early other from different significantly not was which SSR, legislation Bessarabian the of future framing the was Sovnarkom decrees theBessarabian Republic. Soviet Federative Socialist of Russian the asapart SocialistRepublic Soviet Bessarabian the of thecreation manifest proclaimed the by RedArmy.the settlement Bessarabian it manifestwas made out,the publicbeforeeventually occupation the turned any of the Bolshevik policy in the region. inthe policy Bolshevik the directions of some significant latter demostrates one the of analysis activity of the The short bankleft Dniester. local of the population from the of Bessarabian the as émigrés aswell Onthe participation of the local population on the left bank of Dniester, see Kommunisticheskoe Podpol’e, Kommunisticheskoe Kommunisticheskoe Podpol’e, Kommunisticheskoe In beginningthe of May 1919 the temporary Bessarabian by meansSovnarkom of , 88. 73. 82. 29 60 In the manifest and in multiple other multiple in and manifest the In 61 and consisted 62 CEU eTD Collection (Moscow: Indrik, 1996),267-268. (Moscow: Indrik, Materials] and Documents Diplomacy: European of Crossroads the on [Bessarabia see Bessarabia 66 1915. Bureau of the Revolutionary Balkan Social Democratic Labor Federation, established in 65 Bessarabia: Dictionary, 1918-1991] (Bucure 1918-1991] Dictionary, Bessarabia: 29; Pavel Moraru, Clandestine 1930 Gus Fagan (ed), 64 117. Stelian T Stelian 63 withdrawal of withdrawal from oftheRomanianfront divisions some andof Hungarian the their Communist Balkan Balkan Federation. Communist the of dream long-cherished Rakovsky’s of realization the to way the pave could provoke socialthe upheavalin asawhole. Romania in Thesedevelopments hisreasoning byrevolutionizelocal soughtsupported Bessarabiaandconsequently Bolsheviks the to inRumcherod beginningthe of 1918.Rakovskythe bymeans of Bessarabianthe army by inspiredC. Rakovsky. Bessarabia front. Bessarabian Armythe passed Romanian totheoffensivetroops ontheRomanian-Hungarian the of establishment the of moment the at Exactly countries. Western in Revolutions successive the survive without not would Revolution Russian the was that agreement Revolution played at this moment significant role, since among the Bolsheviks the general armySoviet in theWorld tosupport order idea Revolution. The of Worldthe Socialist Béla Kun in Hungary and its subsequent war with Romania necessitated the involvement of Ukraine. Revolutionary the of Sovnarkom the of Chairman the and President by then orchestrated On Racovsky’s understanding of the Hungarian implications of the Soviet offensive in C. Rakovsky was one of the founding members and the First Secretary of the Central Onthe activity of Rakovsky in the region before his transfer to diplomatic work in 1923, see Onthe role of C. Rakovsky in the military and diplomatic attack on Romania in 1919, see (London: Allison & Busby, 1980), 22-34; Stelian T &Busby, 1980),22-34;Stelian Allison (London: 66 While Bolshevik military operations were rather unsuccessful, they still led to the to led still they unsuccessful, rather were operations military Bolshevik While The activity of the Bessarabian divisions of the Red Army were carefully were Army theRed of divisions theBessarabian of The activity Ć 63 nase (ed) In fact that was already the second offensive of the revolutionary forces on [Auntie Varvara’s Clients: Clandestine Stories] (Bucure Bessarabiia na Perekrestke Evropeiskoi Diplomatii: Dokumenty i Materialy Christian Racovsky: Selected Writings on the Opposition in the USSR,1923- Serviciile Secrete Racovski: DosarRacovski: Secret 65 One more consideration came into play. The Revolution of ü i Basarabia: Dic 64 ü [Racovsky: Secret File] (Ia Secret [Racovsky: The first The occurredduringin his leadership ti: Militar ti: Editura 30 Ć Ħ ionar, 1918-1991 nase, Ć Clien , 2008), 221-225. Ħ ii lu’ Tanti Varvara: Istorii Varvara: Tanti lu’ ii ü ti: Humanitas, 2008), 22- [Secret Services and ü i: Polirom, 2008), Polirom, 113- i: CEU eTD Collection Bessarabia] (Chi Bessarabia] Mihail Bruhis Movement in Bessarabia in 1918-1924] (Bucure 1918-1924] Bessarabia in in Movement 68 69 558-559; Afteniuk, 67 Racovsky, of Republics emerged. of The campaign,initiated Bessarabian the firstSSR waspart of by all the exportconclusion oversimplifies the issue, neglectingof the differences of the contexts, in which both Revolution that Yet, in essence. not lifespan in was difference the Thus, ASSR. Moldovan the and SSR through of both Bessarabian the character in continuity of draw their expansionist the terms own Romania still implicitly historians Romanian the state-building the of continuity the of idea rejecting to Central and South-Eastern statehood Soviet Moldovan the of example first the as SSR Bessarabian Transnistrian) andhistorians Romanian The exists. portray Soviet historians tended to the the of some consequence a as (and Soviet the between debate a small nevertheless, intoinfell extenta significant Bessarabianthe oblivion the historiography, SSR to Soviet Statehood and the Bessarabian Question] (Kishinev: Cartea Moldoveneasc Cartea (Kishinev: Question] the Bessarabian and Statehood Soviet Bessarabian SSR was just a cover for the Bolshevik expansionist plans. for Bolshevik expansionist the justacover Bessarabian SSRwas Sovnarkom. TheRomanian historians this rejected conclusion the thatemphasizing provisional of the temporary the Bessarabian ambiguitiesexisted dueto character certain in RedArmy’s of Bessarabia. military beginning campaign the the Béla Kun on to atelegram Lenin from sending prevent not did considerations practical these forces. Nevertheless, counterrevolutionary the forcing out area rich Donbass industrially prematurity of such move. Lenin believedit thatwasmuch moreimportant secureto the organizing the Sovietattack on Romania fell C.Rakovsky under Lenin’scriticism for the redeployment to Bessarabia. In any case that did not save Béla Kun’s regime. Actively A.M. Lazarev, Ludmila Rotari, Kommunisticheskoe Podpol’e, Kommunisticheskoe How can we assess the experience of the Bessarabian SSR? Even though the case of , Rusia, România Rusia, România , Moldavskaia Sovetskaia Gosudarstvennost’ i Bessarabskii Vopros Bessarabskii i Gosudarstvennost’ Sovetskaia Moldavskaia ü in Mi Leninskaia Natsional’naia Politika Ć ü u: Editura Universitas, 1992),211. Universitas, u: Editura carea Subversiv ü i Basarabia. 1812, 1918, 1924, 1940 1918, 1812,Basarabia. 1924, i 89 Ć din Basarabia în Anii dinBasarabiaîn 1918-1924 31 ü ti: Enciclopedic ti: Editura , 200-201. [Russia, Romania and 67 [Subversive Ć , 2004),124-126; 68 69 , though there still there though , At the same time same the At [Moldovan Ć , 1974), CEU eTD Collection Badulescu, ü 70 Soviet/Moldovan and authoritiesRomanian theinterwar during period. the of argumentation and rhetoric the reflect extent a significant to views opposing by studies are usually significantly influenced the agenda of Both political authors. the underground Future leadership of the Moldovan ASSR in the Bessarabian revolutionary newspaper. for their own thisname wouldUnion use inthe Soviet Society Bessarabians the of name the under issue, Bessarabian local first the the newspaper, targeting established Bessarabian Sovnarkom addition, the as the necessity of the liberation of Bessarabia from Romanian capitalists and landlords. In aswell Bessarabian the population to ethnic stressing proximity their campaign propaganda time in history population the of future MASSR encountered more lessor massive Probablyfor first bank the MASSR) aswelllocal Dniester. of the leftpopulation the of Bessarabian Bolsheviks (many of later inwhom occupied major posts governmentthe of the much less weight in than 1919. more internallyto processes. determined In idea1924 the of Worldthe Revolution had ASSR, gave way in of eventually, gradually establishmentMoldovan the process of the initial considerations similarhow demonstrate, Iwill chapters subsequent In the Europe. from all the groups of create aheroic,historians which romantic triedto Bessarabianunderground, of thecame up the Bessarabian population and embodied the revolt of the toiling i Basarabia For example, debate on Tatar-bunary uprising in 1924, Gh. Tatarescu, Bessarabian revolutionary underground has quite Bessarabian rich historiography. revolutionary the hasquite underground Yet, for experience formative a of 1919were events certain the same the the At time, Vosstanie v Tatar-bunare [The Third International and Bessarabia] (Bucure [Tatar-bunary Uprising] (Moscow: 1925). “Krasnaia Bessarabiia” 32 ü ti: 1925); the Soviet view, A. (Red Bessarabia). Later the Interna 70 Ħ The Soviet ionala aIII-a ionala CEU eTD Collection Party in Soviet Moldavia Bruchis, 74 Grossrumäniens Deutsche und Juden in Bessarabien, 1814-1941 : zur Minderheitenpolitik Russlands und Hausleitner, Mariana Studies,2003),103-110; and European Slavonic East School of (London: inRebecca Haynes(ed), introduction,” “Historical 73 argument. even neo-Fascist Semitic, Totalitarismului, 2008). Pavel Moraru inserts the idea of Bolshevist import into his quite anti- Siguran 1918-1940 Basarabia, 72 Reunification with the Soviet Fatherland] (Kishinev 1970). (1918-1940gg.) Rodinoi Sovetskoi s Vossoedinenie i Osvobojdenie za Svoio Bessarabii Trudeashchihsia Bor’ba and comprehensive Soviet study of the Bessarabian underground, A.S. Esaulenco (ed), 71 masses. imported. Bolshevism was an alien ideology for the Romanians, which the Soviet authorities undergroundinfluenced inRomania theirlaterviews nation-building on inthe policies the experiencethe Itcan of underground. Revolutionary Bessarabian be arguedthat the the from came ASSR Moldovan in the leadership party the of part a significant since important, of endeavor minoritythe groups. considerincorrectwould to underground inBessarabiaexclusively an the becommunist as inoppression, which increasingly turn intoitpushed them revolutionary activities. the Yet, oppression. of poorRomanianthe administration in Bessarabia accompanied by repressions and as theresult which emerged grievances, of ground fell fertile the propaganda on The Soviet itinitbe but toconsider Bessarabia, would simply incorrect imported by Bolshevik agents. consequence,minority foremost the Jews groups, As a “Bolshevism.” of accusations the for likely candidates whobecame most the groups, On the participation of Jews in the Bessarabian revolutionary underground, Michael For the account of the poor Romanian administration in Bessarabia see Rebecca Haynes, Pavel Moraru, Kopanskii, Ia. For the purposes of the thesis the Bessarabian revolutionary underground is underground revolutionary theBessarabian of thesis For the purposes the Ħ 71 Nations-Nationalities-People: a Study of the Nationalities Policy of the Communist of Policy the of Nationalities a Study Nations-Nationalities-People: a in Bessarabia, 1918-1940] (Bucure The Romanian historians onthecontrary pains took todemonstrate that 72 Indeed, the Soviet government supported the revolutionary activity revolutionary the supported government communist Soviet Indeed,the 73 Romanian authorities were especially concerned with the numerous minority numerous the with concerned especially were authorities Romanian Neustrashimye Boicy Neustrashimye (München: IKGS Verlag, 2005),98-112.Verlag, (München: IKGS La Hotarul Românesc al Europei: din IstoriaSiguran [On the Romanian Border of Europe: From the History of General of the History From Europe: of Border Romanian the [On [The Struggle of the Bessarabian Toilers for their Liberation and Liberation their for Toilers Bessarabian the of Struggle [The (Boulder: East European Monographs, 1984),141-197. EuropeanMonographs, East (Boulder: [Fearless Fighters] (Kishinev: 1977); the most 1977);themost detailed (Kishinev: Fighters] [Fearless ü ti: Institutul Na 33 Moldova, Bessarabia, Transnistria Bessarabia, Moldova, 74 , suffered from direct political Ħ ional pentru Studiul Ħ ei Generale în CEU eTD Collection or Moldovanizers). or Moldovan obkom of KP(b)U (1924-1928) and the leader of the “samobytniks” (indigenizers 76 views. Staryi’s term to describe enough anaccurate isnot “Romanizer” the leader of so-called “rumynizators” (Romanizer) in MASSR. Yet, as willI demonstrate later MASSR hewas 1932-1937; 1925-1926, Sovnarkom and later in1926-1928 MASSR 1925, TsIK in 75 experience of two majorfigures in MASSR in the 1920s: Grigorii Staryi compareit illuminating pre-1924 the isto Inthisrespect Bessarabianthe underground. in time before 1924 ASSR,spentthe leaders Moldovan the of future Bessarabian émigrés, attitudes already in that ASSR.Moldovan Many Bessarabian were formingémigrés militantly their anti-Romanian period encountering the Romanian oppression. Yet, not all of the Badeev. Romanian influence view of the “latinizator” Staryi. “latinizator” viewof the influence Romanian the moreand tolerant much towards opened and Badeev stance of Moldovanizer the respective nation-building positions the on intheMoldovanASSR: anti-Romanian radical in their explain differences some the extent MASSR leadersto of two experiences different these that itcan beargued Therefore, communists. Bessarabian the towards policies definitely not on the frontline and did not experience personally the Romanian harsh the buthewas underground, activity in Bessarabian Staryi of the was still participating of Ya. M. Sverdlov timeor before 1924he spent in SovietUnionthe either studying Communist at the University participating indespite the fact that he was thefirst elected as the head of the Bessarabian underground.work Most of of the Odessan inBessarabia,visitor 1919was a rare revolutionary,as an active though also after starting gubkom of theBadeev, Staryi, to contrast in MASSR. In settle the river to crossed hesecretly Only in1924 KP(b)U. inmovement being Bessarabia of subject by constant oppression authorities. Romanian Iosif Badeev (real name – either Suslik or Vanshtein) was the First Secretary of the Grigorii Staryi (real name - Borisov) was the Chairman of the MASSR’s Revkom in 1924- 76 Badeev up to 1924 was the active participant of 1924 wasthe communistof active the participant underground Badeev upto 34 75 and Iosif and CEU eTD Collection 80 79 78 24. Collection of Documents and Materials]Documents (Chi and of 24. Collection Materialov Dokumentov i Sbornik 1921-24. 77 towards the towards on XIICongressthe against RKP(b) Russian of turn definite Great chauvinismTsK the and Ukraine in its general andnational towards minorities specifically.Up toApril 1923, when in both policies nationality issue the on of directives central lack clear by of the complicated many local projects. examples of operating groups different on of border the Ukrainianthe SSR and undermining the cited constantly region the from reports The banditry. was building socialist the in peaceful. obstacle Major wasnotso Dniester of leftbank the the on situation The obstacles. multiple encountered reconstruction socialist postwar outthe asitturned However Communism ended anditwas time for peaceful socialist building andreconstruction. local counterrevolutionaries as well as foreign interventionist. The period of War before 1924 Soviet nationality policies and Ukrainianiization on the left bank of the Dniester population local the of indifference resources, human and material both of lack region: Dniester in the that consisted of the members of the party and sought to establish order in the region. Combrigades Special of the creation the toorder local authorities forcing of region Balta, infiltrating of the bands to the Soviet territory. For the example of such report Sovetskoe Stroitel’stvo Sovetskoe Stroitel’stvo Sovetskoe Stroitel’stvo Sovetskoe By 1921 the Red had Army definitely pressed outfrom Dniesterthe region both Nevertheless, banditry not undermining the mainfactor cultural was construction the 80 contributed much more to the failure of the policies. The situation was situation The policies. of failure the moremuch tothe contributed natsionalizatsiia-korenizatsiia 77 Quite often Soviet authorities accused Romania of authorities Quite often Soviet of and organizing accused Romania , 52 , 68 , 165 Sovetskoe Stroitel’stvo vLevoberejnyh Raionah Moldavii, [Soviet Building on the Left Bank of Dniester, 1921- of non-Russian nationalities was articulated, the articulated, was nationalities non-Russian of 35 78 ü in Most notable activity concentrated in the concentrated activity notable Most Ć u: Stiinta, 1977),78. u: 79 CEU eTD Collection surviving sources, especially on taking basing intodecision such consideration of reasons the its establish limited to effect. difficult is It 21. Ibid, script, Latin in books for Moldovan language that subsequently led to the publishing of a small number ofABC (Chi of Moldova during the Years of Soviet Power. Collection of Documents in 4 Volumes] 82 Holmes & Meier,York: 1992),99-138. speaking cadres. of shouldgeneral subjects have been carried out in Russian due to lack the of Moldovan- while study languagethe introduced, a subjectyears was as Russian abilities. In subsequent years, firstin only language restricted two focusonreadingandwriting whenthe was to Afterwards anexplanation followed according to which study the exclusively in Moldovan D’Encausse, 1917-23 National Question, the 81 the language dueto Tiraspol region emphasized the necessity theof propaganda and ineducation native 1920 themeeting the teachersMoldovan of November11, of the years On the education. of first the on exclusively focused it time same the At languages. native in their minorities) study. under region in the level local the on implemented or articulated initiatives the of some out point will I Still implemented. scarcely were policies local andpopulation sidethese on the and authorities certain of resources reluctance lack the of the Attime same dueto the soviets. national the of creation the and of education levels certain at language native of use the as such policies nation-building basic very some to themselves restricted authorities in Ukrainian the beginning undertaken the other tasks leftvaguenessforsurprisinglyspace interpretation. the of significant extent giventhe Not nationsthe and“respectsupportof self-determination” national for This cultures.” clear-cut strategy was absent. What was left, were quite ambiguous notions of the “right of national inquestion the Soviet Union heavily remained topic.discussed For the early Soviet debates on nationality problem, see Jeremy Smith, Kul’tura Moldavii za Gody SovetskoiVlasti. Sbornik Dokumentov v4-h Tomah ü in Ć Authorities paid significant attention to the education of the of education the to attention significant paid Authorities u: 1975-1976) vol. 2 p. 18. It is interesting that the meeting decided to use Latin script The The Great Challenge: Nationalities and the Bolshevik State, 1917-1930 82 Half a year later the secretary of the Moldovan section of education in of education section of the Moldovan secretary later the year Half a “ prejudices of the Moldovan population against the social reforms.” (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999); Helene Carrere 36 81 The Bolsheviks and Bolsheviks The natsmen Consequently the Consequently [The Culture (national (New CEU eTD Collection 87 period. this at Moldovanization developed national conscience and the intertwining character of the Ukrainianization and of the monument of the Ukrainian poet. That fact demonstrates both the lack of the Nevertheless that did not prevent local authorities and population from the reconstruction Moldovan. In 1923 from 33 members of the local village soviet 28 were Moldovans. 86 85 84 83 village TashlykonMay 1, 1922 performances theatrical Ukrainian as issues specific Such Moldovanization. with incomparison Ukrainianization several schools. in only inpossible was education Moldovan the therefore wereavailable; speaking teachers noted hadTiraspol in54Moldovan that region in schools onlyfewMoldovan- region the policies KP(b)U April of as between often April to 1923 and 1925 are referred nation-building the process. Therefore deepen andbroaden to an Ukrainianization attempt pace Ukrainianization. of The Ukrainian authorities issued central in of abundance decrees lack oflocal initiative and Ukrainian-speaking specialist werefrequently sent. already limited in its formulation. was decision of that impact the education, of cycle thewhole through had passed few pupils timethat classes. at Since two inlast only asschool, though thesubjects as history appeared documents of region.the Forexample, inspring language already 1920Ukrainian and even and directives. acts legislative Ukrainianization, even though latter the was much more explicitly in proclaimed the in situation somefield alsothe reflects extentthat the To before of 1924. Moldovanization For instance Sovetskoe Stroitel’stvo Sovetskoe Kul’tura Moldavii, Kul’tura Moldavii Kul’tura Moldavii The decision of the XII Congress of the RKP(b) had dramatically accelerated the In general the Ukrainianization of the region is reflected much more explicitly in the in explicitly more much reflected is region the of Ukrainianization the general In Kul’tura Moldavii, 83 These facts are quite telling and depict the general situation in the , vol.2, 9. , vol.2, , 20. vol.2, vol.1, 49. vol.1, 85 , 206. It is important to notice that village Tashlyk was predominantly orthe reconstruction of the monument of Taras Shevchenkoin the vol.2, 22. 