Independence, Hot/Banal Nationalism and the Mobilization of Memory
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Save the Nation! a Social Psychological Study Of
Department of Social Research University of Helsinki Finland SAVE THE NATION! A SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDY OF POLITICAL BLOGS AS A MEDIUM FOR NATIONALIST COMMUNICATION AND PERSUASION Katarina Pettersson ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be presented, with the permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Helsinki, for public examination in lecture room 13, University main building, on June 9th 2017, at 12 noon. Helsinki 2017 Publications of the Department of Social Research 2017:51 Social Psychology © Katarina Pettersson Cover: Jere Kasanen Cover picture: Laura Pakarinen Distribution and Sales: Unigrafia Bookstore http://shop.unigrafia.fi/ [email protected] ISSN 2343-273X (Print) ISSN 2343-2748 (Online) ISBN 978-951-51-2607-8 (Print) ISBN 978-951-51-2608-5 (Online) Unigrafia, Helsinki 2017 ABSTRACT This doctoral dissertation explores how populist radical right politicians in Finland and Sweden use political blogs for the purpose of nationalist political communication and persuasion. The study builds upon research that has highlighted the growing importance of social media in the transmission of radical right, nationalist and anti-immigration political discourse, and to the central role of these media in the gradual normalisation of such discourse. Moreover, the study acknowledges the potential – indicated by previous research – of political blogs to function as tools for voter persuasion and mobilisation. The study aims to contribute with insights on how social psychological dynamics such as self-presentation, identity-constructions, discursive divisions between ‘ingroups’ and ‘outgroups’, strategies of persuasion, and appeals to emotions and nostalgic memories are involved in these processes. The dissertation examines blog-entries by members of the populist radical right parties the Finns Party (Perussuomalaiset) in Finland and the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) in Sweden during 2007-2015. -
This Document Has Been Downloaded from Tampub – the Institutional Repository of University of Tampere
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Trepo - Institutional Repository of Tampere University This document has been downloaded from Tampub – The Institutional Repository of University of Tampere Post-print Authors: Häkli Jouni Cultures of demarcation : territory and national identity in Name of article: Finland Name of work: Nested identities : identity, territory, and scale Editors of work: Herb Guntram H., Kaplan David H. Year of 1999 publication: ISBN: 0-8476-8466-0 Publisher: Rowman & Littlefield Pages: 123-149 Discipline: Social sciences / Social and economic geography Language: en URN: http://urn.fi/urn:nbn:uta-3-959 All material supplied via TamPub is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, and duplication or sale of all part of any of the repository collections is not permitted, except that material may be duplicated by you for your research use or educational purposes in electronic or print form. You must obtain permission for any other use. Electronic or print copies may not be offered, whether for sale or otherwise to anyone who is not an authorized user. Author’s copy. Originally published in Guntram H. Herb & D. H. Kaplan (eds.). Nested identities: Identity, Territory, and Scale. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield (1999), 123-149. Cultures of Demarcation: Territory and National Identity in Finland JOUNI HÄKLI Introduction This chapter explores the significance of geographical scale in the negotiation of spatial identities, and especially attempts to understand the processes of nation- building in Finland, which stands out as an exceptional case among the several "successor states" born out of the European geopolitical turmoil in the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. -
Re-Branding a Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism
Re-Branding a Nation Online Re-Branding a Nation Online Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism Magdalena Kania-Lundholm Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Sal IX, Universitets- huset, Uppsala, Friday, October 26, 2012 at 10:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Abstract Kania-Lundholm, M. 2012. Re-Branding A Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism. Sociologiska institutionen. 258 pp. Uppsala. ISBN 978-91-506-2302-4. The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. First, the discussion seeks to understand the concepts of nationalism and patriotism and how they relate to one another. In respect to the more criti- cal literature concerning nationalism, it asks whether these two concepts are as different as is sometimes assumed. Furthermore, by problematizing nation-branding as an “updated” form of nationalism, it seeks to understand whether we are facing the possible emergence of a new type of nationalism. Second, the study endeavors to discursively analyze the ”bottom-up” processes of national reproduction and re-definition in an online, post-socialist context through an empirical examination of the online debate and polemic about the new Polish patriotism. The dissertation argues that approaching nationalism as a broad phenomenon and ideology which operates discursively is helpful for understanding patriotism as an element of the na- tionalist rhetoric that can be employed to study national unity, sameness, and difference. Emphasizing patriotism within the Central European context as neither an alternative to nor as a type of nationalism may make it possible to explain the popularity and continuous endur- ance of nationalism and of practices of national identification in different and changing con- texts. -
Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980
Bonikowski, Bart, and Paul DiMaggio. 2016. “Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980. Publisher’s version: http://asr.sagepub.com/content/81/5/949 Varieties of American Popular Nationalism Bart Bonikowski Harvard University Paul DiMaggio New York University Abstract Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain- specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention. -
Introduction
Notes Introduction 1. Hobsbawm 1990, 66. 2. Diamond 1998, 322–33. 3. Fairbank 1992, 44–45. 4. Fei Xiaotong 1989, 1–2. 5. Diamond 1998, 323, original emphasis. 6. Crossley 1999; Di Cosmo 1998; Purdue 2005a; Lavely and Wong 1998, 717. 7. Richards 2003, 112–47; Lattimore 1937; Pan Chia-lin and Taeuber 1952. 8. My usage of the term “geo-body” follows Thongchai 1994. 9. B. Anderson 1991, 86. 10. Purdue 2001, 304. 11. Dreyer 2006, 279–80; Fei Xiaotong 1981, 23–25. 12. Jiang Ping 1994, 16. 13. Morris-Suzuki 1998, 4; Duara 2003; Handler 1988, 6–9. 14. Duara 1995; Duara 2003. 15. Turner 1962, 3. 16. Adelman and Aron 1999, 816. 17. M. Anderson 1996, 4, Anderson’s italics. 18. Fitzgerald 1996a: 136. 19. Ibid., 107. 20. Tsu Jing 2005. 21. R. Wong 2006, 95. 22. Chatterjee (1986) was the first to theorize colonial nationalism as a “derivative discourse” of Western Orientalism. 23. Gladney 1994, 92–95; Harrell 1995a; Schein 2000. 24. Fei Xiaotong 1989, 1. 25. Cohen 1991, 114–25; Schwarcz 1986; Tu Wei-ming 1994. 26. Harrison 2000, 240–43, 83–85; Harrison 2001. 27. Harrison 2000, 83–85; Cohen 1991, 126. 186 • Notes 28. Duara 2003, 9–40. 29. See, for example, Lattimore 1940 and 1962; Forbes 1986; Goldstein 1989; Benson 1990; Lipman 1998; Millward 1998; Purdue 2005a; Mitter 2000; Atwood 2002; Tighe 2005; Reardon-Anderson 2005; Giersch 2006; Crossley, Siu, and Sutton 2006; Gladney 1991, 1994, and 1996; Harrell 1995a and 2001; Brown 1996 and 2004; Cheung Siu-woo 1995 and 2003; Schein 2000; Kulp 2000; Bulag 2002 and 2006; Rossabi 2004. -
RUSSO-FINNISH RELATIONS, 1937-1947 a Thesis Presented To
RUSSO-FINNISH RELATIONS, 1937-1947 A Thesis Presented to the Department of History Carroll College In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Academic Honors with a B.A. Degree In History by Rex Allen Martin April 2, 1973 SIGNATURE PAGE This thesis for honors recognition has been approved for the Department of History. II ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to acknowledge thankfully A. Patanen, Attach^ to the Embassy of Finland, and Mrs. Anna-Malja Kurlkka of the Library of Parliament in Helsinki for their aid in locating the documents used In my research. For his aid In obtaining research material, I wish to thank Mr. H. Palmer of the Inter-Library Loan Department of Carroll College. To Mr. Lang and to Dr. Semmens, my thanks for their time and effort. To Father William Greytak, without whose encouragement, guidance, and suggestions this thesis would never have been completed, I express my warmest thanks. Rex A. Martin 111 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... v I. 1937 TO 1939 ........................................................................................ 1 II. 1939 TO1 940.................................................... 31 III. 1940 TO1 941............................................................................................. 49 IV. 1941 TO1 944 ......................................................................................... 70 V. 1944 TO 1947 ........................................................................................ -
