International Journal of Korean History(Vol.8, Aug. 2005) 129

Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during the Three Kingdoms Era

Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae)*

Introduction

A multitude of studies on Silla’s 6-Pu system(the political and rulling system) have appeared since the discovery of the Silla monuments in Pongpyŏng, Ulchin County in 1988(Ulchin Pongpyŏng Sillabi) and in Naengsuri, Yŏngil County(Yŏngil Naengsuri Sillabi) in 1989. In the aftermath of these discoveries, the trend has been towards explaining the political and ruling systems of the early Three Kingdoms using the so- called the theory of Pu system.1 According to this theory, while the ability to conduct foreign affairs of these pu during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era was subjugated to that of their respective royal households, they nevertheless acted as autonomous political units which exercised a great deal of control over internal matters. Moreover, the ability of the pu to play a leading role in managing the nation’s political affairs made it possible for them to ensure their long-term survival. Furthermore, as the political and ruling structures were in effect regulated by the pu, the political system in place during the early period of the Three Kingdoms era has come to be known as a ‘Pu system’. This system was eventually abandoned in favor of a centralized political system revolving around the monarch during the middle stages of the Three Kingdoms as the increase in agricultural production brought changes to the village-based society.

* Professor, School of Liberal Arts, Gyeongju University 130 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~

While there is little debate among scholars as to the characteristics of the political system focused around the five or six pu in place during the early period of the Three Kingdoms era, or about the fact that this was eventually abandoned in favor of a centralized political system, there has been much controversy over such issues as the actual period in which the five pu of Koguryŏ and Paekche and the six pu of Silla were established; as well as about how this Pu system evolved in each kingdom. Not all of these various opinions will be mentioned here. In accordance with the theory of Pu system, this author conducted a previous study on the characteristics of the six pu in place during the early period of Silla, and of the evolution of this 6-Pu system.2 This exercise also allowed me to form my own perspective on the establishment of the 5-Pu system in place in Koguryŏ and Paekche, and about how each evolved. The present study focuses on utilizing the insight gained from my previous study on Silla to explain the characteristics of the Pu system in each of the three kingdoms, how the system developed, as well as how the transformation from a Pu system to a centralized one occurred. Based on existing studies on the topic of the Pu system, an analysis of the characteristics of the pu, the nature of the Pu system, and its evolution during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era, will be conducted. Thereafter, an attempt will be made to delve into the process through which the political system was transformed from a Pu system into a centralized one; which will then be followed by an examination of the characteristics of this centralized political system and its management. It is hoped that this study will provide some impetus for future studies on the subject of political and ruling systems during the Three Kingdoms era.

The Political System during the Early Stages of the Three Kingdoms Era and its Administration

Iron culture first began to appear in the central regions of the Yalu(Amnok) River during the 4th to 3rd centuries B.C. It was during this Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 131 period that a few Na(那, polities) began to appear along the streams and valleys which surrounded the area. These included the Piryuna(Sono), Yeonna(Jeollo), Kwanna(Kwanno), Hwanna(Sunno), which, along with other small Na, eventually emerged as powerful regional polities. It was somewhat after this period, somewhere between the 2nd to 1st century B.C., that the most powerful of these Na united around Piryuna to form the Koguryŏ confederation. It was during this period as well that the Kyeru faction began a march southwards from Puyŏ that would eventually conclude with its settling down in the valleys which longed the midstream areas of the Yalu River, and in the leader of the Kyeru faction, Chumong’s, subjugation of the Piryuna and subsequent ascension to the throne.3 The Chinese referred to Piryuna, three other local power groups, and the Kyeoru faction as the five pu, an appellation which carried over into the Koguryŏ era. While it is recorded in the Annals of Paekche(Paekche pon΄gi) section of the that an administrative structure based on five pu had already been established during the reign of King Onjo, such an assertion is hard to believe. It is assumed that Paekche’s five pu were on regional power polities which had relocated from Koguryŏ and Puyŏ to the areas along the Han River. More to the point, these five pu are believed to have consisted of the Wirye polity led by Onjo, the Mich΄uhol polity under the leadership of Piryu, the Chin and Hae clans which were collectively known as the Northern Pu polity, and the Hŭlwu group which was called the Eastern Pu polity.4 While each of these five pu originally had their own names, no exact records of their appellations have survived down to the present. Rather, the names of the five pu found in the Annals of Paekche section of the have their origins in the latter half of the 5th century, that is, when the five pu with administrative functions were first established. As such, the authors of the simply assumed that these were the original names of the pu. In all likelihood, all or some of these factions united around the Mich’uhol polity to found Paekcheguk(伯濟國 ), one of the smaller statelets which existed within the 132 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~