86 are mentioned. At the same time similar reports on the 84 Documents also demonstrate the relative success of 37 87 CEU eTD Collection Soviet Ukraine, 1918-1933 Ukraine, Soviet Mace, 88 Ukrainianization of Moldovan the population. Ukrainianization campaign in Ukrainian couldSSR have alsoled to radical the Moldovans in region the and theirhistorically character,thefull-scaleSlavic-influenced the of identity national weak consideration into taking Otherwise, possible. as soon as done beit have usedinit for goingshould to with been thestruggle Bessarabia, Romania was bureaucratic paper production, questionthe posed of Moldovan morepopulation sharply. If campaign starting inApril 1923, though still onthelevelremaining of declarations and The Ukrainianization vigorous apparatus. and of with actual state the the capacities practices cultural benation-buildingirreconcilable though,turnedand Thetheory, out to policies. in of the sphere specific treatment their that presupposed identification national their People villages,the define sovietsbecamevery in towns, wereaskedto popular reports. the of composition national the on data Statistical out. carried were population of categorization At same preserved. the forstricttime attempts theethno-national during this period first was Russian culture theprerevolutionary of predominance circumstances these policies. In mixesof peculiar werecreating projects nation-building moreover different population, ambiguous Dueto results. produced nationalize lackthe itfailed of resources the to andlargely apparatus attitude to itsindifferent implementation localon the level. activity bureaucratic the by of thetremendous emphasizing “Ukrainianization decree,” For the account of Ukrainianization see Martin, Communism and the Dilemmas ofNational Liberation: National Communism in In general, nation-buildingthe bank left onthe before of Dniester the 1924had (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, Mass.: 1983),86-119. (Cambridge, University Harvard 38 Affirmative Action Empire, 75-124;James E. 88 CEU eTD Collection at the KUNMZ and KUTV. radical Romanianization in the Moldovan ASSR. In the Soviet Union he worked as a Lecturer the of thenecessity advocated He affair. the Moldovan/Bessarabian figures in active 90 ambitions. had more large-scale well some Bessarabians goals, as as scale than clear-cut categories. Among Romanian émigrés were communists with more small- 89 turned out to be an attempt ofthe Romanian communists toassert their predominance in the Moscow-based Romanian communists ledby Dicescu-Dik Ion the of initiative the mostly was itself Conference The work. party common in their émigrés Comintern. coincided place.Congress of the the Third It with Romanians andBessarabians”took The main goal of the Conferencefuture of Romania. Bessarabia asapartof Socialistenvisaged the the was communists SovietUnion. Romanian political the within creationautonomous unitof to unite Bessarabian and the from Romania of region the separation the anticipated Bessarabians majority of a just trigger. Bessarabia was and Romanian and revolution socialist all-Romanian the was goal sole the Romanians the for essential, in itself and subsequent revolution inRomaniapotential ingeneral was butnot desirable differed.on forof purpose the BessarabiansWhile this the anend process that was already same Bessarabia atthe opinions the have been revolutionized, time should assertion that the was point common One grounds. common found morerarely sometimes often conflicted; Bessarabian totheSovietUnion, émigrés –of another Romanian the Theseémigrés. groups advocatingin issue Moldovan-Bessarabian the the Union. of Soviet One consisted Republic The Memorandum on the Necessity of Creation ofthe Moldovan Soviet Socialist Steps The EstablishmentoftheMoldovanASSRandFirstState-Building Ion Dicescu-Dik (1893-1938) – Romanian communist émigré. Dik was one of the most more tendencies demonstrates division the above-mentioned that tonote isimportant It In April 1921 in Moscow the “First All-Russian Conference of the Communist the of Conference All-Russian “First the Moscow in 1921 April In In the first half of the 1920s there were two major groups that were debating and 89 The views also differed on the future of Bessarabia. The 39 90 . Eventually the Conference CEU eTD Collection 93 Documents and Materials] (Chi Materials] and Documents Documente si Materiale (1920s)] (20-e gody) 91 the to Memorandum the of appearance the from followed that events the carefully Dniester. discussed with him in his apartment the establishment of the Republic on the left bank of the KotovskiiUnion in1923 G.I. andM.V.Frunze already S.M. Budennyi recalled that communists largely of was Romanian product the the émigré 4, 1924) Republic” (February Socialist would prefer to entrust them the political organization of the Moldovan ASSR. Later this indivision Bessarabians, would play of the hands when Ukrainian authorities Dniester. the banks of both onthe local problems on concentrated Bessarabians mostly while issues, Comintern large-scale in engaged Moscow, in stationed communists, to the Bessarabian underground. As a result, acertain division laborof emerged: Romanians Eastern regions of the Ukrainian SSR to continue their work in the local party committees or South- the to either returned Bessarabians of majority the in Moscow, politics high the from in Thus, ostracized a way national outlooks. and inthepolitical differences the reinforced personal grievances ASSR the ofMoldovan of creation the in the later process andthe the non-Bessarabian Romanians. At the same time such approach alienated Bessarabians, of exclusively almost Central the formingBureau attempt, in succeededthat RKP(b). They Bessarabian affairs inthe and Romanian-Bessarabian of of Committee Bureau Moscow the Ion Ion 92 Oleg Galushchenko, The text of the Memorandum can be found in Argentina Gribincea, Mihai Gribincea and Obrazovanie Moldavskoi SSR ûLü canu (ed), canu The “Memorandum on the Necessity of the Creation of the Moldovan Soviet Moldovan the of Creation the of Necessity the on “Memorandum The http://www.iatp.md/articles/borba.htm 93 After the opening of the archives historians have reconstructed more orless havereconstructed historians After opening of the archives the [The Struggle between Romanizers and Indigenizers in the Moldovan ASSR 92 , though the idea was in the air. In the recollections the Marshal of the Soviet of Marshal the recollections the In air. inthe idea was the , though Politica de Moldovenizare in R.A.S.S. Moldoveneasca: Culegere de Bor’ba mejdu Rumynizatorami i Samobytnikami vMoldavskoi ASSR [The Policy of Moldovanization in the Moldovan ASSR: Collection of , 44-45. ü in Ć u: 2004),28-32. u: Civitas, 40 (Retrieved on June 6, 2010). 91 CEU eTD Collection 97 the process of the creation of the Moldovan ASSR. Communist émigrés, who on February 4, 1924 issued the first Memorandum, that launched 96 2009), 53. [Romanians, Bessarabia and Transnistria] (Bucure Cugetul 95 to the Present Day]the(Chi Present to VechiTimpuri pân “Moldovenism”] (Chi “Moldovenism”] (ed), Moldovei Creation of the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic] 94 establishment of the Moldovan ASSR and have drawn some important connections. important some drawn have and ASSR Moldovan the of establishment Socialist Revolution. itsstatement of expansionist embodied in character, expansionthe ideaof the of the historiography existing oftheMemorandum discussion the confines itself usually the to in the Republic. Dik believed that a total beeninbelievedhave shouldRomanization atotal Dik thecarried Republic. outon that thenation-building of strategy envisaged the anddetermined goal subordinated Hence, that Dik, the considered inrevolution Romania tobe mainthe of purpose Moldovanthe SSR. I. foremost émigrés, Romanian in the morechapter) next (in detail discussions the later from population. the of level cultural and economic the of enhancement the for republic Moldovan the of role the secondary as only mentioned document Romania with implicationspossible Balkan for the andCentral The Peninsula Europe. envisaged Bessarabia SSR’s crucial inrevolutionizing of Moldovan role andconsequently who were later on the leading position in MASSR, signed the document. The Memorandum Grinshtein, Badeev, suchasStaryi, leader, majorno indeed, Bessarabian that is revealing, It affairs. Comintern in the involved actively communists Romanian and émigrés Romanian Moscow-based of the exclusively almost listconsisted The document. the of character group initiative The name “Initiative Group” is sometimes used to designate the group of Romanian the groupof to used designate sometimes is Group” name“Initiative The For example, Anton Moraru, “Destinul unui Document,” [The Fate of a Document] Oleg Galu Politica de Moldovenizare, Cominternul , no 5-6 (1992): 53-54; Ioan Popa, Luiza Popa, , no. 3-4 (1997); Gheorghe E. Cojocaru, “Studiul,” [Study] in Gheorghe E. Cojocaru ü cenko, “Crearea Republicii Sovietice Socialiste Moldovene 96 provides some hints on the possible explanation of hints provides possibleexpansionistthe explanation of onthe some Ć ü i Originele “Moldovenismului” în Prezent ü 95 in At the same time a more careful look on the members of the Ć ü in u: Civitas, 2009); u: Ć u: Civitas, 2007), 265-266. Civitas, u: 30. [A History of the Transnistrian Region: From the Ancient Times O Istorie a Regiunii Transnistrene: Din Cele mai 41 [Comintern and the Origins of ü ti: Editura Funda Românii, Basarabia Revista de Istorie a deIstorie Revista Ħ ia European 97 As it became clearer ü ti (R.A.S.S.M.)” [The ü i Transnistria Ć Titulescu, 94 In the In CEU eTD Collection http://depts.washington.edu/cartah/text_archive/clark/meta_pag.shtml 1927), Mead& Company, 98 designation, without strong usually national and political implications. reference to their locality or as Moldovans, which was more a traditionalby either regionalitself identified population local the Bessarabia Romanian in even emphasized, quite weak had sense noor foreign of identity.As contemporary national travelers rural undermining Themostly illiterate entireRomanian-speaking the endeavor. population Romanian by have SSRcould local beenrejected population thus the Transnistria, of Most likely, Romanianeven émigrés more complexwere taking than hisuneasiness and problemthe with colleagues. of Romanianizingthe project Dik But intowas just the the consideration personal opinion CivilWar,they during the after feltwith certain and have authorities could Romanian the that ofthe twoproject encounters the of memories or unpleasant had morein addition and origin mixed of influential Bessarabian of the were Frunze and Kotovskii Bolsheviks.both Since weight. more name his by it to adding Memorandum, leadershipin general.At the same time Kotovskii played more the role of the big shot in the Bolshevik and SSR inUkrainian both influence his to due crucial was latter the of KotovskiiG.I. and M.V. influential leaders Frunze, two inarmy theCivilWar. The support a Moldovan and nota Romanian SSR? and should agendaone askthe then question:create why did Romanian to émigrés propose intent in once propaganda consideration Takingthis again targetinggeneral. into Romania and Romania over all activities subversive the for revolutionaries skilled the of training bankleftfuture andin republic that of Dniester, case the the functions: would perform two June 6, 2010). June Slavicized Romanian-speaking population Transnistrialargelyof was unfamiliar with Charles Upson Clark, One possible answer to that question points to the necessity to gain the support of gainsupport thethe necessity question to to points to that answer One possible Bessarabia: Russia and Romania on the Black Sea Black the on Romania and Russia Bessarabia: 42 (Retrieved on (Retrieved (New York: Dodd, 98 Significantly CEU eTD Collection 100 references to Dik in the text should not be taken exclusively as his personal ideas. Romanizers. At the same time other Romanian émigrés shared similar views, so the 99 the republicthe by wassubstituted Moldovanzationthe policies? romanianize to intent initial Why the committee. regional party Moldovan the of Secretary composition Moldovan the of himselfSovnarkom ontheposition putting Firstthe of preparatory phase for its the in with starting already participate life republic of the the to of right totally the deprived establishment? At the sameautonomous republic in Ukrainianthe Why RomanianSSR? “initiative group” was almost time I. Dik was already inby afull-fledged substituted constitutional arrangement the create republic was drawing the questions, whichshould beaddressed.Why initial of intentthe group” to “initiative the in strong alsoexisted party. voices the opposing Dik’s and Romanians was not that evident to Moscow and Kharkiv and Moscow to evident that not was Romanians and costlyprove for Dikin his struggle with Moldovanizers.the Dik’s equation of Moldovans population this amongsuchas the mostRomanizers, would Later choice even radical Dik. identity onthe views ambiguity acertain of underscore of degree of the Transnistrian the “Moldovan”. designation chose less provocative group” the“initiative therefore endeavor, grievancesthe ofthelocal wouldpopulation. That buried have entire revolutionary the to lead even and imposition an as perceived been have could likely most Romanianization, population, usage the accompanied of term the Romanians, bytheradicalrapid While the name Moldovans was generally known and acceptable for the majority of the Iuse the reference to I. Dik, as the most active and important member of the radical The capital ofthe Ukrainian SSR before 1934. 99 ideas of their ethnic and linguistic proximity identity the Romanians. linguisticto even ideas and proximity ethnic theirand of The Memorandum and the subsequent establishment pose several additional pose establishment subsequent the The Memorandumand Both possible outlined considerations behind the choice in favor of infavorBoth behindthechoice of considerations possible outlined “Moldovan” 43 100 authorities, especially when especially authorities, CEU eTD Collection 103 19; O 102 Etnoculturala in R.A.S.S. Moldoveneasca lengthy Cojocaru’s study and the documents published in his book); Negru, 101 Soviet Ukrainian Soviet authorities. the of role the explanation this to add or emphasize historians Other fabricated. was project Transnistria. of population the Romanian-speaking assimilate from beginningthemainthe intentof Sovietthe authoritiesderomanianize was to and that suggests historiography Romanian the interpretation of Theclassical exist. explanations richest republic in the USSR except RSFSR. Moreover, itwas probably RSFSR. Moreover, richestin republic USSRexcept only the the Soviet Ukrainian problem in the Soviet Union and the question of theMoldovan ASSR havebeen hardly in the about talk caseunderstudy.any total the control there could will Asdecisive voice intheMoldovan nextsubchapter demonstrate, endeavor? policies inthe Union.Soviet then How was itpossibleKharkiv that possessedsuch a is manner for all thehistorianstotalitarian total controlled (that concerned) the control pointed who tohistorians, since also, theimportant is endeavor This affairs. role Moldovan in the role decisive of the Ukrainianview. Iwill Butfirst, anexplanation,outline Ukrainian whythe acquiredauthorities sucha factor, at theas the examplessame of the Ukrainiantime present historians which nationalism,decisions, the of some considerMoreover, opposition. should simple than complex, be explained from thata different pointMoscow of correct.in a Yet, on significantthe role of Ukrainianauthoritiesthe in the Moldovan affairs in1924is as I willnationalists. unitarian and SSR Moldovan the of opponents demonstrate, the attitude of the Ukrainian authorities was more Cojocaru, Galu For example, Cojocaru, Istorie a Regiunii Transnistrene aRegiunii Istorie Historians have explicitly or implicitly addressed some of these questions. Yet, few Ukrainian SSR always specific in position occupied Union. Soviet the was It the ü cenko, Studiul, Crearea Republicii Sovietice Moldovene Socialiste Sovietice Crearea Republicii 18-19; Studiul O Istorie a Regiunii Transnistrene Regiunii a O Istorie 102 They portray They Ukrainianthe portray as authorities vigorous the (I use the reference to differentiate betweenthequite thereference todifferentiate (Iuse , 266. . 44 , 266. 103 In my opinion, the emphasis the opinion, my In 101 Therefore, the Moldovan ü ti ; Cojocaru, Politica Studiul , 18- CEU eTD Collection 105 Bessarabia, 1812-2002] (Bucure 1812-2002] Bessarabia, 104 predominantly predominantly Russian industrial itsborder due region on South-East to the economic RSFSR the SSR cededto April Ukrainian mutual In 1924 claims.border articulated RSFSR and Ukranian period SSR at that Exactly relations. in period Soviet-Ukrainian the of Ukrainianization. the the acceleration itpresupposed to Stalin’s the response and ostracized, criticized eventually (1926) in instigators Ukrainian the SSR Eventhoughallthe campaignof that were means. This would duringbe laterdemonstrated the previously-mentioned Shumskii affair localnegative not nationalism the struggleBolsheviks against positive by and carried out of in Withinframework mid-1920s. the context Soviet the the misinterpret nationalism. Ukrainian the with strugglein to ASSR the order BolsheviksMoldovan ASSRMoldovan Moscow that created Here, it would be so UnionAction mechanisms EmpireSoviet Affirmative tensely. the of were the tested useful to point tolocal nationalism, Bolsheviks onewere themselves promoting its certain aspects. Nowhereof in the the existingdilemma: beingvery suspicious –morein than partany of other Sovietthe Union – of the opinions on Ukrainian national aproblematic Bolsheviks Ukrainization. Thus, encountered culture and the creation the of promotion the necessitated Empire Action Affirmative ofthe of logic the hand other the preventsuppressed possible to the andsecession uprising of Ukrainianthe the SSR. On been have should nationalism Ukrainian the hand one the On it. to Bolsheviks Moscow attitude of led ambiguous the to Ukrainian issue.SSR position the on Thatspecific that of “infected” by strong nationalistfeelings. Civil War gaveBolsheviks many important lessons itwas time same Atthe existence. independent the of capable Republic potentially Martin, Iulian Frunta The campaign for The establishment the Moldovanthe coincided ASSR specificcampaign of with The Affirmative Action Empire ü u, O Istorie Etnoplotic O Istorie 105 ü ti, Chi ti, 104 This interpretation is misleading, since its adherents its since misleading, is interpretation This Ć ü in a Basarabiei, 1812-2002 a , 212-228. Ć u: Cartier, u: 2002), 159. 45 [An Ethnopolitical History of korenizatsiia CEU eTD Collection 107 Union Francine Hirsch, 106 between than ASSR Moldovan and SSR Ukrainian between relations the in centralization border. As the result, Ukrainian-Romanian asthe issue), Bessarabian tothe due region (especially sensitive even a Soviet historian insuch a new the authorities delegate Republican to significantauthority to unwillingness had to recognize was the opponents theUkrainian whatcharacterized be hardly Yet, couldquestioned. that there was much more1920s Soviet Union rightthe of any nationality for developmentthe itsof national culture the In nationalism. acultural hardly itwas that be emphasized should it but “nationalist”, indeedtheir determinedseveral andreinforcedstance. First, canbelabeledconsiderations irredentism. and nationalism Romanian strengthen could inopportune,Narkomindel momentG.V.Chicherin since the considered at this project it Russian sections of party projectthere wasin a theuniform Ukrainian perception At theparty same time it would be a simplification onlyof to consider the certainnationalist opposition project. to the Moldovan For aspirations. more less hardly have region riseeven could given developed toenthusiasm. economically example, the Neither in Theone perspectiveoflosing little in sympathy encountered government. Ukrainian the the Ukrainian nor in Ukrainianthe its landfor Not surprisingly revolutionary propaganda and itproject. part. negotiation longvery was left still and Ukrainians since unsatisfied, only they received authoritiesSoviet ceded half claimedthe of Ukrainian territory the to processthe SSR but of for the acquisition of the RSFSR’s territories alreadyAtconsiderations.pressed ethno-national same the government on time Ukrainian grounds on its North-East border. After all the Cited in Galu On the Ukranian-RSFSR border disputes see Martin, 106 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005), 155-160. University (Ithaca:Cornell Exactly in these circumstances the “initiative group” was claiming another part of part wasclaiming“initiative group” another in the circumstances Exactly these ü Empire of Nations: Ethnographic Knowledge and the Making ofthe Soviet cenko, Crearea Republicii Sovietice Socialiste Moldovene Socialiste Sovietice Republicii Crearea 46 Affirmative Action Empire, 107 For the Ukrainianopponents Forthe ü ti , 67. 274-282; CEU eTD Collection Session of VUTsIK, October 8-12, 1924] (Harkiv: 1924),9-12. (Harkiv: 1924] VUTsIK, 8-12, of October Session of the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic: The Stenographic Report of the 3 de Seam de Moldovan groups, MASSR was not a secessionist project. Thus he was trying to weaken the position of the anti- reference to the discontent on the issue among the Ukrainian authorities asserting that clearlymadea the he speech therepublic. In of establishment forthe reasons the the Ukrainian Sovnarkom V. Ya. Chubar’ was giving the speech in which he was explaining 109 State Documents of the Moldovan SSR] (Kishinev: Cartea Moldoveneasc 108 “Iverdict: am –for initiative],be republicpersonally [the sothat includedinthe Moldovan his KP(b)U TsK and RKP(b) TsK the to sent he initiative the to react to first the being authorities, andMoscow existingthe understood balances quite of well.power Therefore, Ukrainian the government part of MihailFrunze, whowasboth fledged Moldovan republic. strengthening of Ukrainianthe nationalistfeelings. That excluded the option full-the of lead tothe would lossterritory of another that they were afraid SSR Ukrainian the of of territory the part Already detaching authorities. Ukrainian the issue passing press the especially in a full-fledged form. At the same time the Moscow Bolsheviks were reluctant to group thatwas aquite strong opposedtotheestablishment Republic, Moldovan of the of Ukrainianthe population in new the Republic wasasensitive issue. forwouldbe some mixed. ethnically of Therefore, thefuture fate Ukrainian authorities the itaddition,was from evident populationthe beginningthatthe of Moldovanthe ASSR foreign influences infiltrationsand into the Ukrainian SSR and the Soviet Union. In scenarios smalland Republic for weakMoldovan could havebeenaconvenient the gate from eventually SSR. break Ukrainian Republicthe away would the and prevail would nationalism Romanian the ASSR Moldovan in the – that it shared also some extent to fear –Chicherin astrong was There concern. of issue was another Republic RSFSR andits autonomous respective republics. On October 11, 1924, a day before the MASSR was officially established the Chairman of A.V. Surilov (ed), Dueall to the above-mentioned considerations among the Ukrainian leadership there Ć Stenografic Alc Gosudarstvenno-pravovye Akty Moldavskoi SSR AktyMoldavskoi Gosudarstvenno-pravovye Ć Ć tuirea Republicii Autonome Sovetice Socialiste Moldovene Socialiste AutonomeSovetice Republicii tuirea a Sessiei a 3-a a VU3-a a aSessiei a ĥ 47 IK-ului, 8-12 Octombrie 1924 8-12 Octombrie IK-ului, 108 The positionfuture border of the (1924-1941gg.)[Legal 109 Even in less radical [The Establishment Ć , 1963), 9. ü ti: Darea ti: rd CEU eTD Collection Collection of Documents and Materials to the 40 Moldavskoi SSR i Sozdaniia Kompartii Moldavii 111 own will to see a separate Moldovan SSR. the Moldovan ASSR] (Kishinev: Tipografiia Akademii Nauk, 2001), 7-8. 