Paul Goulder
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin
Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America Volume 11 Article 1 Issue 1 Volume 11, Issue 1 6-2013 The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin Andrés Pablo Salanova University of Ottawa Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti Part of the Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Epps, Patience and Salanova, Andrés Pablo (2013). "The Languages of Amazonia," Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America: Vol. 11: Iss. 1, Article 1, 1-28. Available at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol11/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Epps and Salanova: The Languages of Amazonia ARTICLE The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin Andrés Pablo Salanova University of Ottawa Introduction Amazonia is a linguistic treasure-trove. In this region, defined roughly as the area of the Amazon and Orinoco basins, the diversity of languages is immense, with some 300 indigenous languages corresponding to over 50 distinct ‘genealogical’ units (see Rodrigues 2000) – language families or language isolates for which no relationship to any other has yet been conclusively demonstrated; as distinct, for example, as Japanese and Spanish, or German and Basque (see section 12 below). Yet our knowledge of these languages has long been minimal, so much so that the region was described only a decade ago as a “linguistic black box" (Grinevald 1998:127). -
Enhanced Input in LCTL Pedagogy
Enhanced Input in LCTL Pedagogy Marilyn S. Manley Rowan University Abstract Language materials for the more-commonly-taught languages (MCTLs) often include visual input enhancement (Sharwood Smith 1991, 1993) which makes use of typographical cues like bolding and underlining to enhance the saliency of targeted forms. For a variety of reasons, this paper argues that the use of enhanced input, both visual and oral, is especially important as a tool for the less- commonly-taught languages (LCTLs). As there continues to be a scarcity of teaching resources for the LCTLs, individual teachers must take it upon themselves to incorporate enhanced input into their own self-made materials. Specific examples of how to incorpo- rate both visual and oral enhanced input into language teaching are drawn from the author’s own experiences teaching Cuzco Quechua. Additionally, survey results are presented from the author’s Fall 2010 semester Cuzco Quechua language students, supporting the use of both visual and oral enhanced input. Introduction Sharwood Smith’s input enhancement hypothesis (1991, 1993) responds to why it is that L2 learners often seem to ignore tar- get language norms present in the linguistic input they have received, resulting in non-target-like output. According to Sharwood Smith (1991, 1993), these learners may not be noticing, and therefore not consequently learning, particular target language forms due to the fact that they lack perceptual salience in the linguistic input. Therefore, in order to stimulate the intake of form as well as meaning, Sharwood Smith (1991, 1993) proposes improving the quality of language input through input enhancement, involving increasing the saliency of lin- guistic features for both visual input (ex. -
New Age Tourism and Evangelicalism in the 'Last
NEGOTIATING EVANGELICALISM AND NEW AGE TOURISM THROUGH QUECHUA ONTOLOGIES IN CUZCO, PERU by Guillermo Salas Carreño A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Anthropology) in The University of Michigan 2012 Doctoral Committee: Professor Bruce Mannheim, Chair Professor Judith T. Irvine Professor Paul C. Johnson Professor Webb Keane Professor Marisol de la Cadena, University of California Davis © Guillermo Salas Carreño All rights reserved 2012 To Stéphanie ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation was able to arrive to its final shape thanks to the support of many throughout its development. First of all I would like to thank the people of the community of Hapu (Paucartambo, Cuzco) who allowed me to stay at their community, participate in their daily life and in their festivities. Many thanks also to those who showed notable patience as well as engagement with a visitor who asked strange and absurd questions in a far from perfect Quechua. Because of the University of Michigan’s Institutional Review Board’s regulations I find myself unable to fully disclose their names. Given their public position of authority that allows me to mention them directly, I deeply thank the directive board of the community through its then president Francisco Apasa and the vice president José Machacca. Beyond the authorities, I particularly want to thank my compadres don Luis and doña Martina, Fabian and Viviana, José and María, Tomas and Florencia, and Francisco and Epifania for the many hours spent in their homes and their fields, sharing their food and daily tasks, and for their kindness in guiding me in Hapu, allowing me to participate in their daily life and answering my many questions. -
The Status of the Least Documented Language Families in the World