Mahan confederacy, around 1 A.D.; and sometime thereafter the Wirye polity led by Onjo overthrew the Mich΄uhol polity to seize the reigns of power. The official name of Paekcheguk was changed to the Kingdom of Paekche presumably in the mid- to late 3rd century during the reign of King Koi as Paekche completed its takeover of the Mahan confederacy by subjugating Mokchi. On the other hand, the foundation myth of Silla as interpreted in the Annals of Silla(Silla pon΄gi) section of the stresses that the kingdom was founded by Pak Hyŏkkŏse, who had himself been elevated to the status of ‘exalted one’ by six other village chiefs. Thus, if this was in fact the case, the main force behind the foundation of Silla was in fact these six ch΄on(村; villages). However, because the term ch΄on only began to be used in Silla in the latter half of the 4th century, and terms such as “Hwe” or “Sahwe,” which had long been used as a term to denote large-scale fields, were also applied to political entities located in the Kyŏngju area,5 the main force behind the foundation of Silla was in all likelihood not ‘six ch΄on’ but six pu groups, including the Hwe and Sahwe pu.6 The collapse of Old Chosŏn(Kojosŏn) had the effect of forcing much of its population, as well as a large number of Chinese, to relocate to the Kyŏngju area. There is a strong likelihood that these newcomers to the Kyŏngju area joined forces with native groups to form a number of regional polities whose power bases were situated in the main fields in the Kyŏngju area. While there is no way to know for sure how many of these regional polities were formed, there is a strong probability that the six main local forces which eventually emerged were formed as a result of the formation and dissolution of these various regional polities over time. The six main local forces which emerged can be identified as Hwe(Ryang), Sahwe(Saryang), Chamhwe(Moryang or Chŏmryang), Ponp΄i, Sap΄i(Sŭbpi), and Han΄gi. Although the assertion that these six regional polities with the Hwe at the forefront, united to found Silla cannot be proven conclusively, there is a general consensus that all of these six regional polities did exist in the Kyŏngju area at the same time, that is, during the latter half of the 3rd Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 133 century. Moreover, it was from this point on that these began to be referred to as the six pu.7 The early stage of the Three Kingdoms era was one which saw the unification of these five or six pu within each of the three kingdoms. During this initial stage, each pu consisted of several smaller regional polities which were referred to as “punaebu(部內部),” and characterized by their rather complex internal hierarchy. The leadership positions within each pu were hereditarily passed down from generation to generation, with the actual management-related matters handled by independently appointed government officials. For example, in the Koguryŏ section of the it is written that only the king, along with the Taega(main leaders), had the power to appoint individuals to bureaucratic positions such as ‘Saja,’ ‘Choŭi,’ and ‘Sŏnin;’ and that the leaders of each of the five pu were considered to be among the Taega. Moreover, a similar pattern existed in Silla, where the king and pu leaders possessed the right to appoint bureaucrats such as “Ilbŏl,” “Ich΄ŏk,” and “Ach΄ŏk.” A similar pattern must also have been in place in Paekche. During the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era, the leader of the most powerful pu was the individual who became king and emerged as the symbol of the entire state. In most cases, the king possessed sole control over foreign relations and military matters, as well as the right to interfere in the administration of individual pu whenever he deemed fit. For example, Koguryŏ kings are known to have exercised control over the Ch΄aekkuru(幘溝漊), where trade with the Han dynasty was conducted, and to have placed the handling of foreign relations under their immediate control. 8 Moreover, the king had to approve any new government officials which were appointed by the pu. Furthermore, there are also recorded instances in which the king disciplined pu leaders who had been accused by the people of excessive exploitation.9 In the case of Silla, the military forces requisitioned by each of the six pu were placed under the direct control of the king, and served as the basic military force used to conquer surrounding smaller states. On the other hand, as the leaders of 134 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~ the ‘punaebu’ which existed within each pu also enjoyed wide ranging autonomy over internal matters, pu leaders, like the king, in effect represented both the entire pu as well as the various punaebu. In other words, these pu leaders enjoyed a central yet multilayered degree of representativeness. The early stages of the Three Kingdoms era was marked by the presence along the borders of each kingdom of subordinate groups (smaller statelets or village groups) which paid tribute to the various pu groups that served as the founding structure for each kingdom. Representative examples of such groups included East Okchŏ(Tong Okchŏ) and Tongye in the case of Koguryŏ, both of which were under the complete control of the five pu and were expected to pay hefty tribute.10 Meanwhile, the smaller states of Chinhan formed the backbone of Silla’s tributary system, while smaller Mahan states played the same role in the case of Paekche. However, the Paekche case is somewhat unique in that most of these smaller statelets, as well as Paekche itself, had originally been vassals of Mokchi before Paekche defeated the latter in the last half of the 3rd century to become the main power in Mahan. Thus, this proves that the pu groups from each of the three kingdoms possessed the characteristics of a ruling community that ruled over subordinate groups while remaining within the hierarchical structure of the state. Conversely, each of the three kingdoms was able to make use of these pu to conquer smaller statelets and village groups in their vicinity; thus facilitating the establishment of their rule over these areas. The veracity of this statement is evidenced by the fact that in the case of Koguryŏ, the Taega, which as mentioned above usually consisted of royal family members and the leaders of the various pu, oversaw the collection of the tributes which East Okchŏ was expected to pay to Koguryŏ. Some scholars have argued that these pu during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era were in effect tribes.11 While a clan is a group which is linked together by blood ties, a tribe is based on the union of a few such clans. Such societies were administered based on the blood ties which existed within the clans. In the past these pu were understood to be the Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 135 equivalent of tribes, and Koguryŏ, Silla, and Paekche were considered to have been created through the union of such tribes, or an alliance of five or six tribes.12 However, such a perception is difficult to substantiate. Tribal societies, which are based on blood ties, are for all intents and purpose equal. However, as the social stratification process was already at work during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era, various classes had by that point already been formed within each pu. For instance, one could by this point already find two classes, the Homin and Haho, within Puyŏ village communities.13 While the term Homin appears to have been used to refer to the landed class, Haho was a term which was originally used by the Han dynasty to refer to extremely poor agrarian families.14 As such, the term Haho must have been used in Puyŏ to refer to extremely poor individuals. In addition, one also found a great number of servants within Puyŏ as well. Therefore, Puyŏ society was one that was highly stratified, as exhibited by the presence of a variety of classes ranging from the ruling class that controlled the community, to the Homin, Haho, and servants. Similar circumstances must have prevailed within Koguryŏ, whose traditions were similar to those of Puyŏ.15 The process of social stratification was in all likelihood slower in the case of Paekche and Silla, which were located in the central to southern parts of the Korean peninsula, than was the case in Koguryŏ and Puyŏ. In particular, the general belief is that the division of the residents of these two kingdoms’ village communities into Homin and Haho may not have been as apparent as was the case elsewhere. However, Paekche and Silla grew to respectively become the most influential powers in the Mahan and Chinhan areas. Furthermore, both of these kingdoms followed up their conquest of neighboring statelets by establishing dominant power- vassal state relations with the latter. As a result, there is a real possibility that the process of social stratification occurred much more rapidly in Paekche’s five pu and Silla’s six pu than was the case in the other smaller statelets in the Samhan area. Nevertheless, as a class structure was already at work within each pu during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era, these can hardly be viewed as having been tribes. Rather, the pu appear to 136 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~ have possessed the characteristics of regional polities which were newly formed in the aftermath of the dissolution of tribal society. Thus, should these pu be viewed as having belonged to the chiefdom stage? Several scholars have argued that some of the smaller statelets such as Chona, Chuna which were conquered by Koguryŏ during the reign of King Taejo should be viewed as chiefdoms.16 I do not fundamentally disagree with this position. In this regards, Chona and Chuna can be understood as having been similar to the punaebu, which as mentioned above were smaller-scale political entities within the pu themselves, or even Na(那). The five pu were thus in essence regional polities which were formed by the union of several of these smaller political entities. Given that Silla has its origins in Saro, one of the smaller statelets which made up the Chinhan confederacy, the kingdom can be regarded during the period immediately following its foundation as having exhibited characteristics which were similar to those of a chiefdom. However, I am of the firm opinion that the pu cannot be viewed as having borne the characteristics of a chiefdom by the time Silla reached the stage in which the six pu had formed an alliance. Let us use the case of Han΄gi pu, one of Silla’s six pu, as an example. A number of smaller local groups such as the Hanjibŏl, Maru and Hŏru existed within the confines of the Han΄gi pu. While it is impossible to know the exact size of the population, or the scope of the territory which each of these local groups occupied, we can surmise from the fact that the Maje group was referred to as the Majeguk(Maje statelet)17 that these local groups exhibited characteristics which were similar to those of the small-scale political entities known as the Na which made up each of Koguryŏ’s five pu. This would seem to indicate that the Han΄gi pu exhibited the characteristics of the small-scale political entities known as regional polities, which were in turn formed through the union of a number of local groups known as punaebu. A similar pattern must have also taken place with regards to the other pu as well. The argument that each pu had the characteristics of a chiefdom is thus greatly weakened by the fact that the various local groups which could be found within Silla’s Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 137 six pu were in essence the equivalent of the Na entities within Koguryŏ. While the five or six pu which formed alliances to create Koguryŏ, Paekche, and Silla during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era, they did not create the typical ‘states’ advocated by the disciples of the notion of neo-evolutionism, that is, states in which power was centralized around a monarch, and in which sovereign power was encased within a bureaucratic system. Each of these states nevertheless exhibited a ruling class which had established a structure in which they utilized the mechanisms of the state to rule over the population under their control. During this period, the pu was thus an important unit in ensuring the kings of Koguryŏ, Paekche, and Silla’s direct and indirect control over their populations. This is the main reason why the pu should be seen as regional polities, rather than chiefdoms. Most researchers have tended to identify the pu as ‘unitary political units’. Such a perception has in large part been influenced by the fact that the pu not only formed the individual power units which made up the wider kingdoms to which they belonged, but also because of their status as independent political entities which exercised a great degree of autonomy over matters within the pu.18 As the kings of the three kingdoms did not exercise direct control over the populations of the various pu which made up their respective states during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era, they inevitably needed to secure the cooperation of the various pu when war or other specific internal or external matters occurred. Moreover, the fact that they were only able to exercise direct control over certain pu at certain times would have greatly reduced kings’ ability to impose a resolution when conflicts of interest emerged between the pu. This is in all likelihood why regular meetings were held within each state during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era, when each pu exhibited the characteristics of a unitary political entity, to iron out any differences which might exist between the various pu over either internal and external matters. The meetings of the leaders of Silla’s six pu and of the Chega hoeŭi in Koguryŏ can be cited as examples of such gatherings. While no precise data has ever been found to support this view, it is widely believed that the handling of state 138 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~ matters in Paekche was also based on the reaching of a consensus.19 During the initial stages of the Three Kingdoms era, the leaders of each pu took part in the meetings called to discuss state affairs, and possessed the right to voice their opinion and decide on the matters brought before the meeting. However, as the power of the monarchy expanded, a new phenomenon began to emerge in which the majority of those who took part in such meetings belonged to the same pu as the king; meanwhile, the leaders of less influential pu found themselves excluded from such gatherings. This particular aspect will dealt with in detail below. In general, the decisions reached during these meetings were announced to the general population in the form of a proclamation signed by all of those present.20 During these initial stages, important meetings dealing with the administration of the entire state were held during religious ceremonies which involved sacrificial rites to the gods. These rituals usually took the form of the capture and subsequent sacrifice of brindled cows to the gods. Thereafter, oaths appropriate to the prevailing circumstances were made, with punishment ensuing if these oaths were somehow broken.21 Thus, these sacrificial rituals during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era became the mechanism through which kings, who did not exercise absolute power in the form of total control over the pu, forced the latter to abide by the decisions made during the meetings of the leaders of the six pu or of the Chega hoeŭi. Whenever necessary, temporary meetings in which sacrificial rituals were also carried out were held to discuss pressing matters related to the management of the state. Once again, clear evidence of this practice is found in the Silla monument discovered in Pongpyŏng, Ulchin County. What’s more, viewed from the standpoint of the pu, participation in such meetings not only ensured that the king would not be able to unilaterally exercise power, but also gave them a voice in the administration of the state. While they employed several means to exercise their control over the leaders of the pu during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era, monarchs can be described as having utilized the latter as the governance unit through which control over all five or six pu groups was exercised. Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 139

Moreover, the dominant forces within each of these pu played an active role in the conquest and subsequent governance of subordinate groups. In other words, the pu served as the governing unit which allowed the king to establish control over subordinate groups. As such, the pu functioned as the major medium through which kings exercised their control over the five or six pu groups and local subordinate groups; thus meaning that the prevailing political and ruling systems was one that was based on organic linkages. It is precisely for these reasons that the political and ruling systems which were in place during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era can be inclusively defined as a Pu system.

