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AUTHOR Nava, Julian TITLE Mexican : A Brief Look at Their History. INSTITUTION B'nai B'rith, , N.Y. Anti-Defamation League. SPONS AGENCY Office of (DHEW) , , D.C. BUREAU NO BR-8-0752 PUB DATE 70 GRANT OEG-0-8-080752-4686 NOTE u7p. AVAILABLE FROM Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, 315 Lexington Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10016 ($0.75)

EDRS PRICE EDRS Price MF-$0.25 HC-$2.45 DESCRIPTORS *Biculturalism, *Civil Rights, Cultural Background,' American , *Mexican American History, *, Racial Differences Social Disadvantagement, Voting Rights

ABSTRACT This short survey begins with a definition of the Mexican American and some of the questions asked by the general public about his culture and aims. It outlines the history of the ' involvement with and explains the experience of the Mexican Americans after the end of the Mexican War in 1848. Their ethnic origins and the rich cultural backgrounds of both Mexico and are described, as well as the Spanish settlement of the Southwest and . The widespread disregard for the provisions of the Treaty of Guadalupe , which called for the free enjoyment of liberty, property, and , and the U.S. settlement of the West in the goldrush led to their being downgraded as citizens by means of new land registry laws and legal systems, the requirement of literacy in English as a voting qualification, aad an Anglo-dominated school system. The employment of immigrant day-laborers along the border and the prevelance of Spanish-language newspapers, movies, and radio programs have hindered the equal acceptance of Mexican Americans. The present movement is doing much to advance the recognition of their cultural values and to encourage a movement toward social justice, but it is still uncertain whether they will ultimately choose assimilation or biculturalism. (MBM) Mexican

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION Amerons: & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS SEEN REPRODUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATING IT. POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS STATED DO NOT NECES- SARILY REPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDU- abrief lookat CATION POSITION OR POLICY their history by Julian Nan

O cr 0O Anti-Defamation League of Waal B'rith 315 Lexington Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10016 The work presented or reported herein was performed pursuant to a Grant from the U.S. Office of Education, Department of Health, Education and Welfare. However, the opinions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the position or policy of the U.S. Office of Education, and no official enth. ;ement by the U.S. Office of Edu- cation should be inferred. 1970

2 About the Author

Dr. Julian Nava was born in but, like many Mexican Americans, was raised in the barrio (the Mexican section of that city). He attended the public schools in Los Angeles and spent the summers picking fruit with his family as well as the other families living in the barrio. But it was not until he joined the U. S. Navy that his eyes were opened to the world outside. After completing his military service, he began to attend the new junior college located on the borderline which separated the barrio from Anglo neighborhoods. And as he adapted to college life and became more invol'i with education, Ike dreamed of pursuing his school career even further. The dream was realized when, after graduation from East Los Angeles Junior College, he went on to and from there to Harvard University, where he obtained his Masters and Doctorate in History. He next taught in Spanish in , before joining the faculty of San Frrnando Valley State College in 1957. Since then, in addition to his duties as a teacher he has taken an active part in community affairs. He was appointed a Civil Service Commissioner for Los Angeles and founded the Commission to Preserve the History of Los Angeles. In 1962-63 he was Fulbright Scholar to the Universidad de Valla- dolid in Spain, and that summer received a Fulbright Research Grant for studies in the Archives of the Indies in Seville. His Mrmi- can, Latin American and Spanish residencies have thus given him deep insights into the broad historical background of the Mexican American. At present, Dr. Nava serves as an elected member of the Board of Education of Los Angeles. In addition, he has just completed a textbook for public school use, Mexican Americans: Past, Present and Future.

3 Preface

This short work will introduce the general reader to theMexican American. As a group, it numbers well over five millionpeople and is considered (after the Negro) the second largest significantlydis- advantaged in the United States. 'Comparatively little has been written about the Mexican Ameri- can either by specialists in the socialsciences or by more general writers on the history of the United States. In view of theclear contemporary need for all Americans to know more about each other, this work will sketch the major themes and issues encom- passed in the historical development of this significant groupin our society. It is fair to point outthat there will be some readers who may take issue with the cursory treatment of the subject itself as well as with the methodology. However, the purpose here is to open a door to greater knowledge and understanding for those who are willing to go beyond the limitations of this work. It takes time and thought to be successfullybrief. I would there- fore like to acknowledge the fact that the treatmentof both the ideas and the material which follow owes much tothe assistance and suggestions of several colleagues who aremembers of the Educational Laboratory for Inter-American Studies: EdwardV. Moreno, Rudolph Acufia, Dolores Litsinger and Manuel Servin. Al. though we were not always in agreement, my colleagues were of considerable aid in helping me decide what points to discussin such a brief work on so broad a subject. table of contents

About the Author 3

Preface

Chapter 1Who and What is the Mexican American? 9

Chapter 2 Some Historical Distortions 13

Chapter 3 How the Mexican American Came Into Being 17

Chapter 4 The Mexican Past and Early Mexican American History 21

Chapter 5The Mexican American in Recent Times 33

Chapter 6 Quo Vadis ? 46

A Guide to Further Readin 53

6/7 chapter 1

Who and What is the Mexican American?

Nothing will arouse as much heated debate as a discussion on who the Mexican Ameiican is and what he should call himself. In the Southwest, where over 90% of Americans who can trace their ancestry to Mexico live, we find such descriptive names being used as the following: Mexican Americans,, , , Hispalios and Chicanos. And this list does not include slang terms that are used by both majority and minority groups. Few, if any, other minority groups in the United States encounter such diversity with respect to their identity. Indeed, great emo- tional value is attached to each of the above terms, as well as to the way in which it is used. A breakdown of the various names commonly used by three dif- ferent groups to describe Mexican Americans will indicate the

e/9 complexity and the emotional overtones involved in the question of nomenclature. For example:

MEXICAN ANGLOS MEXICANS AMERICANS Generic: Generic; Generic: Mexican American Mexicano Americano Mexicano Mexican Mexicano Latin American Latin American Latinos Spanish American Hispanos Latinos Hispanos Latinos Colloquial: Colloquial: Spanish- White *pocho la raze Chicanos Colloquial: batos (batos locos) * "tio bracero *Uncle Chicano Green-Carder "epic " 'greasers *beaners "Asterisk denotes a disparaging term.

The general public knows little about the Mexican American. This is true, too, even among those whose profession it is to serve them. Listed below are some of the questions most frequently asked about Mexican Americans. These queries illustrate the pres- ent level of awareness and understanding of the Mexican American: 1. Is the still retained by those who have been in this country a long time? 2. Why is the Mexican American culture so different from ours? 3. Why do Mexican Americans in terms of their numbers show up disproportionally in crime records? 4. Why don't Mexican American families stress education as Americans do? 5. Why don't Mexican Americans want to acculturate? 6. Why does the Mexican American peer group hold back those who try to achieve in "Anglo society?" 7. Should we"Americanize"Mexican American students at the ex- pense of their own culture?