110 113 112 Moldovan SSR and the Creation of the Communist Party of Moldova] (Kishinev: 1964), 33. creation of the Moldovan section KP(b)U. of section Moldovan the of creation KP(b)U the resolved of section the March ASSR. Odessan Moldovanthe 6, 1924,the On Mihail Frunze played major role, the Ukrainian authorities took first steps in the creation of Counting Moldovans – Drawing borders almost carte blanche for the Ukrainian authorities on behalf of Moscow. Moldovan republic to way a self-withdrawing itself from issue,the the BolsheviksMoscow significantwere making the extent Ukranian SSR.” an internal affair of the Ukrainian SSR. It was ethnographic and territorial data. andterritorial ethnographic lack the of dueto SSRunreasonable establish Moldovan to decision the considered borders of futurethe autonomy.Already Aprilon 18 Ukrainian1924, the Politburo in and,consequently,first population of number Moldovan the theall, region the the Moldovan appeared. party section’s gazette, Yet,manyofficial issues remained unclear and, addition,May on first1, 1924the issue newspaper the of process decisions launched Moldovan of the theorganizational officially autonomy. In delimitate an Autonomous view of to point political from the “considered reasonable issued adecreethat KP(b)U Moldovan region as part of the Ukrainian SSR.” Cited in Oleg Galushchenko, Cited in Repida, Nachalo Bol’shogo Puti. Sbornik Dokumentov i Materialov k 40-letiiu Obrazovaniia Obrazovanie Moldavskoi SSR, After the initial phase of internal party discussions in Kharkiv and Moscow, in which Moscow, and in Kharkiv discussions party internal of phase initial the After 110 Supporting the option of republic autonomous the andconsequently in a Obrazovanie Moldavskoi ASSR 45. Frunze was opting that option maybe even despite his Naselenie Moldavskoi ASSR Moldavskoi Naselenie 113 In historiographythe be is decision this to considered 48 111 [The Beginning of the Long Road. The Just on the next day already the Politburo of th Anniversary ofthe Establishment of the , 91. Plugarul Ro (1924-1940 gg.) [Population of (1924-1940gg.)[Population ú u (RedPloughman), 112 These two CEU eTD Collection Communist Party: Studies] (Chi Studies] Party: Communist 117 116 115 114 create a Moldovan Autonomous republic and suggested a Moldovanissue republic TsK KP(b)Uthe create Autonomous suggested to of and the among the Moldovan population. Ukrainian in authorities enhancementthe Odessa ordered of national-cultural the work April 1924,the On would29 be collected. data before necessary the postponement its only but autonomy, of Moldovan the idea the of the rejection presuppose not decree did otherUkrainian leadership. subsequentUkrainian Yet, demonstrate decisions thisthat decision,indeed, reflected to some extent the existence of the anti-Moldovan attitudes in the demonstrationthe of Ukrainianthe nationalism and anti-Moldovanism. erroneous. I. Stalin in of authorities sent to Ukrainian anote, decision the the which hedescribed unit. territorial Moldovan the of ambiguities the Ukrainian authorities reinforced previous decision to postpone the creation in from and the12,1924.Basinguponthese Memorandum discrepancies October 451. number170 of foundcommission Ukrainian the 283398Moldovans, only commission reported the Commission reached VUTsIK. The results differed dramatically. While Kotovskii’s of Territorial report 1924the hisJuly inquiry In andcalculations. started own voluntarily in Transnistria, moment that at stationed corps cavalry his with who Kotovskii, G.I. time At autonomy same of question the Moldovan fact they the the the that opened. considered which underscored data, ethno-territorial of collection for the commission special organized Cited in Cojocaru, Kul’tura Obrazovanie Moldavskoi SSR At momentthis Moscowintervened.the authorities On 1924,MihailFrunze 25 July 117 Moldavii, 71-75. Moldavii, Istoria Partidului Comunist al Moldovei: Studii Four days later the Politburo of RKP(b) decided that it was necessary itwas necessary to decided that of RKP(b) Politburo the days Four later Studiul , 17, 22. 116 Even Kotovskii’s figures were far from mentionedfrom far Even Kotovskii’s figureswere 500.000-800.000 ü in , 51-52. Ć u: Moldoveneascu: Cartea 115 At the same time the central Ukrainian authorities 49 [The History of Moldovan Ć , 1982), 144-146. 114 Mostlikely, this CEU eTD Collection 119 118 58% of of 400.000inhabitants the establishedthe on nextthe day Republic. Chubar’ MoldovansChair constituted thatproclaimed V.Ia. Ukrainian the Sovnarkom of Moldovanthe ThirdSessionthe of population. On VUTsIK,111924,thethe October on possible share of highest almostthe create to This possibility gavethe RiverDniester. the the moment of the establishment the Moldovan ASSR occupied narrowa strip of land along possessed onlysome quite rough whichnumbers, resulted in situations.certain awkward At less morewith population the authorities or the dataon this of precise Before Republic. the place theauthorities andprovided took in census all-Soviet Onlyof 1926the republic.the Moldovan ASSR issues still oneof remained crucial the before and after establishmentthe establishment of the Moldovan ASSR. the of process the in intervened decisively authorities Moscow the when time, last for argument Romanianfrom the The July 29,1924,wasroughlythe diplomats. decision discursive government andin astrong give Sovietthe foreign the of the eyes government Theabandonmentendeavor. of Moldovan the wouldmakeprojectlaughingstock a out of it voiced wasalready officially and anumberof meetings in of occurred support the simplyauthorities not Soviet could aMoldovan to create intent upthe give when Republic, to the borderland position futurethe Republicof international and significant attention the faileddue negotiations inVienna.Third, just the after pressureonRomania,the especially issueMoldovan inseveral Second, voices. ASSRopposing the Moldovan forcrucial was werediscussing the authorities the Ukrainian authorities. First, insistence of Moscow the necessary directives. necessary census in Chubar’ significantlycensus 1926demonstrated, miscalculated both sharethe and the Alc Nachalo Bol’shogo Puti Ć Nevertheless, the problem of the borders and the ethnic composition of the future tuirea Republicii Autonome Sovetice, 118 There can be several considerations that would explain the explain would that considerations be several can There , 33. 50 9-10. 119 As the later CEU eTD Collection ASSR 125 of Deputies, Toilers, Peasants and Red Soldiers from Moldovan ASSR] (Balta: n/a), 21. Muncitori, 124 123 37. Division and Population in the Moldovan ASSR] Sostave Naseleniia Moldavskoi ASSR (1924-1940 gg.),” [The Changes in the Administrative Moldovan ASSR, see K. Stratievskii, “Izmeneniia v Administrativno-Territorial’nom Delenii i v 122 attribution of the term national minority towards the Ukrainians. dimension they were not. Therefore local authorities numerical in MASSR, in wereminority always carefullynational a been have avoiding should the Ukrainians politically Though 121 120 in most sizeablethe group Republic. the Russians Jews–8.5%etc. –8.56%, ASSR,inhabitants oftheMoldovanof –48.6%, Ukrainians out572.338 comprised 30.1% total number of Moldovansin the According Republic. the tothecensus, Moldovans the size and the share of the Moldovan population in the town and its surroundings. Birzula surroundings. its and town in the population Moldovan the of share the and size the for the status of the temporary capital. candidates three Therewere theborders. of such redrawing necessitated that considerations additional other were there that demonstrates Republic the of the capital became ASSR. Moldovan of the theestablishment after (Pervomaisk) of its regionfrom newcenter the remoteness wereeconomic: reasons proclaimed region to the Moldovan ASSR. former the of Balta part and thetown andtransferred region Balta the abolished Sovnarkom after establishmentthe Republic.the of November On 1924, VUTsIK and 26, Ukrainian notimpressivealready of share Moldovans.the dramatic, butthe territorial which revisions, were taking1926 from place 1924 to Chi For a thorough detailed description of the administrative-territorial changes in the That situation created a discursive paradox in the usage of the term Galushchenko, Darea de Sam Nachalo Bol’shogo Puti ü in Major territorial expansion of the Moldovan ASSR occurred in less than two months Ć u was considered to be the real (but in fact symbolical) capital of the Moldovan ĥĆ rani ü Ć i Osta Naselenie Moldavskoi ASSR Moldavskoi Naselenie aCongresuluiÎntii al Sfaturilor din RSSA Moldoveneasc ü i Ro , 79. ü i (19-23 Aprilie 1925) [The Report of the First Congress of Soviets 123 Balta became the capital of the Moldovan ASSR. The 120 125 Thus, Moldovans were neither a majority, nor even nor majority, a neither were Moldovans Thus, Tiraspol was the most logical choice judging from judging choice logical most the was Tiraspol 121 51 The situation could have been slightly less slightly been have could situation The , 10, 13. Revista de Istorie aMoldovei Istorie de Revista 124 Yet, the fact that the town the that fact the Yet, natsmen Ć de Deputa , 2 no (1995): 24- in MASSR. 122 reduced Ħ i, CEU eTD Collection (Balta: 1926),16-17. (Balta: Congress of Soviets of Deputies, Toilers, Peasants and Red Soldiers from Moldovan ASSR] ĥĆ 129 128 Moldoveneasc moremuch explicit Chior-Ianachi, were P. particularly September Moldovanizers, the borders. theMoldovan of in terms lack clarity of and ambiguity was certain In May SecondMoldovan1926 atthe SovietsCongress of thespeakers mentioned that there in from leadership the local questionof (roughly territorial the 1926), the revision emerged. regionsother Ukrainianize both andMoldovanize. localthe controlling bodies in Balta region should have only been Ukrainianized, while in “Commission of Ukrainianization and Moldovanization”. in Interestingly planforthe 1927 127 Birzula, since Balta was an inappropriate economic center. 7. Badeev also added that the center of economic management should be moved to 126 practical implementation of the led commission the example for Thus, leadership. Moldovan by the elaborated policies, of nationality effectthe limited the significantly and implementation the complicated Moldovanization alongwith Ukrainianization carry out to necessity the interwar period the Throughout Ukrainianization. and Moldovanization between conflicts the intensified Moldovanization campaign. The inclusion andBalta of surrounding areas additionally Ukrainian- and Russian-speakingtown, which significantproblemscreated for the an predominantly was Balta time same the At towns. borderline were Birzula extent lesser of Balta was its relativedevelopment.” of Republican the proletariat…vanguard remoteness from the Romanian border, while Tiraspol and to a (later Kotovsk) was the “economic center of Republic” of the center “economic wasthe Kotovsk) (later Staryi’s speech at the Badeev’s speech at the First Moldovan Party Conference, AOSPRM, f. 49, inv. 1, d. 15, f. rani Darea de Sam Politica de Moldovenizare ü Therefore, when the radical Moldovanizers were becoming increasingly influential increasingly becoming were Moldovanizers radical the when Therefore, i Osta ü i Ro i Ć de Deputa Ć ü i din RASSM din RASSM (9-14 Mai1926) i Stenografic Darea de Sam Ħ i, Muncitori,i, , 49. Ć korenizatsiia a S’Ezdului al Doilea al Sfaturilor de Deputa Ć ĥĆ aCongresului Întii al Sfaturilor din RSSA rani in the Moldovan ASSR bore the name the bore ASSR Moldovan the in 52 [The Stenographic Report of the Second ü i Osta 128 ü i Roi 127 In this respect the only advantage ü i , 13. 126 Ħ i, Muncitori, , “center of 129 Later in Later CEU eTD Collection 131 130 region. That presupposed language bytheactingpresupposed learningregion.the party of Moldovan That the in the policies nationality Sovietthe of wasone major of objectives the apparatus party Moldovanization The the Komsomol inof Moldovan the andstructure. population party the involvementof the to waspaid period interwar the throughout attention specific Therefore of national the divisions of inparty was itself a powerful symbol nation-building.of population. Infact creation amonglocal the activename propaganda the and nation-building ASSRMoldovan bythe factual collection material of parts on of future the republic,the the masses on the left bank of the Dniester. It should have prepared the establishment ofparty should havebroughtidea the ASSRtheof Moldovan the and nationality Soviet policies to circulation and discussion was center crucial. of the propaganda, was It nation-buildingRepublic process and of the directives and in organization party Komsomol the of decrees.and the local Communistthe Therole of party. The Moldovan Committeeand theMoldovanplace building section of the of –theestablishment Ukrainian the of the took process important another ASSR Moldovan the of creation the with Along Building the Moldovan Regional Committee of KP(b)U Tiraspol. to moved make order to the morerepublic Moldovan.under in Still their pressurethecapital 1929 Ukrainian giveRepublic in in region andBalta their upthe authorities opponents to the masses.” Moldovan the from us encloses that “blind a and “eyesore” an region Balta the calling object and pursue itat full andobject pursue pace. Therefore, Balta should be returned to Ukraine,in order to make Moldovanization a primary issues. equivalent andbecause of were two Moldovanization Ukrainianization Balta the AOSPRM, f. 49, inv. 1, d. 516, f. 44 Politica de Moldovenizare, 130 In 1927 at the Fourth that MoldovanConference Fourth the Chior-Ianachi Party stated In1927at 72. 131 The Moldovanizers didnot manage toconvince 53 CEU eTD Collection 132 in create the to projects and ambitions their Moreover, authorities. Moscow the directly to appealed and Comintern of channels the through mostly worked latter The communists. politics in the region. TheUkrainian didauthorities not have leverage overtheRomanian Second and morealready in spring 1924clear future that republic would contain sizable Ukrainian population. importantly,it sincewas authorities, the Ukrainian for was unsuitable region of the Romanianization Ukrainian project. state-building a successful carry out to andinfluence officials“initiative” for several group itreasons, even though could havepossiblyhad more potential were Romanian andeventhe isolated They party. of rejected the Moldovan section the afraid to lose control local overleadership. party the as of Bessarabians favor in the choice mightexplain that some consideration demonstrate Romanizing of Romanian the project In this IwouldCommunists. subchapter like to Bolshevik preferred Moldovanizing authorities of the project Bessarabianstothe the the context Soviet mid-1920s’ the in why explanations, certain give will I chapter next the In in longcommittees. in Ukraine forworking of local party quite the time already period memorandum triggeredeither the whole affair, toor had options: unit. It two created of problem the newly the leadership of the forming of the to chooserely the Bessarabian on the émigrés “initiative who were group” of the Romanian communists, who by their speaking specialists, turning to a richer Romanian resource base. Romanian resource toaricher specialists,turning speaking 133 localof party section, while in1925the number was only 6%. for over25% Five-Year PlanMoldovans successful.was quite accounted end of the By the members and increasingthe involvement of Moldovansthe into the party. part Thelatter King, In addition, it could have solved the constant interwar problem of the lack of Moldovan- The Ukrainian authorities played majorinthe role choice offor leading group the facedMoldovan section,Whenparty establishedUkrainian they authorities the the Moldovans , 73. 54 132 133 First, its plan for the total CEU eTD Collection 134 p to A Be Ukra Hence, Bessarabians a a w o Ukra aut on A co w d T co Ukr in ha reg u r es n h t SSR e e i flu p part e E.g., r th mm m t e o ss i r h d th ss h i cr r e o a h d o m or l a e ini t i i e M y ac n e same ib , f ri ni ni r h nc so t u u i a h t e courseo t k ti

t ed In li nist nis a a a Dik's report(January8,1925 w b i he y t e m e o i m es e h n n n ia n ol m c o obj s e s w manageme erged. d o S e t e aut n part dov y s s, pa s, wh f Ro p g o t f el e is e t h v é t were l f ere r n h t m v i su t i mig t m t e m an A y et semi- l ded to o he R e he s read ct o rt e a s ri e t o - sys f A or f n s U i t r cu d e q t i ia e t co é o m e h h t k e l SSR i u v t y wo r s k uct r f s. Not e Mosco n co es o lar mi r e n i o h i e e s ul a c t cr m m t ec e same c n re e in e co t . Henc d li ly D an t f n t . Intur a i , un ly o s an co t u t ia e s n rked f mmu i ar familiar t f rwarded D t r u que were w r ia n ba e nt n eque s in to y surpri l i p n é s d pre f k, ess ro or t iderat w aut i e t rai c Mo t giv n ho la l i n o i se m ist o n m th o h , know s r so nce ni t u singly m e p o e t f e nt t f t sc l ig s ei ere s y ng ca y m o t i h o o Ukra ), whichI r b r he U h mad a ori m e v art o address tot co o é w n i hei e Bessara n nd k s h f f s l e t c or ’s not t u e Ukr , Ukr i p i e f i t m r o n ta in l e at e o h o i d k i ho d g t f nian auth i m s pre cr c e p de l w e r t o ho t a a h r cas w t e int r t Mo h i er in l h R ard t a a e a i 55 e Ukraini es u will ac Bessar i r ca h o ia i ini m n in r es e t r t f bian gro e Bess o sc m erred nottoi ly makeu t i a n a l n o t a i h and mem h a s discuss he U ca a err were o nstr ad n aut e Mosco n ela e n t w a o ot u h l m i d l i ri a aut a t an o to t es for r ho a n t bians see ara i ca e k i o t ry h touc es t a ss l ist ed h r up n t i r so o i in l n n a i n o bi , t ri in ak u co i se o f ri t th part o t moredetailinthenextchapter. h e a t l w h o n w au em h h u t ia i p s. e n émi e, ad e der m at Rom ran i e ed he e m es, s l he M n s rejectedD n c a n o m c Fr f y t ye selves. no med n t erv c f a st du up t ew co i t e t s o b h t o h d h t . t e gré ince t a m es to t ns o m he ees on e co e o l u of T ri a ne a l no e co s t e d nd U nces f . ni t s in o h nt he o i is 134 Th th e o nn es neglect k t f n a i va er sui o r su . n f h r t n e e nnect a r reso ro in t ect Mo e er st O t 1924, t f n is t e o in i h Comm t R y madep o h k’s cr and ef n t ro l e Ukr r m e Ukra om ia i e sco o o ore, he su m f , uc n f n he i ing o an s intheSo t l e. i t t v ut w aut n t he M h m r h h i h h i u ie t a s c e e i th n e R D i i e insi an ni i o c fa o g t w i nian part in or Ro e M ni he a i iss nt U n o art sts wo s vo p Khark s to o ém re. m a k o hor r o at m m a n r r l , s int osc d d r o a . der to bo is a i a y t wo The e the o i g f i nian ni n i t fie T vie va r nc i ve- ul t t t ow i e é i he he a he a h h rk v y s. s d n d n n y e e e t . . . CEU eTD Collection Akty Moldavskoi SSR 135 existence. In this small subchapter I will only outline the main myths of MASSR, since they play in order to legitimize the establishment of the into Moldovan myths ASSRseveral and itsbrought subsequent authorities Soviet/Ukrainian and local the Therefore, Republic. the of establishment the of process the into engage actively not did initially Moldovans universally not non-Moldovanexpressed groups enthusiastic. The while evenresentment, the creation of the Moldovan ASSR. In addition, the population of the Moldovan ASSR was the country (foremost, Romanian authorities andintellectuals) questioned the necessity of inside forcesVarious leadership) both within and Ukrainian Sovietand (groups the outside The myths of the Moldovan ASSR almost diametrically viewsopposite existed. Bessarabians the among since ASSR, Moldovan in the nation-building with concerned issues resolve the not all did of infavor Bessarabians choice the even Nevertheless, Commissariatstrictcontrol of Enlightenment wassubject to by authorities. Ukrainian the as local Commissariats the suchusuallyautonomous Moldovan even Constitution, where the Moldovan ASSR would be under their control. This control acquired legal status in the The Ukrainian in got authorities, guaranteestheirthe turn, thedevelopmentsthat future in the in theof Ukrainian with support the struggle andRomanian group. theirauthorities got leadership assumedthelocal between them Bessarabian party Ukrainian and the authorities. lacked, torepulse Bessarabians Dik’s attacks. which weight, political enough had authorities Ukrainian the since communists, with Romanian inthe debate rely Kharkiv their hadto the on émigrés Bessarabian “Konstituciia AMSSR” [Constitution of MASSR] in Surilov (ed), The story of the creation of the Moldovan ASSR is a story of a contested affair. deal the kindof some was émigrés Bessarabian infavor of the Thus, the choice , 38. 56 Gosudarstvenno-pravovye 135 CEU eTD Collection Balkans] (Moscow: 1927). Original French name of the book: 137 1958). Moldovei, 136 Nevertheless, in the case of Moldovan ASSR that practice gained specific impetus in the impetus specific practice gained ASSR that in Moldovan caseof the Nevertheless, policy”. nationality “Leninist as to referred often was which policies, nationality of field in the Lenin especially wereacommon to practice, thereferences used.Definitely actively international scale. onthe sufferings of Bessarabian ASSR. in Moldovan bredthe literator locally talented most the was considered Milev, who title. The issue of the inits Bessarabia already to reference symbolic made the émigrés by Bessarabian Moscow Romanian Bessarabia Thenewspaper publications. literary formed the central and political newspapers, placeinlocal crucial occupied its of population narrative resistance heroic of the writer images and the Bessarabia The of suffering of new examples population atrocities. with D. opposite bankstably the from supplied local of Dniester the emigration to Bessarabia examples of such references. That discourse fell several be will there on thethesis Across brothers”. rather “Bessarabian the to referred another fertile ground, since the wave of itintomeetings introduced Almost articles, propaganda. all the inoneway speeches, or the importantly for the local legitimization of the Moldovan ASSR the local authorities alreadyThe “initiative group” in it from used Memorandum the February more 4, 1924but constantthe figurebeforediscursive establishmentASSR. andafter Moldovan the of the andpopulation. for thelocal authorities reference influencedin region significantly policies and apermanent nationality the point of were the Henri Barbusse, Henri A collection of Milev’s works, D. Milev, 136 In order to legitimize the creation of the Moldovan ASSR the myth of Lenin was Romania inGreater became position subjugated the The referenceBessarabia of to Moreover, after the Tatar-bunary uprising Henri Barbusse propagated the image the afterHenri Barbusse theTatar-bunary propagated Moreover, uprising Palachi: Belyi Terror na Balkanah na Terror Belyi Palachi: Krasnaia Bessarabiia Krasnaia Opere 57 [Works] (Chi [The Butchers: White Terror in the 137 ü (Red Bessarabia) published in (RedBessarabia)published in Les Bourreaux Ć u: Editura de Stat a . CEU eTD Collection 141 de Deputa 140 Press, 1997),152. University 139 138 nationality. most backward the after his death.” emanate power to continued – writings his and portrait, his body, his like – name “Lenin’s mentioned: Tumarkin Nina the Moldovan backwardness, local officials were trying to create contrast and stress more andstress contrast create trying to local were officials backwardness, Moldovan the emphasizing addition, In unit. administrative-territorial a separate of in found creation the be was to nationalism local and sametimedisarm atthe culture national theirpreserve ASSR itself. Moldovan of the creation the legitimize backwardness to to reference the used officials Since Moldovansofficials reversed were it to of party the demonstrateofficials. Despite the insulting potential of definition,such Sovietlocal the the mostthe benefits backward and inlocal speeches the featured publications backwardnessthe constantly The Moldovan of the Sovietbuilding. socialist in power.participation their and level nation, cultural women’s FirstMoldovan of the growth of all, the theparty onlysociety. possibilitydevoted to Moldovanto women, who were considered to be the most backward part of the Lenin.” comrade of grave the on roses of wreath luxuriant a be will SSR Moldovan even kind of testament.andbehest leader’s deceased of as realization the ASSR was portrayed of Moldovan the As one of the local hislight of death and Lenin’sattitude specific to thenationality question, establishment the party officials form “timely” inof Lenin’s death the beginningof1924,when whole project In started. the slightly clumsily put it: “The For instance, see For instance, Nina Tumarkin, Politica de Moldovenizare Obrazovanie Moldavskoi SSR, In the discourse of the Moldovan ASSR Moldovans were constantly referred to as 141 Therefore, many the issue and specifically Therefore, addressed of the decrees policies Ħ i, Muncitori, Lenin Lives!: the Lenin Cult in Soviet Russia Darea de Sam ĥĆ rani , 79. ü i Osta 90. 