Establishment of a Centralized Political System and its Characteristics

Changes wrought to the political system during the middle stages of the Three Kingdoms era

As seen above, the ruling structure during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era was one which was based on the notion of consensus between the king and pu leaders. However as the hierarchical relationship between the king and pu leaders began to change, so did the characteristics of the political system and the manner in which it was managed. Let us use the case of Silla to illustrate this phenomenon. During the Isagŭm period, the throne rotated between the Pak, Sŏk and Kim families. These three families, all of which belonged to the Hwe pu, exercised a major influence over the administration of state affairs.22 Although the Hwe pu was the most powerful in terms of political influence, the relationship between the six pu was not yet as hierarchically-based as it would become in later generations. As such, the leaders of each pu were able to participate in the administration of state affairs on a relatively equal footing. During the Maripkan era, the Kim royal family, which belonged to 140 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~

Hwe pu, effectively assumed control of the Sahwe pu.23 The Kim family was thus able to use its control over the Hwe and Sahwe pu to expand its influence over the conducting of state affairs. Such an assertion is supported by the fact that a large number of the government officials appointed by the king from the Hwe and Sahwe pu participated in the meetings of the six-pu leaders convened to discuss the conducting of state matters. For example, we find an inscription on the Silla monument constructed in 503 which was uncovered in Naengsuri, Yŏngil County which reads that a meeting of the six pu was held in which seven kings including Chidoro Kalmun(King Chijŭng), participated. More precisely, we find that this meeting involved three people, including Chidoro Kalmun, from the Sahwe pu, two from the Sahwe pu-controlled Hwe pu, and one each from the Ponp΄i and Sap΄i(Sŭppi) pu. Moreover, research conducted on the Silla monument built in 524 which was discovered in Pongpyŏng, Ulchin County has revealed that another such meeting took place in which six individuals, including Mojŭkchi Maegŭm(King Pŏphŭng), from the Hwe pu, another six from the king-controlled Sahwe pu, as well as one representative from the Ponp΄i and Chamhwe (Moryang) pu, took part. As such, while the leaders of the Han΄gi and Chamhwe pu did not take part in the meeting convened in 503, those from Han΄gii and Sŭppi were shut out of the 524 gathering; thus indicating that the influence of these pu was not as strong. On the other hand, given that the Hwe and Sahwe pu were under the direct control of the king during the Maripkan era, and that many aristocrats from these two pu participated in these meetings, we can surmise that the king’s political influence had by this point grown significantly. In the case of Koguryŏ, the five pu participated i n the administration of state matters on a relatively equal footing until the second half of the 2nd century. This is demonstrated in the universal participation of the Yŏnna, Kwanna, Hwanna, and Piryuna pu in the selection and subsequent assassination of King Ch΄adae.24 However, as shown in

, only individuals from the Yŏnna and Piryuna pu were appointed as ministers or to other important government positions from the latter half of the 2nd Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 141 century onwards. Thus, we can surmise that by this point, the Kyeru pu, from which the king himself hailed, as well as the Yŏnna and Piryuna pu had emerged as the main powers managing the government, while the Kwanna and Hwanna pu experienced a weakening of their influence that gradually resulted in their exclusion from the center of power.25

The links between pu and rank revealed in the Annals of Koguryŏ section of the Pu of Year Name Rank Position Remark origin 15th Year of King Kudo, Ilgu , Leader of th e Piryu Taemusin(32) Pun΄gu Piryu pu 15th Year of King Southern Ch΄ubalso Saja Taemusin(32) Pu 16th Year of King Todu Ut΄ae King Kalsa Surrendered T΄aejo(68) 20th Year of King Conquered Talga Kwanna P΄aeja T΄aejo(72) Chona 22nd Year of King Conquered Sŏlyu Hwanna P΄aeja T΄aejo(76) Chuna 80th Year of King Miyu Kwanna Ut΄ae T΄aejo(132) 80th Year of King Ŏjiryu Hwanna Ut΄ae T΄aejo(132) 80th Year of King Yangsin Piryuna Choŭi T΄aejo(132) 2nd Year of King Miyu Gwanna P΄aeja Chwabo Ch΄adae(147) 2nd Year of King Taejubu Ŏjiryu Hwanna Chwabo Ch΄adae(147) 2nd Year of King Chungoe Yangsin Piryuna Ut΄ae Ch΄adae(147) daebu 20th Year of King MyŏngnimdappuY ŏnna Choŭi Ch΄adae(165) 2nd Year of King MyŏngnimdappuY ŏnna P΄aeja Kuksang Sindae(166) 12th Year of King Chungoe Queen’s Ŏbiryu (Yŏnna) P΄aeja Kogukch΄on(190) daebu relative 12th Year of King Queen’s Chwagaryŏ (Yŏnna) Pyŏngja Kogukch΄on(190) relative 13th Year of King Anryu Eastern Taesa ja 142 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~

Pu of Year Name Rank Position Remark origin Kogukch΄on(191) Pu

4th Year of King Myungnim-ŏsu Yŏnna Ut΄ae Kuksang Tongch΄ŏn(230) Eastern 20th Year of King Yuyu Pu Kusaja Tongch΄ŏn(246)

20th Year of King Eastern Taesaja Tawu Son of Yuyu Tongch΄ŏn(246) Pu 7th Year of King Ŭmwu Piryu P΄aeja Kuksang Chungch΄on(254) 9th Year of King Pumadodow i Married to a Myŏngnim-holto Yŏnna Chungch΄on(256) princess Western 2nd Year of King Taesaja Usu Pu Sŏch΄ŏn(271)

North ern 2nd Year of King Konoja Pu Sohyŏng Sinsŏngjae Pongsang(293)

Southern 3rd Year of King Taesaja Ch΄ang-jori Pu Pongsang(294)

As we have seen above, Paekche was originally subjugated to Mokchi within the Mahan confederacy. It is widely believed that during this period the five pu, which served as the core forces behind the foundation of the kingdom, exercised a similar amount of influence and participated as equals in the administration of state affairs. This situation is made clear by

, which shows how up until the mid to late third century, the positions of Chwabo and Ubo were evenly distributed amongst individuals from the Eastern, Western and Northern pu. However, Paekche’s conquest of Mokchi and subsequent ascension as the dominant power with Mahan during the reign of King Koi in the mid to late third century saw the pu assume responsibility for collecting tributes from subordinated groups and for the general management of the region, thus resulting in the formation of the traditional 5-Pu system. A change which over time also wrought alterations to the hierarchical relationship which Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 143 existed between the pu. There are numerous examples from that point on of members of the royal families of Puyŏ, Chin, and Hae being appointed to positions such as Naesin chwap΄yŏng, Sang chwap΄yŏng and Pyŏngkwan chwap΄yŏng, as well as to positions such as Talsol, Ŭnsol and various Chwap΄yŏng positions(See ). Moreover, Kings Kŭnch΄ogo, Kŭn΄gusu, Ch΄imryu, Chinsa and Asin are all known to have taken wives from the Chin clan.26 While the royal family belonged to the Central Pu, the Hae and Chin clans belonged to the Northern Pu. It can thus be surmised that the Central Pu, from which the royal family originated, and the Northern Pu, to which the Hae and Chin clans belonged, began to play the leading role in terms of the administration of state affairs from the mid to late 3rd century onwards. Meanwhile, the other pu found themselves being gradually excluded from the center of power. As such, from the mid to late 3rd century onwards in Paekche as well, the pu to which the king belonged began to expand its political influence at the expense of the other pu. The 5-Pu system thus has its origins in this gap which emerged between the pu.

Chwabo and Ubo found in the Annals of Paekche section of the Year Names Pu of origin Rank Position Remark 2nd Year of Ŭlŭm Ubo King’s uncle King Onjo 41st Year of Ŭlŭm Ubo Posthumously awarded King Onjo

Haeru Northern Pu Ubo From Puyŏ

3rd Year of Eastern Pu Fought off the Malgal(Mohe) Hŭlwu King Taru at Mt. Masu 10th Year of Haeru Northern Pu Ubo Posthumously awarded King Taru

Hŭlwu Eastern Pu Ubo Appointed

10th Year of Hŭlwu Eastern Pu Chwabo Appointed King Taru 144 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~

Year Names Pu of origin Rank Position Remark

Chinhoe Northern Pu Ubo Appointed

21st Year of Hŭlwu Eastern Pu Chwabo Posthumously awarded King Taru 48th Year of Hoehoe Western Pu Presented with a white deer King Ch΄ogo 49th Year of The victor of the Battle of Chingwa Northern Pu King Ch΄ogo Sŏkmunsŏng Assigned to carry out both 7th Year of King Chinch΄ung Chwajangdomestic and foreign military Koi duties 9th Year of King Chil Ubo King’s uncle Koi 14th Year of Chinch΄ung Ubo Appointed King Koi Assigned to carry out military Chinmul Chwajang duties

The links between pu and rank revealed in the Annals of Paekche section of the (King Koi~King Kaero) Pu of Year Name Rank Position Remarks origin Assigned to carry out both 28th Year of King Naesin Chinka domestic and foreign Koi(261) chwap΄yŏng military duties 28th Year of King Naebŏp Udu Member of the Ko clan Koi(261) chawp΄yŏng 28th Year of King Wibŏp Kosu Koi(261) chawp΄yŏng 28th Year of King Chojŏng Konno Koi(261) chawp΄yŏng 28th Year of King Pyŏngwan Yuki Koi(261) chawp΄yŏng 9th Year of King Pyŏngwan Haegu Piryu(312) chawp΄yŏng

Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 145

Pu of Year Name Rank Position Remarks origin 18th Year of King Naesin Ubok King’s younger brother Piryu(321) chawp΄yŏng 24th Year of King Naesin Ubok Revolt Piryu(327) chawp΄yŏng 30th Year of King Naesin Chinŭi Piryu(339) chawp΄yŏng 2nd Year of King Chojŏng Chinjŏng Queen’s relative Kŭnch΄ogo(347) chawp΄yŏng 2nd Year of King Naesin Chin΄godo King’s father-in-law Kŭnch΄ogo(376) chawp΄yŏng 3rd Year of King Assigned to oversee all Chin΄gamo Dalsol Chinsa(387) administrative matters 3rd Year of King Duji Unsol Chinsa(387) 6th Year of King Pyŏngwan Chin΄gamo Chinsa(390) chawp΄yŏng 2nd Year of King Chinmu Chawjang King’s uncle Asin(393) 3rd Year of King Naesin Hong King’s step-brother Asin(394) chawp΄yŏng 7th Year of King Pyŏngwan Chinmu King’s uncle Asin(398) chawp΄yŏng 7th Year of King Sadu Chawjang Asin(398) 2nd Year of King Haech΄ung Dalsol Chŏnji(406) 3rd Year of King Naesin Yŏsin King’s relative(brother) Chŏnji(407) chawp΄yŏng 3rd Year of King Naebŏp Haesu King’s relative Chŏnji(407) chawp΄yŏng 3rd Year of King Pyŏngwan Haegu King’s relative Chŏnji(407) chawp΄yŏng Assigned to carry out both 4th Year of King Sang Yŏsin military and political Chŏnji(408) chawp΄yŏng duties 146 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~