10 8. How does one change old culture patterns in school? (There is usually a negative connotation to "old cultural patterns.") 9. What are the reactions of Mexican American parents to the teacher who says their children have problems? 10. Will not special attention to the Mexican American spoil the group as a whole, perhaps to a point where it will be unable to make progress on its own? 11. How can we use Mexican American family patterns and cus- toms to educational advantage? 12. What can we do to help build the self-image of the Mexican American? 1A. What caused you to go ahead and get an education? More Americans are asking questions about the Mexican Ameri- can than ever before. The civil rights movement has not only made more people conscious of the problems facing racial, religious and ethnic minorities, but has also focused increased attention on these minorities in the areas of public affairs, government and education. This greater overall awareness of minority groups has inevitably resulted in concern for Mexican Americans, who have sometimes been referred to as the "forgotten minority" or else the "sleeping giant." Few people have been aware that Mexican Americans in this country have a long history of social, political and economic activ- ity, because publications that normally reach the general public have not dealt with this subject. This activity has taken the form of constant discussion and debate as to the role of the Mexican American in the United States, questions as to his destiny as well as what he should call himself. A study of history shows only too clearly that the course of human events is not always sensitive or responsive to the needs of a particular group; yet it is understand- able for Mexican Americans to wish that this crucial question of identity be resolved before attempts are made to deal with other important issues. This question of icoltity continues to bedevil both the Mexican American and the majority society at thesame . time that the two groups are forced to address themselves to the

11 Americans today. And yet, grave socialproblems affecting Mexican significant group in our despite this dilemma,the presence of this happier and more crea- midst presents afascinating prospect for a tive society, if only wetake the time andeffort to stop, look and listen to what MexicanAmericans are trying totell us. feels different from every Each minority groupto some extent with other, although it mayshare certainelements with them or Indian, flu; Negro, theJew the majority group.Thus the American in common with and the Oriental maywell have certain aspects different in other respects. the Mexican Americanbut may be very similarities that we must It is to the differencesrather than the address ourselves, forit is these that havegiven rise to the issues our nation nowfaces. from other people The Mexican Americanfeels that he is different Many and that he shouldbe understood andaccepted on his terms. Mexican Americans feelthat they have a specialclaim on American identity because theirpeople have older rootsin this country than inciden- many otherminority groups. Indeed,this feeling (which, tally, most favors theAmerican Indian) leads us tothe question What does beingAmerican mean, anyway?And can we determine this by such factors asplace of prior residence,allegiance, numeri- cal size, amount ofpolitical power, degreeof cultural domina- tion, etc.? Who, then, is the realAmericar ? The MexicanAmerican poses this question in his terms,just as the Negro hasraised the ques- tion in terms of raceand the Jew in terms ofsurvival asreligious and inthe United States.(One examplef contem- porary MexicanAmerican attitudes onthis question cot be seen in the following case.In thy: January 1968issue of Bronzea new Mexican American newspaperpublished by youths inOakland, Californiathere appearsthe statement, "Onething I must teach The United States is a coun- my people:America is not a country. try. America is acontinent, a Brown continent.")

12 chapter 2

Some Historical Distortions

From the outset there have existed forces and pressures in American society which have made it possible for only a few ethnic or national minority groups to survive and retain their identity in the that is the United States. At each significant stage in American development, the white, Anglo-Saxon Protestant groups (identified with England) were in the numerical majority. It is they who had established by the 1840's the main features of the American character and way of life. Since the Mexican Ameri- can was not involved in this process, it is obvious why he is not included in the histories of this earlier period in American de- velopment. Many races and have contributed to the present-day strength of the United States; this hardly needs restatement. What does, however, is the fact that historical accounts have presented a distorted picture of our past. History books have rightly stressed

13 the gains our country has made from theassimilation of many diverse peoples, but in theprocess they have overlooked the human losses involved. Countless historians haveextolled our national growth but glossed over the injusticesdone to the Indian, Negro, Oriental and Jew. In short,our history books have been written by members of the dominantsociety, and throughout time they have been less than fair to the minority members.One can fairly say that the melting-pot process often alluded to is only partly accurate, and that the process by which the American national character was formed can more closely be likenedto a large pres- sure cooker into which various diverse ingredientswere intro- duced, boiled down and then poured intoa ready-made mold. At the same time, those viewedas refuse and rejects, like the so- called Mongol hordes, Indiansavages, half-breeds and other mon- grel groups, were in effect cast aside. Even before Americans and Mexicans (bothof Spanish and native origin) encountered each other inthe Southwest, a number of Americans had already formedan intense and belligerent feel- ing of superiorityover certain groups which seemed to them to endanger the security of the UnitedStates. In his book Strangers in the Land, John Highamcomments on this in the following passage: "Nativism, therefore, should be definedas intense opposi- tion to an internal minorityon the grounds of its foreign (Le. 'un- American') connections." Three major characteristics emergedas central to American nativism: (1) anti-Catholicism, (2)fear of foreign political radicals and revolutionaries and (3) feelings ofracial (cultural) superiority among Anglo-Saxons. Anti-Catholic feelings, which date fromcolonial times, were re- flected in the various restrictionsplaced upon the civil rights of Catholics in most of the Americancolonies. These restrictionson residence, religious practice, officeholding and voting continued in various states after Americanindependence was won from Eng- land. In The ProtestantCrusade-1800-1860, Ray Allen Billington

14 the gains our country has made fromthe assimilation of many diverse peoples, but in theprocess they have overlooked the human losses involved. Countless historianshave extolled our naVonal growth but glossed over the injusticesdone to the Indian, Negro, Oriental and Jew. In short,our history books have been written by members of the dominantsociety, and throughout time they have been less than fair to the minority members.One can fairly say that the melting-pot process often alluded to is only partly accurate, and that the process by which the Americannational character was formed can more closely be likenedto a large pres- sure cooker into which various diverse ingredientswere intro- duced, boiled down and then poured intoa ready-made mold. At the same time, those viewedas refuse and rejects, like the so- called Mongol hordes, Indiansavages, half-breeds and other mon- grel groups, were in effect cast aside. Even before Americans and Mexicans (bothof Spanish and native origin) encountered each other inthe Southwest, a number of Americans had already formedan intense and belligerent feel- ing of superiorityover certain groups which seemed to them to endanger the security of the United States.In his book Strangers in the Land, John Highamcomments on this in the following passage: "Nativism, therefore, should be definedas intense opposi- tion to an internal minorityon the grounds of its foreign (i.e. 'un- American') connections." Three major characteristics emergedas central to American nativism: (1) anti-Catholicism, (2)fear of foreign political radicals and revolutionaries and (3) feelings ofracial (cultural) superiority among Anglo-Saxons. Anti-Catholic feelings, which date fromcolonial times, werere- flected in the various restrictionsplaced upon the civil rights of Catholics in most of the Americancolonies. These restrictionson residence, religious practice, officeholding and voting continued in various states after Americanindependence was won from Eng- land. In The ProtestantCrusade-1800-1860, Ray Allen Billington

14 traces in detail the anti-Stuart feelings, the hostility to Catholic Irish nationalism, the fear of Papist plots made with the French in and, later, the fears of Catholic Spain's designs on the South and West. The French Revolution also caused apprehension lest its more radical ideas might be spread to this country. As a consequence, the Alien and Sedition Acts of1798 authorized the imprisonment or expulsion of anyone (especially aliens) deemed dangerous to internal peace and safety. And the spirit of the acts lived on even after their repeal. Feelings of American superiority and territorial expansionism are well expressed in the slogan "ManifestDestiny." The desire to incorporate all adjacent lands and to impose on them the benefits of American institutions and ideas was deeply ingrained by the 1830's. Albert K. Weinburg's Manifest Destiny depicts how Ameri- cans came to rely on a varying mixture ofdoctrines which justified expansionism. These doctrines included idealistic views of provi- dential mission, questionable notions of national development, ideals of social duty and legal rationalizations. Many Americans, therefore, came to believe that the United States was indeed duty bound to spread territorially to the Pacific and lead the sister re- publics of along the path of Anglo-Saxon virtue and justice. In this context, the of 1823 fits in neatly as an expression of American determination tofight, if necessary, to keep European power out of Latin America. Inshort, for many Americans the entire hemisphere was their backyard, and theirs to dominate.

15 chapter 3

How the Mexican American Came Into Being

The encounters between traders from the United Statesand frontiersmen from date back to the earlkst years of the 19th century when the Santa Fe trade grew despite official Spanish displeasure. After Mexico achieved independence from Spain tnd began its life as a republic in 1824, new circumstances affected the relations between the two peoples. Whereas the United States now owned the vast Territory, stretching from the to the Pacific Ocean, Mexico was struggling on the one hand to establish its republic, and on the other to deal with the impatient expansionist-minded Americans who were immigrat- ing into Mexican territories in the Southwest. One might well say, therefore, that the eventual conflict between the United States and Mexico was only a matter of time.