140 Special attention in that respect Moldovan authorities Moldovan respect that in attention Special Ć aCongresului Întiial Sfaturilor din RSSA Moldoveneasc ü i Ro ü i, 7; 139 58 Politica de Moldovenizare (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Mass.: (Cambridge, , 66-67. 138 As Ć CEU eTD Collection Efodiev, I. goods, agricultural the processing of form in only for industries the prospects portrayed 145 38. Ibid, schools, ordinary of curriculum educational 144 1929). as a security measure to prepare for the event of war, Chandler, 1923 a decision envisaged the removal of all the industry from the border areas of Ukraine 143 nation-building sphere, I prefer to use the above-mentioned term. meaning (especially in the Soviet context) and reference to economical, rather than 142 Moldovan ASSR. was not casein that the Nevertheless, ideas. Bolshevik to the closer Russian population non- the draw labor class therefore and create local of population, level of culture raised the have should That territories. non-Russian inthe industry of creation the on emphasis strong region. geography of region the also underlined the inherently agricultural character of the could educationMoldovans.latter for the proper provide needs of the national only former the since the wereserving agricultural the ones, schools to from technical the minorities (first of relocation resources the the discussedthe of necessity of In the1920slocal meetings party all, Russian, Jews and plants industries wereMASSR in –several andlight constructed. power period interwar the Germans),in built were objects whileindustrial significant Few in MASSR. policies the on only effect real had the but It wasnotonly structure of a rhetorical region. the inherentlycharacter the agricultural nation-building”. “economical be called can failures.to excusetheir explanation readily the “backwardness” own used explicitly any successes of the nation-building in the republic. And, of course, local officials For example, Efodiev’s book stated that Moldova was an agricultural region and It was It not specific to the Moldovan ASSR but in general to the border areas. Already in A proper term can be also “nationalization of economy,” but due to its ambiguous Kul’tura Moldavii 145 The “backwardness myth” allows us partly to explain the peculiar phenomenon that phenomenon peculiar the explain to uspartly allows myth” The “backwardness Geografia Moldovei In the 1930s after the first five-year Infor such first the 1930safter the plan being approach was attacked 143 vol. 2 59. Additionally the agricultural disciplines were introduced in the From its very beginning the “economical nation-building” emphasized nation-building” “economical the beginning very its From [Geography of Moldova] (Balta: Editura de Stat a Moldovei, a Stat de Editura (Balta: Moldova] of [Geography 59 142 The logic of 144 korenizatsiia Publications on economic Institutions of Isolation of Institutions presupposedthe , 57. CEU eTD Collection 146 anti-socialist political choices choices on political this issue. crucial the of explanation the and debates these on extent a significant to focus will chapters balance when wouldbefollowing or context of the renegotiated, power The change. the Moldovan identity. Its recognition was not uniform. Moreover, the settled views could fiercelyin groupsdebated theYet, building issueof casevarious on project. Moldovan the nation- every of almost is part statehood, its own requires which nationality, separate a of existence The ASSR. Moldovan the of myth a be considered also can Romanians occurred. AOSPRM, f. 49, inv. 1, AOSPRM,d. 2401,f.42. f. 49, inv. The perception of the existence of Moldovans as a nationality separate from separate nationality asa Moldovans of existence of the The perception 146 , but in practice no real changes in the industrialization of the region the of industrialization in the changes real no in practice but , 60 CEU eTD Collection deviations from classical Marxism, such as NEP (New Economic Policy) union ( union Policy) Economic (New NEP as such Marxism, classical from deviations policies in interwarespeciallythe period, in the 1920s,weresimilar to Bolshevikother with nationalismEmpire notdid pass that stage or were in its beginning, the Bolshevikson had cometo termsto their road majority of peoples formerthe Russian the and of bourgeois predominant development the to socialism. of the part temporary, though a necessary, was nationalism Since conviction. that reinforced On the abstractlevel developmentbecould bourgeois the not passed so easilyand Warquickly. TheCivil level the Sovietlevel, Bolsheviks Leninconvinced and other thaton were socio-economicalthe andpolitical nationality Even though skipping the bourgeois historical inless stage than one year on symbolical the Bolshevikleadership proclaimed the February Revolution the as bourgeois Revolution. the Revolution October the legitimize thus and scheme phased Marxist the into development worse in non-Russian even The situation was proletariat. and the society bourgeois mature lacked country which parts of the former Imperial in The Revolution Marxistsucceeded realities. Bolshevik terms in backward the Romanov Empire.Russian adaptation Marxism to to the of due required concession designed asatemporary In order to fit thechapter.in The next the nationality Soviet elaboratedin policies early the 1920s were historical inbackground developments, comparison with some position of other which discuss I will itafteracquired 1932 but abandoned never a officially nativization)was (indigenization, of workers andpeasants. of workers 147 predominant inpredominant nationality least Sovietthe policies until 1932. at Soviet nationality policies in the 1920s 1932 Korenizatsiia Stalin preferred and used during his lifetime the name “ In 1923 the Twelfth Party Congress officially adopted the strategy In 1923 adopted became strategy the Twelfth the Congress that officially Party on the Moldovan Soil: Moldovanization Campaign, 1924- ontheMoldovanSoil:MoldovanizationCampaign, 61 natsionalizatsiia ”. Korenizatsiia smychka 147 ) CEU eTD Collection How a Socialist State Promoted Ethnic Particularism,” to a significant extent from Yuri Slezkine, “The Soviet Union as a Communal Apartment, or and Stalin Grigor Suny, Terry Martin, Ronald in. Imperialism,” of Form Highest the as Union Soviet The Empire: Action Affirmative include, Martin, 149 1999), 110-125. Press, Account,” An Eurasia: Institutionalist andPost-Soviet the SovietUnion in Question National the argument from the perspective of the political science, Rogers Brubaker, “Nationhood and 148 Imperial the to in itcontrast elaborated Union Soviet the that argued Kotkin Stephen context benefited from Bolshevikthe promotion of nationalities. Putting the strategy in alarger non-Russians since only Russian chauvinism, Great targeted strategy sametime that the nationalists and depriving theirideology of appeal the among the Sovietpopulation. “real” disarming thus nationalities, the national Soviet the and cultures would promote would assume the leadershipnational question. They came upwith strategy,the which according to Bolshevikthe Party over the national national the wasinescapable,found should Bolsheviks stage have the the solution the to development of the Soviet nationalities. Party. joined Bolshevik the later It nation-oriented Marxists suchas Ukrainian with reconciled they Hence, intervention. foreign and counter-revolutionaries internal defeat to as many the allies as requiredpossible Bolsheviks Tactically oppression. the thenational imperial could againstbetherefore movements the asthestruggle perceived Russian); case their (in imperialism of negation Bolshevik the fitted policy this Strategically movements. national the Bolsheviks to the turned considerations and tactical strategic such presumably loyal Marxism as to workers.groups During the years of CivilWarthe of even representatives the attract to ability its and nationalism of strength the Bolsheviks Some major works on the Soviet nationality policies, on which I base this subchapter, Jeremy Smith, Since the national factor was so persistent and for the peoples of the Soviet Union Soviet the of peoples for the and wassopersistent factor national Since the The First World War and to a larger extent the Civil War demonstrated to (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002): 67-90; Terry Martin borrows his argument Theory and Society and Theory The Affirmative Action Empire The Bolsheviks and the National Question, 1917-23 the Question, National and Bolsheviks The A State ofNations: Empire and Nation-Making in the Age ofLenin 23(1994): 47-78. 148 62 Borotbists ; in a more concise form Terry Martin, “An Slavic Review Slavic and even the Bund, some of whom 53 (1994): 414–52; similar (New York: St. Martin's 149 At CEU eTD Collection section. In ambiguitiesthis chapter of fromlanguage asdifferent Romanian.the previousthe Ihave chapter In demonstrated the the I processwill focusof was centered on two mainthe issues: the existence of the Moldovan nation and of theestablishment Moldovan on the debates of the and Moldovan directions ASSR and localof the party From Moldovan language to Moldovan nationality War. Patriotic the Great after half especially be1930’s and casein of the second the nationalism nor was there a goal to forgeintendno reinforce to had inleadership Moscow Bolshevik The of center. the perspective some kind of common Soviet nation, as misleading discuss to it nation-buildingin the Soviet Union during the 1920sfrom the would accessible non-Russians andcloser by to in itdressing form. national Therefore it be would nations. The ideabehindthe policies was disarmto nationalism and make communism more 150 common practice already inyears already Civil the War.common first practice after the districts etc)shouldbe added,whicha formal was not part of 1923resolution,the butwasa republics,levels nationalities in of national autonomous units the (republics, different apparatus. ininstitutionalization of state ethnicity the intelligentsia andformal and nativenational creation culture, of elite languageand political approach. Russia continental empire, British and French maritime empires and the American unitary Fate of the Bolshevik Revolution Bolshevik Fate ofthe seeAmirWeiner, consciousness Soviet 152 Union Soviet the of 151 Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History Stephen Kotkin, “Modern Times: The Soviet Union and the Interwar Conjuncture,” andtheInterwar The SovietUnion “Modern Times: Kotkin, Stephen Onthe use of the myth of the Great Patriotic War for the development of common Ronald Grigor Suny, In the case of the Moldovan ASSR the issue of the main direction of main direction issue of the ASSR the Moldovan the of In thecase At the same time the initial goal of goal initial the time same the At Ronald Grigor Suny distinguishes three main directions of 150 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1993), 102. The Revenge of the Past: Nationalism, Revolution, and the Collapse (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001). Press, University Princeton N.J.: (Princeton, Making Sense of War: the Second World War and the 2(2001): 151-152. 63 korenizatsiia 151 To this the territorialization of territorialization the this To was not to create full-fledged korenizatsiia korenizatsiia korenizatsiia : support of : support 152 Kritika: CEU eTD Collection interpretations. all-Union context, which significantly narrows down the possibilities of the expansionistcomplex logic. Third, the history of the Moldovan ASSR is usually treated isolated from the demonstrate the artificiality and thus underscore the predominance of the Soviet fledged conscious Romanians, which is highly debatable. Second, the label is used to view. First, it ensues from the primordial views on the local population treating them as full- 63). In my opinion this view is erroneous and usually quite politicized from several points of ofTransnistria] the History [From (1924-1940) (I),” (deromanizare) or “denationalization” (e.g. Nicolae Movileanu,“deromanianization” as “Din described Istoriafrequently Transnistriei is Moldovanization historiography 153 usually referred to inusually as to historiography of referred Moldovanization. the period (roughly nation-building) in process Republicthe in periodthe from 1924 to1932,which is ASSR in the period of Moldovanization. Yet, they had conflicting views on the directions of underground andwould major play roles in the politicallife and cultural Moldovan the of Communist of Bessarabian camethe out three All A. Grinstein. Badeevand Staryi,G.I. I.I. officials, party of three consisted Committee ASSR. The Moldovan the of creation for the carry in preparatory the out order to works established which was Odessan Gubkom, Party itsof organization. The emergedwithin debate Organizationalthe underCommittee the language. and nation existence of separate Moldovan the the claiming much made usually a deeper distinction, Communists and émigrés Bessarabian Local view. of point ethnographical the from least between Moldovans andRomanians, them anddistinction people, at considered same the localand Moldovan) Communists.(Soviet The Romanianno Communists made usually and Bessarabian the inMoscow, based mostly émigrés, Communist Romanian the between was major debates the Oneof description. presentsome general to like simply would nationality policies. Further on I will discuss somenationality andpolicies foreign inpolicy goals, period.this of the positionslocal between link the Principle, Piedmont the of in analysis be an would moredimension detail. Here I In the numerous studies written within the tradition of the Romanian national The issue first came up even before the establishment of the Republic, in the process There were several major actors in the discussion and implementation of local 64 Revista de Istorie a Moldovei a Istorie de Revista 153 , 1 (1993): no An important An CEU eTD Collection 156 155 154 hishavingRomanianalso RomanicMoldovan, differed origins, opinion andMoldovan. In thedistinction underscore between to “Moldovansby from and the Transnistria”, Bessarabia regions. of of the one re-education already beingby Romanianized Bucharestthe authorities, and problem potential the of the was latter in the which and Bessarabia, Transnistria of unification future vision the of the he Tothis added argument for peasants. and Transnistrian suitablemost the to closestthe Latin whichwere Romanian canonand on he basingscript, languagepolicies the proposed newlanguage, completely spendalmost on creation of the resources excessive to unwilling other languages, one can hardly give even the mostprimitive political speech.” from borrowing the without Moldovan, in pure that poor “so was Moldovans” Transnistrian Romanian. capital he of Moldavian the but hadliterary Principality, problems with 75-90% of At the same time in his opinion the “language of the Bessarabian and from quitefrom from well Bessarabia and hisTransnistria understood counterpart Ia peasant the that of view hebelieved practical the point in issues.From practical interested more much he was and his concern not was Moldovan and Romanian between connection linguistic scientific the that beginning the from stated (rumynizatory), “Romanizers” the KP(b)U. participants decided tosubmit description the both of views form in the TsK written to of the and committee the within solved not was conflict The Grinstein. and Badeev of theviewsCommittee issues of with language clashed respectiveviews Staryi the concerning nationalitySoviet policies intheregion. August 22,1924at On second the session the of AOSPRM, f. 49, inv. 5, d. 5, f. 6-7. AOSPRM, f. 49, inv. 5, d. 5, f. 6. AOSPRM, f. 49, inv. 5, d. 5, f. 2. In turn I.I. Badeev used the same 75-90% of Badeev In understood I.I. turn not literary the samethe 75-90%of used Romanian, G.I. Staryi, who would later be considered one of the leading figures of figures the of ofthe leading be one considered Staryi, wouldwho later G.I. 154 These reports contain the views and argumentation of both sides. 156 65 155 ú i, historicali, Therefore, CEU eTD Collection 159 the Origins of “Moldovenism”] (Chi “Moldovenism”] of Origins the 158 157 Romania. Latinization of the futurememorandum. Inthe Republicdocument they advocated radical and total Romanianization and in order to promote(led by I. Dicescu-Dik), trying contributeto to and seize the initiative inthe the debate,issued a Soviet system of Communists Romanian inRomanian On September 22,1924agroup Communist émigrés. the whole of Ukrainian view Staryi’sauthorities point of wascompromised bythe position of the inof the eyes First, the for this choice. considerations several view. were of There point left bankthe on realities Dniester. of the and perception servedthe assecondary local usually of to linguistic andnational the invoked wasrarely recession Bessarabian viewthe of of from point the theargument debate peoples. two aswerethe languages, Romanian wereseparate argumentation,colleagues ashis two buthe did, Moldovan publicly that stated and pointview of inalocalpublic newspaper.Hedidengageparty not in adetailed membermade thirdthe his andalsothe advocate of Committee of the Moldovanization, nationality,existbut only a singleRomanian people…” existas aseparate not which do Moldovans of to pointview,the according if weadopt Moldovan, of Romanianization choose only can “we nationality: Moldovan the of existence French andLatin. Badeevhad questionlanguage also tiedthe of question the to of the from borrowings with filled in turn Romanian, impose artificially to need no was There beenhave based upon local the incorporateddialect,many whichhadalso words. Slavic should policy language The Belarusian. or Ukrainian from Russian like Romanian from Gheorghe E. Cojocaru (ed), AOSPRM, f. 49, inv. 5, d. 5, f. 5. Cominternul Eventually Eventually Ukrainianthe authorities made the choice infavorof Moldovanizers’the 159 As we have seen in the previous chapter, the Ukrainian authorities, who gotthe ü i Originele “Moldovenismului” Cominternul ü in Ć u: Civitas, 2009), 155. Civitas, u: ü 66 i Originele “Moldovenismului” ,161-165. 157 OnAugust 27,1924A. Grinstein, 158 Interestingly, in this internal in this Interestingly, [Comintern and CEU eTD Collection should have been Romanianized, since it was significantly Slavicized and was basically not basically was and Slavicized significantly was it since Romanianized, been have should Transnistria of population Romanian-speaking the believed that Dicescu-Dik, discussion, I. andin unconvincing contextof the and wasinappropriate language/culture of poverty Moldovan the underdevelopment of the Russian populations Bolshevik closer to ideas. theargumentfrom Second, pointthe of view alien to the rhetoric Romanianof borrowings. Third, the idea of the forceful imposition of Romanian culture was the need the them of of and convince officials Soviet scare away the hardly could culture any written culture atdevelopment“most than backwardnationality” have the not –Moldovans. Mostof them did all. Therefore, the atmuch viewFrom stood lowersocial level Marxist-Bolshevikthe point thesepeoples of of argument of the backwardnesscreating and developing the languages and cultures of theof peoples of thethe Russian Far North. Moldovan in lineinitial with of purpose the orientation needsthe Transnistrian and towards local muchculture more of was population the First, policies. nationality Soviet of context in the inappropriate were arguments Moldovanization fit the logic of in the all-Union context, specifically in the context of context the in specifically context, all-Union in the in of favor Moldovanizingthe project. in radicalized andlocal viewof the party Ukrainian the turn, officials authorities Moldovan had, of group” “initiative stance Romanian radical the the argued that and uncompromising be can also It views. moderate and balanced more Staryi’s towards authorities Ukrainian among anegativecreated attitude project Romanianizing radicalémigrés’ the argue that the Romanian émigrés decisive in voice almost all Moldovanthe mattersradical in period,this werequite suspicious of projects, therefore marginalizing them. In this case we can More importantly, though, the choice in favor of Moldovanization can be explained can Moldovanization of favor in choice the though, importantly, More korenizatsiia korenizatsiia korenizatsiia korenizatsiia . Even the most Romanian-oriented participant of the of participant Romanian-oriented most the Even . 67 , which was supposed to bring local non- local bring to supposed was which , much better, while the Romanianizing the while better, much . At this time the Soviet authorities were korenizatsiia . The project of CEU eTD Collection 161 Communism Romanian of History recurring issue in the party debates. Vladimir Tismaneanu, a remained thisdefinition thecountry. Nevertheless, of definition imperialist” “multinational, theComintern’s accepted 1923 Romanian Communists the themselves 2000),15.In URSS, [National Question in the Balkans through the Lenses of World Revolution, part 1] (Moscow: state, oppressive 160 “Moldovan” and “Romanian.” of equation possible any almost rejecting Moldovanizers, the with sided clearly Zatonskii nationswhichlived among other Royal underthe Romania.oppression of establishment of the Republic position Ukrainianthe of inauthorities theInhis debate. speech henamed the of process the as the “movement forKP(b)U the revival andof the MoldovantheASSR, Government on nation”,the Fourth Session of the Odessan of Gubkomthe the representative Ukrainian of the TsK of the project. SSR V.P.Moldovanization the of favor in choice eventual Zatonskii the to contributed considerations mentioned voiced have hardlythe been convincingfor the Soviet, especiallyofficial Ukrainian authorities. All the above- idea the moreover, “feudal-bourgeois” could culture “imperial” and, of imposition the of state.” imperialist “multinational a as Romania Greater perceived Comintern the and authorities Soviet that mentioned be should it respect this In one. Romanian the with influence RussianImperial the substitute notto authorities preferred Soviet voiced, the Transnistrian population was not clear and strong claims in favor of Moldovanization were with Great Russian Imperial chauvinism. In the circumstances, when the identity of the Romanian enough. At the same time one of the purposes AtRomanian samethe of enough. purposes the time oneof Already in 1921 the Balkan Communist Conference defined Romania as a multinational, Nachalo Bol’shogo Puti On September 27, 1924 several days before the establishment of the Moldovan the of establishment the before days several 1924 27, September On Natsional’nyi Vopros na Balkanah cherez Prizmu Mirovoi Revoliucii, chast’ 1 , 44-45. (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2003), 53. 