Pu of Year Name Rank Position Remarks origin 13th Year of King Pyŏngwan Directed the construction Haegu Chŏnji(417) chawp΄yŏng of the Sakusŏng 3rd Year King Sang Yŏsin Appointed posthumously Piyu(429) chawp΄yŏng 3rd Year King Sang Haesu Appointed Piyu(429) chawp΄yŏng

These changes wrought to the pu system were caused by two factors: the growth of the royal authority, and the ever-intensifying gap between the pu in terms of their power. From that point onwards began a process in which the king, whose own power had originally been based on the pu, would ultimately deny the autonomy of the pu and subordinated groups, and reorganize the pu into administrative districts of the capital area, while subjugated smaller countries and villages were turned into local units controlled by the center. For example, in the Koguryŏ case, historical references to the Koyumyŏng(the native name of the pu) and Pangwimyŏng pu(pu named after the five directions) begin to appear during the latter half of the 2nd century. Here, it should be noted that Pangwimyŏng pu functioned as the main administrative district unit within the capital area. Over time, the ruling class of Koyumyŏng migrated to the capital area around Pangwimyŏng. While the two pu subsequently coexisted for a certain period of time, Koyumyŏng had by the latter half of the 3rd century all but ceased to exist.27 Thus, in essence, the ruling class of Koyumyŏng relocated to the central administrative district of Pangwimyŏng, where they became part of a new centralized aristocracy. During the second half of the 3rd century, the long-standing political system based on the five pu, which had for all intents and purpose acted as autonomous political units, disappeared, and was replaced by a new centralized system based on the administrative district established within Pangwimyŏng pu. As part of this process, Koyumyŏng pu was restructured into rural communities and villages to which officials with the titles of Su or Chae were dispatched from the center to govern.28 Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 147

In the Silla case, no specific changes were made to the names of the six pu throughout the history of the kingdom. Consequently, unlike Koguryŏ, one cannot use the changes in the names of the pu to explain the wider changes in their characteristics and eventual dissolution. However, the leaders of the pu continued to be referred to as Kanji up until the first half of the 6th century. For example, one finds references to a Kanji from Ponp΄i pu by the name of Tubokji kanji and another from Sap΄i pu by the name of Mosaji kanji in the Silla monument uncovered in Naengsuri, Yŏngil County; meanwhile, references to a Kanji from Ponp΄i pu by the name of □buji kanji and another from Chamhwe pu called Mihŭnji Kanji are visible on the Silla monument found in Pongpyŏng, Ulchin County. Kanji was the title given to the political leaders of the areas under Silla and Kaya control, and was the equivalent of the Chinese term ‘Wang(王)’. Accordingly, Tubokji of Ponp΄i pu and others with the title of Kanji were the hereditary and autonomous rulers of the pu. Thus, we can surmise that the transformation of the characteristics of the pu was completed by the time those who had traditionally been referred to as Kanji by the people of Ponp΄i and other such pu were absorbed into the monolithic 17-office rank system centered around the king which eventually emerged. From 530 onwards, no references to any Kanji can be found in epigraphs. There is clear evidence that the people of Moryang and Ponp΄i pu had adopted the 17-rank system by the 550s. 29 Thus, this means that sometime between the construction of the Silla monument found in Pongpyŏng, Ulchin County in 524 and the 550s, the traditional position of Kanji vanished and significant changes were wrought to the nature of the six pu. However, these changes in the characteristics of the six pu and the eventual dissolution of the 6-Pu system were directly related to the changes which took place in terms of the king’s power and status. In this regards, the creation of the position of Sangdaedŭng(Top official government rank) during the 18th year of King Pŏphŭng’s reign(531) is worthy of analysis. Prior to this change, it had been customary for the king to himself preside over the meetings convened to discuss the management of state affairs, and for a joint edict of the 148 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~ decisions made to be published. However, this all changed with the creation of the position of Sangdaedŭng, who was assigned to preside over these meetings in lieu of the king. From that point on, the Taedŭng became the main participants in these meetings, with the Sangdaedŭng charged with reporting the matters discussed to the king, who then conveyed these decisions to the people in an edict which he himself signed. The adoption of such a national management style featuring the Sangdaedŭng marked the completion of the rise of the monarch as the top person in terms of the management of national affairs. The changes wrought to the standing of the king can be viewed through the different manner in which they were referred to after 530; as such, whereas they had in the past been referred to as ‘Maegŭmwang’, or king amongst kings, they were now called ‘taewang,’ or ‘t΄aewang’.30 Thus, the tradition of recording the name of the pu to which the king belonged disappeared as the latter’s power and representativeness expanded to encompass the entire state. These changes in the status of the king and in the manner in which his name was recorded in official documents compiled after 530 are closely related to the curtailment of individual pu’s autonomy and their subsequent reorganization as the administrative units of the national capital. These changes in the characteristics of the six pu in effect signaled the subjugation of the six-pu system. It was around this period as well that Silla completed the territorialization process which had begun at the end of the 4th century. Clear evidence of the fact that Paekche guaranteed the autonomy of the Han and Ye groups within its territory up until the first half of 5th century can be found in the Sumyoinyŏnho(守墓人烟戶, list of guardians of the tomb) section of the Monument to King Kwanggaet΄o(Kwanggaet΄o wangnŭngbi).31 The formal absorption of the areas under Paekche control and dispatch of central officials to oversee their administration occurred during the reign of King Kaero. During this period, all regions were reorganized into new units known as Tamno(district), with the king’s sons or relatives dispatched to oversee their administration. The fact that individuals who were referred to as Wang(王) or Hu(侯) began to be Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 149 dispatched to oversee the administration of the Tamno from the reign of King Kaero onwards validates this point. 32 However, in the case of Koguryŏ and Silla, the reorganization of the pu into the administrative districts of the capital took place alongside these fledgling states’ incorporation of outlying areas into their territories, and their subsequent establishment of direct control over these newly incorporated regions through the dispatch of officials from the center. Thus, the implementation of the Tamno system, which marked the consolidation of the local governance structure, can be said to be directly related to the changes in the characteristics of the five pu.

Characteristics and management of the centralized political system

The major change in the political system which took place during the mid stages of the Three Kingdoms era, the dissolution of the Pu system, involved the major forces from each pu being incorporated vertically into a unitary rank-based system in which the king occupied the top position. During the early stages of Koguryŏ, both the king as well as the Taega, which included the leaders of each pu, possessed the right to appoint individuals to the position of Saja, Choŭi, and Sŏnin. Moreover, the leaders and ruling class of each pu could also be appointed to the rank of P΄aeja or Ut΄ae by the king. As such, during its early stages, Koguryŏ’s rank system was both pluralistic and stratified.33 However, as shown in

, from the second half of the 2nd century onwards, officials belonging to Pangwimyŏng pu, which was situated within the capital, began to be granted the ranks of Taesaja, Kusaja and Sohyŏng. Here, the term Kusaja should be seen as either a misrepresentation of Taesaja or as another word for T΄aedaesaja. The ranks of Taesaja, Kusaja, and Sohyŏng were not employed during the early stages of Koguryŏ. Rather, these ranks appear to have become part of the lexicon when the ruling class of Koyumyŏng pu were relocated to Pangwimyŏng pu during the second half of the 2nd century. In this regard, the Koryŏ section of the , one of China’s historical 150 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~ annals, contains some interesting information. As such, we find in its pages that Taedaero, T΄aedaehyŏng, Taehyŏng, Sohyŏng, Ŭisasa, Ojol, T΄aedaesaja, Taesaja, Sosaja, Yoksa, Yesok, Sŏnin, Yoksal were some of the ranks which were employed within Koguryŏ. Here, the term Yoksal was used to refer to local officials and as such can hardly be included as a rank. Meanwhile, Ŭisasa can be perceived as another term for Sangwisaja, Ojol for Chubu, Yoksa for Palwisaja, and Yesok for Chehyŏng. The ranks described in the Koryŏ section of the imply that at some point in time a new rank system was created in Koguryŏ which was centered on the various Saja and Hyŏng ranks. As references to the ranks of Taesaja and Sohyŏng can be found in historical documents from the second half of the 2nd century onwards, this new structure must have been established sometime between then and the first half of the 4th century. Strikingly, the great majority of the individuals who received these new ranks belonged to Pangwimyŏng pu. Moreover, the does not contain any references to the autonomous right of the Taega to appoint Saja, Choŭi, Sŏnin. This suggests that from the 4th century onwards, the Taega were no longer able to bestow ranks. This in turn confirms that the newly formed rank system put in place sometime after the later half of the 2nd century was a unitary structure which was centered around the king. Thus, the king of Koguryŏ established a new unified hierarchical rank system in which he occupied the top position, a process which involved the transformation of the Napu areas into local government districts. Meanwhile, Paekche’s rank system consisted of 16 ranks. In the Annals of Paekche section of the it is written that this 16-rank system was established during the 27th year of King Koi’s reign; however, such a claim is dubious at best. As can be seen in , Sol types of ranks began to appear alongside the position of Chwapyŏng during the 3rd year of King Chinsa’s reign(387). Conversely, in the one finds a reference to the rank of Ŭnsol in a record from the 23rd year of Emperor Keitai(529),34 as well as a depiction of officials who received the ranks of Hansol, Nasol, Tŏksol, Sitŏk, Kotŏk, Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 151