State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European -
Statement on the Occasion of Finlandia Foundation
United Nations Nations Unies T HE PRESIDENT OF THE GEN ERAL ASSEMBLY LE PRESIDENT DE L’AS SEMBLEE GENERALE 3 December 2000 Statement of H.E. Mr. Harri Holkeri, President of the 55th Session of the General Assembly, on the the occasion of Finlandia Foundation Independence Day Celebrations Ladies and gentlemen, Next Wednesday marks the 83rd anniversary of the independent Republic of Finland. You, ladies and gentlemen, hardly need an introduction to Finland. But if I had to tell the average American in the street about Finland, I would tell him that the area of Finland is about almost three times the size of State of New York but it has only about five million inhabitants. I would tell him that Finns love their country and that Finland was recently the top of two important lists. Firstly it ranked as was number one when countries were compared in having the least amount of corruption. At the same time, we were heading the World Series in liberalization and deregulation of business laws. Then I would ask him if he has read in his schoolbooks about the country that keeps its word - that pays its debts. If my American in the street would like me to continue, I would tell him that Finland is not overpopulated, nor undernourished. It is a typical, modern European country, proud of its history and culture, and combining natural beauty and modern technology. I would also say that my country is very middle-class. It lacks the ultra rich, but it also lacks in extreme poverty. It strives for high levels of education and social security. -
Finnish Studies
Journal of Finnish Studies Volume 23 Number 1 November 2019 ISSN 1206-6516 ISBN 978-1-7328298-1-7 JOURNAL OF FINNISH STUDIES EDITORIAL AND BUSINESS OFFICE Journal of Finnish Studies, Department of English, 1901 University Avenue, Evans 458, Box 2146, Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, TEXAS 77341-2146, USA Tel. 1.936.294.1420; Fax 1.936.294.1408 E-mail: [email protected] EDITORIAL STAFF Helena Halmari, Editor-in-Chief, Sam Houston State University [email protected] Hanna Snellman, Co-Editor, University of Helsinki [email protected] Scott Kaukonen, Assoc. Editor, Sam Houston State University [email protected] Hilary-Joy Virtanen, Asst. Editor, Finlandia University [email protected] Sheila Embleton, Book Review Editor, York University [email protected] EDITORIAL BOARD Börje Vähämäki, Founding Editor, JoFS, Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto Raimo Anttila, Professor Emeritus, University of California, Los Angeles Michael Branch, Professor Emeritus, University of London Thomas DuBois, Professor, University of Wisconsin, Madison Sheila Embleton, Distinguished Research Professor, York University Aili Flint, Emerita Senior Lecturer, Associate Research Scholar, Columbia University Tim Frandy, Assistant Professor, Western Kentucky University Daniel Grimley, Professor, Oxford University Titus Hjelm, Associate Professor, University of Helsinki Daniel Karvonen, Senior Lecturer, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis Johanna Laakso, Professor, University of Vienna Jason Lavery, Professor, Oklahoma State University James P. Leary, Professor Emeritus, University of Wisconsin, Madison Andrew Nestingen, Associate Professor, University of Washington, Seattle Jyrki Nummi, Professor, University of Helsinki Jussi Nuorteva, Director General, The National Archives of Finland Juha Pentikäinen, Professor, University of Lapland Oiva Saarinen, Professor Emeritus, Laurentian University, Sudbury Beth L. -
Scotland the Brave? an Overview of the Impact of Scottish Independence on Business
SCOTLAND THE BRAVE? AN OVERVIEW OF THE IMPACT OF SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE ON BUSINESS JULY 2021 SCOTLAND THE BRAVE? AN OVERVIEW OF THE IMPACT OF SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE ON BUSINESS Scottish independence remains very much a live issue, as First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, continues to push for a second referendum, but the prospect of possible independence raises a host of legal issues. In this overview, we examine how Scotland might achieve independence; the effect of independence on Scotland's international status, laws, people and companies; what currency Scotland might use; the implications for tax, pensions and financial services; and the consequences if Scotland were to join the EU. The Treaty of Union between England of pro-independence MSPs to 72; more, (which included Wales) and Scotland even, than in 2011. provided that the two Kingdoms "shall upon