Vol. 4 (2010), pp. 177-212 http://nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc/ http://hdl.handle.net/10125/4478 The status of the least documented language families in the world Harald Hammarström Radboud Universiteit, Nijmegen and Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig This paper aims to list all known language families that are not yet extinct and all of whose member languages are very poorly documented, i.e., less than a sketch grammar’s worth of data has been collected. It explains what constitutes a valid family, what amount and kinds of documentary data are sufficient, when a language is considered extinct, and more. It is hoped that the survey will be useful in setting priorities for documenta- tion fieldwork, in particular for those documentation efforts whose underlying goal is to understand linguistic diversity. 1. InTroducTIon. There are several legitimate reasons for pursuing language documen- tation (cf. Krauss 2007 for a fuller discussion).1 Perhaps the most important reason is for the benefit of the speaker community itself (see Voort 2007 for some clear examples). Another reason is that it contributes to linguistic theory: if we understand the limits and distribution of diversity of the world’s languages, we can formulate and provide evidence for statements about the nature of language (Brenzinger 2007; Hyman 2003; Evans 2009; Harrison 2007). From the latter perspective, it is especially interesting to document lan- guages that are the most divergent from ones that are well-documented—in other words, those that belong to unrelated families. I have conducted a survey of the documentation of the language families of the world, and in this paper, I will list the least-documented ones. -
PDF Hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen
PDF hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen The following full text is a publisher's version. For additional information about this publication click this link. http://hdl.handle.net/2066/42006 Please be advised that this information was generated on 2017-12-06 and may be subject to change. Kwaza in a Comparative Perspective Author(s): Hein van der Voort Reviewed work(s): Source: International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 71, No. 4 (October 2005), pp. 365- 412 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/501245 . Accessed: 13/07/2012 09:37 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Journal of American Linguistics. http://www.jstor.org KWAZA IN A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE1 Hein van der Voort Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi In view of the previous sparsity of data, the existing claims with regard to a genea- logical classification of the Aikanã, Kanoê, and Kwaza languages of Rondônia, on the Brazilian side of the Guaporé River, are premature and unconvincing. -
Forms and Functions of Negation in Huaraz Quechua (Ancash, Peru): Analyzing the Interplay of Common Knowledge and Sociocultural Settings
Forms and Functions of Negation in Huaraz Quechua (Ancash, Peru): Analyzing the Interplay of Common Knowledge and Sociocultural Settings Dissertation zur Erlangung des Grades eines Doktors der Philosophie am Fachbereich Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften der Freien Universität Berlin vorgelegt von Cristina Villari aus Verona (Italien) Berlin 2017 1. Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Michael Dürr 2. Gutachterin: Prof. Dr. Ingrid Kummels Tag der Disputation: 18.07.2017 To Ani and Leonel III Acknowledgements I wish to thank my teachers, colleagues and friends who have provided guidance, comments and encouragement through this process. I gratefully acknowledge the support received for this project from the Stiftung Lateinamerikanische Literatur. Many thanks go to my first supervisor Prof. Michael Dürr for his constructive comments and suggestions at every stage of this work. Many of his questions led to findings presented here. I am indebted to him for his precious counsel and detailed review of my drafts. Many thanks also go to my second supervisor Prof. Ingrid Kummels. She introduced me to the world of cultural anthropology during the doctoral colloquium at the Latin American Institute at the Free University of Berlin. The feedback she and my colleagues provided was instrumental in composing the sociolinguistic part of this work. I owe enormous gratitude to Leonel Menacho López and Anita Julca de Menacho. In fact, this project would not have been possible without their invaluable advice. During these years of research they have been more than consultants; Quechua teachers, comrades, guides and friends. With Leonel I have discussed most of the examples presented in this dissertation. It is only thanks to his contributions that I was able to explain nuances of meanings and the cultural background of the different expressions presented. -
Semantic Transparency in the Lowland Quechua Morphosyntax
