Defending Marxist Hegelianism Against a Marxist Critique Chris Cutrone of the US Platypus Group Takes Issue with Mike Macnair

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Defending Marxist Hegelianism Against a Marxist Critique Chris Cutrone of the US Platypus Group Takes Issue with Mike Macnair 14 August 11 2011 878 Debate Defending Marxist Hegelianism against a Marxist critique Chris Cutrone of the US Platypus group takes issue with Mike Macnair am writing in response to Mike concrete mediations of the historically Macnair’s 2003 critical review of constituted workers’ movement. books by John Rees and David Kautsky failed in this. Lenin agreed I 1 Renton, cited in Macnair’s critique with Luxemburg in her Junius pamphlet of Platypus (‘No need for party?’ (1915) that the problem was Kautsky Weekly Worker May 12 2011).2 I wish thinking that the SPD’s Marxism (that to refer also to my three letters and is, what became Kautsky’s USPD) article in response.3 could “hide like a rabbit” during World I find Macnair’s analysis and War I and resume the struggle for critique of the political motivations socialism afterward. Or, as Lenin put and potential consequences of Rees’s it in his Imperialism: the highest stage affirmative account of Marxist of capitalism (1916) and Socialism and Hegelianism compelling and good. war (1915), contra Kautsky’s theory I agree with Macnair’s conclusion of ‘ultra-imperialism’, the world war that, despite Rees’s former SWP/UK must be seen as a necessary and not leader Alex Callinicos’s anti-Hegelian accidental outcome of the historical Althusserianism, Rees considering development of capitalism, and so “historical experience summed up in a crisis that was an opportunity for theory” was intrinsically connected to revolutionary transformation, and the SWP’s concept of the party as one not merely, as Kautsky thought, which “centralises experience”, with all a derailment into barbarism to be the problems such a conception entails. resisted. This was the essential basis I wish to offer a rejoinder to for agreement between Luxemburg and Macnair’s idea that such problematic Lenin 1914-19. conceptions of theory and political I do not think the separation of the practice have roots in Lenin, pre-World War I Lenin from Luxemburg Luxemburg and Lukács, Macnair’s is warranted, especially considering analysis of whom I find to be false. their close collaboration, both in the Also, I do not think that Macnair quite politics of the Russian movement gets Hegel, although I agree with his and in the Second International more characterisation that “philosophy - generally, throughout the period 1905- as such - is inherently only a way 12 and again 1914-19. Throughout of interpreting the world”, and so their careers, Lenin and Luxemburg limits Hegel’s work for the political (and Trotsky) were exemplars of the purposes under consideration.4 Second International left, or ‘radicals’ Furthermore, I agree with Macnair’s in the movement. They all more or interpretation of Lenin with respect to less mistook Kautsky to be one of the purposes of his polemical defence their own before August 1914. Also, of Marxist approaches to philosophy Kautsky himself changed, at various in Materialism and empirio-criticism points and times - which is not to say (1908). Moreover, I agree with his that Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky central point that philosophical never changed. agreement cannot be the basis of But the question is the nature and agreement on political action. character of such change, and how However, as Nicholas Brown these figures allow us to grasp the responded to comrade Macnair’s history of Marxism. It is not about question at the opening plenary on learning from their trials and errors, ‘The politics of critical theory’ of I think, but rather from the example the Platypus convention in Chicago of their ‘consciousness’, not merely on April 29, it is not possible to theoretically, but practically. Moreover, ‘Hegelianise’ Marx, because Marx the history of Marxism must be was more Hegelian than Hegel approached as part and parcel, and the himself.5 That is, Marx tried to achieve highest expression, of the history of the ‘Hegelian’ self-consciousness post-1848 capital. of his own historical moment. The question is, what relevance has Marx’s Hegelianism Hegelianism today, and what is the Lukács’s ‘Hegelian’ point was relevance of taking such a Hegelian that “subjective” struggles for approach to the history of Marxism transformation take place in and subsequent to Marx? through “necessary forms of appearance” that misrecognise their Lukács, Lenin, “objective” social realities, not in terms Luxemburg of imperfect approximations or more I disagree that Lukács’s “subject” of or less true generalised abstractions, history is the point of view or relative but specifically as a function of the perspective of the proletariat as the “alienated” and “reified” social and revolutionary agent that must assert Dialectical spiral political dynamics of capital. Capital its “will”. Rather, I take Lukács to is “objective” in a specific way, and so be following Lenin and Luxemburg voluntarist (and substitutionalist) favour of the mass strike as a tactic, let showed