2003), Press, California of University Calif.: (Berkeley, 68 Stalinism for All Seasons: aPolitical All Seasons: for Stalinism korenizatsiia was to struggle wasto 161 160 In this talk Therefore, CEU eTD Collection was inextricably linked with Principle Piedmont the since Yet, authorities. Moscow and Comintern the from response acertain itdrew significance issue hadinternational Since this of crucial topic debate. local foreignquestion, implications policies nationality of remainedof the problem the a Moldovanizers, borderland due tothe position of Republicandthe Bessarabian unsolved the purposes of the thesis the issue of the foreign implications of implications local the foreign of issueof the the of thesis purposes the Revolution Romania totheBessarabia andthrough For andCentral Balkans the Europe. Socialist the of export the was Memorandum, Initiative the in mentioned ASSR, Moldovan It should be noted here that one of the main rationales behind the establishment of the only forthe annexation of Bessarabia” “There wasa certain misunderstanding … that the Moldovan Republic was created September 22, 1924 it was mentioned that the main purpose of the future Moldovan ASSR main future the the of it mentioned purpose September that was 22,1924 specifically by I. Dicescu-Dik. Communists, Romanian the by again raised was ASSR Moldovan the of implications foreign issue of the The Revolution. European or Balkan all-Romanian, the to reference korenizatsiia in of the factor choice the itregard as thedecisive not did they question, Bessarabian to the madereferences authors certain Even though role. asecondary rather occupied policies local within the Organizational Committee of the Republic, between relations “Moldovan” and“Romanian”. the the issue of foreign implicationsMoldovan ASSR the of case the In of chapter. thefirst the of end in the modelelaborated Principle Piedmont the of of the Piedmont Principle from interesting and of perspective modelsthe minority-oriented) two (majority-oriented the depended much on the issue of the Even though in terms of Already in the above-mentioned memorandum of the Romanian Communists from Communists Romanian the of memorandum above-mentioned the in Already out carried of policies, nationality direction in the on debate mentioned the above, As strategy. Moreover, in the debate one can hardly find any traces of the korenizatsiia korenizatsiia , the main actors in the debate remained the same. 69 the issue was solved in favor of korenizatsiia is CEU eTD Collection of VUTsIK, October 8-12, 1924). VUTsIK, October 1924](Harkiv: of Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic: The Stenographic Report of the 3 Stenografic 165 164 163 162 peasantmasses from the whole Romania.” proletarian- inthe “agitation the specifically more propaganda, external be the should its main argument centered on the foreign dimension of the Moldovan ASSR. He stated that stated He ASSR. Moldovan the of dimension foreign the on centered argument main its inmost vs. the “Moldovanization comprehensivedocument debate”, but Romanianization SovietMoldova.Against Soviet the Flag.” Russifying Deviation under wasalsoDik’s This (in 40 copies) toall majorthe Sovietpolitical figures entitled, “On Culture-Buildingin émigrés. Communist projects of Romanian tothe the strikinglacking represented contrast that were and established. officially was ASSR Moldovan the where VUTsIK, the of 1924) 8-12, (October demonstrations local various for discourse common was This Union. theSoviet within of Bessarabia position subjugated references wasthe and constant myths founding the ASSR oneof Moldovan of of the creation the In theprocess discourse. is needed. whole, a as Romania, towards orientation the view of point this from and Revolution the of export be the should ASSR Moldovan the of purpose main the that emphasized for Romania.” against offensive the organized “an outpost under Dik’s supervision, student of sectionFlorian, ofKUNMZlikely Romanian the G.Al. wasmost which written who was the Professor at the University, it is reiterated that we AOSPRM, f. 49, inv. 1, d. 177, f. 2. Alc Obrazovanie Moldavskoi SSR Cominternul Ć On January On Dicescu-DikJanuary sending8, 1925I. launchedattack, hislast amemorandum At the same time the local Moldovan and Ukrainian Communists led quite different quite led Communists Ukrainian and Moldovan local the time same the At tuirea Republicii Autonome Sovetice Socialiste Moldovene Socialiste Autonome Sovetice Republicii tuirea Ć 165 a Sessiei a 3-a a VU The references to the revolutionary situation in the all-Romanian context all-Romanian in the situation revolutionary the to references The ü i Originele “Moldovenismului” , 58-64. ĥ IK-ului, 8-12 Octombrie 1924 162 70 Later on December 6, 1924 in the article of in of a on December Later the article 6,1924 ,163. 163 In both documents the authors the documents both In [The Establishment of the 164 ü ti: Dareati: deSeam andthe session Third rd Session Ć CEU eTD Collection the National Question. Book 1. 1918-1933] (Moscow: Book 2005): 1. 1918-1933] 263-264. National ROSSPEN, Question. the 169 168 167 Imperial Chauvinism.” Romanian Badeev “Great Dikof Romanianization. accused scholastic and exercises authorities. Inhis view population localthe Moldovan was against categorically Romanian against population Bessarabian the among movement national-revolutionary the between the Moldovans and Romanians, arguing distinctions from histhe on views reiterated committee, party regional Moldovan the of the secretary point of view of the existence of This decisionof the Moldovanization was project, more as it debates thatundermined thewas government of Republic.the The KP(b)Uits reaffirmed support before importantthe establishment of the Moldovanstop the ofview, inconstant to in of order decisively points the pronounce favor one of ASSR. from another point of view: it clearly targeted the 166 directions for position his of stance nationality andDik’sviewon the emerged subordinated policy the nationalities, along not two of continue struggle the struggle linesof the “We Romania our with want to but along separationthe from MoldovansRomaniansof of from and Bessarabia rest the Romania. the lines of considerations of revolutionary movement.worldwide Therefore,he abandoningtheproposed strugglethe neglecting level, international the on Bessarabia to only themselves limiting and of two politicalmuch issues theinternal focusing for too on Republic newlyestablished the authorities of systems.”Moldovan the criticized Dik points two these on Based same people. the were Romanians internal.” than international more beimportance or, modest, to ASSR Moldovan had“hugeinternational the TsK RKP(b)-VKP(b) i Natsional’nyi Vopros. Kniga 1. Vopros.gg. Kniga 1918-1933 Natsional’nyi RKP(b)-VKP(b) i TsK Cominternul Cominternul Cominternul Moldovan Communists had to respond. In his response I. Badeev, at this time the korenizatsiia ü ü ü i Originele “Moldovenismului” i Originele “Moldovenismului” i Originele “Moldovenismului” 169 At the end of the response Badeev asked the TsK of KP(b)U to : “We have to take the Romanian culture and sovietize it.” 166 He proceeded to the argument that Moldovans and that argument tothe Heproceeded 71 ,227. ,220. ,215. [TsK RKP(b)-VKP(b) and RKP(b)-VKP(b) [TsK 167 From this 168 CEU eTD Collection Moldovan ASSR. territory of the Republic or, from the Soviet point of view, Soviet-controlled part of the unless otherwise specified, by the territory of the Moldovan ASSR,mean I the de facto part of the Moldovan ASSR, though occupied by Romania. Here and elsewhere in the text, 172 Belarusian SSRs in their relation to Poland. and Ukrainian the in regions Polish established later position of the the sameas been 171 springboard for the work Bessarabia.” in work the for springboard USSR, reinforced this position: “The new Moldovan Republic should serve exclusively as the Racovski, at this moment the Deputy of the People’s Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the 170 necessity not nationalideological struggle.and political the of but the advocating and state neighboring the in population majority the as same the nationally majority-oriented Piedmont Principle, claiming that the the population of type of ideal the Republic the drew was basically he attack final Dik’s In them. fit roughly ASSR intheMoldovan of korenizatsiia the external the on sidesdimension in two debate the questionedwas not until 1931/1932, when Latinizationthe campaign was launched. viewshis in thecircles, butofficially party party the Moldovanization orientation towards Romania. not Bessarabia and external dimension of the of dimension external the importance of the Bessarabian dimension. Nevertheless, after a short period of high period of ashort after Nevertheless, dimension. importance of Bessarabian the the neighboring Therefore, inthebeginning state. frequentlyemphasize inclined they were to of Republic territory the the lived outside of nationality case the majority the leadership ambiguouson wasquite this balance,since Belarusian intheUkrainian unlike or Moldovan the Yet, Poland). interwar in minority Ukrainian the and SSR Ukrainian (e.g. external the over prevails dimension internal the project minority-oriented type ideal an Romania. In Greater within aminority andthusbecame from were separated Romanians the minority-oriented type, Moldovans since tothe of was closer Badeev andGrinstein project the external over the internal dimension was explicit. At the same time the Moldovanization Officially (de jure) in the documents and on the maps Bessarabia was considered to be In this project the position of the Moldovan ASSR in the relation to Romania should have Roughly at the same time major figure in the Romanian and Ukrainian affairs Christian From the point of view of the two models of the Piedmont Principle the views of the 170 korenizatsiia Even after this decision I. Dicescu-Dik continued to press to continued Dicescu-Dik I. decision this Even after TsK RKP(b)-VKP(b)TsK i Natsional’nyiVopros in the Moldovan ASSR exclusively toward exclusively ASSR Moldovan the in 72 171 The predominance of Thepredominance , 267. 172 inthe CEU eTD Collection 1931). (Tiraspol, Bessarabia] Occupied the in Situation the and ASSR Moldovan the in Building RASSM 1928);L. Pecionaia, (Balta, Building in the Moldovan ASSR and 10 Years of the National Oppression in Bessarabia] Stroitel’stva v AMSSR i 10 Let Natsional’nogo Ugneteniia v Bessarabii Bessarabia was contrasted to the Moldovan ASSR, V. Holostenco, in question the national solution of the the pamphlets in 1928);often Bessarabcev, 1925); (Moscow: Pomeshchikov Bunare 174 173 of the Moldovanization as the main strategy of sphere. national in the specifically local of decisivethe directions for policies, the werenot references Bessarabian question pamphletsin the were published andnumerous discourse about newspapers, documents the it of was by discussedand official the and governmental part unofficial party the officials, life from disappeared completely the of ASSR. Moldovan the issuewasfrequently The question Bessarabian the that say,though, to isnot That is visible. issues internal Republic.” Moldovan of developmentthe of questions andcultural practical tothe economic importance the assigned primary work underour this slogan now. This defect,this mistake,we have quickly noticed and… carry but territory,we cannotbe ‘Returnout Bessarabia’slogan our widespreadon should The for annexation Bessarabia. of the only Moldovan wascreated the … that Republic “There misunderstanding Badeev wasacertain section of 1925) party the stated: (November Moldovan the of Conference second the At changed. attitude the ambitions and enthusiasm the choice of the minority-oriented stance for the external dimension of the Moldovan the of dimension external the for stance minority-oriented the of choice the large can extent a to explain factors same the intertwined, inextricably Moldovan case were the in policy nationality Soviet the of direction the and Principle Piedmont the of type the To mention several pamphlets, with which I have worked, Badulescu, worked, withwhichIhave pamphlets, several mention To AOSPRM 1, f. 49,d.77,49-50. inv. ; V. Dembo and S. Timov, In the previous subchapter I tried to demonstrate the factors that favored the choicefavored the that factors the demonstrate Itried to subchapter In the previous ü î Starea ‘n Basarabia Ocupatî [The Revolt of the Bessarabian Peasant against the Romanian Landowners] 10 Let Krovavoi Okkupacii 174 , etc. Yet, this discourse was not predominant and the Bessarabian Doua Lagere – Doua Politici. Dispri Zîdirea Na Vosstanie Bessarabskih Krest’ian protiv Rumynskih protiv Bessarabskih Krest’ian Vosstanie [Two Camps – Two Policies. On the National-Cultural 173 [10 Years of Bloody Occupation] (Obshchestvo 73 In this statement an explicit turn towards the korenizatsiia in the Moldovan ASSR. Since 3 Goda Natsional’nogo [3 Years of the Nation- Ħ Vosstanie vTatar- Vosstanie ionalo-Culturnicî în CEU eTD Collection the text of agreement see, Andrei Popovici, see,Andrei agreement textof the which the Romanian government undertook the obligations to march off Bessarabia. For Bessarabia according to the Racovski-Averescu agreement (February 1918), according to on rights the could awayclaim legal in Bolsheviks the since ofBessarabia, recession 175 policy. Therefore, the idea the of policy. Therefore, korenizatsiia is, that policy”, nationality the“Leninist of aegis under the out carried were local policies the and Republic Moldovan the of creation the Second, weight. previous their lost officially of Revolution the idea of Accordingly, export the baseduponthe considerations the inbuilt Sovietthe Union indispensablewithout the success Worldof Revolution. inwhichFrom was elaborated by detail Bukharin. onSocialism couldhavebeen time this Communists. in First, 1924 Stalin the idea upwith in came “Socialism of one country”, Moldovan the ofBessarabia, of borders by limited the though attitudes, initially similar and Communists Romanian the of project externally-oriented the undermined factors considerations ASSR. decision- inmaking and policy-Moldovan the the processes These of theexternal over internal local developments of the predominance the favored shouldfactors approval. same Atthe moreimportant several time bementioned,which nationality from Romanians, Dik’s majority-oriented project korenizatsiia 1931), 245-250. an The thirdand project. not be should propaganda expansionist consideration taken that creation of the Moldovan ASSR on various Party levels as foremost a case of This unit. was administrative small own its for right the had units the territorial non-Russian established logic of already the within even nationality each compact that believed He Ukrainianization. Mykola Skrypnyk, of Narkompros the Ukrainian the SSR and anemblematic of figure was personalities interesting most the of One ASSR. Moldovan in the involved deeply officials Ukrainian the of some by reinforced was trend This dimension. external the of There were also some practicalconsiderations for the orientation only towards the . The latter, even having also an external dimension, was first of all an internal an all of first was dimension, external an also having even latter, The . . After it was decided on the Party level that Moldovans form a separate korenizatsiia korenizatsiia for Skrypnyk andhe advocated perceivedthe and was gradually intheface predominance gaining wasgradually The Political Status of Bessarabia of Status Political The 74 175 had few chances for (Washington: korenizatsiia CEU eTD Collection researches, AOSPRM, f. 49, inv. 1, AOSPRM,d. 2225,f.16-17. researches, f. 49, inv. Moldavians and Romanians, proposing to carry out serological and physiognomic they were often referred to) went as far as to claim the biological differences between 176 Creating Moldovan socialist national culture republican the borders. within built and created first be should it culture national socialist Moldovan the exporting Communist project. But the local Moldovan party officials soon understood that before Romanian the undermined circumstances These population. Romanian-speaking local the of identity the of uncertainty and flexibility weakness, the was account into and often cherished. and often wallsthe of institution this mostthe radical ideas of Moldovanizingthe werevoiced trend Within (MSC). Committee Scientific Moldovan the was culture Moldovan the of creation culture. national the apparatus. Therefore, in this subchapter Iwill briefly discuss those directions and policies of korenizatsiia previous Ihavemajor subchapter of discussedsome of already directions Moldovan the the In arose. strategy the of implementation practical the of question the ASSR Moldovan sections. This underscores the fact that the linguistic issue was crucial for the crucial issue was linguistic the that fact the underscores This sections. Only later Moldovanthe literary, historical andadded ethnographic, authorities other building occurred by only endof the 1925. Initially MSCthe hadonlyalinguistic section. cultural internally-oriented shifttoward decisive the that fact and the required specialists by likely lackof the explained most ASSR. delaywas The Moldovan creation of the years the in after was 1926,two established Committee nationalists.” The “bourgeois At acertain moment some radical Moldovanizers (or “samobytniks” [~authochtonists] as korenizatsiia After the choice in favor of the Moldovanization strategy for the for strategy Moldovanization the of favor in choice the After The major institution that undertook the task of the systematization, cataloging and cataloging systematization, the of task the undertook that institution major The , specifically in Moldovanization, specifically regardtothe and Party the of governmental that were related to the creation and development of the Moldovan socialist 176 Later almost all the participants would fall into the category of 75 korenizatsiia in the CEU eTD Collection local dialects. necessarily based upon the Slavic borrowings, mostly these words were carved out from the words werenot the invented of Most influences. andRomanian Russian with both struggled and assimilating ideology. As itbecomes evident from the work of the MSC its members 180 179 1925). a Moldovei, Stat de Editura (Balta: 178 Made,” Charles King, “The Ambivalence of Authencity, or How the Moldovan Language was 177 korenizatsiia borrowings acquired roughly sameimportance.the was This productthe attitude of Russian usageof excessive from the language of the purification MSCthe work of the previously main“linguistic of languagewasRomanian, enemy” in Moldovan the the the implemented a new indimension issue thelinguistic of ASSR. Moldovan Whilethe is importanteventually this that debate added toemphasize Moldovans.of It and Russian words, and their substitution with the words and radicals from the colloquial speech of excessive Romanian and the import struggle Thispresupposesthe the with Dniester. premises, is,derived that languageof spoken the from Moldovansthe onboth banks of the be language should basedupon democratic Moldovan articles both ideathatthe the was and Moldovanization” L. Madan’s“Moldovan Orthography”. 1926 by articlestwo in the localnewspaper: party P.Chior’s“On of Road the used. The for campaign the distinctively language Moldovan was launchedin December neither time nor resources was there claimed that who Romanizers, of the position the materials reinforced study to invent a new language,from the Romanian ones except for the Cyrillic script.when the Romanian canonmanualgrammar compiled inhasteby G. Buciu Narkompros the couldThe be textbooks. school or study linguistic the of form in either evidence, documentary the to languages Romanian and Moldovan the of distinctiveness the of statement Moldovanization. Therefore, it is incorrect to consider, like many historians do, Moldovanization a Russifying Both articles can be found in, G. Buciu For a careful and insightful account of the Moldovan language construction in 1920s, see Slavic Review Slavic ü canu. , within which the struggle with Great Russian chauvinism was carried out. 177 Gramatica Limbii Moldovene By this time the Moldovan authorities had failed to proceed from the 58(1999): 117-142. Politica deMoldovenizare 76 ü ti [Grammar of the Moldovan Language] 178 At the same time the lack of proper , 53-58. 179 The common argument of ú canu washardly canu different 180 CEU eTD Collection 257-258. for Work and Reading for the 4 184 183 1929): 6. 