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Post-Election Violence in Kenya
Spontaneous or Premeditated? DISCUSSION PAPER 57 SPONTANEOUS OR PREMEDITATED? Post-Election Violence in Kenya GODWIN R. MURUNGA NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Elections Violence Political violence Political crisis Ethnicity Democratization Kenya The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-694-7 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. Spontaneous or Premeditated? Contents Contents ..............................................................................................................................................................3 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................5 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................7 Post-Election Violence: Overview of the Literature .............................................................................8 A Note on the Kenyan Democratisation Processes ............................................................................13 Clash of Interpretations ................................................................................................................................17 The Ballot Box and -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
Race for Distinction a Social History of Private Members' Clubs in Colonial Kenya
Race for Distinction A Social History of Private Members' Clubs in Colonial Kenya Dominique Connan Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Florence, 09 December 2015 European University Institute Department of History and Civilization Race for Distinction A Social History of Private Members' Clubs in Colonial Kenya Dominique Connan Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Examining Board Prof. Stephen Smith (EUI Supervisor) Prof. Laura Lee Downs, EUI Prof. Romain Bertrand, Sciences Po Prof. Daniel Branch, Warwick University © Connan, 2015 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Race for Distinction. A Social History of Private Members’ Clubs in Colonial Kenya This thesis explores the institutional legacy of colonialism through the history of private members clubs in Kenya. In this colony, clubs developed as institutions which were crucial in assimilating Europeans to a race-based, ruling community. Funded and managed by a settler elite of British aristocrats and officers, clubs institutionalized European unity. This was fostered by the rivalry of Asian migrants, whose claims for respectability and equal rights accelerated settlers' cohesion along both political and cultural lines. Thanks to a very bureaucratic apparatus, clubs smoothed European class differences; they fostered a peculiar style of sociability, unique to the colonial context. Clubs were seen by Europeans as institutions which epitomized the virtues of British civilization against native customs. In the mid-1940s, a group of European liberals thought that opening a multi-racial club in Nairobi would expose educated Africans to the refinements of such sociability. -
The Challenges of Reinvigorating Democracy Through Visual Art in 21St Century Nairobi
The challenges of reinvigorating democracy through visual art in 21st century Nairobi Craig Campbell Halliday 30 September 2019 Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfilment for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Sainsbury Research Unit for the Arts of Africa, Oceania & the Americas School of Art, Media and American Studies University of East Anglia, Norwich This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived therefrom must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution. 1 Abstract This study examines the potential for contemporary visual art to reinvigorate democracy in 21st century Nairobi, Kenya, through an interdisciplinary investigation. The new millennium ushered in fresh hope for democratisation in the postcolonial East African country. In 2002, Daniel arap Moi’s 24 years of authoritarian rule ended. The opposition were victorious at the ballot box, instilling a belief amongst the electorate that formal political processes could bring change. However, the post-election violence of 2007/8 shattered such convictions. But, from this election result came a progressive Constitution and with it possibilities for creating change. These momentous events underscore Kenya’s topsy-turvy path towards democracy – a path whose trajectory is charted in the experience of ordinary Kenyans who believe in democracy’s value and their right to participate in politics and civil life. Artists, too, have been at the forefront of this ongoing struggle. This study draws on empirical research to demonstrate contemporary visual art’s capacity to expand ways of practising, experiencing and understanding democracy. -
National Assembly
October 5, 2016 PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES 1 NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OFFICIAL REPORT Wednesday, 5th October, 2016 The House met at 9.30 a.m. [The Deputy Speaker (Hon. (Dr.) Laboso) in the Chair] PRAYERS QUORUM Hon. Deputy Speaker: Can we have the Quorum Bell rung? (The Quorum Bell was rung) Hon. Deputy Speaker: Okay Members. Let us settle down. We are now ready to start. We have a Petition by Hon. Njuki. POINT OF ORDER PETITION ON ALLEGED MISAPPROPRIATION OF FUNDS BY THE KENYA SWIMMING FEDERATION Hon. Njuki: Thank you, Hon. Deputy Speaker for giving me the opportunity this morning to air my sentiment on the issue of petitions. According to Standing Order No.227 on the committal of petitions, a petition is supposed to take, at least, 60 days to be dealt with by a Committee. Hon. Deputy Speaker: Hon. Njuki, I am just wondering whether whatever you are raising was approved or not. Hon. Njuki: Hon. Deputy Speaker, I do not have a petition. I just have a concern about a petition I brought to this House on 12th November, 2015. It touches on a very serious issue. It is a petition on the alleged mismanagement and misappropriation of funds by the Kenya Swimming Federation. That was in November 2015. This Petition has not been looked into. Considering what happened during the Rio de Janeiro Olympics, there were complaints about the Federation taking people who were not qualified to be in the swimming team. To date nothing has happened. I know the Committee is very busy and I do not deny that, but taking a whole year to look at a petition when the Standing Orders say it should be looked into in 60 days is not right. -