/6/17 Americans began to move into during the early 1820's under liberal Mexican laws designed to promote development, but they soon had conflicting feelings and beliefs. Some feared for the loss of their slaves, others were unhappy with Mexico's inability to meet their needs, while still others simply wanted to form a separate state or nation and perhaps join the United States. At the same time there was widespread sympathy in the South and later in Congressional circles for Texan separation from Mexico and an- nexation to the United States. Thus, for a variety of reasons (to which civil strife and confusion in Mexico contributed), Texas broke away and formed a separate republic in 1836. Fuel was added to the fire when, even before war broke out between the two nations in 1846, the slaughter of Texans at the Alamo and re- taliatory American action created hatred between Americans and Mexicans; there was no middle ground. After the U. S. government annexed Texas in 1845, both nations prepared for war. (For further information on this period, see Ramon Ruiz, who has reviewed the judgments of historians in his small work, The Mexican War: Was It Manifest Destiny?) Conflict finally broke out between the two countries when the United States launched a series of attacks upon central Mexico, which was already divided by civil strife. A three-pronged Ameri- can attack on land was directed across the , while a naval invasion along the Gulf of Mexico culminated in a march on the capital, following a route similar to that of Cortez. Meanwhile, a cross-country expedition headed for Santa Fe and 'California. In concert with these tactics, another naval squadron was dispatched to join in a local uprising led by Anglos in California. In the face of these combined actions, Mexico was virtually helpless. By 1848, Mexico, which had suffered heavy casualties, existed in name only, and a provisional government signed the Treaty of Guadalupe Hildago. By the terms of this treaty Mexico survived as a disheartened and divided people holding little more than half of its former territory. some Mexicans still blame the President at that time, General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, for bungling the

18 war effort, whileothers claim that nothing couldhave stopped the well-planned assault by theAmericans. For its part, the United States had won its first offensive warand now included within its territory untold thousands of peoplewho were, by definition, Mexi- can American.(That is, many remained behindand as a result became American citizens.) Although many Mexicans had helpedTexas and California sepa- rate themselves fromMexico and also took an activerole in the new governments, mostof them were viewed withdisdain by Americans. The inevitable bitternessled to recurrent violence be- tween the two groups, andbandits from both sides roamed the Southwest, making life precarious for everyone.Gradually, how- ever, new governmentaland legal practices brought a new group to power that eithersystematically pushed Mexican Americans into the background or elseplaced obstacles in the path oftheir civic participation. Mexican Americt'.stsgenerally replied to this treatment as best they could,but were soon forced to accommo- date to second-class ,the provisions of the Treatyof Guadalupe Hidalgo notwithstanding.

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1V tt '":el-?". " ". s .*41,1:''' i* * L . 4' **;11 t. An early woodcut of The Alamo, the sceneof a bitter bottle between Texansand Mexicans in 1836, (Brown Brothers)

19 chapter 4

The Mexican Past and Early Mexican American History

Mexican Americans are very heterogeneous. Thus, at one ex- treme of the scale, we find an intellectual like Luis Cabrera claim- ing that there is no such thing as "the Mexican people" ("The Key to the Mexican Chaos" in Hubert Herring's Renascent Mexico). At the other extreme, Jose Vasconcelos writes in Cdsmica that Mexicans are a "cosmic race" embodying the best of the Old and New Worlds. As typical of still other Mexican thinkers, we can point to (Labyrinth of Solitude), who peers deeply into the complex psychological makeup of Mexicans in an effort to understand his own people better. Until rece.nt times, relatively few Mexican Americans married outside their own group; consequently, most are of direct Mexican descent. Indeed, in the light of the constant stream of immigration from Mexico, we are compelled to look at the early origins of Mexi- cans in order to understand theMexican American.

2-0/2I In rapidly descendingorder, Mexicans derivefrom Indians, , Negroes andEuropeans (other than thosefrom Spain). The two maincomponents are the Indian andthe Spaniard, who produced throughintermarriage the .Negroes were brought to Mexico during the earlycolonial period, andseveral othernew groups emerged from theirunions. The diagram belowillustrates graphically how theemergence of these groupscame about:

Mulatto

By the late 18thcentury there were about 18different racialor social elementsstemming out of the basiccomponents and their subsequent mixtures.These include the Espanol,Indio, Negro, , , ,, Salta-atras, Chino,etc. The Mexican of todaycan trace his roots back to the timewhen the Spaniards conqueredMexico. He emergedas the result of a process called mestizaje, i.e., themixing of Spanish andIndian bloods. Such intermarriagebegan after the overthrowof the and the rebuildingof the City of Mexicoon the ruins of the beautiful city ofTenochititlan. Both the Spanishcrown and the Catholic Churchencouraged intermarriageand, as a result, the "civilizing" and Christianizationof the Mexican Indian trulybegan. This dual heritage ofMexicans enriched andcomplicated the make-up of the .On the one hand, theywere assigned a lower-class status, buton the other they benefited fromthe fact

22 that both the Indian and Spanish cultures which helped form them were rich and creative by any standard. Though the Indian herit- age was submerged and remained so for more than 300 years, new interest in his cultural contributions has developed since the Mexi- can Revolution of 1910. Because the were dominant at the time when the Span- iards set foot on Mexican soil, the latter assumed that theywere the creators of the civilization they viewed. But todaywe know more about other Indian cultures which played a role in providing the cultural base upon which the Aztecs built. Among these earlier cultures we find the , and Mayans. These Meso- American civilizations built outstanding cities, and developed lit- erature, philosophy, mathematics and fine arts toa high degree. The Aztecs built gloriously upon these successivewaves of earlier cultures; so that when the audacious band led by Cortezfirst looked out over the ,one member said: "To many of us it seemed doubtful whetherwe were asleep or awake. Never did man see, hear, or dream of anything equalto the spectacle which appeared to our eyes this day." For their part, the Spaniards were also an advanced people,en- riched over the centuries by the contributions of themany peoples

Huge carved monoliths which once supported a tem- ple stand about 50 miles from at Tula, Hidalgo, Mexico.(Mexican National Tourist Council)

23 who visited that continental crossroad. Prominent among the early civilizers were the Romans who occupied the two centuries before Christ. Their genius for organization estab- lished so deep an inter' elationship between their language, reli- gion, social institutions and cultural values (particularly as they relate to the family), that much of present-day culture is substantial-Ay Ronan. Roman control of Hispania crumbled in the face of the Visigothic and Teutonic invasions of the 5th century A.D. Many of these bar- barians remained in Spain for some 300 years, long enough to mix to a considerable extent with the native population. These invaders introduced certain Gallic and Teutonic institutions, legal practices and customs related to both monarchy and government that have made certain Spanish scholars feel Spain owesas much to the Visigoths as it does to the Romans. By this time, too,many had come to Spain and had taken firm roots in all walks of life there. Although they suffered from periodic prejudice, theynone- theless established a significant place for themselves in the politi- cal, economic and intellectual life of the country. Finally, the Islami, or Moors, invaded the peninsula in 711 and, in thecourse of their religious wars, drove out many Visigoths. The Moors remained in Spain for about 700 years. During this time Christians, Jews and Moors coexisted, shifting their loyalties to suit the occasion. Even the legendary El Cid, an early prototype of the Hispanic caudillo (leader), lent his swordon occac'on to opposing sides. The Jews and Moors enriched Spanish life greatly, whereas northern was in the grip of the Dark Ages, due to the fall of the . The Moors tried to introduce their architecture, literature, fine arts, knowledge of medicine and tech- niques of farming, and to establish a number of universities. However, the native Spaniard was open to this cross-culturalex- perience in varying degrees, depending upon the relative vigor of and the extent of Moorish occupation. One example, though, of a Moorish custom readily accepted by the Spaniardswas the one which established the man as absolute head of the family.