Semantic transparency in Lowland Ecuadorian Quechua morphosyntax1 PIETER MUYSKEN Abstract In this paper the properties of Lowland Ecuadorian Quechua, a possibly pidginized variety from this Andean indigenous language family, are eval- uated in the light of the semantic-transparency hypothesis. It is argued that the typological perspective created by looking at a wider range of languages brings some of the basic ideas developed for creole languages into focus. 1. Introduction One of Pieter Seuren’s contributions to the field of creole studies has been the idea that creoles somehow represent semantically transparent structures, as a result of their special history. Together with the late Herman Wekker, Seuren has particularly elaborated this idea in their joint 1986 paper. The dimensions of semantic transparency proposed by Seuren and Wekker (1986: 64) are uniformity, universality, and simplicity. Furthermore, Pieter Seuren has repeatedly stressed the importance of typological considerations, most recently in his Western Linguistics (1998). In this brief paper I will start to illustrate the workings of the principle of semantic transparency for the possibly pidginized Quechua of the Amazonian lowlands of eastern Ecuador, Lowland Ecuadorian Quechua (LEQ). This variety has been described by Leonardi (1966) and Mugica (1967) and is represented in texts gathered by Oberem and Hartmann (1971), but the present paper is based mostly on my own fieldwork in Arajuno (Tena province). Quechua is spoken (by more than eight million speakers) mostly in rural areas of the highlands of Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador, but small pockets of speakers are also found on the slopes of the Amazon basin of Peru, Colombia, Bolivia, and Ecuador. -
Why Speak Quechua? : a Study of Language Attitudes Among Native Quechua Speakers In
Why Speak Quechua? : A Study of Language Attitudes among Native Quechua Speakers in Lima, Peru. A Senior Honors Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for graduation with research distinction in Linguistics in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Nicole Holliday The Ohio State University June 2010 Project Advisor: Professor Donald Winford, Department of Linguistics Holliday 2 I. Introduction According to the U.S. State Department, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, there are presently 3.2 million Quechua speakers in Peru, which constitute approximately 16.5% of the total Peruvian population. As a result of the existence of a numerically prominent Quechua speaking population, the language is not presently classified as endangered in Peru. The 32 documented dialects of Quechua are considered as part of both an official language of Peru and a “lingua franca” in most regions of the Andes (Sherzer & Urban 1988, Lewis 2009). While the Peruvian government is supportive of the Quechua macrolanguage, “The State promotes the study and the knowledge of indigenous languages” (Article 83 of the Constitutional Assembly of Peru qtd. inVon Gleich 1994), many believe that with the advent of new technology and heavy cultural pressure to learn Spanish, Quechua will begin to fade into obscurity, just as the languages of Aymara and Kura have “lost their potency” in many parts of South America (Amastae 1989). At this point in time, there exists a great deal of data about how Quechua is used in Peru, but there is little data about language attitudes there, and even less about how native Quechua speakers view both their own language and how it relates to the more widely- spoken Spanish. -
Language Classification in the Ethnologue and Its Consequences (Paper)
Sarah E. Cornwell The University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada Language Classification in The Ethnologue and its Consequences (Paper) Abstract: The Ethnologue is a widely used classificatory standard for the world’s 7000+ natural languages. However, the motives and processes used by The Ethnologue’s governing body, SIL International, have come under criticism by linguists. This paper investigates how The Ethnologue answers the question “What is a language?” through the theoretical lens presented by Bowker and Star in Sorting Things Out (1999) and presents some consequences of those classificatory decisions. 1. Introduction Language is central to human culture and experience. It is the central core of our communicative capacity, running through all media of communication. Due to this essential role, there is a need to classify and count languages and their speakers1. Governments need to communicate with citizens, libraries need to catalogue books by language, and search engines need to return webpages in the appropriate language for each searcher. For these reasons among others, there is a strong institutional need for a standardized classification structure and labelling system for languages. The most widespread current classificatory infrastructure for languages is based on The Ethnologue. This essay will critically evaluate The Ethnologue using the Foucauldian theory developed for investigating classification structures by Bowker and Star (1999) in Sorting Things Out: Classification and its Consequences. 2. The Ethnologue The Ethnologue is a catalogue of all the world’s languages. First compiled in 1951, The Ethnologue is currently in its 20th edition and contains descriptions of 7099 living languages (2017). Since 1997, The Ethnologue has been available freely online and widely accessible (Simons & Fennig, 2017). -
Text Segmentation by Language Using Minimum Description Length