the first day of May [1707] and Independence, should it happen, will forever after be United into one Kingdom affect anyone who does business in or by the Name of Great Britain." Forever is with Scotland. Scotland can be part of a long time. Similar provisions in the Irish the United Kingdom or it can be an treaty of 1800 have only survived for six independent country, but moving from out of the 32 Irish counties, and Scotland the former status to the latter is highly has already had one referendum on complex both for the Governments whether to dissolve the union. In that concerned and for everyone else. The vote, in 2014, the electorate of Scotland rest of the United Kingdom (rUK) could decided by 55% to 45% to remain within not ignore Scotland's democratic will, but the union, but Brexit and the electoral nor could Scotland dictate the terms on success of the SNP mean that Scottish which it seceded from the union. -
Issues Around Scottish Independence
Issues Around Scottish Independence by David Sinclair September 1999 Published by The Constitution Unit 29/30 Tavistock Square London WC 1H 9EZ Tel. 017 1 504 4977 O The Constitution Unit 1999 Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY INTRODUCTION THE ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE The referendum: who votes, and who decides the question? When should a referendum be held? Speed of the transition Who negotiates for each side? SCOTLAND IN THE WORLD ECONOMICS OF INDEPENDENCE SCOTLAND AND THE REST OF THE UK ANNEX 1: GREENLAND AND SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE ANNEX 2: THE BACKGROUND TO THE ARGUMENTS OVER SCOTLAND'S FISCAL DEFICIT Expenditure Revenue Conclusions Executive Summary The debate about Scottish independence should include not only the case for and against independence but a better understanding of the process of independence itself. There are a number of key issues which would need to be resolved before Scotland could become independent. 1. If the issue of independence is put to a referendum who should vote in that referendum and what should the question be? Should that referendum be held before or after negotiations on independence? 2. Once negotiations are taking place, how quickly can a transition to be independence be achieved? 3. What are the key issues that will need to be negotiated? Can any likely sticking points be identified? 4. What would the position of an independent Scotland be in international law? Would Scotland automatically succeed to UK treaty rights and obligations, including membership of the EU? Or would these have to be renegotiated? 5. What are the economics of an independent Scotland? Answering this question involves understanding the current financial position of Scotland within the UK, the likely future finances of Scotland as an independent country, and the costs of transition to independence. -
Download the Scotland Ebook
Yes or No? A collection of writing on Scottish independence Neal Ascherson, Menzies Campbell, David Marquand, Linda Colley, John Kay, John Kerr PROSPECT 2014 2 Introduction he vision of an independent Scotland will not disap- articulate a compelling case for the Union other than one based pear, even with a No vote in the referendum on 18th on prophesies of doom for Scotland if it goes it alone. This is September, which opinion polls suggest is likely. As partly because the question that David Cameron chose to pose Neal Ascherson argues in “Why I’ll vote Yes,” that in this referendum—full independence, or no change at all—is idea, now that it has taken root, will not go away. the wrong one. There should have been the option on the bal- TWhen Scots looks south, Ascherson writes, they see little of lot of “devo-max”—full autonomy, minus responsibility for for- themselves there. And all the while, the internal voice which eign policy and defence. Yet Cameron ducked that, wanting muses that “my country was independent once” gets louder. to force Scotland into a No vote; even though that is the likely Like many countries before it, Scotland sees independence “as result, the tactic has backfired by forcing serious consideration the way to join the world, modernise and take responsibility for of the Yes option. their own actions and mistakes.” Whatever happens on 18th September, Britain will have to Yet for all the feelings of national identity and self-assertion rethink the way it runs itself. The writer and former Labour MP that the referendum campaign has stirred up, economic ques- David Marquand imagines a federal future for the UK which tions—particularly concerning the currency and membership of grants autonomy to the constituent parts of the Union, short the of European Union—have dominated the debate.