Kyetŏk, and Taetŏk in the February entry of the 15th year of Emperor Kimmei(554). 35 A closer look at the sections of the dealing with Paekche reveals that a rank system which encompassed the Chwapyŏng, Sol, and Tŏk types of ranks had already been organized by the early to mid 6th century. Moreover, a comparison of the historical records dealing with the Paekche rank system found in the and leads one to surmise that the various Chwapyŏng, Sol, and Tŏk ranks were established in an incremental fashion. The first Chinese historical source in which all of Paekche’s 16 ranks are included is the . As the section of the dealing with Paekche only relates happenings up until the 7th year of Sŏnjŏng(578), the conclusion can be reached that the last of the 16 ranks were established by the second half of the 6th century. In this regard, there is also a need to identify the period in which military ranks such as Mundok, Mudok, Chwagun, Chinmu, and Kŭku were organized. Unlike the various Sol and Tŏk ranks, the names given to the Military ranks, were more Chinized. Traditionally, the rank of Chinmu has been understood as being the equivalent of the Southern Song dynasty’s rank of Changgun(general).36 Thus, based on the fact that Paekche only began to carry out exchanges with Southern Song dynasty during the first half of the 5th century, we can conclude that the rank of Chinmu was established sometime after that. Moreover, the possibility that the various military ranks, including that of Chinmu, were adopted in the second half of the 5th century is greatly increased when we consider the fact that Paekche petitioned the king of Southern Song to have the right to appoint individuals to the rank of ‘Changgun(general)’ during the reign of King Kaero. Thus, the process of establishing the various Chwapyŏng, Sol, Tŏk, and Military types of ranks begun during the reign of King Koi was completed with the emergence of all 16 ranks by the latter half of the 5th century. In other words, Paekche’s traditional Pu system was abandoned during King Kaero’s reign in favor of a centralized political system that revolved around the king. It is thus assumed that it was during this period that the ruling class of the five pu were incorporated into a unified 152 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~ hierarchical system within which the king occupied the top echelon and the 16-rank structure was completed. Silla’s unified rank system consisted of 17 ranks. In this regard, it is believed that this system was fully in place by the 7th year of King Pŏphung’s reign(520). This 17-rank system can be subdivided into Kanji, Nama and Taesa or its lower one type of ranks. During the Isagŭm era, one could find certain ranks such as Ilbŏl, Ilch΄ŏk, and Ach΄ŏk that were lower than Kan. However, the rank system was altered somewhat as part of the move towards a hierarchal unitary rank system in which the king occupied the top position with the creation of Kanji type ranks such as Ilbŏl kanji,(Yibŏlch΄an), Ilch΄ŏk kanji(Yich΄an), Ach΄ŏk kanji(Ach΄an) during the Maripkan era. Those who originally had the rank of Kanji bestowed upon them were in all likelihood members of the royal family or close confidants of the king himself; however, it is believed that over time the rank of Nama was created in order to expand the scope of those with ranks to include those who could not receive the rank of Kanji. While the ranks of Yibŏlch΄an, Yich΄an, P΄ajinch΄an, Ach΄an, Ilgilch΄an, Sach΄an, Kŭpch΄an and Nama were already in place by the time the Silla monument was erected in Naengsuri in 503, other ranks such as Chapch΄an, Taeach΄an, and Taenama were in turn established by approximately 520, thus completing the 17-rank system. The growth in the political influence of the king which took place during this period made it necessary to increase the number of officials overseeing the management of the numerous administrative tasks. Moreover, the number of officials needed to rule over local populations also increased as the process of incorporating outlying areas into the state intensified. As such, the incremental manner in which the Nama and other lower ranks were established must have proceeded in accordance with the stratification of classes which limited the status to which one could aspire.37 However, those who were included within this 17-rank system which came into place in or around 520 were for the most part from the Hwe and Sahwe pu. It was not until 530 that the members of the ruling class of all six pu were included within this 17-rank system, a denouement that Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 153 coincided with the alteration of the nature of the pu, which ceased to function as autonomous political units and became administrative districts of the capital area. As such, the leaders of Ponp΄i and the other pu can be understood as having accepted to become meritorious subjects in exchange for access to the 17-rank system. Meanwhile, the ruling class in local areas, which were excluded from this rank system, was grouped together into a separate rank structure known as the Oewi system. The first reference to this Oewi system can be found on the Silla monument uncovered in Ulchin County. It appears that the ranks associated with this Oewi system were established at the same time as the 17 rank-system was completed in 520(7th year of King Pŏphŭng). The ranks which fell under this Oewi system included Akkan, Sulgan, Kogan, Kwigan, Ch΄an΄gan, Sanggan, Hakan(or Kan), Ilbŏl, Ilch΄ŏk, P΄iil, and Ach΄ŏk. In the end, the six-pu system was dissolved, with the ruling class from each of the six pu incorporated into the Kyŏngwi,(17 rank system), and the ruling class from the local areas grouped into the above-mentioned Oewi system; thus meaning that all of the members of the ruling class of Silla had been incorporated within a hierarchal unitary rank system centered around the king. As part of this transformation, the monarchy assumed the reigns of power, while all government officials took on the attributes of meritorious subjects whose ranks were assigned by the king. The emergence of this stage in which the king’s power became supreme, while all government officials were made subordinate to him, can be defined as marking the onset of a centralized political system in which the king held the reigns of power. Although the traditional practice of seeking a consensus when it came to the management of state matters continued unabated after the collapse of the pu system, the methods of arriving at such an agreement were different. In the case of Silla, where, as we saw above the pu system was dissolved in the 530s, the leaders of the six pu were replaced by the king- appointed Taedŭung as the main participants in the meetings of the Hwabaek council. The meetings of this Hwabaek council were held in places such as the Namdang(南堂), Chŏngsadang(政事堂), and Sayŏngji(四 靈地). While the Sangdaedŭng presided over the meetings held in the 154 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~