24 The same year that the last Moorish kingdom was overthrown in Granada, Spaniards opened a new world to European eyes. After the long of the motherland and the expulsion of the Jews and the Moors, the idea of building a new society in America served to liberate the long dormant Spanish creative force. Spain gave of its best to America for some 300 years beginning about 1492; its faults and errors were those of its day. After an intriguing debate lasting over a generation, Spain concluded that the Indians were men, after all, and equal to Spaniards in the eyes of the Lag and of God. In The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America, Lewis Hanke best tells the story of how Spain saw its goals vis-à-vis America, and of the inevitable failure

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418 met Santa Prisca Church, in Taxco, completed in 1758, one of the most beautiful Spanish colonial churches in Mexico. (Mexican National Tourist Council)

25 as Spanish accomplishments fell short of the mark. Andyet, even before the death of Cortez, Spainwas already embarked upon a vast effort to civilize and Christianize the Indiansas well as to rule over them. Its urban planning hasnever been excelled; col- leges, universities, modern printing housesand many religious orders were established in the citiesto help make New Spain a better place than it had been. Itwas as part of this century-long effort that pueblos, presidios (forts) andmissions reached far up into the deserts of the Southwest. From the Gulf of Mexico to the shores of thePacific Ocean, re- peated efforts were made to establish civilizedcommunities, de- spite the desert's resistance to change and theviolent hostility of the plains Indians. The founding of Los Angelesin 1781 was typical of such efforts. Among the small band thatcrossed impassable deserts and survived the warlike Indianswere Spaniards, Indians, mestizos, Negroes, mulattoes andone Chino (not Oriental )all Mexican pioneers, although therewas not yet a Mexico as such. When Mexico establisheda republican form of government in 1824, it had already sufferedan agonizing 14 years during which obstacles to republican institutions had madethemselves evident. Father Miguel Hidalgo turned loose the racialhatred the Indian

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The Misian Dolores, estab- lished in 1776 by a land ex- pedition commanded by Col. Juan Bautista de Anza, where the present is situated. (Courtesy of The a American Museum of Natural History)

26 felt toward the Spaniard when he struck for Mexican independence in 1810, but the race war he unwittingly unleashedwas soon put down with vehemence by the royal authorities. Ten years later, however, when the Spanish throne briefly turned to liberalism, conservative criollos (American-born people of Spanish descent) conspired to set up a separate empire of Mexico. But this parlia- mentary monarchy under Agustin de Iurbide soon fell, because of both internal weaknesses and outside pressure from Mexican guerrilleras (guerillas) who had been fighting in the countryside since 1810. Though the first , ,was a mestizo, the upper classes were almost all criollos andvery con- servative when not monarchists at heart. Thus, Victoria apart, the influence of the mestizo on Mexican society wasvery limited, as was also that of the Indian and the Negro. After a brief peaceful interlude in national affairs, civil strife broke out again in 1828 with a royalist plot. Mexico at the timewas a federal republic struggling to hold together states that harbored dreams of independence. Within the government ;herewas little agreement on essential questions; fears of a Spanish invasion forced it to build armies instead of schools, and to raisea military class to prominence; conservatives, royalists, thearmy and the gave it only lukewarm support. Itwas at this stage of internal crisis that pressure from the United States began to exert itself. After 1848 and the victory of U.S. forcesover Mexico, conditions in the Southwest were not favorable to the Mexican American. To many, he represented both a former enemy and a dangerous ele- ment that had to be contained. So that while some Spanish-sur- named people established relatively adequate relations withthe Anglo Americans in areas like and lower , except for a small number (where assimilation and intermarriage occurred), most Mexican Americans occupieda place on a lower rung of society.

27 The Gold Rush years in California and the subsequent mineral finds in other states of the Union were also factors in this new de- velopment. Thousands of forty-niners and foreigners suddenly swelled the ranks of those who stood to gain most from the dis- possession of the "Mexicans," who were not far above the Chinese in Anglo esteem. Mexican Americans could find some small consolation, though, in the fact that the Indians, Negroes and Chinese were treated worse. U. S, population figures meant little until after 1900, but it seems clear that when they were driven from the gold fields, Mexican Americans either lived on small farms and

5 10r;

An old photograph of prospectors during the Gold Rush of 1849. (Brown Brothers) ranches or did the work of artisans. Many were virtually peons on land now owned by Anglos who acted like feudal barons. As new forms of farming and mining came into being in the Southwest, Mexican Americans supplied much of the labor. Their familiarity with the region also made them valuable in cattle and sheep raising. One of the questions that often arises in the minds of those who hear about Mexican American conditions might be put this way: "But the Irish and Jews have made it; what's wrong with the Mexi- cans?" There are variation:: on this theme that it must be the Mexican American's fault if he can't get what he wants the way the

28 other minorities haveone of thembeing, "After all, he isn't black!" What are the reasons, then, for hisdisadvantaged position? In each state where MexicanAmericans resided in significant numbers, legal systems andbureaucratic processeswere estab- lished (in effector by design) which deprived them ofmany of their civil rights. Once this disadvantagewas established it became self- perpetuating, with Anglo socialpressures on tiv one hand and force on the other helping to maintainthe inferior status of the Mexican American. Of course, practices and conditionsvaried in Texas, Colorado, the New Mexico territory (also )and California. Generally speaking, however, new land registrylaws and practices imposed serious limitationson all Mexican Americans who either held title as members of a communal group, helddocuments in Spanish,or had possession by virtue of verbalagreements. Anglo-American lawyers, both as individuals andas groups, were quick to take ad- vantage of any new law in whichthey could find potential pitfalls for the Mexican American.One of the more famous of such legal groups was the , whose tiesextended all the way to the courts, political partiesand government officials ire Washing- ton, D. C. The new legal systems establishedin the various Southwestern states posed special problems for theMexican American. With some few exceptions. Englishwas the only language permitted in court, thus making it almost impossiblefor Mexican American adults to have equalaccess to justice. Since they were the providers and property holders in theirrespective families, such exclusion from due process wasa mortal blow both to them and to their heirs. Thf: imposition of propertytaxes as the main source ofrevenue for local governments posedanother serious problem for Mexican Americans, whowere not accustomed to pay such taxes under Mexi- can rule. In fact, the failure topay them promptly opened an avenue of exploitation for tax-saleopportunists. It can be fairly said that thedespoliation of Mexican Americans

29 is an event unparalleled in United States history. In those cases where legal means or subterfuge were insufficient in helping the Anglos to grasp control over land, water sources and mineral sites, violence was openly used. Most early historical accounts have ignored this despoiling, while contemporary accounts by Anglo historians who gave it attention tended to justify it as a necessary means of taming the frontier and establishing American institutions. The unscrupulous Anglo be- came the "pioneer" and the Mexicanwho resisted the "bandido." Thus a cowboy-and-Indian interpretation of history established a mythology which literature, theatre, radio, movies and later tele- vision have helped to imbed in the American mentality. In another vein, Mexican Americans in the Southwestern states were hamstrung politically by a varietyof practices which persist even today. In some of these states,they numbered as high as 90% of the population. And yet in effect they were shoved into a corner, so that few Mexican Americans wereelected or appointed to public office. Again with some exceptions, notably in portions of New Mexico and Colorado, voting practices imposed special problems on most Spanish-speaking Mexican Americans. Examinations for literacy, comprehension of American institutions and similar tests proved rather effective when applied with a double standard. Voter regis- tration practices, such as those that have required renewed regis- tration for each election or registration solely at "downtown loca- tions," have served similar purposes. There were many variations on the theme of how torestrict political participation by Mexican Americans. To cope with even the limited political activity that developed, gerrymanderingof districts or elections-at-large frustrated efforts of MexicanAmeri- cans to elect candidates. Where thesetechniques failed, the final ploy was to put up "bought" Mexican American candidates in order to siphon away votes from a potential winner.In many cases, the failure of Mexican Americans to organize behind certain candidates