Infotrak Public Policy and Governance Research Division Infotrak Harris Popularity Poll
INFOTRAK PUBLIC POLICY AND GOVERNANCE RESEARCH DIVISION INFOTRAK HARRIS POPULARITY POLL APRIL 2012 103 Manyani East Rd, Lavington P.O. Box 23081- 00100 Nairobi, Kenya, Tel: +254 20 4443450/1/2, For more information contact: Raphael Mulwa +254 736 360 964 1. Introduction The implication of the new constitution on Kenyan politics cannot be underestimated. All political candidates must adhere to the national values and pass the integrity test under chapter six of the Constitution. It is possible that the mind-set of the Kenyan voter has changed after the 2007/2008 post-election violence. Through opinion polls, politicians are able to tell what the voters perceive to be most important in terms of policies, voting preference, the message and also a candidate’s popularity among Kenyans from different socio-economic backgrounds. The forthcoming general elections will be the first under the new constitution. Alliances have been formed as part of the strategies to win the presidential race. The campaigns have also witnessed new entrants into the race. Ultimately, the Kenyan voter will be the determinant of who holds which elective post. In executing its mandate as a pollster and in bid to inform Kenyans, Infotrak Research and Consulting conducted a nationwide opinion poll to establish the popularity of various presidential hopefuls and political parties. The survey further sought to establish the preferred running mates for various presidential hopefuls. 2. The Methodology The poll was sponsored and conducted by Infotrak Research and Consulting between 11th and 13th March, 2012 through face to face interviews with a nationwide sample of 2400 respondents, to represent the Kenyan adult population of 19,462,358 translating into a margin of error of -/+ 2 at 95% degree of confidence. -
Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity
Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Rhodes, Christopher. 2015. Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226091 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity A dissertation presented by Christopher Edward Rhodes to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts November 2014 © 2014 Christopher Edward Rhodes All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor Robert Bates Christopher Edward Rhodes Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity Abstract This dissertation examines the role of internal structure of religious organizations in influencing these organizations’ interactions with incumbent governments and ultimately determining the political activities of religious groups. This -
Socio-Economic Factors Influencing Kenya-China Relations
i SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS INFLUENCING KENYA-CHINA RELATIONS BY FAIMA MOHAMMED A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY, POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN PARTIAL FULLFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN DIPLOMACY AND FOREIGN POLICY (EXECUTIVE) MOI UNIVERSITY 2020 ii DECLARATION Declaration by Candidate This thesis is my original work and has not been presented for a degree in any other university. No part of this project may be reproduced without prior permission of the author and/or Moi University. Signature: _________________________ Date: ____________________ FAIMA MOHAMMED SASS/PGDFP/001/18 Declaration by the Supervisors This thesis has been submitted for examination with our approval as University supervisors. Signature: _________________________ Date: ____________________ Mr. WENANI A. KILONGI Department of History, Political Science and Public Administration Moi University, Eldoret Signature: _________________________ Date: ____________________ Dr Paul K. Kurgat Department of History, Political Science and Public Administration Moi University, Eldoret iii DEDICATION I dedicate this work to my mum Duthi Hassan and beloved husband Faisal Mohammed for their undying support and consideration. To Rahma, Yasmin and Faiza for their encouragement and to Faaiz and Mahmoud for always being an inspiration. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This work would not have been possible were it not for the Almighty God. Secondly, I sincerely thank my supervisors; Mr Wenani Kilongi and Dr Paul Kurgat. I immensely benefitted from their constructive intellectual criticism and guidance. They went out of their way to read and give suggestions that improved this work a great deal. Special gratitude goes to my informants who made this research a success by willingly giving me the information needed in various interviews. -
Uhuru's War Against His Deputy,Cain And