Chŏngsadang, whenever necessary, the king himself oversaw the Hwabaek meetings held in the Namdang. The matters resolved during these meetings were announced in the form of a royal edict signed by the king. As the central administrative offices needed to execute the matters decided upon during these Hwabaek meetings had yet to be fully formed during the middle stages of the Three Kingdoms era, the various Taedŭng divided up the relevant tasks amongst themselves. Amongst the Taedŭng responsible for the execution of the relevant tasks were the Chŏndaedŭng, a deputy secretary of the P΄umju(禀主), Sadaedŭng, a minister from the Sogyŏng(小京, Minor capital), and Chuhaeng sadaedŭng, who was assumed to have assisted the Kunju(軍主) and overseen the entire administration of the Chu(州). During this period, the Sangdaedŭng played the key role in assisting the king in his capacity as the individual charged with overseeing the administration of all national affairs. The formation of a centralized bureaucratic structure was begun during the 5th year of Queen Chindŏk’s reign and completed in the unified era during King Sinmun’s reign. Thereafter, the matters decided during Hwabaek meetings were executed by centralized administrative bodies such as the Chipsabu.38 Meanwhile, the Chaesang replaced the Taedŭng as the core members of the Hwabaek meetings, while the Sangjaesang(first-rank Prime Minister), who was made responsible for the management of state affairs, took over from the Sangdaedŭng the role of presiding over these meetings.39 There is a strong likelihood that in the Koguryŏ case as well, the dissolution of the five pu system resulted in a key change in the composition of those who took part in the meetings to discuss matters related to the management of the state, with the king’s meritorious subjects taking over this duty from the leaders of the five pu.40 The Taedaero was the individual who oversaw these meetings in the Koguryŏ case, and it is believed that the specific methods used to administer state matters after 530 were not very different from those employed in Silla. Moreover, the methods used in connection with the management of national affairs in Paekche in the period following the dissolution of the Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 155 pu system are also believed to have been very much in line with what took place in the other two kingdoms as well. In the Paekche case, meetings to discuss national matters were convened in either the Namdang(南堂) or Chŏngsaam(政事巖). While the king presided over the meetings held in the Namdang, those who took part in the meetings convened within the Chŏngsaam during the Sabi era consisted of meritorious subjects such as the Sangjwap΄yŏng(first-rank chwap΄yŏng), Chungjwap΄yŏng(second-rank chwap΄yŏng) and Hachwap΄yŏng(third- rank chwap΄yŏng), with records indicating that it was the Sangjwap΄yŏng who oversaw these meetings. In an entry found in Volume 19 of the written in December of the 4th year of Emperor Kimmei’s reign, King Sŏngmyŏng is depicted as widely displaying the(Japanese emperor’s) edict and asking his retainers, “What do you think we should do with such an edict?” Thereafter, we are told that a Sangjwap΄yŏng by the name of Sataekkiru, the Chungjwap΄yŏng Mokhyŏpmana, as well as the Hachwapyŏng Mokyunkwi, and the Tŏksol Birimakko, Tongsŏngdoch΄ŏn, Mokhyŏpmaesun, Kuksuta and Yŏnbisŏnna held a meeting to discuss this matter, before proceeding to convey their decision to the king. Upon hearing their opinion, King Sŏngmyŏng is said to have retorted, “I agree with the conclusion that you my loyal retainers have arrived at,” and to have implemented their recommendation. We can surmise from this particular case that the Sangjwap΄yŏng was the one who undertook the task of presenting the mutually agreed upon decision to the king, who in turn announced this decision in the form of a royal edict. It appears that state affairs were handled in such a manner not only during the Sabi era, but also during the period spanning from the dissolution of the five-pu system up until the Ungjin era. During the Sabi era, there were 22 administrative bodies responsible for the implementation of the decisions made during the Namdang and Chŏngsaam meetings.41 In addition to the changes in the manner in which the state was managed in the aftermath of the dissolution of the pu system, changes were also wrought to the previous tribute and ruling structure in which the pu groups collected tribute from subordinated groups under their control; 156 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~ these changes took the form of the incorporation of local areas into the state, and the establishment of direct central control through the dispatch of regional governors. Koguryŏ dismantled its subordinate group structure in the second half of the 3rd century, replacing it with a new system in which direct control was established over these areas by designating them as local Sŏng or Kok units. This change also involved the dispatch of officials from the central government with the title Su(or Susa) or Chae to oversee the administration of these areas. In general, Su(or Susa) were dispatched to areas which were situated near main transportation arteries connecting the capital area to the region along the East Sea coast, Puyŏ, Liaotung and the Han River valley.42 This two-tier local ruling structure based on the Su and Chae was expanded from the 6th century onwards to a three-tier system that was based on the positions of Yoksal, Ch΄ŏryŏkŭnji and Ruch΄o. Yoksal was the title used to refer to the officials from the central government who were dispatched to the Taesŏng(large fortress) area, which included Chaeksŏng in the Tumen River basin; Hansŏng situated in the Chaeryŏng area of Hwanghae Province; Piyŏlhol located in Anbyŏn, Kangwŏn Province; and the Yongdam Fortress located in the Sunghwa River basin, which had once served as the capital of Puyŏ; and the Kŏnansŏng on the Liaotung Peninsula. The Yoksal were not only endowed with civilian administration rights but also exercised control over military matters within the entire area as well as over the local Sŏng to which Ruch΄o had been dispatched. Meanwhile, the Ch΄ŏryŏkŭnji were officials dispatched to smaller-scale Sŏng than the ones to which the Yoksal were dispatched; however, they exercised both civilian and military control over the area to which they were dispatched. Moreover, the Ch΄ŏryŏkŭnji were not under the control of the Yoksal, but did have several Rucho under them. Finally, the Ruch΄o were officials dispatched to smaller Sŏng than the ones to which Yoksal and Ch΄ŏryŏi kŭnj were sent who were under their larger counterparts’ direct control.43 Paekche began the process of classifying local areas into Tamno units in the second half of the 5th century, with members of the royal family, aristocrats, and their offspring dispatched to these areas to administer Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 157 them. However, it was not until the Sabi era that a comprehensive local ruling structure was put in place.44 At that time, Paekche divided its entire territory into 5 Pang and proceeded to dispatch Pangryŏng to the 5 major Pangsŏng, which consisted of Kosasŏng(situated in the modern-day District of Kobu in the city of Chŏngup, Chŏnbuk Province); Tŭkansŏng(Ŭnjin District, Nonsan, Chungnam Province); Kuchihasŏng (City of Namwŏn or Kurye County, Chŏnbuk or Chŏnnam Province, or Changsŏng County, Chŏnnam Province); Tosŏnsŏng(?); and Ungjinsŏng (City of Kongju, Ch΄ungnam Province). Those appointed to the position of Pangryŏng were usually individuals whose rank was higher than that of Talsŏl; moreover, those who were appointed to this position were usually placed in charge of a military force consisting of 700-1,200 people. Below each of these Pang were anywhere between 6-10 Kun, with 3 Kunjang dispatched from the center to administer each of these units. While the Kun was in effect a new version of the Tamno set up to improve the efficiency of local rule, the Kunjang usually came from individuals of the rank of Tŏksol or higher. Below the Kun was a smaller administrative unit known as the Sŏng to which Sŏngju or Tosa were dispatched. During the Maripkan era, Silla not only further strengthened its control over subjugated local groups, but also began to incorporate smaller statelets and village groups into the state itself. This rush to incorporate territory during the second half of the 5th century was in great part fueled by the need to build fortresses in border and strategic areas to prepare for an anticipated southward invasion by Koguryŏ. 45 This process of incorporating local areas into the central state was completed by the first half of the 6th century. In this regard, most scholars, including myself, have long perceived that the demarcation of the Chu-Kun-Hyŏn during the 6th year of King Chichŭng’s reign in effect marked the onset of the comprehensive enforcement of the Chu-kun system. However, as no references to the term ‘Kun’ can be found on Silla-era monuments from that period, such as the one uncovered in Ulchin County, doubts have been raised as to whether the Chu-Kun system was in fact fully in place 158 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~ by the 6th year of King Chichŭng’s reign.46 Rather, the first reference to the term ‘Kun’ can be found on the monument commemorating the construction of the Myŏnghwal Fortress(Myŏnghwal sansŏng chaksŏngbi) built in 551.47 Moreover, in the Annals of Silla section of the one finds a reference to the fact that the Han River area was occupied during the 14th year of King Chinhŭng ’s reign(553), and that Sinju was established that same year. Such a claim is based on the premise that the original Silla territory had already by this point been divided into districts known as Sangju and Haju. With regards to the timeframe in which the Chu-Kun system was fully implemented, attention should be focused on the 530’s when the leaders of Ponp΄i and other pu were incorporated within the new 17-rank system, and the six pu were reorganized as administrative districts of the capital area. It was also from that point on that the six pu began to be considered as part of the capital. The comprehensive implementation of the Chu-Kun system has long been presumed to have occurred when the entire territory, with the exception of the capital area, were divided into Chu-Kun-Ch΄on units. Therefore, the timeframe in which the six pu went from being autonomous political units to becoming administrative districts of the nation’s capital was closely linked to the comprehensive implementation of the Chu-Kun system during the 530’s. In other words, the comprehensive implementation of the Chu-Kun system is intricately linked to the establishment of a local ruling structure that was based on the pu unit.48 Silla dismantled local subordinated statelets and village groups and proceeded to reorganize these areas into Kun or Ch΄on(Sŏng) units. The entire nation was then divided, with the capital at the center, into Sangju and Haju. Shortly afterwards, a new Chu known as ‘Sinju’ was added when the Han River basin was incorporated into Silla territory. During the middle stages of the Three Kingdoms era, Silla dispatched Kunju to the main Sŏng within each Chu, as well as to strategic locations along the East coast, with these officials endowed with the control of all civil and military affairs within the Chu. Within each Chu one found several smaller Kun units, inside of which in turn were several Ch΄on and Sŏng. Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 159

While local governors were in general not dispatched to Kun, Tangju, Nadu and Tŏsa -level officials were dispatched to Ch΄on and Sŏng in accordance with the characteristics of a particular unit. Thus, while the Tangju and Nadu were dispatched to points of military importance or remote regions, the Tosa was usually in charge of the collection of taxes.49 As such, by the mid-stages of the Three Kingdoms era, Koguryŏ, Paekche, and Silla had revoked the right to self-governance of subordinated smaller statelets and village groups located on the outskirts of their territory, and established direct control over these local areas. Such a ruling structure can be classified as a centralized territorial state system.

Conclusion

To this point, we have looked into the nature of the pu system which was in place during the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era, the process through which this pu system was abandoned in favor of a centralized political system, as well as the characteristics and the manner in which the latter was administered. In lieu of a conclusion, let me rather summarize the main points discussed above. During the early stages of the Three Kingdoms era, Koguryŏ and Paekche’s five pu and Silla’s six pu were composed of several social classes; moreover, each of these kingdoms was in essence a collection of local groups which existed within a hierarchical structure that included several smaller scale political structures known as punaebu which could be found within each pu. Furthermore, while each pu exercised autonomy with regards to the conducting of internal affairs, they nevertheless recognized the king’s political primacy, such that each pu in effect functioned as the subordinated political units of each state. Furthermore, each pu had its own ruling structure and ruling class which governed matters within its territorial jurisdiction. The political system in place at this time can thus be referred to as a five- or six-pu system in that the 160 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~ political system of each kingdom had the pu as its basic political unit. While this pu system is widely believed to have been in place in Koguryŏ by the 2nd to 1st century B.C., it was implemented in Paekche at the beginning of the Christian era; meanwhile, this system did not take root in Silla until the second half of the 3rd century. A serious power imbalance began to emerge between the various pu in the second half of the 2nd century in the Koguryŏ case, in the mid to late 3rd century in the case of Paekche, and in the mid to late 4th century in Silla. Thereafter, the growth of the political influence of the pu with close links to the king put in motion the process that would eventually result in the dissolution of the pu system. To this end, Koguryŏ five-pu system had been completely abolished by the second half of the 3rd century, replaced with a centralized political system in which the king occupied the top echelon. It was during this period that Koguryŏ began the process of incorporating smaller subjugated statelets and villages into the state and reorganizing these local areas into Sŏng or Kok units to which Su(or Susa) or Chae-level officials were dispatched. For its part, as Paekche undertook the task of reorganizing its subordinated local groups into Tamno units in the second half of the 5th century, it is estimated that this was also the period in which the fundamental characteristics of the five pu were altered to the point where the pu system was abandoned in favor of a centralized political system. In the 530s, King Pŏphŭng, who already exercised direct control over the Hwe and Sahwe pu, expanded his power to gain control over all of the pu, which had to this point functioned as autonomous political units, and began the process of reorganizing them into administrative districts of the capital. It was thus during this period that the six-pu system was replaced with a centralized political system. Meanwhile, it was around that time as well that Silla began the task of reorganizing the smaller statelets and village groups under its control into Chu, Kun, and Ch΄on units, a process which eventually resulted in the formation of a centralized territorial state. While within each of the three kingdoms the process of doing away with the pu system involved the incorporation of the ruling class of each pu within a unitary hierarchical Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 161 rank system centered around the king, the administration of national affairs nevertheless continued to be based on the reaching of a consensus among the aristocracy even after this process had been completed. The above represents a summary of the main points discussed in this study. Given the far greater population and territory which the pu of Koguryŏ occupied, there has been much debate within academia as to whether a comparison of the characteristics of Koguryŏ and Silla’s pu can in a qualitative sense be effectuated. In this regards, a number of researchers have emphasized the point that notable differences can be discerned in terms of the nature and management of each state’s pu system. This study did not attempt to resolve these questions which will have to be addressed in the future. Rather, an attempt was made herein to organize the evolution of the political systems of the Three Kingdoms, and the process through which these were altered, in a consistent and logical fashion. From this standpoint, it is expected that the results of this study will at the very least help to forge a better understanding of the political systems which were in place in each of the Three Kingdoms.