30 foredoomed them to splintered voting, the result ofwhich was the election of other candidates. As public education developed in thevast region of the South- west, each state took measures of itsown to provide for the popu- lation in general. For minorities like the MexicanAmericans, a dual educational system was widely developed. Asa consequence, schools became a mixed blessing for Mexican Americanchildren. Although an undetermined number surely gained fromthem, the preponderant majority did not. In fact,one might rightly claim that most Mexican American children have been irreparably damaged by public education in the Southwest. The conditions,curricula and educators' attitudes imposed a negative self-imageon the children, starting in the early grades. By acts of commissionand omission, Mexican American childrenwere taught that they represented a conquered people and an inferior culture. Furthermore,the trend established after 1848 was to expect less from MexicanAmerican children than from others. Thusmany educators misdirected their efforts and their concern for Mexican American childrenby trying to help them adjust to the reality (i.e., the prejudiceand discrimi- nation) they would encounteras adults, rather than by teaching them to fight it. Only recently have any school districtsbegun to count the num- bers of Mexican American children who abandonschool either be- cause it is irrelevant or too painful to endure. Since today's drop- out rates soar beyond the 50% level inmany areas, one can assume the rates were at least comparable inearlier days when prejudice was even more blatant and widespread. It shouldcause no surprise, therefore, that the vast majority of childrenin each successive generation of Mexican Americanscame to fit the negative stereo- type many Anglo Americans had of them. In short,the public schools established a self-fulfilling prophecy whichfew Mexican American children escaped. For those few who attained advanced educationor technical and professional competence, therewas still the hard reality that many positions for which they qualified were closed to them on the basis of their ethnic background. Many employers (public and private) as well as unions have excluded Mexican Americans in a blanket manner. Others established quotas or offered limited opportunities in certain job categories in the mines, railroads, ranches, farms and factories. The effectiveness of such techniques has been recognized in re- cent years by students of pijudice. It is important to point out here that, although virtually all Mexican Americans are Cauca- sians, the curbs placed on them were as drastic as they were in the case of Negroes. In addition, the attitude of most Southwestern Anglo Americans well into the 20th century has been to consider Mexican Americans to be an inferior race. The basic pattern of the relations between these two groups was established soon after 1848, and a certain balance was achieved. The changes effected by railroads and gradual urbanization altered this balance but did not significantly change it. It is difficult to esti- the number of Mexican Americans who "passed" in Anglo society before 1900. To begin with, there were always those who claimed they were Spanish rather than Mexican by descent, hoping thus to gain acceptance by disowning their heritage. For many Anglos this was a badge of respectability they could accept. (For example, countless "Spanish" restaurants successfully served such Indian dishes as and .) Other Mexican Americans left the region altogether to escape prejudice, while still others intermarried. The vast majority, however, lived a life apart from Anglo America, although they were indispensable to it. Most of them lived on farms and ranches as hired hands or tenants, or in the barrios (neighborhoods similar to ghettos) of small towns and cities where they held the really menial positions. Those who lived in isolated mining towns or along the railroad tracks in company villages were almost completely out of the mainstream of national life.

32 chapter5

The Mexican American in Recent Times

The social balance between the Mexican Americanand Anglo American was altered forever by the of1910 and the First World War. First of all, the warshelped to demon- strate the mutual dependence of the UnitedStates and Mexico; secondly, the fighting within Mexico (from 1910 to atleast 1917) and the long-term dislocations it subsequentlycaused pushed many thousands to flee north for safety. This influx spurred anactive recruitment of Mexicans by urban as well as ruralAmerican employers. The international border has done far more than merely sepa- rate the two countries for the 1PTenumbers of Mexicans who

33 traveled north in hopes of bettering themselves; it has, in fact, a capricious lord and master. La migra ( the immigration authori- ties) has faithfully served the labor needs of the United States by relaxing or tightening access to it, depending on circumstances. In times of labor surplus or when undesirable individuals were in- volved, la migra and local police have cooperated in rounding up and deporting countless people on short notice. Blockades around barrios, extensive searches of property and examination of papers after harvest time usually produced many Mexicans who were il- legal immigrants in the United States. It was not long before deep- seated feelings of hostility developed among Mexican Americans over the opportunism of border controls that served U. S. economic and political ends so narrowly and callously. Most Mexican immigrants planned to return to Mexico, but many stayed. The actual number is impossible to determine, since even in recent years data for immigration is incomplete due to lax count- ing practices and the willingness at times of both immigrants and Americans to oypass legal channels. The smuggling of Mexican workers has flourished over the years. (smugglers) have helped Mexican immigrants for a fee, and enganchistas (literally from "to hook up") have found them jobs with opportunistic em- ployers. (Inevitably, violence and crime have been part of this traffic in human beings.) Despite annual that totaled many thousands, the number of Mexican Americans has increased since the Revolution. The vast majority of immigrants have come from central and and have been at low economic and educational levels. During the Depression years, the Southwestern states used vari- ous means to get rid of surplus Mexican American labor. Repatria- tion programs returned many thousands to Mexico to ease the load on local relief agencies and to improve job prospects for "native" Americans. And in cases where these programs proved to be only partially successful, pressure and harassment were used to sup- plement them.

34/3s With the outbreak of the Second World War, rather than face another mass immigration from Mexico, the U. S. government intro- duced thebraceroprogram. This served the mutual interests of the United States and Mexico by providing a controlled pool of tem- porary Mexican labor. After 1942 (when Mexico declared war on the Axis powers) further agreements between the two, now allied countries fed thousands of Mexican nationals into the towns and fields of America to help in the war effort. When the war ended in 1945, appeals from American employers ker* the program alive, and the numbers of Mexican nationals in country increased still further. During the early 1950's, the Laited States annually contracted close to half a millionbraceros,although peak employ- ment was closer to 200,000 several years later when the war labor shortages had vanished. In the last year of thebraceroprogram (1964 ), only some 32,000braceroscame forth from Mexico. Free enterprise on both sides of the border conspired to violate the law in order to make a profit from employing illegal Mexican labor. In 1949 there were about 107,000braceroscontracted for work in the United States, while during that same year deporta- tions of wetbacks (Mexican laborers who illegally crossed the bor- der, as by wading the Rio Grande) numbered 293,000. In 1954 deportations surpassed a million. It is unclear how many wetbacks there were in the United States at any one time, but they probably constitute one of the largest peacetime invasions of one country by citizens of another. Wetbacks came because they were sought after; when deported, many came right back. And although most of them intended to return after a time to Mexico, many others found ways to stay, thus swelling further the already numerous ranks of Mexi- can Americans. Traditionally certain Mexicans have been allowed to work in the United States on a day-to-day basis so long as they maintain perma- nent residence in Mexico. Special visas, called Green Cards, have permitted United States border employers to hire Mexican labor on a daily basis. Green Carders are much sought after byemployers who can then avoid paying higher wages to American workers.