182 1929). Moldovei, a Stat 181 Shevchenko and Ivan Franko, but none of the local or Romanian authors. from biographies and literary reading of Taras pieces book short 1928 contained initially oratleast works, inthe Moldovan.Romanian example, For works or published the literary Moldovan any contained hardly campaigns) literacy the for (materials book reading Leh most came of products the alreadyin first Latinization the (e.g. period Moldovan by play S. which was expected to launch the masswas established, (October) “Octombrie” writers Moldovan the Union of MSCthe with the “production” of the Moldovan literarymusicianshelping andpromoting theatrical writers, groups.In and 1928 inthecollaboration works. Yet, in region the movement artistic of the development the supported they actively Therefore, acknowledge hadto Moldovanizers literary thelackofadistinctive Moldovan canon. Atlocal same Romanian could the heritage. referliterary not time work building to nation- andin cultural their authorities Moldovan the nationalities, different considered elaborated in close cooperation with the Moldovan masses, especially the teachers’ staff. “dead slavinisms” words). (Slavic inP. Chior its underlined MSCthrewand “rumynisms” work that away words) (Romanian himself reiterated the above-mentioned arguments. In a pamphlet published at the same time the book P. Chior, the Chair of the MSC and the Moldovan Narkompros, and the author reference in the linguistic sphere until the shift to Latinization in in reference sphereuntil linguistic toLatinization shiftthe the 1932. L.A. Madan (ed). Madan, P.I. Chior. L.A. Madan, Ġ irin ironically1933). Therefore, in the period of Moldovanization manual the and Since inSince of theframework RomaniansMoldovanization and were Moldovans In 1929 Leonid Madan hispublished Grammar”, “Moldovan which became main the Gramatica Limbii Moldovene Dispri Orfografia Lingii Moldovine Gramatica Limbii Moldovene Limbii Gramatica La Lunini. Carti di Lucru Lucru di Carti Lunini. La th Group] (Balta: Editura de Stat 1928):226-229, a Moldovei, Editura (Balta: Group] 182 Madan emphasized also that the grammar was ü ti , xiii-xiv. ü i Cetiri pentru Grupa a IV-a a Grupa pentru Cetiri i 77 ü ü ti ti [Moldovan Grammar] (Tiraspol: Editura de Editura (Tiraspol: Grammar] [Moldovan [On the Moldovan Orthography] (Birzula: 181 [To the Light. Book 184 In the prefaces to 183 CEU eTD Collection 1932 Sovietthe authorities launched Latinization campaign,in which, lasted turn, even less. life had span. In short More importantly quite campaign Moldovanization resources. the scarceavailable those even and concentration the dispersing was Moldovanization the to parallel Ukrainization out carry to necessity time the At same the resources. in the 1930s. only visible became sphere, as inthe artistic its for example consequences Someif limited. To some extent it can also in beUkrainian and Russian. explained Constitutionthe legislation and of MASSR they had the rightaddress tocentral government by the lackspeaking towns. In manyaddition, local soviets were infact notMoldovan and according to of materialin field. achieved weresituated that Central authorities Russian- predominantly the and humanbutlittle in local Moldovan, was with power andinternal thecorrespondence affairs the conduct to expected were authorities Moldovan Central Moldovan. to paperwork Pedagogical Moldovans Pedagogical tothe later Institute. andTehnikum of enrollmentthe to was paid attention special Therefore lackspecialists. the of due to many time language in study theproclaimed encountered of obstacles Moldovan schools the arguments in the propaganda main of one the became of Moldovan schools the emergence illiteracy. The against of the success of Moldovan nationalitythe radical rise of the number of Moldovan schools as well as general activity in the strugglepolicies. At the for demonstrates was alsosame period The Moldovanization. acrucialfactor It cultural building. Despite all the energy put into the Moldovanizing campaign its success was rather switch bureaucratic to efforts madesignificant local authorities As ineducation, Soviet for in general importance principle of was primary) (mostly education The 78 CEU eTD Collection E.A. Rees, 187 “revolution from from tomuch morepolicies.“revolution andturn above” restrict Firstperiod, Five-Year Plan,development the of bytheendof at thatsignified Soviet the more suspicious to other nationalities. Russiansbecome to and turn forced Stalin to society of Soviet of the cohesion social degree of by failureaccompanied the intervention foreign and threatthe of arguesthatwar rationalebehind Brandenberger David decision. this support was much more limited. The opinions of historians differ on the issue of the 186 2002). 1931-1956 Identity, Russian National Modern 185 policies. nationality the in changes the for system political Soviet the of centralization the of role the reassessed the policies of policies the reassessed problematic analysis for the of in developments the 1930s.In the 1932-1933 Stalin The rehabilitation of Russians and the competing nation-building projects 1932-1940 To LatinizationandBack, Bolsheviks resulted in downplayingthe of Russian presence in official rhetoric and leading some of aspirations anti-imperialistic andthe Empire” Action “Affirmative the logic of the After 1923 andcohesion. of aspirations center the player, main as the political Russianin culture Sovietthe Union. years After almost ten of oblivion Russians reemerged its essence and consequences. The main transformation concerned the status of Russians and E.A. Rees, “The Changing Nature of Centre-Local Relations in the USSR, 1928-36,” in ed. Martin, David Brandenberger, The usage of the notion “nation-building” in the Moldovan case becomes more becomes case Moldovan in the “nation-building” notion the of usage The For the purposes of the thesis the rationale behind the change is less important than important less is change the behind rationale the thesis the of purposes the For 187 Centre-local relations in the Stalinist state the 1928-1941 Stalinist relations in Centre-local Affirmative Action Empire Action Affirmative National Bolshevism: Stalinist Mass Culture and the Formation of korenizatsiia , 271. 185 Terry Martin puts the change in the general in context general change the the puts Terry Martin . Even though it was not officially abolished, its (Cambridge, Ma: Harvard University Press, 79 korenizatsiia (New York: Palgrave,2002). (New York: 186 to provide to necessary the E. A. Reesemphasizes E. CEU eTD Collection Russification of the RSFSR,” the of Russification 189 2006): 70-80. Press, University Harvard of Affairs 191 Literature as Stalinist Propaganda 190 Hosking, 188 Russians. against also among others of mass 1930sconducted the the terror overlooks perspective such instance, for sense, since, in pre-revolutionary nationalism thetraditional reemergence of Russian the filled with completely werenotjust toemphasizeisheroes Russiannational thatrevived but important were the different Soviet inreality. required newSoviet and them heroes contents.the historical characteristics attributed Therefore, literary and Russian traditional resurrected authorities Soviet local peculiarities. recognizing it is misleading to discussidentity based upon reconsideredthe Russian traditional values and language,butstill the in thenew madethefirst authorities steps promotion of –an the Soviet project over-arching Soviet Moreover, among “First Equals”. status of tothe elevated were Russians Danger. administrativethe positions. develophad local substitute thatwould in the to institutions produce them cadres to national Paradoxically,major most theystill posts. often occupiedbeing educated they among the had the administrativeproblems significant to inthenational getting though positions units, resulted in a conflict between two nation-building, all-Soviet and local, projects. The andlocal, in nation-building,all-Soviet projects. resulted between two a conflict territory, which remained nationality national of a deprived administrativetheir unit. wasmostly own RSFSR when policies. nationality all Soviet inthe status their of otherambiguity national territories were carved out. Onthe ambiguous position of the RSFSR in the Soviet Union see Terry Martin, “The Veljko Vujacic, “Stalinism and Russian Nationalism: A Reconceptualization,” Kevin M.F. Platt and David Brandenberger (ed.), For a concise account of the Russians’ position in the Soviet Union in 1920s see Geoffrey 23(2007): 178. In the 1930s Stalin considered no more Greatest the “GreatIn the1930sStalin RussianChauvinism” no considered Since Rulers and Victims: the Russians in the Soviet Union korenizatsiia 191 was not abolished, the reemergence of rhetoric Russo-centric reemergence of the abolished, wasnot Cahiers du Monde Russe du Monde Cahiers (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2005). 80 Epic Revisionism: Russian History and 39(1998): 99-105. (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press 188 Russians werethe only Post-Soviet 189 Russians 190 It CEU eTD Collection 193 1930),33-34. a Moldovei, deStat Editura (Tiraspol: Party Organization] Moldvan Materialurili 192 work of the MSC before his appointment. the on attack massive a out carry would Ocinshi Eventually, MSC. the of head new the as control. strict of became object the sphere, inthelinguistic of MSC,especially the experiments the debates on the nationality issues etc), characteristic to characteristic etc), issues nationality the debates on open rather symbols, national languages, of (creation policies nationality of sphere the in the radical experimentation inappropriate authorities considered Soviet early 1930s the policies, mood general existed butthe from already 1930s. early the Beginningwith the nationality in theall-Union change official the than earlier slightly occurred Latinization to turn the emphasize to that is important 1920s.It late of the campaigns Moldovanization Romanian play. least at or anyMoldovan before classics Russian of the performances the presenting was theater Moldovan andMoldovan. Ukrainian with placealong visible a muchmore more andmore turned toRussian languages.and Ukrainian Russianliterary culture acquired Ukrainian and Soviet.In fact Russian-oriented and paperwork the period publishingthat at Latinized Moldovan, intersected: nation-building projects ASSR three Moldovan the region led to significant breakdowns in the process of Latinization. Moreover, in thewas casethe case in Moldovanof ASSR. Sizable Russian minority and the russified character of the rehabilitation of Russians influentialspecifically outturned in the russified regions. That balance was in each case different depending on local specificities of each national unit. The King, In 1930-1931 the party discourse mentioned the “chauvinist tendencies” in the MSC, The general shiftin the Soviet nationality policies favored also the break with radical 192 Moldovans In1931P.Chior leftfor thestudies toMoscow and Ivan Ocinschi was appointed û er ü et Ć , 80-81. rii Organiza Ħ îii Partiine ü ti din Moldova 193 81 korenizatsiia [The Materials of Inspection of the at its height. Therefore, height. its at CEU eTD Collection History of Transnistria] of History 196 195 194 considered the option of Latin Latin script. of option the considered languageMoldovan mentioning not (though fully that Latin was also compatible) and for the Cyrillic was notreally scriptconvenient that claimed themselves Moldovanizers the time same the At Romanian. the from language Moldovan the of distinctiveness the of thesis the underscored in turn, that, feature distinctive visible objective, an was script ambiguous andasitmightnot, negative. have been expected, Theusageof Cyrillic the implementit.notto Republicthe of Eventhe and was attitude Moldovanizers leadingthe Moldovan ASSR, but its main objective was to assess the perspectives of the Latinization in already in 1929 Moldovanizationa commission on inand Latinization was created the Latin February hardlyscript on be considered totally 2, 1932can unexpected. Latinization as an expansionist project: Historiographical views arbitrary arbitrary totalitarian paradigm cherished bymany historiansin field.the RomanianMoscow. national historiography gladly cited this sincefittedevidence, it the order of Stalin,the Moldovan ASSR testified that the turn to Latinization was carried out under the direct who opening of archives.the In (1956) KGBinterrogation the one of formerthe high officials in summoned first andthe dissolution Union ASSR afterin the of One Soviet the of the emerged 1932. some of the Ukrainianplanned. and Moldovanconsiderationand thechange developments not thoroughly previous abrupt the wasquite languageMoldovan come didnot of completely clearthe out blue taking sky.into Yet, authorities to For example, Nicolae Movileanu, “Din Istoria Transnistriei (1924-1940) (II),” [From the Chior. Popa, Taking into consideration the suppression of radical Moldovanizers the switch to switch the Moldovanizers radical of consideration into suppression the Taking There are few existing explanations of the turn to the Latinization in theMoldovan totheLatinization of turn the explanations There arefewexisting Dispri Orfografia Lingii Moldovine Românii, Basarabia Revista de Istorie aMoldovei Istorie de Revista ü i Transnistria 195 This evidence suggests that the Latinization of the of Latinization the suggeststhat Thisevidence 75;King, ü ti , 6-7. 82 , no 2 (1993): 70; Idem, “Problema Limbii Moldovans , 81. 196 Indeed, bythis 194 Moreover, CEU eTD Collection Romanian Journal of Society and Politics and State Pragmatism: the Moldavian ASSR as a Controversial ‘Soviet Piedmont’,” Utopia Cusco, seeAndrei “BetweenRevolutionary Soviet to East, withsimilarities nationality this argument that emphasizes the Soviet perception of Moldovans as a “backward” (2000): 24;Popa, R.A.S.S. Moldoveneasc 198 1917-1953 the USSR, of Creation 197 Language and Latin Script in the Moldovan ASSR] Na campaign Latinization was partof all-Soviet ASSR the in Moldovan the campaign Latinization thisis itperspective who lessimportant, exactly theorder. gave From change. the to led which rationale, and context the understand should we importantly, evidence was based more on rumor than on the documentary evidence. In addition and more this local Yet, politicians. heads of other the order over the direct give could which Stalin in framework, the created have party could system Soviet of the centralization the moment Romanianization was carried out. Therefore, the Moldovan ASSR could not play not ASSR already could Therefore, Moldovan the out. was carried Romanianization where Bessarabia, ASSRfrom Moldovan the estranged language culture, and new The expansionist campaign,creating Moldovanization project. Soviet part of the activities. nationalists’ be local of the to result the proclaimed campaign was Moldovanization previous factthat isthe atechnicalchange simply Romanian/Moldovanthe Additionaldebate. demonstratingevidence this that was not itwas partof since hadsignificance, thequestion alsoadditional of script circumstances the Moldovan the In canon. literary and linguistic the of reorientation significant also inLatinization in ASSRonly theMoldovan not thechange usedscriptthe resulted of but As inexactly in Iwill subchapters, changeoccurred. subsequent demonstrate the 1932 the Argentina Ciocanu-Gribincea and Mihai Gribincea, “Politica de Moldovenizarea în On Soviet Latinization campaign see Michael G. Smith, Ħ ionale ionale There are two other explanations in the historiography. The first presupposes the that first presupposes historiography. inthe explanations The There aretwoother Another proposed explanation bases on the assumption of the Moldovan ASSR as 197 ü i a Grafiei Latine în R.A.S.S. Moldoveneasc R.A.S.S. în Latine Grafiei i a that started from from mid-1920s. started the that Românii, Basarabia Basarabia Românii, Ć ,” [Politics of Moldovanization in the Moldovan ASSR] (Berlin ; New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 1998), 121-142. ü i Transnistria, i 4(2004): 19-22. 83 198 Yet, this argument does not explain, why Cugetul 75 . Ć For amore sophisticated version of ,” [The Problem of National of Problem [The ,” Language and Power the in , no 2(2001): 29. Cugetul , no 4 , no CEU eTD Collection 201 order to soften the position of the Romanian diplomacy. 1996), 58. Yet, there are no traces, that the Soviet diplomats used the shift to Latinization in Contemporary Politics theof People Moldovaof 1992,” in Donald L. Dyer (ed) Dennis Deletant, “Language Policy and Linguistic Trends in the Republic of Moldavia, 1924- proposed an explanation of the Latinization as a token of goodwill from the Soviet side, 200 Litvinov SSR] (Chi SSR] Negru, of the Latin Script in MASSR] Negru, “Introducerea 199 states. betweenthe of mutual guarantees network the create to intended system,security which French the to contrary agreements disarmament the for pushed actively Litvinov Maxim of main Sovietofficials. the becamethe agenda countries capitalist distant states. The normalization and stabilization of the Soviet diplomatic relations with the and neighboring the with pacts non-aggression various of negotiations in the participating were quite willingly moment atthis diplomats Soviet the Therefore, insecure. much leadership Five multipleFirst the emergingthe felt Soviet during Year Plan the problems idea of large of given extent “export the wastoa Revolution” the influence the up. Under of mentioned argument. The doctrine of “socialism in one country” was predominant and the context. historiographyininbeing yetbecomes when theall-Union the shaky, predominantput well.” River as Prut of the west lands Romanian the but Bessarabia, whole Romania andto“hasten the power day Soviet wouldwhen include notonly occupied Romanian-oriented policies tomaintain in order the ASSRfor appeal Moldovan the of the tomore turn the necessitated asitbeen.have situation should This role “magnet”, the the of Hugh D. Phillips, In light of the Soviet attempts to normalize the relations with Romania Dennis Deletant King, 201 Politica Etnoligvistic In 1932 the Soviet Union was much less militant than itlessforisIn wasmuchmilitant theabove- SovietUnion than required 1932 the (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992). Westview (Boulder: Moldovans Even such institution as Comintern, whose initial purpose was to spread the ü in Ć u: Prut International, 2000),19. International, u: Prut , 82; Negru, , 82; Between the Revolution and the West: a Political Biography of Maxim M. ü i Interzicerea Grafiei Latine în R.A.S.S.M.” [Introduction and Prohibition Ć în R.S.S. Moldoveneasc Revista de Istorie a Moldovei a deIstorie Revista Studies in Moldovan: the History, Culture, Language and Politica Etnoculturala in R.A.S.S. Moldoveneasca 84 (Boulder: East European Monographs, European East (Boulder: Ć [Ethnolinguistic Policy in the Moldovan the in Policy [Ethnolinguistic , (1999): 35-36; Gheorghe no. 3-4 200 199 The Narkomindel This explanation , 36-37;Elena CEU eTD Collection Press, 1989), 23-25. Press, see Dov B. Lungu, previous primacy of the territorial litigation in the discourse. For a more balanced account, the Soviet accents to the more or less normal diplomatic relations with Romania contrary of shift to major the mentioning it) (though they underestimate Therefore question. Bessarabian having strong pro-Romanian and anti-Soviet bias, underscore the Soviet emphasis on the 1934) [Soviet-Romanian Relations] (Chi (Chi [The Bessarabian Problem and the Soviet-Romanian Relations in the Interwar Period] 203 Communism from Lenin to Stalin 202 reservations and leavingreservations the question open. Soviet authorities were much less insistent upon Bessarabianthe issue, making though Brian-Kelloggthe of already (application pact) protocol of Litvinov the the signature during Bessarabian issue, assigning to it primary importance in the Soviet-Romanian relations. Yet, the aggressiveon wereexplicitly diplomats meetings the Soviet and diplomatic conferences diplomacy consideredBolsheviks broke off all the diplomatic relations with Romania. Moreover, the Soviet that didRomanian notwithdrawarmy Averescu-Racovsky from agreement the Bessarabia, the USSR was at war with Romania.the Revolution”, that is the Soviet Union, against the threat of “imperialistattack.” At allits consideredsocialist atthismain moment revolution, defenseof goal the of “cradle the the subsequent of the territory in the Romanian“inviolability” and drafts“integrity” terms the of ofmention the thewas It agreementagreement. sought the reach that provoked the reiteration of the to in order issue Bessarabian the “silence” to wasready Litvinov, particularly diplomacy, negotiations failed duetothe Bessarabian question. Yet,astheevidence suggests,the Soviet casethe in Romanian the easily, comparatively agreement reachedthe diplomats SovietUnion including neighboring and states, While states Romania. with other Sovietthe toconclude betweenthe1931-1932, during the non-aggression agreements the attempts Octavian Kevin McDermott and Jeremy Agnew, ü in Ć The situation in the Romanian-Soviet relations was similar. When despite the relations wassimilar. in theRomanian-Soviet The situation u: Prut International, 2004), 121; Lilia P Lilia 121; 2004), International, Prut u: ĥ âcu, Romania and the Great Powers, 1933-1940 Powers,Romania andtheGreat Problema Basarabiei Basarabiei Problema (London: MacMillan Press Ltd, (London: MacMillan Press 1996),95-97. ü in ü i Rela i Ć The Comintern: a History of International u: Prut International, 2003), 73. Both authors, 203 85 Ć dureac, Ħ The issue came to the surface once again in again surface once the Theissuecameto iile Sovieto-Române în Perioada Interbelic Perioada în Sovieto-Române iile Rela Ħ iile Româno-Sovietive (Durham: Duke University (1917- 202 Ć CEU eTD Collection California: Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1980), 28. Soviet leaders, Robert R. King, Romanian sovereignty over Bessarabia, but he encountered strong opposition from other Evropeiskii Dom, 2000), 443. fact,In already in 1924 Litvinov was ready to recognize the VKP(b) and the Relations of USSR with Western Neighboring Countries] (Sankt-Peterburg: Politburo TsK VKP(b) i Otnosheniia SSSR s ZapadnymiSosednimi Gosudarstvami (ed), A.I. Ken Rupasov and O.N. relation, thediplomatic of re-establishment successful from June 1, 1934 considered it possible to “silence the moot issues” for the sake of the the Great Powers Moldova: a Romanian Province under Russian Rule: Diplomatic History from the Archives of 205 1979), 40,44,66-70. 