Key Word: Pu, the Pu system, the centralized political system, the centralized territorial state system

Notes :

1 Rho T΄aedon, 1975, “The pu during the Three Kingdoms era: With a special focus on their foundation and structure(Samguk sidae ‘pu’e kwanhan yeon΄gu: Sŏngnipgwa kujorŭl chungsimŭro)” Han΄guksaron, Vol. 2, Korean History Department of Seoul National University. Most studies on the topic have tended to follow the interpretation developed by this article, which was the first to advance this theory of pu system. 2 Chŏn Tŏkchae, 1996, Silla’s 6 Pu system(Silla yukpu ch΄eje yŏn΄gu), Ilchogak. 3 Rho T΄aedon, 1999, Koguryŏ History(Koguryŏsa yŏn΄gu), Sagyechŏl, Roh writes on page 60 that the Koguryŏ confederation, with the Sono(Piryuna) group at the center, was formed sometime around 75 B.C. It is assumed that 162 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~

the Kyeru faction assumed the throne of Koguryŏ in or around 1 A.D. 4 Kwŏn Oyŏng, 1986, “ The evolution of early Paekche(Chogi Paekcheŭi sŏngjang kwachŏnge Taehan ilgoch΄al)” Han΄kuksaron, Vol. 16, Korean History Department of Seoul National University, pp. 81-92. 5 ‘Hwe(喙)’ is a Chinese character that means ‘puri’, a term which can in turn be taken to refer to a field. 6 Chŏn Tŏkchae, 1996, Silla’s Six-pu System, Ilchogak, pp. 18-20. 7 Chŏn Tŏkchae, 2003, “The rise of Silla and the six pu during the Isagŭm era(Isagŭm sigi Sillaŭi sŏngjanggwa 6 pu)”, Silla munhwa, Vol. 21. 8 The term Ch΄aekkuru refers to a small fortress which the Han dynasty built along its border with Koguryŏ; The Han would bring official clothes(chobok) and hats(ŭich΄aek) to the fortress, which the Koguryŏ king would then bring to the leaders of each pu, who would in turn provide them to the rulers of Koguryŏ as personal gifts. The Ch΄aekkuru is a salient example of how Koguryŏ kings curtailed each pu’s right to engage in separate negotiations and unified the conducting of foreign relations. 9 One pertinent case occurred during the 13th year of the reign of King Kogukch'ŏn of Koguryŏ, when two arrogant and extravagant leaders of the Yŏnna pu, Ŏpiryu and Chwa Karyŏ, used their status as relatives of the queen to recklessly seize other people’s children, fields, and property at will. Angry and indignant, the people petitioned the king for help. Enraged by what he was hearing, the king ordered the execution of these two individuals. Having gained wind of this decision Ŏpiryu and his followers rallied the forces of Yŏnna to launch a revolt, but this was eventually suppressed by the king’s forces. This case represents a salient example of how kings exercised their direct control over the rulers of the Yŏnna pu whenever the latter’s exploitation of the people reached unacceptable proportions. 10 According to the East Okchŏ section of the , Koguryŏ granted the leader(Taein) of East Okchŏ the status of Saja, and as such allowed it to enjoy autonomous government. Meanwhile, the Taega were granted complete control over the collection of tributes from East Okchŏ. Koguryŏ not only demanded tributes of ermine pelts, fish, salt, and seaweed from the people of East Okchŏ, but also expected the latter to select beautiful women to be sent to Koguryŏ as slaves or concubines. 11 Imanish Ryu, 1993, “Introduction to Silla history(Sillasa t΄ongsŏl)” Silla Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 163

History(Sillasa yŏn΄gu), Kuksŏ kanhaenghoe. 12 Kim Ch΄ŏlchun, 1952, “Dual Organization of Silla’s Ancient Society”(1st and 2nd volumes), Yŏksa hakbo, Vol. 1 and 2, 1990; Korean Ancient Society (Han΄guk kodae sahoe yŏn΄gu), Seoul National University Publication Department. 13 In the Puyŏ section of the , one finds an entry which reads, “Within the village community there were those who were referred to as Homin, and those who were referred to as Haho and treated as servants(nobok). 14 Originally, the concept of Haho used by the Han dynasty could be boiled down to tenant farmer=poor farmer. Takeda Yukio, 1967, “Haho issue as viewed through the ,” Collection of Essays of the Association of Korean Historical Studies, Vol 3, pp. 3;6-11. 15 In the Koguryŏ section of the one finds a traditional saying of the Tongye which states that while(Koguryŏ) is very similar to Puyŏ in terms of speech and customs, there are some slight differences between the two when it comes to their nature and clothes. 16 Rho T΄aedon, 2000, “The pu and the pu system during the Three Kingdoms era(Samguk sidaeŭi puwa buch΄eje)” A Collection of Treatises on Korea’s Ancient History(Han΄guk kodaesa nonch΄ong), Vol 10, p. 125. 17 In the Vol. 1, Wangnyŏk No, 1, it is written that the queen, whose last name was Kim, first name was □rye or Aerye, was the daughter of the king of Maje. 18 Rho T΄aedon, 1999, ibid., p.116. 19 There are many recorded instances during Paekche’s Sabi era in which the Chaesang gathered at a rock named ‘Chŏngsaam’ to discuss the handling of state matters. 20 There is for example an inscription found on the Silla monument unearthed in the Naengsuri area of Yŏngil County which reads that seven kings, including Chidoro Kalmun(King Chijŭng), held a meeting in which a decision was reached that hotly contested property in the Chinyima village(ch΄on) was in fact the possession of Chŏlgŏri. Subsequently, a public proclamation signed by all seven kings was produced which announced to the general population that the property in question was to be turned over to Chŏlgŏri. Similar proclamations can also be found in the Silla monument discovered in the 164 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~

Pongpyŏng area of Ulchin County. 21 The Silla monument discovered in the Pongpyŏng area of Ulchin County contains an inscription which reads that while the people of the six pu were conducting a ritual sacrifice to the gods which involved the slaughtering of brindled cows, 14 people, including Mojŭkchi Maegŭm(King Pŏphŭng) were busy taking an oath to uphold the decisions made during their meeting(Chŏn Tŏkchae, 1996, Ibid pp. 98-100). For more on the characteristics of these sacrificial rituals, please refer to Sin Chongwŏn, 1992, “Silla sacrificial rituals during the early 6th century as reflected in Silla-era monuments(Silla pimune poinŭn 6 segi ch΄o huisaeng ŭirye)” Buddhism during Early Silla(Silla ch΄ogi pulgyosa yŏn΄gu), Minjoksa. 22 Chŏn Tŏkchae, 2003, Ibid, pp. 171-183. 23 While during the period in which the term ‘Isagŭm’ was used to refer to the king, the queen’s father was appointed as Kalmunwang, a new practice was established during the period in which the title of ‘Maripkan’ was given to the king, in which the king’s brothers or relatives were given the title of Kalmunwang. As the Kalmunwang in effect represented the Sahwe pu, scholars have taken this to mean that the Sahwe pu, unlike other pu, was under the direct control of the Hwe pu to which the king belonged(Chŏn Tŏkchae, 1996, Ibid pp. 63-70). 24 During the reign of King T΄aejo, a group of men led by Miyu of Kwanna, Ŏjiryu of Hwanna, and Yangsin of Piryuna secretly conspired with the king’s younger brother Susŏng to usurp the throne. Once Susŏng(King Ch΄adae) assumed the throne, these men were put in charge of important positions such as Chwabo and Chungoedaebu. King Ch΄adae’s tyrannical rule eventually resulted in his assassination at the hands of Myŏngnimdappu of the Yŏnna pu. Thereafter, Ŏjiryu and others selected and subsequently placed King T΄aejo’s youngest brother, Baekko(King Sindae) on the throne. Thus, we can surmise from the universal participation of the Yŏnna, Kwanna, Hwanna, and Piryuna pu in the selection and subsequent assassination of King Ch΄adae that until that point in time, the five Napus participated equally in the administration of state affairs. 25 Yŏ Hokyu, 1997, Koguryŏ’s political structure during the 1st to 4th centuries(1-4 segi Koguryŏ chŏngch΄I ch΄eje yŏn΄gu), PhD Dissertation, History Department of Seoul National University, pp. 121-138. Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 165