36/37 ether Mexican Americans have been adversely affected by this supply of cheap labor that has undercut their bargaining power. But, in the eyes of most Anglo Americans, there has been little distinction drawn between the two groups or attention paid to the fact that the desperate Green Carder has tended to pull the Mexican American down to his own economic level. By 1960, Mexican Americans in the United States numbered about five million, the majority of them living in the Southwest. As has already been indicated, most of the recent immigrants have come from rural parts of Mexico where there are inferior socio-economic conditions. But they are, for all that, not significantly different from Mexican Americans, in that both have found it difficult to take advantage of opportunities that other Americans take for granted. The common border binds Mexico and the United States together in many ways. Perhaps the simplest illustration of this can be seen in the figures which show that in recent times there have been over 65 million border crossings each year. Most of this traffic involves tourists and Green Carders rather than immigrants. However, the mobility of the immigrants has been a large factor contributing to the continued poverty and the comparative disorganization of Mexican American communities, as well as to the fact that Mexican Americans have lacked the resources to meet their social, economic and political needs. Though Mexican immigration to the United States is clearly one of the most significant movements of peoples across any border, it is, nonetheless, poorly understood. And, as long as the two nations continue to share a border, movement across that line will reflect the extent to which the Southwest is a region that deserves sepa- rate study. The Second World War set of a new period in Mexican American history. Generally the wartime life and the changes that stemmed from it benefited Mexican Americans. (For example, manpower was needed desperately, and so in some areas barriers to better employment were gradually let down.) However, prejudice and

38 chauvinism still ran high. During 1942the press as wellas law enforcement officials whippedup anti-Mexican feeling by charges of delinquency on the part of MexicanAmerican youth and acon- genital inferiority which they claimedthreatened society at large. At the same time, fearsover a possible Japanese invasion fed Amer- ican fears of minorities in general.IL Los Angeles, during June of 1943, several thousand servicemen(exemplifying the deep-seated dislike of Mexican Americans thatexisted there in many quarters ) took the law into theirown hands and attacked Mexican American youths wearing "toot" suits bothin the downtown area and in several of the barrios. All this notwithstanding, thewar did open new doors for Mexican Americans. Returning hadbroader outlooks andnew hope, as well as medals for valorfar out of proportion to their number. Many of them utilized theG.Y. Bill to further themselves, both in the development of trade skillsand the acquiring ofa higher education. Federal housing loansfor veterans helpedmany Mexican Americans improve theircondition by allowing them to move into new areas, although considerablediscrimination still existed. Many young MexicanAmericans moved out of the barrios and, in so doing, achieved considerableassimilation into the Ameri- can community. Others, however, preferredto retain their identifi- cation and took up the fight forjustice and equality that others had fought for during the 1920's and1930's. Though all told the socio-economicconditions of most Mexican Americans did not improve significantlyeven as late as the early 1960's, there were some importantchanges. By 1960 there had been a major migration to the urban centers whichnow included 80% of all Mexican Americans living inthe United States. Many urban barrios became ports of entry throughwhich thousands passedas they moved on to otherareas. Urbanization has proveda mixed blessing, for greater opportuni- ties have been accompanied bynew problemse.g the increase in the number of Mexican Americansentering the professions, white collar work and the trades has beensurpassed by the increase in

39

1 the Mexican American population. The net effect thus appears to be a loss of ground in education, income, health and other related indices. (Between 1950 and 1960, the Mexican American population in the Southwest increased by about 50%, whereas the Anglo popu- lation increased by only some 33%. ) Among the roughly five million Mexican Americans, a dispropor- tionate number are young ( 15-19 years) as compared with the gen- eral United States population. It follows, therefore, that not only proportionately fewer Mexican Americans are working at an age when their income would be higher, but that the average income of Mexican American families is lower than that of American fami- lies. In fact, throughout the Unit :d States, about a third of Mexican American families have an income of some $3,000 per year, and since Mexican Americans tend to have large families, this inceme has to be divided among more children than would be the case in American families. It should also be remembered that the manual type of work done by approximately 75% of Mexican Americans provides little security and involves high risks of unemployment. In many ways, recent generations of youthful Mexican Americans have fallen into much the same trap that caught their parentsa web of poverty, illness, ignorance and exclusively manual skills. Additional handicaps stemming from a bilingual and bicultural. situation have aggravated the problem, as have indifference and prejudice. It should come as no surprise, therefore, that few young Mexican Americans break out of the old pattern. The old way of life is constantly reinforced by the proximity of Mexican Americans to Mexico. No other American minority group faces this situation. For many years, over a score of newspapers in the Southwest have been written either entirely or partly in Span- ish. Newspapers and magazines from Mexico have also been readily available. More recently, radio entered the picture and today over 200 radio stations broadcast entirely or partly in Spanish (though more for and than for MexicanAmericans ). Similarly, since the cinema became such a popular medium, movie theatres throughout the Southwest have featured films in Spanish 4,

/41

- (most of which come from Mexico and ), as has tele- vision. In short, all these media have constantly reinforced Spanish and Mexican culture among Mexican Americans. The result has been that in a sense Mexican Americans, who exceed the population of several European countries, have come to represent a nation within a nation (as do the French Canadians in Canada ). Yet they have been creative and adaptable in their efforts to live and seek happiness within an often hostile and alien culture. In earlier years, various Mexican American social clubs and mu- tual aid societies had helped, their members to adjust and live within Anglo society by providing a retreat or shelter in the barrios. Now new organizations were created with reform and progress in mind and a copy of Robert's Rules of Order in hand. The Commu- nity Service Organization (CSO ) in California, the American G.I. Forum, the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), etc., emulated Anglo-type civic organizations. As for politics, groups like the Mexican American Political Association (MAPA) and the Political Association of Spanish-Speaking Organizations (ACCPE ) led the way. Because there are so few who can or are prepared to help them, most sophisticated Mexican Americans believe they must be elected rather than appointed to public office. Although there has been a numerical increase in Mexican Americans so elected, the group has lost ground, nonetheless, in view of population increases. Thus the recent election of two state Congressmen in Texas (Henry B. Gon- zales and Eligio de la Garza ), a U.S. Senator in New Mexico (Joseph Montoya) and a U.S. Congressman in California (Edward R. Roybal ), as Well as of a scattering of city councilmen and school board members, does not constitute a force that can adequately look after the interests of the Mexican American at large. Over the years neither of the two major political parties has com- mitted itself to helping Mexican Americans. Most politically active Mexican Americans, however, have identified with the Democratic Party because of its traditional New Deal orientation at the na-

42 tonal level (as opposed to the "big business" and nativistic image attached to the Republican Party ). But the local Democratic Party in the Southwest has been an- other matter. Contrary to national party principles, it has deliber- ately frustrated Mexican American political participation time and time again, with the result that proportionately few Mexican Amer- icans actually vote. Local Democratic politicos in turn have shown little real concern for this small bloc of votes. At the same time, for reasons connected with nativism, Republicans have made no con- certed effort to woo these minority voters. As a result, Democrats have tended to take Mexican Americans for granted and to break campaign promises freely. This vicious circle is complete and very hard to break. The following case well illustrates this general situation. Only recently the California State Senate ironically celebrated the 107th anniversary of Mexico's national holiday (Cinco de MayoMay 5) on the very same day it voted against a measure that, if approved by the voters, would have permitted Spanish-speaking American citizens to voteeven though they could not read the U. S. Consti- tution in English. It was only natural, therefore, for Mexican Americans to have felt that once again over 500,000 of them were denied ; and this despite the provisions of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which ended the Mexican War and provided protection for "the free enjoyment of their liberty, property and religion which they profess." Time and again insistence upon the readings of English as a uni- versal requirement for voting was made publicly by the opponents of this constitutional amendment. On the opposite side, proponents of the measure argued that there exist today forms of communica- tion (radio, television, etc.) that are not literary, and that the ballot would provide certain minorities with an incentive for accultura- tion. And while there is room for an honest difference of opinion on this question, the net effect of such an attitude on the part of

a

43 the opposing majority, has been detrimentalto the political effec- tiveness of the Mexican American. After 1970, the political effectiveness of theMexican American will be enhanced due to the recent decision of theBureau of the Census to include a direct count of Mexican Americans. Theirorigi- nal decision to omit a count of Mexican Americanswas reversed after protest voiced across the nation made the Bureau realizethat the second largest minority in the United States couldno longer be counted as "Spanish-surnamed White"as in the census of 1960. Spaniards, Portuguese and various Latin Americanswere indis- criminately included in this term. Now,more precise counts and locations will make it possible to take advantage of variousfederal and state programs in health, education and welfare. Localpolitics will be altered as a result of the 1970census. It surprises many people that in view of thenumerous obstacles faced by Mexican Americans, they have not displayed disloyaltyto the United States. Quite the contrary, Mexican Americanshave a deep commitment and a strong feeling of patriotism for theircoun- try which has been demonstrated over andover. In the Southwest especially, though many entrenched Anglos who identifywith the established interests have lookedupon Mexican Americans as for- eigners, the loyalty of Mexican Americans has risen abovesuch bigots and has been directed instead towards Americaat large. It is likewise a known fact that extremist groupsbothof the right and lefthave failed to gaina foothold among Mexican Americans, despite periodic efforts to doso. For the Mexican American the administration of PresidentLyn- don B. Johnson marked a new period. More thanany previous president, he gave recognition and support to this particularminor- ity group. The formation in 1967 of the Inter-AgencyCommittee on Mexican Affairs provided a forum and clearing house forinforma- tion which Vincente Ximenes, its director, used to goodadvantage. The highlight of its activities was the Cabinet CommitteeHearings on Mexican American Affairs, held in El Paso in October, 1967. Over