Text Segmentation by Language Using Minimum Description Length Hiroshi Yamaguchi Kumiko Tanaka-Ishii Graduate School of Faculty and Graduate School of Information Information Science and Technology, Science and Electrical Engineering, University of Tokyo Kyushu University [email protected] [email protected] Abstract addressed in this paper is rare. The most similar The problem addressed in this paper is to seg- previous work that we know of comes from two ment a given multilingual document into seg- sources and can be summarized as follows. First, ments for each language and then identify the (Teahan, 2000) attempted to segment multilingual language of each segment. The problem was texts by using text segmentation methods used for motivated by an attempt to collect a large non-segmented languages. For this purpose, he used amount of linguistic data for non-major lan- a gold standard of multilingual texts annotated by guages from the web. The problem is formu- lated in terms of obtaining the minimum de- borders and languages. This segmentation approach scription length of a text, and the proposed so- is similar to that of word segmentation for non- lution finds the segments and their languages segmented texts, and he tested it on six different through dynamic programming. Empirical re- European languages. Although the problem set- sults demonstrating the potential of this ap- ting is similar to ours, the formulation and solution proach are presented for experiments using are different, particularly in that our method uses texts taken from the Universal Declaration of only a monolingual gold standard, not a multilin- Human Rights and Wikipedia, covering more than 200 languages. -
Ethnologue: Languages of Honduras Twentieth Edition Data
Ethnologue: Languages of Honduras Twentieth edition data Gary F. Simons and Charles D. Fennig, Editors Based on information from the Ethnologue, 20th edition: Simons, Gary F. and Charles D. Fennig (eds.). 2017. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Twentieth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online: http://www.ethnologue.com. For personal use only Permission to distribute or reuse this work (in whole or in part) may be obtained through the Copyright Clearance Center at http://www.copyright.com. SIL International, 7500 West Camp Wisdom Road, Dallas, Texas 75236-5699 USA Web: www.sil.org, Phone: +1 972 708 7404, Email: [email protected] Ethnologue: Languages of Honduras 2 Contents List of Abbreviations 3 How to Use This Digest 4 Country Overview 6 Language Status Profile 7 Statistical Summaries 8 Alphabetical Listing of Languages 11 Language Map 14 Languages by Population 15 Languages by Status 16 Languages by Department 18 Languages by Family 19 Language Code Index 20 Language Name Index 21 Bibliography 22 Copyright © 2017 by SIL International All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, redistributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means—electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise—without the prior written permission of SIL International, with the exception of brief excerpts in articles or reviews. Ethnologue: Languages of Honduras 3 List of Abbreviations A Agent in constituent word order alt. alternate name for alt. dial. alternate dialect name for C Consonant in canonical syllable patterns CDE Convention against Discrimination in Education (1960) Class Language classification CPPDCE Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (2005) CSICH Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003) dial. -
Languages of the Middle Andes in Areal-Typological Perspective: Emphasis on Quechuan and Aymaran
Languages of the Middle Andes in areal-typological perspective: Emphasis on Quechuan and Aymaran Willem F.H. Adelaar 1. Introduction1 Among the indigenous languages of the Andean region of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, northern Chile and northern Argentina, Quechuan and Aymaran have traditionally occupied a dominant position. Both Quechuan and Aymaran are language families of several million speakers each. Quechuan consists of a conglomerate of geo- graphically defined varieties, traditionally referred to as Quechua “dialects”, not- withstanding the fact that mutual intelligibility is often lacking. Present-day Ayma- ran consists of two distinct languages that are not normally referred to as “dialects”. The absence of a demonstrable genetic relationship between the Quechuan and Aymaran language families, accompanied by a lack of recognizable external gen- etic connections, suggests a long period of independent development, which may hark back to a period of incipient subsistence agriculture roughly dated between 8000 and 5000 BP (Torero 2002: 123–124), long before the Andean civilization at- tained its highest stages of complexity. Quechuan and Aymaran feature a great amount of detailed structural, phono- logical and lexical similarities and thus exemplify one of the most intriguing and intense cases of language contact to be found in the entire world. Often treated as a product of long-term convergence, the similarities between the Quechuan and Ay- maran families can best be understood as the result of an intense period of social and cultural intertwinement, which must have pre-dated the stage of the proto-lan- guages and was in turn followed by a protracted process of incidental and locally confined diffusion.