26 Yi Kibaik, 1959, “ Analysis of the Paekche royal succession process(Paekche wangwi kyesŭnggo)”, Yŏksa hakbo, Vol. 11; 1996, History of Politics and Society in Ancient Korea(Han΄guk kodae chŏngch΄isa yŏn΄gu), Ilchogak, pp. 153-156. 27 A closer look at

reveals that while the Koyumyŏng and Pangwimyŏng pu were combined from the 13th year of King Kogukchŏn’s rule(191) onwards, all references to Koyumyŏng have disappeared by the 2nd Year of King Sŏchŏn’s reign(271). Meanwhile, Ch΄ubalso’s inclusion within the Southern Pu during the 15th year of King Taemusin’s reign(32) can be understood as being the result of a retroactive move made by ensuing generations. 28 Yŏ Hokyu, 1997, Ibid, pp. 128-138. 29 One finds a reference on the monument erected to commemorate the construction of Myŏnghwal Fortress(Myŏnghwalsansŏng chaksŏngbi) in 551 to an individual from Ponp΄i pu who possessed the rank of Kilchi(Kilsa), and on the monument to King Chinhŭng in Ch΄angnyŏng( Chinhŭng wang sŏnsubi ch΄angnyŏngbi )built in 561 to a person from Ponp΄i pu whose had attained the rank of Kŭpch΄ŭkkan. A similar example can be found in the monument to King Chinhŭng in Maunnyŏng built in 568(Chinhŭng wang sŏnsubi Maunnyŏngbi). Meanwhile, in the we find an entry which reads that King Chinhŭng ’s father-in-law, Pak Yŏngsil, was from Moryang pu. 30 On the Silla monument found in Pongpyŏng, Ulchin County built in 524 one finds a reference to King Pŏphŭng as ‘Mochŭkchi maegŭmwang’; however, on the inscription written in 535 on the Stone Monument found in Ch΄ŏnjŏnri, Ulchu County he is referred to as ‘Sŏngbŏphŭng t΄aewang’, while in another inscription on the same monument written in 539 he is called ‘Mochŭkchi T’aewang’. 31 On the Monument to King Kwanggaet΄o built in 414 one finds an inscription in which the people of the 58 fortresses(sŏng) and more than 700 villages which Koguryŏ seized from Paekche are referred to as belonging to the Han and Ye groups. This would seem to indicate that while they were able to function as autonomous fortress or local units, these Han and Ye groups were nevertheless under the control of Paekche. 32 One can find an entry in the Paekche section of the < Songshu(宋書)> which reads that during the reign of King Kaero, Paekche petitioned the Song 166 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~

dynasty to have the right to appoint a number of individuals to the position of Chwa-Wu Hyŏnwang as well generals. Meanwhile, the contains an entry which states that in 472 General Yŏrye of Paekche, who carried the title of Kwandong changgun pumadowi pulsahu, traveled to Northern Wei carrying a confidential letter from King Kaero. Some of the research which supports the argument that the Tamno system was enforced during the reign of King Kaero include, Kim Yŏngsim, 1997, “Paekche’s local ruling system,” PhD Dissertation, History Department of Seoul National University. 33 Rho T΄aedon, 1999, Ibid, pp. 149-156. 34 Vol.17, 23rd year of Emperor Keitai. 35 Vol.19, February of the 15th year of Emperor Kimmei. 36 Kim Yŏngsim, 1998, “The establishment of Paekche’s rank system and its management(Paekche kwandŭngjeŭi sŏngnipgwa unyŏng)”, Kuksakwan nongch΄ŏng Vol. 82, National History Compilation Committee, pp. 109-110. 37 For more on the consolidation of Silla’s 17-rank system, please refer to Chŏn Tŏkchae , 1996, Ibid, pp. 121-132. 38 Some of the administrative bodies which were established during the period spanning from the establishment of the Pyŏngbu under King Pŏphŭng until the 5th year of Queen Chindŏk’s reign when a quasi-centralized governance structure came into being include the Wihwapu, Chopu, Sŭngbu, Yepu, Yŏnggaekjŏn, Chwaripangbu, Chipsabu), Ch΄angbu, Sangsasŏ, and Taedosŏ . Thereafter, the Sŏnbu, Chwasarokwan, and Usarokwan were created during the reign of King Munmu, with the completion of this central governance structure taking place with the formation of the Kongjangbu and Yechakpu and a few other administrative structures during the reign of King Sinmun. 39 Chŏn Tŏkchae, 2004, “The characteristics and changes made to Silla’s Hwabaek council,” Yŏksa hakbo, Vol. 182. 40 Yun Sŏngyong, 1997, “The establishment and characteristics of Koguryŏ’s aristocratic council(Koguryŏ kwichok hoeŭiŭi sŏngnipgwa kŭ sŏnggyŏk)”, Study on Korean’s Ancient History(Han΄guk kodaesa yŏn΄gu), Vol. 11. 41 In the section of the dealing with Paekche an entry can be found which reads that, “Each administrative body had their own internal structures which were responsible for carrying out the various tasks which the wider body was responsible for. For example within the Naegwan were the Jeon Deog Jae(Chŏn Tŏkchae) 167

Chŏnnaebu, Kokpu, Yukpu, Naekyŏngbu, Oekyŏngbu, Mabu, Dobu, Kongdŏkpu, Yakpu, Mokpu, Pŏppu, and Hukungbu, while within the Oekwan were the Sakunbu, Sadobu, Sakongbu, Sakupu, Chŏmgupu, Kaekpu, Oesapu, Chupu, Ilgwanbu, and Tosipu. Here, the Naekwan can be understood to have overseen the administration of palace-related matters, while the Oekwan was responsible for the nation’s political matters. 42 Yŏ Hokyu, 1997, Ibid, pp. 167-194. 43 For more on Koguryŏ’s local administration structure from the 6th century onwards, please refer to Rho Taedŏn, 1999, “The formation of local institutions and their evolution(Chibang chedoŭi hyŏngsŏnggwa kŭ pyŏnch΄ŏn),” History of Koguryŏ(Koguryŏsa yŏn΄gu), Sakyejŏl. 44 Kim Yŏngsim, 1997, Ibid, pp. 129-137. 45 Chŏn Tŏkchae, 1990, “The background to the establishment of Silla’s Chu- Kun system(Silla chu-kun cheŭi sŏngnip paekyŏng)”, Han΄guksaron, Vol. 22, Korean History Department of Seoul National University. 46 In this regard, attention should be paid to the fact that certain scholars have linked this historical document identifying the onset of the Chu-Kun system as having occurred during the 6th year of King Chichŭng’s reign, with the steps taken to establish the scale of the jurisdiction of each administrative units(Sŏng) begun in the latter half of the 5th century(Chu Podon, 1998, The Establishment of Silla’s Local Ruling Structure and Villages(Silla chibang t΄ongch΄I chojikgŭi chŏngbi kwajŏnggwa ch΄ollak), Sinsŏwon, pp. 75-85). 47 One can find a reference to a Kunjung sangin on the monument commemorating the construction of the Myŏnghwal Fortress. Here, Kunjung sangin can be taken to mean the Sangin of a Kun. Sangin is a term used for a position similar to that of Ch΄oniju(the chief 0f village). 48 Chŏn Tŏkchae, 2000, “The characteristics and ruling structure of Silla’s six-pu system during the first half of the 6th century,” Study on Koreans Ancient History, Vol. 17, pp. 287-289. 49 Kang Pongryong, 1994, “Silla’s local ruling structure(Silla chibang t΄ongch΄I ch΄eje yŏn΄gu),” PhD Dissertation, History Department of Seoul National University.

168 Characteristics and Changes in the Political System during ~

<국문초록>

삼국시대 정치체제의 성격과 그 변화

전 덕 재 (경주대학교)

삼국초기에 고구려와 백제의 5부, 신라의 6부는 다양한 계층을 포괄하고 그 내부의 소규모 정치체인 부내부를 누층적으로 편제시킨 구조를 갖춘 지역집단이었다. 당시 5 部나 6部는 내부의 통치에 대하여 자치권을 행사하는 한편, 그보다 상위의 정치권력인 왕권의 통제를 받으면서 각 국가의 중요한 통치 단위로서 기능하였다. 이때 삼국의 정 치체제는 이러한 성격의 ‘部’에 의하여 규정받았다는 의미에서 5부체제 또는 6부체제 라고 부른다. 고구려는 3세기 후반, 백제는 5세기 후반, 신라는 503년대에 단위정치체 적인 성격의 5부나 6부가 왕경의 행정구역단위로 바뀌었다, 삼국은 이와 동시에 삼국 은 부체제를 극복하고 왕권 중심의 중앙집권적인 정치체제를 구축하였으며, 部 및 지 방 복속소국의 지배세력들을 국왕 중심의 일원적인 관등체계에 편제시켰다. 나아가 삼 국은 공통적으로 지방의 복속소국이나 읍락집단을 국가의 지방통치조직으로 재편한 다음, 거기에 지방관을 파견하여 전 영역을 직접적으로 지배할 수 있는 지배체제, 즉 중앙집권적인 영역국가체제를 정비하였다.

주제어: 部, 부체제, 중앙집권적 정치체제, 중앙집권적 영역국가체제