44 fifty Mexican Americanactivists, scholars andprofessionals gave before members ofthe President's Cabinet.And while pickets protested that themeetings were not held inWashington (as they were in the caseof Negroes ), and thatvital Mexican American needs were notbeing met, in the long runthe El Paso meetings were of greatimportance, because theymarked national recognition of the MexicanAmerican. With the recent election ofPresident Richard M.Nixon,, Mexican Americans had new groundsfor pessimism,particularly in view of his presidentialcampaign virtually ignoringminority groups. Taking note of this, PresidentNixon quickly alteredthis image and voiced concern for minoritiesand their problems.Newly-appointed Secretary of Health, Educationand Welfare, Robert H.Finch, gave many MexicanAmericans the hope thatthe White House would give them attention, afterall. Furthermore, thePresident decided to continue theInter-Agency Committee onMexican American Affairs appointing MartinCastillo as its director.Soon after, in an effort to assist Mexican Americansin the fields of industry, com- merce and finance,he appointed HilarySandoval as head of the Small Business Administration.In various parts ofthe country, Republicans have been stepping upefforts to win MexicanAmeri- can votes awayfrom the Democrats.

45 chapter6

Quo Vadis Chicano?

Today's generation of young Mexican Americansis unlike any other, and presentssome grave problems as well as some wonder- ful prospects for the future. Inan effort to identify with something of their own, manyyoung people now call themselves Chicanos. The etymology is not fully clear, but it is believedto be a diminu- tive form of "Mexican"as well as a derisive slang term used in Mexico for country hicks. Ycung MexicanAmericans, however, have given the term a positive meaning and preferit, as a label, to "Mexican American." In fact, in theireyes, whether or not one is willing to call himself Chicano isa litmus test of cultural loyalty. There is a wide spectrum of ideas and feelingsamong the Chicano generation. Some believe in assimilationas a goal, while others reject it and argue for a distinct Mexican culturewithin a culturally pluralistic U.S : The movement is still inprogress, and Mexican Ame.icans are divided over its merits. Anger and belligerency directed toward theAnglo mainstream of American life anda sense of alienation from this mainstreamare

46 clearly evident in the .Chicanos have drawn on both black militant tactics and onMexican revolutionary heroes like for inspiration.Actually, Chicanos in many ways exemplify amirror image of traditional Americanpolitical tactics. Marches, riots, civil disobedience,violence and prejudice are unfortunately asmuch a part of our American tradition as are our virtues. Thus,both brown (Chicano) and black militantleaders often claim the right to return in kindthe treatment they feel their predecessors have received. At the heart of Chicano activity is aclear defense of Mexican American culture. Chicanos demandrecognition of, and respect for, the importance and meaningfulness oftheir own language and cus- toms. Some even claim that itis the monolingual Anglo who isdis- advantaged, and that Chicanos must beaccepted as bilingual and bicultural individuals with, if anything, aprior claim to the "Ameri- can" label. Today, there is a cultural revolutionunder way that coincides with the political demands made by theChicanos. Barrio papers like Con Safos (Los Angeles) and journalslike El Grit© (Berkeley) have sprouted up throughout theSouthwest; others, like Infierno (), have been harassed out ofprint. Some of them are protesting conditions in general, but manyhave gone further and are expressing volubly thefeelings of a people which have forthe most part been unvoiced.(Young Chicanos as they reach maturity are saying thingstheir parents may sometimes publiclydeplore, but silently rejoice in.) The ChicanoPress Association now coordi- nates the efforts of some twelve newspapersin the Southwestern states, and . Newwriters, artists and organizers have cropped up out of nowhere, it seems.All of this indicates that Chicanos have undoubtedly advanced therecognition and accept- ance of Mexican Americancultural values in the United States. But an element of cynicism hasaccompanied Chicano idealism. Often more confidence is placed inconfrontations per se than in working through normal *channels, simplybecause confrontations have produced better and quickerresults. In one college after an-

47 other, for example, deans and departments have agreed to offer new, more relevant courses only after directconfrontation by Chicanos. It is a tragedy that earlier reformers were rebuffed in their efforts to obtain through normal give-and-take what Chicanos have quickly gained by nonnegotiable demands. Furthermore, many Chicanos have found it difficult to cope with and accept their appar- ent success in certain areas. In short, a cult of confrontationfor confrontation's sake has come into being among the young and the young at heart. Many older Mexican Americans deplore Chicano tactics and ideas, and only gradually are the two generations coming to terms in order to serve common goals. What appears to be racism-in- reverse alarms some andembarras4eS other Mexican Americans who are trying to "get lost" in the American crowd. Some Anglos, trying to take advantage of this situation, have once again stepped in to exploit internal divisions. Others are trying to listen to what the young Mexican Americans are saying, and to help them gain desirable objectives. But, however one looks at it, Chicanos at the present time are catalysts and a creative minority. Mexican Americans have various options open to them that fall between the two extremes; these are embodied by a at one end and a at the other. Since the fall of 1965, the National Farm Workers Association has been trying, through established legal procedures and with a fervent commitment to non-violence, to gain those rights for farm workers that are now enjoyed by industrial workers in America. Against all odds, against every legal strategy and in the face of outright violence and abuse of authority, Cnavez has led a movement for social justice that has produced repercussions around the world. Though farm workers are still discriminated against in labor laws, Chavez has gained wide support for his cause, due to his law- abiding and peaceful methods. He has been quoted as saying, "I am convinced that the truest act of courage, the strongest act of man- liness, is to sacrifice ourselves for others in a totally non-violent

48 struggle for justice. To bea man is to suffer for others. God help us to be men." An evangelical preacher, Reies Tijerinaalso believes that God is on his side. But he uses different methods.Tijerina wants to take backby force if necessarythemillions of acres "stolen" from Mexican Americans by "UncleSam, the greatest criminal of all times." He has proposed theformation of a group of city-states (along Hispanic lines) togovern vast stretches of the Southwest. This movement of the AlianzaFederal in New Mexico has caused shudders across the nation. Todate, Tijerina has eluded conviction for any of the serious crimes withwhich he has been charged. But his life, like that of Chavez,has been threatenedmany times. Labor leaders and other militantfigures like Corky Gonzales in Colorado as well as scholars andactivists like Ernesto Galarza and , have supported thecause advanced by Tijerina. Even Chavez himself has lentsupport, for the cause is basically thesame: justice for Mexican Americans. The Chicano generation hasnot reached a consensuson these questions nor has it charteda course. The heat and furor it has raised will certainly shedmore light on the situation if there is time available to sort out thegood from the bad. Insome respects, la causa (i.e., Mexican Americanclaims for justice) is akinto a symphony orchestra withmany instruments and players whoare not all playing the same musicalscore. Professor Ralph Guzman has rightlysaid that what theyoung militants achieve will depend heavilyupon the reaction to their demands by Anglo Americans, themajority group. If Mexican Amer- icans can gain reforms throughestablished channels, the energies of the Chicanos will flowalong those channels. The tragedythat looms over us all, however, isthe possibility that the majority will try to suppress the militantsrather than address itself to the problem of bringing aboutchange quickly enough to convincethe Chicanos that the "system"can be made to work for them, too. The formation of Mexican Americanstudent groups to advance