Why BBI Will Not Promote Peace or Prevent Violence By Patrick K. Mbugua President Uhuru Kenyatta has touted the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) report as the panacea for peace that will end political and/or election-related violence in Kenya. Mr. Kenyatta has not given Kenyans his definition or understanding of peace, but his lines of argument affirm his minimalist understanding of peace or what peace studies (PS) call negative peace. Students of peace studies caricature this concept of peace as akin to peace between the proverbial happy slave and the slave master. Overall, Mr. Kenyatta’s arguments on peace and political violence in Kenya are based on flawed premises, among them a very naïve essentialist view of ethnicity, and a tunnel vision of Kenya’s social divides. But that is a topic for another day. Rather, this commentary aims to assess whether BBI is a panacea for peace and whether it can prevent political and/or election-related violence in the future. I will comment on the BBI process and analyse who perpetrated the past political violence and why, and then evaluate BBI’s response to that political violence. The article will end with a comment on an observed and horrifying pattern of current events that negates BBI’s proclaimed intentions. Exclusive process A core dictum in peace studies, which originates from Mahatma Gandhi’s moral philosophy, is the unity of processes and ends. The dictum posits that the process that is used to engender social change should be consistent with the goal. This means that if the end goal is inclusion, then the process for attaining this goal should be inclusive because an exclusive process cannot attain inclusion. -
Changing Kenya's Literary Landscape
CHANGING KENYA’S LITERARY LANDSCAPE CHANGING KENYA’S LITERARY LANDSCAPE Part 2: Past, Present & Future A research paper by Alex Nderitu (www.AlexanderNderitu.com) 09/07/2014 Nairobi, Kenya 1 CHANGING KENYA’S LITERARY LANDSCAPE Contents: 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 4 2. Writers in Politics ........................................................................................................ 6 3. A Brief Look at Swahili Literature ....................................................................... 70 - A Taste of Culture - Origins of Kiswahili Lit - Modern Times - The Case for Kiswahili as Africa’s Lingua Franca - Africa the Beautiful 4. JEREMIAH’S WATERS: Why Are So Many Writers Drunkards? ................ 89 5. On Writing ................................................................................................................... 97 - The Greats - The Plot Thickens - Crime & Punishment - Kenyan Scribes 6. Scribbling Rivalry: Writing Families ............................................................... 122 7. Crazy Like a Fox: Humour Writing ................................................................... 128 8. HIGHER LEARNING: Do Universities Kill by Degrees? .............................. 154 - The River Between - Killing Creativity/Entreprenuership - The Importance of Education - Knife to a Gunfight - The Storytelling Gift - The Colour Purple - The Importance of Editors - The Kids are Alright - Kidneys for the King -
Occasional Paper Series from Moi to Kibaki: an Assessment of The
AFRICAPROGRAM occasional paper series From Moi to Kibaki:An Assessment of the Kenyan Transition No.1 Ambassador Johnnie Carson September 11,2003 Senior Vice President, National Defense University An Introduction from Howard Wolpe: embraced and brought into America’s inner circle As the new Director of the Woodrow Wilson of new African partners. International Center's Africa Program, I am pleased to Despite our sometimes tepid approach toward present the first of a series of “occasional papers” of inter- the government in Nairobi over the last 15 years, est to those concerned with Africa, and with American and our correct criticism of the government’s policy toward Africa. “From Moi to Kibaki: An human rights record, Kenya has been our most sta- Assessment of the Kenyan Transition” provides a ble and reliable partner in the Greater Horn of remarkably clear and incisive analysis by one of the U.S. Africa. More importantly,it has served as a regional Foreign Service's most distinguished Africa specialists.We platform for advancing important U.S. bilateral and felt that Ambassador Johnnie Carson's public lecture multilateral interests. deserved a wider audience, and was an ideal vehicle for Without the use of Kenya’s airports and harbor the first of our series of occasional papers. in Mombasa, the United States would not have been able to provide famine relief to drought rav- ished Somalia between 1988 and 1993 nor massive In my opinion Kenya is the most important coun- emergency and humanitarian assistance to hundreds try in East Africa. However, over much of the last of thousands of Hutu refugees in the eastern Congo decade and a half, Nairobi has not received a great and western Tanzania after the Rwandan genocide deal of serious or sustained attention from senior of 1994. -
Exiting University Administration
16 Exiting University Administration My tenure as a Vice-Chancellor was eventful, rich and fulfilling. The ascent from a deputy principal to the rank of a university leader had its consequences. My interaction with all types of individuals within and without the university precincts taught me various lessons and hardened my resolve and approach to issues. The sudden news of my appointment to JKUAT, which is discussed elsewhere, took the same mode on departure. I was taught one thing by my father when I was growing up. He always said that as one grows up, one expects the very best in life. The key word here is “expects”. He would then remark, “Young boy, life ahead is full of challenges and big responsibilities.” I literally witnessed and experienced the same. The 2002 Kenyan General Election Kenyan politics are unpredictable. I grew up hearing of the Founding Father of Kenya, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta. He was the first Chancellor of the University of Nairobi. His two Vice-Chancellors were Dr Josephat Karanja, who became the vice-president of Daniel Arap Moi and Prof. Joseph Maina Mungai, who served under both presidents. Graduation ceremonies at the university of Nairobi were pompous, colourful and unifying. It was the only university then and it was mandatory that the Chancellor personally presides over the ceremony. I worked under President Moi for virtually all the period I was a Vice- Chancellor. Vice-Chancellors in Kenya’s five public universities were appointees of the president. These positions were therefore political in nature. The individual university acts specified so.