that the world had moved poses historically specific problems for (and Marx) quite differently than conception of the working class and alone strategy, but rather an analysis into an era of revolutionary struggle subjectivity. Macnair seems to think, in that the the political party of communism. of the significance of the mass strike that demanded changes in the The reason for Marxists workers’ movement for socialism is Rather, Lenin consistently criticised in the 1905 Russian Revolution as a workers’ movement for socialism. A distinguishing their approach from the necessary mediation for grasping and politically fought against those historical phenomenon, inextricably contradiction had developed between Hegel is precisely historical: that a the problem of capital in its “totality”, tendencies of Bolshevism and in the bound up in the development of the social democratic party and (its change in society took place between that the workers must not remake the early Third International. I do not think capital at a global scale, and how own associated) labour unions, or Hegel’s and Marx’s time that causes world in their image, but rather lead that Lenin’s newly found ‘Hegelianism’ this tasked and challenged the social ‘social democracy’ had become a self- Hegelian categories, as those of an society more generally beyond capital. after 1914 was the means by which he democratic workers’ movement (the contradictory phenomenon in need of earlier, pre-Industrial Revolution era of Hence, as Macnair characterises the achieved (mistaken) rapprochement Second International and the SPD in transformation. bourgeois society, to become inverted approach of the Kautskyan “centre” of with the ‘left’. particular) to reformulate its approach Furthermore, I take Lenin’s critiques in truth, or reversed in intention. Marx’s the Second International, the socialist The key is Luxemburg. I do not think and transform itself under such changed of Kautsky for being “non-dialectical” idea was that the “contradiction” of workers’ movement must be a leading, she was a semi-syndicalist spontaneist/ historical conditions, specifically with to be very specific. This is not a critique bourgeois society had changed. Thus practical force in democratic struggles voluntarist, or that she neglected issues regard to the relation of the party to of Kautsky ‘philosophically’ (although the dialectical “law of motion” was beyond the workers’ own (sectional) of political mediation: she was not an the unions. it does speak to his bad practices as specific to the problem of capital and interests in the transformation of ‘ultra-left’. I take her pamphlet, The Luxemburg’s perspective was a theorist), but politically. It is about not a transhistorical principle of (social) society as a whole. mass strike, the political party, and neither anarcho-syndicalist/spontaneist Kautsky’s non-dialectical approach to action and thought. Marx’s society was I disagree that Lenin made a virtue the trade unions (1906), to have an nor vanguardist, but rather dialectical. politics: that is, the relation of theory not Hegel’s. The meaning of Hegel of necessity in the Russian Revolution entirely different political purpose and The mass strike was not a timeless and practice, or of social being and had changed, just as the meaning of after October 1917 and adopted a conclusion. It was not an argument in principle. For Luxemburg, 1905 consciousness, in and through the the categories of bourgeois society had 878 August 11 2011 15 15 SUMMER OFFENSIVE What we changed. Labour-time as value had become socialist revolution was supposed to open The problem we have faced since then fight for not productive (if not unproblematically) - as the door to this transformation. The potential is that the defeat of the workers’ movement n in Hegel’s and Adam Smith’s time, the era for emancipated humanity expressed in for socialism has not meant the stabilisation, Our central aim is the organisation of communists, revolutionary socialists and all politically ad- of ‘manufacture’ - but destructive of society; communism that Marx recognised in the but rather the degeneration, disintegration vanced workers into a Communist Party. Without as a form of social mediation, wage-labour modern history of capital is not assimilable and decomposition, of bourgeois society - organisation the working class is nothing; with the had become self-contradictory and self- without remainder to pre- or non-Marxian without the concomitant increase, but rather highest form of organisation it is everything. undermining in the Industrial Revolution, socialism. the regression, of possibilities for moving n The Provisional Central Committee organises mem- hence the ‘crisis of capital’. As Marx put it, “Communism is the beyond it. This shows that the crisis of bers of the Communist Party, but there exists no real One fundamental disagreement I have necessary form and the dynamic principle Marxism was a crisis of bourgeois society, or Communist Party today. There are many so-called ‘par- with Macnair’s approach, in which I think of the immediate future, but communism as the highest and most acute aspect of the crisis ties’ on the left.
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