49 their objectives is a new development within the Chicano move- ment. Various groups, especially UMAS (United Mexican American Students) now have chapters in many colleges and universities,as well as in some high schools in California. These groups try to work within established channels to help themselves and younger stu- dents gain greater benefits from education. They apply pressure on both Anglo officials and middle-aged Mexican Americans who are often not very militant. An interesting and vital aspect of the Chicano movement is the support it has gained not only from Negroes, but from an ever- increasing number of Anglos who can see the injustices to which the Chicanos point. This was clearly evident in the historic "walk- outs" of about 2,000 Mexican American high school students in the Los Angeles city schools in the spring of 1968. "Where are you going?" might well be asked today of Anglos, rather than of Chicanos. Indeed, Chicanos have brought America "to court." They have embarrassed religious leadership, politicians, social workers, government officials and particularly educators by revealing injustices and hypocrisies which can no longer be de- fended. The charges are not new, nor has a complete solution been found. Yet certainly more progress has been made and greater opportunities for achievement by Mexican Americans exist than many of the Chicano generation are either cognizant of or willing to admit. Nonetheless, for all of its youthful peccadillos, the Chi- cano generation is essentially correct in challenging America to practice more fully what it has preached for so long. And those in the community, public education and government who are similarly committed find it good as well as refreshing to work with Chicanos. Meanwhile, both the old and new civic educational groups are rising up to help move social change in a desirable direction. Chief among the newer groups is the Southwest Council of La Raza (assisted by the Ford Foundation), which provides assistance to grass-roots groups wishing to become more effectively involved in civic affairs, and promotes research and publications directed to-

so/67 ward helping the Mexican American. Figures suchas Dr. Ernesto Galarza, Julian Samora and Herman E. Gallegos (Executive Direc- tor), all members of La Raza, remind young Chicanos that there are ether options open to them besides out-and-out confrontation. Minorities still pose a riddle for America; the melting pot has not worked as well as many have supposed. Mexican Americans today are asking whether or not true Americanism includes respect for and acceptance of different languages, different customs and the adherence to the principles of individual freedom that underlieour Constitution. In any event, whether Mexican Americans ultimately choose assimilation or biculturalism, they are withoutany question loyal citizens of the United States of America. Quo vadis America?

52 A Guide to Further Reading

The following list of works isrepresentative of the major source books in the field. It is a basiccollection of readily available mate- rial for the student or institutionthat is concerned with the Mexi- can American. Clark, Margaret. Health in theMexican American Culture. Berkeley: Press, 1959. This book deals with the treatment ofhealth problems in a typical Mexi- can American . Galarza,Ernesto.Merchants of Labor: The MexicanBracero Story. Santa Barbara: McNally & Loftin, 1964(Paperback). An authoritative and detailedstudy of the role of the bracero inthe multi-million dollar agricultural industryin the Southwest. Good notes and comprehensive data. Galarza, Ernesto; Gallegos, Herman;Samora, Julian. Mexican Ameri- cans in the Southwest.Santa Barbara: McNally & Loftin,Publishers, 1970. Studies the evolution of theMexican American communities in

53 Arizona, California, Colorado, New Mexico andTexas since 1900. De- scribes the survival of the Mexican American's underlying culturalher- itage. Tables. Illustrated. Grebler, Leo. The Mexican Americans. New York:The Free Press, 1969. This comprehensive study of Mexican Americanlife presents a rounded picture of Mexican Americans in terms of their political,social and re- ligious affiliations, their economic and occupationalstatus, and their family life and language. The author views thesepeople as a self-con- tained ethnic minority within the broader Americanscene. Heller, Celia S. Mexican American Youth: Forgotten Youthat the Cross- roads. New York: Random House, 1966 (Paperback). A study of Mexican American youth along classical sociologicallines. Good notes and bibliography. Hernandez, Luis F. A Forgotten American. (Pamphlet), New York: Anti- Defamation League, 1969. A resource unit for teachers on the historical-sociological background of the Mexican American community. Offers special guidelinesfor teaching the Mexican American; lists a bibliography of recommended readings. Herschel, Manuel T. Spanish-Speaking Children of the Southwest: Their Education and Public Welfare. Austin: University of Texas, 1965. The best study to date on the general educational problems of the Mexi- can American. Excellent notes and bibliography. Landes, Ruth. Latin-Americans of the Southwest. New York: McGraw. Hill, 1965. An interesting effort to provide an 8th grade supplementary text for Cali- fornia public schools. Generally criticized by Mexican American edu- cators, it should be examined nonetheless. McWilliams, Carey. Brothers Under the Skin. New York: Little Brown & Co., 1942 (Paperback). A good picture of Mexican Americans which treats themas one of the major minority groups in the United States. McWilliams, Carey. North From Mexico. New York: Lippincott, 1948. The best history in one volume of the collision of two civilizations in the Southwest. The general tone is critical of U.S. methods of dealing with "minorities" down to mid-20th century. Excellent notes and bibli- ography. Madsen, William. The Mexican Americans of . New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1964.

54 A very penetrating sociolOgicalanalysis of MexicanAmerican life in Texas which also has validityfor most of the Southwest, rural areas. especially the

Milne, Jean. Fiesta Timein Latin America. Los press, 1965. Angeles: Ward Ritchie Holidays and related customs of Mexicoare included. This book isuse- ful to teachers and to thosewho want background cultural roots. on Mexican American Nava, Julian. MexicanAmericans: Past, Present, American Book Co., 1969. Future. New York: Comprehensive texton the history of the MexicanAmericans and their prospects for the future.Addressed to public schools higher), it is usefulto the adult. (grades 8 or Paz, Octavio. The Labyrinthof Solitude: Life andThought in Mexico. New York: Grove Press,1961. A very subjective, almost poetic analysis of theMexican personalityas a distinct and problematicalphenomenon. Well translated Spanish. from the Pitt, Leonard. The Declineof the Calif ornios. California Press, 1966. Berkeley: University of This social history ofCalifornia from 1846-1890highlights the initial encounter between the AngloAmerican and HispanoMexican peoples. Documents importantaspects of the elimination of the positions of the from power and wealth that they enjoyed,and traces the start of systematic prejudiceagainst Spanish-speakingpeoples in the state. Ramos, Manuel. Profile of Manand Culture in Mexico. sity of Texas, 1962. Austin: Univer- An interpretation of thehistorical forces molding the Mexican national the development of character. A broad humanisticapproach by one of Mexico's most brilliantcontemporary thinkers. Can be general reader. used by the

Robinson, Cecil. With theEars of Strangers: TheMexican in . Tucson: Universitycf Arizona Press, 1963. An excellentsurvey of the types of literatureand literary materials which have servedto condition the American notes and bibliography. public to Mexico. Good Rubel, Arthur. Across theTracks. Austin: University 1966. of Texas Press, A study of Mexican American attitudes and values ina community in

55 the lower Rio Grande Valley. Based upon personal observations, it can be useful to the general reader as well as to the specialist. Sanchez, George I. Forgotten People: A Study of New Mexicans. Albu- querque: Press, 1940. A basic work that presents many important issues as seen by a Mexican American scholar who is the current trail blazer in Mexican American studies. Samora, Julian. La Raza: Forgotten Americans. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1966. A valuable collection of essays by contemporary authorities on such topics as "History, Culture, and Education," "The Role of the Christian Church" and "Leadership and Politics." Taylor, Paul S. An American-Mexican Frontier: Nueces County, Texas. Chapel Hill: University of Press, 1934. A regional study, but one that also has use for other areas.

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