1931-1932 Negotiations, Soviet industrialization etc. The Soviet war scare, which was based upon the assumption of the of assumption the which basedupon scare, was war Soviet The etc. industrialization occupation internal Manchuria,of and struggles breakdowns during the rapid Japanese in movements Europe, of ultra-right rise the the countries, European the Year Plan had quite diverse roots: Leninist theory, problemsin the diplomatic relations with toLatinization shift the and scare war Soviet The scare. phenomenonis in that implicitly present previousthe is several pages, that Sovietwar the misleading.MASSR I wouldin the Latinization the as of explanation the that suggest the 1930s, early in the Union Soviet the of likerevolutionary to propose expansionistan alternativefocus point of the Soviet-Romanian relations project explanationagreementforwas the that time beingtheBessarabianbe not thequestion permanentwould either general the manner, but in different a slightly signature the interpreted for The parties that BessarabiaLondon. in Aggression” of isDefinition the for “Convention the of based sides both by signature orupon Romania the is 204 Soviet position on Bessarabia. position on Soviet See for the analysis of the agreement and the perception of both sides, Marcel Mitrasca, Walter M. Bacon Jr., The Soviet war scare that became especially visible in the course of Five of First the in course visible the became that especially war scare The Soviet amuchdemonstrate more stance that defensive tendencies, All theabove-described (New York: Algora Publishing, 2002), 129-131. Later the Politburo decision Behind Closed Doors: Secret Papers on the Failure ofRomanian- A History of theRomanian Communist Party (Stanford, Cal.: Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, Stanford Press, Institution Hoover Cal.: (Stanford, 204 Despite the failure in 1933 the issue was resolved by the 205 86 (which it still implicitly was). (Stanford, [Politburo TsK CEU eTD Collection 211 Press, 1995),208-209. University 210 2008), 8-10. Publishing, 206 had already been so severely shaken.” severely so been already had of state the foundations collapse the inasituation where riskedleading to attack external Jon Jacobson, Jon 208 1990). Norton, 207 defeat in opposition the and the Comintern party to inStalin order instrumentalized be that asham is to considered war scare Sovietthe normalization of In a Westernpart relationsdiplomatic historiography etc). significant of pacts, non-aggression foreign (disarmament, policy the of a more strategy defensive turn to inevitability of the warfare between capitalism and socialism, determined tosome extent the internal party internal struggles.party the in intervention of fear the intrumentalize to willingness the as well as intervention certain belief inanddemonstrate sincere capitalistthe inevitability the Molotov of Stalin between 1930 correspondence ofthe Some millions ofrublesina“sham.” invested industrializationit Soviet governmentbe surprising thatthe collectivization,would and border of the country. Western linealong heavy the of defense construction the launched the government Soviet 209 1994),216-224. Press, California the “Western plans to redraw the map of Eastern Europe.” map of Eastern the redraw to “Western plans the sincerefearand of concern detect even casesome inYet, historians this scare in1926-1927. forced industrialization. Romano, For instance, Lars T. Lih et al (ed), DiBiagio, John P. Sontag, “The Soviet War Scare of 1926-27,” of “TheSovietWarScare P.Sontag, John Robert C. Tucker, Neil Short, As Andrea Romano has pointed out, the “Soviet leaders tended to be aware that any that be aware to leaders tended “Soviet the out, has pointed Romano As Andrea Permanent War Scare Moscow,the Comintern and the War Scare. The Stalin and Molotov Lines: Soviet Western Defences 1928-1941 Soviet Lines: Western andMolotov Stalin The When the Soviet Union Entered World Politics Stalin in Power: the Revolution from Above, 1928-1941 Above, from Power: Revolution Stalin the in 209 210 207 In the circumstances, when all the resources were allocated for the This conclusion is based upon the example of the “classic” war “classic” the of example the upon based is conclusion This , 104. Stalin’s LetterstoMolotov,1925-1936 Stalin’s 211 This for holds true the inwar scare but1926-1927, 87 206 and/or mobilize the population for the Russian Review Russian (Berkeley: University of 208 Not by Not in1927the chance 34(1975):67;seealso (New Haven: Yale (New York: (Osprey CEU eTD Collection 215 Soviet Union, so called 216 28. Politizdat), (Moscow: Occupants] Romanian of Heel the under 214 213 Resistance of Poland historiography therole leaders andlater Soviet 212 imperialistic state” imperialistic a“purely Romania was that emphasized authors Union. Soviet The the waragainst for the focuseddiscourse specifically not on Bessarabia buton Romaniathe in its and plans general Thenew leadership. party the within informal discussions possibly some oftheinternal, inlikely form andmost amoderate in reflected printed Moscow Thesewere publications discourse. type of emerge another etc, ASSR Moldovan the of successes revolutionaries, which focused on cruelty the of Romanian heroicthe occupation, strugglelocal of crucial. was scare war roleSoviet of ASSR the in Moldovan the toLatinization case of turn the changes of nationality the in policies same1932-1933. Atthe time,in in my opinion, the SSR. Ukrainian in the policies nationality the of directions the influenced extent significant demonstrated,have Snyder Timothy and Pauly D. Matthew intervention. foreign of fear the and how the resistancesuspicion of the population reinforced the perception of the vulnerability of the campaign. Soviet collectivization the to especially stateof the Polish population of the resistance fierce leaders encountered Soviet the moment at this Exactly influencein the“hidden early scare” 1930s. war ofthe for explanation the moreitisapplicable even and fear of intervention to a Timov, Poland was also a major initiator of the network of pacts of the countries neighboring the S. Timov, Pauly, Lynne Viola, Lynne 213 In the early 1930s in addition to the usual the Bessarabian inaddition publications In the onthe to question, early 1930s Yet, in the Ukrainian case these factors were not totally decisive for the major the for werenot decisive totally factors these case in Ukrainian the Yet, Soviet Polonophobia op. cit. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996),205-233. UniversityPress, (NewYork: Oxford Rumyniia Peasant Rebels under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant 9;A.Tataru, 214 [Romania] (Moscow-Leningrad, [Romania](Moscow-Leningrad, 1931), 6. and had its own specific “imperialist aspirations.” “imperialist specific own andhadits Cordon Sanitaire Cordon Bessarabiia pod Piatoi Rumynskih Okkupantov ; Snyder, Sketches from a Secret War Secret a from Sketches . For the evolution of such pact in the Polish- 212 88 Particularly, in the Western border areas areas the border Western in the Particularly, 216 and the backing from from France and backing the , 215 [Bessarabia Both for the for Both CEU eTD Collection 220 219 218 217 de 1919-1926](Cetatea Scaun, 2008).Relations, Polish 1919-1926 Româno-Polone, Anghel, case,seeFlorin Romanian was reinforcing Romanian imperial aspirations. imperial Romanian reinforcing was crisis economic grave The high. was intervention Romanian the of danger the etc) Poland despite the used emphasis on Romanian the imperialist autonomous interests todemonstrate that improvement authors the Therefore, war scare. Soviet the of emergence the for wascrucial and England in the relations with some major capitalist countries (France, one of the instruments of one of trend. this the Romanianization Romanianization incampaigns Bessarabia. and theterror intensified authorities Romanian –the continued argument –the Therefore Union. Soviet the neighboring astheterritory place central occupied Bessarabia intervention Romanian war-preparation. of evidence major a was projects armament scale large and industry) war of (development economy frequently crossed the Dniester in order to immigrate immigrate hungerinto Romania. toMoldovan The order Dniester frequently the crossed in the Moldovan countryside. As the result, beginning with fall local1931 population collectivization indramatic In hungerresulted developments. 1931-1932grave wasreigning forced ASSR Moldovan in the in Ukraine, Like intervention. Romanian of fear military forintervention. the of basis creation solid new argumentation within the Moldovan project, Soviet the to closer it local and drew the population estranged Romanianization which only according discourse, andRomanianization the occupation Bessarabia of to could be more or less successful, at least for the Timov , , Tataru, , Timov, , Tataru, , The consequences of the forced collectivization were another source of Sovietof the source another were forced collectivization the of The consequences op. cit. op. cit. op. cit. op. cit. 21-23; Tataru, , 21-23;Tataru, 52-62. 31. 3. [The Building Up of the “Cordon Sanitaire” System: Romanian- System: Sanitaire” “Cordon the of Up Building [The op. cit. Construirea Sitemului “Cordon Sanitaire”: Rela 220 The last argument is previous tothe argument crucial. TheContrary last 29-30. 218 219 89 In the imagined Romanian plan of the The Legionary movement was perceived as wasperceived movement TheLegionary 217 The presumed militarization of of the militarization Thepresumed Ħ ii CEU eTD Collection Therefore, I focus on it. explanation resulted in the major changes in the direction of local nation-building. 223 222 2001), ASSR]31. Moldovan (Kishinev: of the Soviet propaganda was limited. Therefore, the Bessarabian population became population Bessarabian the Therefore, propaganda waslimited. of Soviet the the effect linguistic considerations similar Atdue to Bessarabia same the in population. time local the to policies collectivization of message Soviet the of incomprehensibility linguistic duetothe occurred areas in border the emigration erosion and the the phenomena. above-mentioned two the of explanation an authorities by linguisticincomprehensibility gaveMoldovanizers, the canon,created Soviet the of defensive decision,this lightIwould arguethat Latinization turn the into Moldovanthe ASSR was a Soviet In masses. non-Russian the to understandable more and closer message Bolshevik carried the make out andin their “inventions”the to fulfill context one of the main tasks Moldovanizers inability the tothe of pointed that of thecritique was population. Basically this the Soviet nationality of policies the – to warwhich were absolutely alien and incomprehensiblescare. for the Transnistrian and Bessarabian Theculture, languageand forthe creating criticized Moldovanizers ones, andSovietUkrainian perceptionwith the ofturn theto Latinization can be reassessed. The newauthorities. Moldovan foreign and authorities,local for both sensitive extremely was border Romanian the as region sensitive as well as 221 one of the centralproblem of the topicsemigration andof rebelliousparty attitudesdiscussions. among the Moldovan peasants became Moscow. and Kharkiv reached quickly information the and problem international an already became This was not the only (and probably not the most important) explanation. But this possible Stratievskii, K.V. Stratievskii, In this context of the Soviet war scare the critique, voiced against Moldovanizers,voiced war scarethecritique, against Soviet of the context In this 221 Romanian newspapers called the Moldovan crisisa“Sovietgenocide”. RomaniannewspapersThe theMoldovan called Golod 1932-1933gg.vMoldavskoiGolod ASSR Golod 1932-1933 gg.v Golod 1932-1933 Moldavskoi ASSR 90 222 The socio-political erosion in such a , 33-37. [The Hunger of 1932-1933 in the Hunger of1932-1933in [The 223 From From perspectivethis CEU eTD Collection Macmillan, 1983), 83-106. Macmillan, Stratievskii, party directives in the struggle with the emigration of the Transnistrian population, 225 224 1931-1932. in negotiations diplomatic by the borders the of safety the assure to attempts their scare and worst nightmares, 1931, in Japanesethe occupation Manchuriaof the saw Soviets the embodimentof thetheir war against in theLatinization, to turn before the Just of war scare. context the within emerged essence and capitalist coalition. werelargely in militaryconsiderations fordefensive the springboard Both campaign. This reinforced avery shaky have remained would Bessarabia since intervention, for the presumedthe plans the Soviet war theprocess of shouldhave Romanianization forced and,the asaconsequence, undermined 226 area. theborder of weakening further have prevented should local population and authorities between Soviet the contact the former In the of casetherestoration linguistically project. comprehensible Moldovanizers) (to alternative an proposing Bessarabia, propaganda in theSoviet of strength the reinstate ASSR) and (Moldovan area in border the their power toconsolidate in order Latinization to turn the initiated authorities Soviet Latinization. to turn the of explanation following influence of the counter-revolutionary, “alien” elements. couldbe explained either by form improper the of message the language)(foremost, or the projects and practices bourgeois-capitalist the of appeal the Therefore, peasants. and toilers more wereby appealingmessage to theirbelieved that andpolicies leadershipdefinition population Romanian to closer the was increasingly linguisticdrawn canon. that out Bessarabian The party pointed the documents Romanianized. increasingly Therefore, the propagation of the Romanian atrocities in Bessarabia was one of the main 1, AOSPRM,d. 2071,f.20; f. 49, inv. Jonathan Haslam, Within the framework of the war scareandWithin suggest Soviet outlined two the perceptions Golod 1932-1933 gg.vMoldavskoi ASSR Golod 226 Soviet Foreign Policy, 1930-33: the Impact ofDepression Politica de Moldovenizare 225 In the latter case the renewed Soviet propaganda Soviet renewed casethe latter Inthe 91 , 76. , 149. (London: 224 TheSoviet CEU eTD Collection Survey, and Perspectives, 1924-1980 and Perspectives, Survey, Communist Party ofthe Soviet Union in the National Republics: Moldavian, a Look Back, a 227 policies towards the Romanian canon. The new linguistic policy did not just Latinize the Latinize just not did policy linguistic new The canon. Romanian the towards policies underscores ambiguitythe viewsof of localthe politicians. of in thisin period assessment The of historians the between. ambiguity the somewhere lied policies actual The population. local the of Romanianization a full-scale nor norms, ASSRin 1932-1937 wereneither simply a Latinization of existingthe linguistic and cultural Romanizers. policies“Rumanizing”, as emphasizing thatthepoliciesby were out carried group the of the characterize “unquestionably” others “Latinization”, term moderate use amore prefer to name acceptable for of this history period Whilethe ASSR. scholarsof Moldovan the most nocommonly uniform ishistoriography there the werevisible.In continuation break or a in which policies, nationality the of directions precise the of specification the presupposes question answer this to A proper this question. be answer to unequivocal, definite Moldovan moreASSR wasit less or or acontinuation of practices? previous There cannot Latinization: break orcontinuation? revolutions. social potential the and, of as aconsequence, countries in capitalist the subversiveactivities the relations with withdrawfor neighboringthe its countries officialsto support active urged the Soviet diplomatic normal establish to desire The moment. this at directions Comintern and policy foreign Soviet the of context in the put when fails in turn, explanation, Piedmontprinciplemorefor defensive but than Therather offensive offensivegoals. Michael Bruchis, The nationality of policies periodthe presupposedthe reorientation of linguisticthe in the policies nationality previous the breaka radical with Was Latinization Thus, the Latinization campaign was to some extent also the exploitation of the 227 Neither term Neitheris term enough.Thenationality precise in policies theMoldovan One Step Back, Two Steps Forward: on the Language Policy ofthe (Boulder: East European Monographs, 1982), 60. 92 CEU eTD Collection Romanian linguistic and literary canon. nationality policies and its foreign implications than the break in the reorientation towards opinion, the continuation of the Moldovan discourse was more crucial for the local 229 supposedly targeted both Bessarabia and Romania. 228 nationality unquestioned.remained Romanian linguistic the towards thereorientation despite Yet, and culture. literature theMoldovan heritage” of and literary canons was “cultural the literature classic similarly literature, the Romanian the Russian Soviet policies the existenceand intellectuals. The theory presupposed that just like Russian ofclassics were the basis of thethe Moldovansforemerges thatopened culturelocal bannedRomanian upthepreviously politicians as a ASSR. life cultural the heritage” “cultural and theory educational of The of Moldovan the 1932-1937 newthe incorporates leadership increasingly Romanianthe into literary canon literary during heritage, the a without leadersnationality Moldovans political considered directions of previous breakthe aradical with newin represented the period Therefore, respect this implications. political and content its altered significantly but language, the of script complicated the process of the implementation of policies. of these of implementation the process the complicated etc). At the same time the rehabilitation of both Russian and Romanian discourses seriously theater national (literature, culture Moldovan of the development education, nationalities’ supportof the Moldovan Moldovanization and party apparatus, the other of the officially proclaimed goals of the nationality policies did not significantly alter: the significant extent continued those of the Moldovanization campaign. Moldovanization the of those continued extent significant Greater Romania. In this respect the policies and discourses of the Latinization period to a in rolethe the minority groups of the Bessarabia played local the population to references Moldovans remained inevitablethe partof officialthe Accordingly, indiscourse. the Therefore I am using the term Latinization for the period from 1932 to 1937, since, in my This is an additional argument against the expansionist explanation of Latinization, since it korenizatsiia . Moreover, contrary to the Moldovanization period, when local when period, Moldovanization the contrary to . Moreover, 228 The symbolical divide between Romanians and Romanians between divide symbolical The 93 229 Similarly, the Similarly, CEU eTD Collection nationalism” seeMichael Billig, nationalism” thus creating the basis for phenomenon of “banal nationalism.” For the discussion of “banal official discourse and, more importantly, were incorporated into the grammar textbooks, of the references to the Moldovan statehood and Bessarabian question were part of the [Moldovan Grammar: Phonetics, Morphology and Syntax] (Tiraspol: 1932). The incorporation 230 everyday life. everyday nature and of and state of the andsomeBessarabia, descriptions socialiststatehood the grammar rules,negation consisted of other dimesions samethe time linguistic at policy and new of acceptance the the reflected campaign, of the of officialthe Romanian culture.Soviet Therhetoric, examples, ambiguity local in leaders of of their Latinization. perception the which references and uncertainty the demonstrateddemonstrate volumes two these addition, In options. possible two to the Moldovangrammarspolicies. 1933using scriptin Thetwo represented the Latin published 1932and nationality forthe directions several competing proposed intellectuals local circumstances Romanian-orientedleaveto for thelocal MASSRinthework 1928, the turn signified the government to who together with Badeev due to their permanentconflicts on the identity issue was obliged policy Staryi, Grigorii Romanizer moderate of return The leaders. political local the for really clear but the degreemorein furthered explanation the this paper. of the favors Moldovanremained identity separate discourseof the fact the Yet,the that goals. reorientation Soviet Romaniansupport the presupposed the and,gripBessarabia asaconsequence, on explanations thesuccessful of development Moldovan the ASSRhave should undermined was theunclear. first indecisive defensive it offensiveperiod was not or Latinization (assuggested whether the part In theseof the chapter) rationale was behind the turn to Latinization. For both L.A. (ed), Madan The grammar edited by Leonid Madan, one of the architects of Moldovanization of the architects the of one Madan, by Leonid edited The grammar werenot Latinization to turn the of implications the demonstrate evidence As the Interestingly, for the actual policies carried out in the Moldovan ASSR during the 230 A different view appeared in the grammar textbook by A.P. Dîmbul,an view inthegrammar textbook A appeared different Gramatica Limbii Moldovene Banal Nationalism Banal 94 (London: Sage Publications, 1995). Sage (London: Publications, ü ti: Fonetica, Morfologia ü i Sintaxa CEU eTD Collection 2004), 92-97. Will: the History and Geography of Forced Migrations in the USSR 234 233 232 1933), 2. (Tiraspol-Balta: Studies] Înv 231 vulnerability to foreign intervention and influence were one of the major reasons for this border areas. border in the nationalities some of resettlement the for campaigns scale large a murder, Kirov the after from 1934, Already result. as their extent a significant Purges and to Great the The aftermath ofGreat Purges manner, of the discourse of the separateness of the Moldovan and Romanian nationalities. radical less a in though continuation, the from ensued culture literary Romanian the towards repertoire. theater’s the into plays Romanian 1933. The administration in opened Theater, Moldovan National of the performances plays the the for choice of the in also visible was tendency This restraint. references such used intellectuals and politicians of the theater local still longer ataboo, under no were literary culture Romanian the to references preferredenemies. national-chauvinist the to references the for grammar toDîmbul’s avoid while examples, the literary of lack and primitivism for volume massiveMadan’s criticize would inclusion Eventually wouldboth textbooks beconsidered erroneous in 1934. The party officials of the from Alexandri Mihai Vasile theexcerpts andencountered even Eminescu. reader bank from literature Nistru.” opposite the of examples from based ardentopponent Moldovanizationprevious of campaign. textbook upon the the His the Russian classic canon, Moldovan Soviet literature and “the classic In more detail see Martin, 1, AOSPRM,d. 2402,f.41-42. f. 49, inv. A.P. Dimbul, Primul Teatru Moldovenesc de Stat ĆĦĆ mînt The turn from the Latin script back to Cyrillic took place within the framework of [Grammar, Morphology: Textbook for the Secondary School. The 5 234 Gramatica, Morfologie: Manual pentru The increasing suspicion of Theincreasing of borderlandsandthe perception the suspicion of their The Affirmative Action Empire Action Affirmative The [The First Moldovan State Theater] (Tiraspol: 1934). 95 231 Alongside Lermontov, Tolstoi, Gogol’ the Gogol’ Tolstoi, Lermontov, Alongside 233 Most likely the described uneasiness likely thedescribed Most û coala Medie. Anul al 5-lea de , 328-335;P.Polian, (Budapest: CEU Press, (Budapest: 232 Even though the though Even th Against Their Year of CEU eTD Collection Press, 1999), 532. Press, 1932-1939the Bolsheviks, ofthe Self-Destruction and Romanian/Bessarabian, J. Arch Getty and Oleg V. Naumov (ed), 238 172. the Soviet Union in MassRepression and Politics Barry McLoughlin andKevin McDermott 1937-1938,”in (ed), NKVD, 237 University of Pittsburgh Press, 2007). Halfin, opponents, though with probably too strong emphasis on the religious elements see, Igal 236 Review 235 become the object of mass purges. Nevertheless, there was no direct NKVD order and NKVDdirect order wasno there Nevertheless, mass of purges. object become the to predestined basically was ASSR Moldovan the issue identity the on splits factional local “fascists”, “foreign spies” etc. spies” “foreign “fascists”, elements, cleansing “counter-revolutionary” of leadershipfrom party “suspicious”, the the Union.Soviet in the resettled fully nationality first the became Koreans NKVD. the of interest specific consequences of the Soviet suspicion of the border areas in the region. political full-scale implementation the postponed slightly that period Latinization the interrelations and which emphasisontheseparatenessthe of two, the persisted even during resettlementcampaigns. Probably it was ambiguitythe Romanian-Moldovansthe of Moldovans couldhavehave oneof been of targets the possible alsobecome the that quite nationalities that were majorities in the possible interventionist states. In this respect it could “suspicious” groups.The suspicious nationalities included Poles, Germans, Finns, thusthe of the yet total the presuppose resettlement not did campaigns these policy. Nevertheles, significant number of significantnumber and Romanian the Bessarabianémigrés of operation”. such as “Polish andnationalities, specific regions NKVD paid specific attention to all the émigrés in the Soviet Union, including On Polish operation, Nikita Petrov and Arsenii Roginskii, “The ‘Polish Operation’ of the For the analysis of the language used by the Soviet authorities to stigmatize their Michael Gelb, “An Early Soviet Ethnic Deportation: The Far-Eastern Koreans,” Intimate Enemies: Demonizing the Bolshevik Opposition, 1918-1928 54(1995): 389-412. As the terror campaigns gathered way in 1936-1937, the border regions attracted border inthe campaigns way 1936-1937, gathered As the terror 235 Moreover, the NKVD campaigns became increasingly targeted onthe targeted increasingly became NKVDcampaigns the Moreover, 236 The roughly NKVD issued a dozen orders targetingof 96 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003),153- Macmillan, Palgrave (NewYork: (New Haven, Conn: Yale University Conn: Yale (New Haven, 237 238 Due to the border position, in the party and inapparatus party the The The Road to Terror: Stalin Stalin's Terror: High (Pittsburgh, Pa.: (Pittsburgh, Russian CEU eTD Collection Question. Book 2. 1933-1945] (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2009), Book 2.1933-1945](Moscow: ROSSPEN, 396-397. Question. policies,” the return to Cyrillic script conforms the principles of the “Leninist-Stalinist nationality see 242 241 2001). Press, Gates? The Comintern and the Stalinist Repression, 1934-1939 240 Union Soviet the McLoughlin and Kevin McDermott (ed), 239 Comintern was another channel of purges of the Romanian and Bessarabian émigrés. central Romanianthe on issue,purges were already butorder grass-root the after launched. likely anticipating the Moscow directive. In fact, NKVD eventually issued an official Moldovanizers gave a clear hint on the views of the Moscow authorities on the question. In onthe authorities of Moscow hintthe views on the aclear gave Moldovanizers Latinizers/Romanizerspurging and campaign against both of Nevertheless, that 1937 in likely February Cyrillicthe 1938 onceagain scriptlocal towards wasmost initiative.a significant extentfrom party “imported” the mostly from officials, Ukrainian SSR. Theturn acting. still was one from nine members of the Politburo of the Moldovan Regional Committee of KP(b)U only of purges. becamethethemselves targets the later party, inthe colleagues their on denunciations were writing who persons, often the Union. Quite the Soviet all across scattered were other while opposition, as the region the moment, but also the adherents of the Moldovanization, some of whom managed to stay in leading Latinizers andRomanizers, whostood atthe wheel in Moldovan ASSRthe this at and“Romanian not“bourgeois nationalists” agents”. Thepurgestargeted spies and only the became spheres artistic editorial, scientific, cultural, political, of the figures leading as “Romanian initiative’ ina ‘local 1937,” operations started inAugust the Ukraine Discussion of the turn to Cyrillic script and rejection of the Romanian cultural influence, Negru, For the analysis of the purges in the Comintern see Willian J. Chase, Barry McLoughlin, “Mass Operation of the NKVD, 1937-1938: a Survey,” in Barry Politica de Moldovenizare, de Politica The Purges practically beheaded the Moldovan political class. By beheadedThe Purgespractically By class. Moldovan the autumn 1937 political the The result of the Purges for the Moldovan leadership was dramatic. Almost all the TsK TsK VKP(b) i Natsional’nyi Vopros. Kniga 2. 1933-1945 Politica Etnoculturala in R.A.S.S. Moldoveneasca (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 123. 241 The new political leadership of Moldovan the ASSR toa consisted 296-308. See the report sent to Moscow, according to which Stalin's Terror: High Politics and Mass Repression in Repression Mass and Politics High Terror: Stalin's 97 , 126. (New Haven: Yale University Yale (NewHaven: [TsK VKP(b) and the National Enemies within the 239 240 most 242 CEU eTD Collection revolutionizing inputof Moldovanthe ASSRin expansion this was limited.quite beMASSR claimed partofit. in to Yet, theexpected 1920spropagandisticthe and of were from establishment the that territories the on legislation extent their managed last to II. inremained predominant Moldovan the SSR, which emerged asthe result of Worldthe War either local Latinization and orMoldovanization. pro-Romanianism strategy this Roughly of development localthe whilethe extremes rushingintothe not Moldavian culture, of general,in followingthe years two the new Moldavian leadership continued the policy of In June Soviet 1940,the Union occupied Bessarabia andtheMoldovan authorities at 98 CEU eTD Collection context of contextmid-1920s, of Sovietthe by dominated the In levels. party higher resolutions the for reached debate the level local the on positions opposingthe competing Transnistria inMoscow. Onlydueto andRomanian émigrés in party groups between competing inseveral in thebut debate Kharkiv, oreven in Moscow period. the context of Soviet terms of the directions of the nationality policies, the choice of which depended much on the demonstrates in that mid-1920sthelocalthe authorities autonomy significantpossessed in behind it. Tosome extent this is the story of the centralization of the political system. Yet, it the nationality of direction the of change policies the on decision Each power. of balances and occurredcontexts changing in its specific context and therefore had specific rationalecan behere. andoutlined identified major turns in almost every dimension of the social life. Yet, some general axes several which witnessed of denseperiod, yearsan wereinterwarextremely the ASSR. Soviet story Moldovan the in nation-building interwar the on conclusions general draw to points turning Conclusion the Moldovan ASSR would have been in the hands of the Romanian émigrés. in initiative several years earlier the andproposed Probably Kharkiv. inMoscow Bolsheviks Soviet mid-1920s their and rhetoric were arguments increasingly less convincing the for in the rejection, but the to was predestined project Romanianizing the that though, was not, appealing to Ukrainianthe authorities,and Moscow whoeventually decided in favor.It their wasmore of Moldovanizers the project proposed the doctrine, country” in one “socialism The idea of Moldovanization The idea not, asit ofMoldovanization campaign emerged isinmost cases perceived, First, the history of the nation-building in the Moldovan ASSR is a story It ishardly inseveralpagespossible of researchthe and upon basing majorof only the 99 korenizatsiia in the nationality sphere and sphere nationality the in CEU eTD Collection neighboring states. Fromneighboring states. perspectivetoLatinizationthis the turn was an attempt to in the element revolutionizing the as not and intervention foreign of instruments thepossible of one as ties ethnic trans-border the perceived Bolshevik authorities foreign In 1930stheimaginedthe was basically undermining other. due to threat, the correct, then we can say that this shift was caught between the two tendencies, one of which of Dniester. sides the Latinization mademessageshould the have closer localSoviet tothe both population on incomprehensible for both Bessarabians and population the of Moldovan ASSR.the The linguistic experiments of Moldovanization the madethelanguage campaign The foreign threat. infaceperceived the area of border the over campaign) Moldovanization andradical Plan Five-Year by the (weakened andcontrol power the solidify 1930s, the turn to Latinizationincontext theearly takingmy theSoviet opinion, In opinion authorities. Ukrainian the of can be explained by an attemptof ofthe the centralnationality authorities directions in changes the for significant the directive the given have could authorities central topolicies or change the local political place. avantage this occupied of view point Bessarabians elite, neglecting,also from Therefore, opinion authorities. the neglected of Ukrainian the likely wouldhave for example, thepart of Ukrainianthe over control the lose eventually and power political devolve to territory unwilling was Khrakiv to the ambitious chances toassume Romanian émigrés the of inleadership ASSR. theparty Moldovan the and radical Romanian the a greaterextent to even diminished circumstances These new Republic. the of leadership communists, the of choice the and ASSR Moldovan in the policies nationality the who of sphere the in most voice decisive possessed authorities Ukrainian As result,the the relations. Soviet-Ukrainian Interestingly, if the defensive explanation of the turn to Latinization is more or less or more is Latinization to turn the of explanation defensive the if Interestingly, altered significantly. context The andthe In theearly circumstances 1930s the period of of specific the place background took onthe debate In addition, this 100 CEU eTD Collection korenizatsiia rhetoric of Worldthe infavor Revolution of internallythe policiesdetermined of ASSR shouldbe subordinated to this goal. The project of Moldovanizers downplayed the in Moldovan the policies Romania, nationality the and caseto in their countries, other émigrés presupposedthat thesocialist revolution should have beenby meansall exported to Romanian the of project The level. international the on revolution socialist the of future theperspectives onthe of conflictalso the butTransnistrian Bessarabian population and Moldovanization recession for the of Bessarabia. campaigns nationality policies local of of rolesuccesses of the discourse similar quite retained elites political succeeding was not in Despitecrucialturns issue policies the all thesignificantnationality the discourse. and simply dimension of the Moldovan ASSRa and the exploitation of the trans-borderclash ethnic ties were a theforeign Yet, limited. quite ASSR was Moldovan the of role the Bessarabia of recession of views in eventual the Republic. Therefore, ofthe existence of almost the all period the throughout on the identity nationality increasingly the Soviet demonstrates Union stance of policies defensive the ofpolicies and foreign policy. My interpretationthe of the foreign implications of the Moldovan exploitation of the Piedmont Principle in Soviet favor. undermine the potential foreign intervention butstill by oldthe (1920s)means of the Moldovan leadersMoldovan in favor of pronounced predominancethe of internal the in developments indimension this case waslimited by in only Eventually Bessarabia. local 1925 the of the foundingforeign implications of Moldovanthe ASSR. wasdiscourse This the predominant andone myths at the moment of the creation of the Republic. Yet, the foreign The debate between the adherents of the radical Romanianization and Romanianization of radical the adherents the between The debate nationality local the of intersection the of story a is ASSR Moldovan the Second, Initially the adherents of Moldovanization also emphasized the importance of the of importance the emphasized also Moldovanization of adherents the Initially and its implications for the recession of and recessionof for the implications Bessarabia. its 101 CEU eTD Collection proclaimed the Moldovan Democratic Republic on the territory of Bessarabia. 243 Republic. on Moldovan Since nationality the future Republic in the and policies was the not Romaniannot Republic. Soviet the creation Moldovan the and of Romanian communists proposed (February 4, 1924)the of the local population and such people as Kotovskii anddiscontent Frunze, the provoke in to the MemorandumUnwilling debate. the in ambiguity first the brought Romanians, simply them and considering Bessarabia Transnistria, Romanian-speakingof the population interesting. specifically sub-stories above-mentioned two and particularly make story the whole population Bessarabian theviews identity and Transnistrian the of on perception by Sovietthe with authorities and ofseveral the existence groups opposingthe developments. internal Soviet of the result the foremost war scare)was (Soviet shift the of framework the Yet, policy. nationality Moldovan in the considerations foreign the of restoration the as viewed be can Latinization to turn The logic. internal own its had focus on the internal developments came to the foreground. The Moldovanization campaign policies,made. moreinternally-oriented were After 1925the whichfavored reservations, certain stage alreadythis Yet, early at logic predominant. and was policy rhetoric discern three periods. At the moment of the creationASSR. of the Moldovan leadership entire almost Moldovan eliminated the of the Purges Great the borderlands, ASSR the foreign was a defensive and not an Latinization even shift the to Inmy interpretation implications. external the with comparison offensive move. As the result of the growing suspicion of the Romanian communists were not innovators in that sense. In 1917 Ironically, the Romanian émigrés, who were most unambiguous on the identity of Finally, crucially, and isastory this ambiguity of and uncertainty. The ambiguous In terms of the balance between the korenizatsiia and foreign policy goals we can 243 By denomination this they theirweakened position own 102 Sfatul Sfatul ĥĆ rii also CEU eTD Collection 245 presupposed international In implications. for theBolsheviksaddition, Moldovanthe case Republic reinforced the ambiguity,since identity issuethe washighly politicized and 1924, the Soviet authorities maintained an ambiguous vision it.of The border position of the in identity Moldovan separate the of existence the of favor in choosing though Even views. opposing radically almost with factions elite potential several were there that was problem cultures, wascreating national the power Soviet the where peoples, most backward viewcommunistelites, languages etc. networks. cultural and political social, economic, In theexisting life, social Moldovan everyday the on upon based They the cultures. with other from tradition incorporations local the mixed which identities, caseflexible quite developed the population local elite already thepredominantly rural Inthesecircumstances variousentities. political between borderland existed, but the 244 Bulgarian, Jewish, Polishdevelopedin the highlymulticultural (Russian,environment Ukrainian, Gagauz, Romanian, etc that identity national ithad weak quite Therefore, project. national political modern term speaking population Bessarabia afull-fledgedlong-and Transnistrianeverexperienced of moment the Soviet authorities were highly suspicious of of assimilation. suspicious highly were authorities Soviet the moment washardly GreatRussianchauvinism atthis strugglethe with acceptable. In addition, this Moldovan In theof context poor the Romanian 1920s’ culture the on culture. “imperialist” Romanizingthe impose of Dic andhis companions, asan project the attempt to authorities interpreted Soviet identity, the Moldovan of separate wereadvocates the there Moreover, these cultures were usually no less heterogenous themselves. noless heterogenous thesewere usually cultures Moreover, Martin, Yet, for the Soviet authorities the Moldovan case was not similar to other in the The ambiguous views of Sovietthe authorities werenotungrounded. The Romanian- The Soviet Union as the Highest Form of Imperialism of Form Highest the as Union Soviet The 245 ). In addition, for several centuries these territories were a 103 , 73, 77. 244 CEU eTD Collection its role in the Bessarabian question. theBessarabian rolein its acquired specific meaning due to the extremely sensitive border position of the MASSR and theoretical and political concepts of “nationality”. In the Moldovan case that problem 246 autonomous from the control of the Romanian Communists. But at the same time it did not hand,it one existed practically specific.On Romanian the was Communist Party the of committee regional Bessarabian the of case The KP(b)B. and KP(b)U and Party respective minority population. partiessubordinated were both These toPolish Communist were establishedsuch minority-oriented cases as Polish Western Ukraine Westernand Belarus special parties (KPZUfound, forinstance, its embodiment in the question of the Bessarabianand party organization. In KPZB)socialist existed.The ambiguity Soviet revolution Moldovan identity the viewon of the in order toduring Moldovanization the certain and Latinization periods totheall-Romanianreferences specifically Both types. chapter theoretical outlinedin the two the between in was caughtsomewhere addresstype of the Piedmont Principle. Nevertheless,the in some practical aspects the Moldovan case needs of the andculture role its Bessarabia. for “true” Moldovan subsequent authoritiesof could Moldovan claimthedevelopment the nationalitythe alter significantly to authorities policies the allowed identity the of ambiguity perceived withoutThe giving renegotiated. times several was identity Moldovan the of up content the But thelevel. theory of a separatequestioned Republican on the not identity was Moldovan theseparate existenceof 1924 the Moldovan identity.favor of separate MoldovanAll nationality reinforcedthe the persisting ambiguity. Beginning with voices strong Romanians. the in similar werequite Therefore, Moldovans perspective to practice from linguistic and a large national languages.the on Nevertheless, the extent which based to theory nationality Soviet the fitted difficulty with it since ambiguous, was Soviet authorities encountered many problems fitting Soviet nationalities into their The existence of a separate Moldovan identity presupposed minority-oriented the presupposed identity Moldovan a separate The of existence 104 246 , CEU eTD Collection public debate.The question still that remains, andis for though, crucial future the of the language topics identity, hottest the andhistory arestill of Moldova. Thequestionsthe of of Republic inthe present-day persists This ambiguity cultures continued. between various forge the common Soviet identity, while atthe level of everyday life the permanent contacts in to same attempts heritage.the SSR partook At the time the Moldovan similar literary script was almost identical Romanian.to Moreover, Romanians and Moldovans shared quite in differences the language besides but the nationality, Moldovan existence of separate the Purges andin Moldovan postwar the SSR. The official claimrhetoric continued to the severe, even though they did not have a total character. ASSR. Romanians proximity Moldovans Theperceived of the made to Purges extremely Purgesof Great ambiguitythe was already against populationplaying the of Moldovan the in years the Nevertheless, imperialist Romania. them as the“fifth column” the perceive of didnot authorities Sovietbe the Romanians, considered not to were Since Moldovans identity Moldovan savedprobably the population from similar resettlementcampaigns. nationalitiesfallStalinist would victim In purges. to casetothe this attitude ambiguous the inlivingnext yearsseveral places. beginning, the Thiswasonly partof asignificant these result, tens of thousands people had to leaveAs the Germans. and Finns, their asPoles, such nationalities, border several homeof resettlement and move to other less suitable for Piedmontoriented Principle mass, reversed. In1935-1936NKVDcarried out almost total, USSR, to the of beenemies war the potential the in nations “fifth state-bearing the to kin were which nationalities, columns” of the capitalist Soviet the authorities considered Soviet them.against The workingPrinciple was interventionists. This was the majority-well as the itsquestion of parallel subordination to KP(b)U.the as out, carried were such discussion though even party, offull-fledged status acquire the The ambiguity and uncertainty remained to a significant extent after the Great the after extent a significant to remained uncertainty and The ambiguity In themid-1930sauthorities already the Soviet that the Piedmontconsidered 105 CEU eTD Collection of the Moldovan society or is it aresource that can eventually bear rich fruits? Republic of isMoldova, following:the is this ambiguity (flexibility) identity of a weakness treatment of the border areas. border the of treatment of Soviet the trends thecommon and/or cases analyzed the of specificities the elucidate can comparison The development. socialist the of benefits the to states neighboring the in population the attract to attempted authorities Soviet wherethe border, Soviet Western cases (Polishquite useful autonomous for thisthem. The elements project.of the typology of the in Piedmont policies Principlenationality Soviet the of proposedrole The the and Union in Soviet thisregions, the of paper policies case can beborderland of the Moldovan Ukrainian focusmightASSR onthe of established.Third possibledevelopment paper this were ASSR can be compared key the of tasks ASTRA. Severalnewspapers, population targeting the of Moldovan the SSR to otherand BelarusianOnisifor thepropaganda Ghibuconsidered among Transnistrianthe be population oneto of In turn, Dniester. bankof leftthe of the presence Romanian the of recognition as theSoviet SSR etc) along the Prime Br Minister Ion nationalThe Romanianthe ASSR populationthe Romanian to of project. Moldovan the attract to attempted also authorities Romanian the Yet, are reflected. population Bessarabian attract to the attempts Sovietpaper only this andreciprocal the claims. In propaganda, and policies local of level the on level, local the on debate Soviet-Romanian the analyze is to direction possible paper.Second in this presented conclusions and interpretations the some support in probably of ASSR, or Moldovan the undermine nation- state-building and additional of mightelucidate the Careful aspects research reinterpreted. comprehensive development of the topic. First, in this thesis only some major turns and decisions were The research The research for future upanumberof opens anddirections possibilities ă tianu welcomed theestablishmentof Moldovanthe ASSRin 1924, 106 * * CEU eTD Collection Efodiev, I. Efodiev, Balta: 1933). [Grammar, Morphology: Textbook for the Secondary School. The 5 Dembo, V., and Timov, S. Soviets ofDeputies, Toilers, Peasants and Red from Soldiers Moldovan ASSR](Balta: 1926). Dimbul, A.P. Gramatica, Morfologie: Manual pentru Revoltof the PeasantBessarabian against the Romanian Landowners] (Moscow: 1925). Osta Darea deSam n/a). (Balta: ASSR] Moldovan from Soldiers Red and Peasants Toilers, ğă Clark, Charles Upson, Charles Clark, & Company, 1927), Chior, P.I. Editura de Stat aMoldovei,1925). Darea deSam Buciu 1996). Indrik, (Moskva: Materials] and Documents Diplomacy: of European Crossroads Bessarabiia na Perekrestke Evropeiskoi Diplomatii: Dokumenty iMaterialy (Moscow: 1927). Barbusse, Henri Badulescu, A. Negotiations, 1931-1932 Bacon Jr., Walter M. 1924] (Harkiv: 1924). Origins of “Moldovenism”] (Chi Soviet SocialistRepublic: The Stenographic Reportof the 3 Sessiei a 3-a a VU Cojocaru, Gheorghe E., ed. (Retrieved on June 6, 2010). Alc 10 Let Krovavoi Okkupacii Primary Sources Bibliography rani ă tuirea Republicii Autonome Sovetice Socialiste Moldovene ú i Ro ú canu, G. ú i Osta ú i dinRASSM (9-14 Mai 1926) Geografia Moldovei Dispri Orfografia Lingii Moldovine ă ă ú Vosstanie vTatar-bunare i Ro Stenografic a Congresului Întii al Sfaturilor din RSSA Moldoveneasc Gramatica Limbii Moldovene . Palachi: Belyi TerrornaBalkanah ğ ú IK-ului, 8-12Octombrie 1924 i http://depts.washington.edu/cartah/text_archive/clark/meta_pag.shtml (19-23 Aprilie 1925) [The Reportof the First Congress of Soviets of Deputies, Behind Closed Doors: Secret Papers on the Failure ofRomanian-Soviet Bessarabia:Russia andRomania on the Black Sea (Stanford, Cal.: Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1979). 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