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Case Information Sheet Situation in the Republic of Kenya ICC-PIDS-CIS-KEN-01-012/14 Eng Updated: April 2016 the Prosecutor V
Case Information Sheet Situation in the Republic of Kenya ICC-PIDS-CIS-KEN-01-012/14_Eng Updated: April 2016 The Prosecutor v. William Samoei Ruto and Joshua Arap Sang ICC-01/09-01/11 Accused of three counts of crimes against humanity in the context of the 2007-2008 post-election violence in Kenya. Trial started on 10 September 2013. Case terminated on 5 April 2016. Not in ICC custody. William Samoei Ruto (Ruto) Date of birth: 21 December 1966 Place of birth: Kamagut village, Kenya Nationality: Kenyan Official position: Current Deputy President of the Republic of Kenya Summons to appear: 8 March 2011 Initial appearance hearing: 7 April 2011 Confirmation of charges hearing: 1 - 8 September 2011 Decision on the confirmation of charges: 23 January 2012 Opening of the trial: 10 September 2013 Termination of the case: 5 April 2016 Charges Mr Ruto was accused of being criminally responsible as an indirect co-perpetrator pursuant to article 25(3)(a) of the Rome Statute for the crimes against humanity of: murder (article 7(l)(a)); deportation or forcible transfer of population (article 7(l)(d)); and persecution (article 7(l)(h)). Joshua Arap Sang (Sang) Date of birth: 9 September 1975 Place of birth: Kitale, Trans-Nzoia District, Kenya Nationality: Kenyan Official position: the head of operations at Kass FM in Nairobi, the Republic of Kenya Summons to appear: 8 March 2011 Initial appearance hearing: 7 April 2011 Confirmation of charges hearing: 1 - 8 September 2011 Decision on the confirmation of charges: 23 January 2012 Opening of the trial: 10 September 2013 Termination of the case: 5 April 2016 Charges Mr Sang was accused as an indirect co-perpetrator, of having otherwise contributed (within the meaning of article 25(3)(d) of the Rome Statute) to the commission of the following crimes against humanity: murder (article 7(l)(a)); deportation or forcible transfer of population (article 7(l)(d)); and persecution (article 7(l)(h)). -
Memo to Kenya's Youth: Protect Your Motherland Or Perish,Doing
Memo to Kenya’s Youth: Protect Your Motherland or Perish By Willy Mutunga Kenya’s mixed election history Sometimes it is said, with some validity, that the only peaceful, non-violent, free, fair, credible, verifiable, and acceptable elections took place during the “sunset” years of British colonialism in Kenya (1957-1963). During these six years we elected our African representatives to the now multi-racial Legislative Council (LEGCO). It is during this period that decolonization talks took place in Kenya and later at Lancaster House, London. In 1961 Jomo Kenyatta was released from his detention at Maralal in the Samburu County. He soon joined his fellow Africans in the LEGCO, participated in the independence talks at Lancaster, London, as the leader of Kenya African National Union (KANU). His party KANU won the 1963 Elections, forming the internal self- government (Madaraka) from 01 June 1963. He became our first Prime minister on 12 December 1963 and the first President of our Republic on 12 December 1964. Although it was widely accepted that the colonial government and the British settlers would have loved a government of Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) and the liberal British settlers, KANU was the more popular party. Rigging an election against KANU was out of the question. Gone were the days the colonial government would select their colonial chiefs from the outcomes of rigged queue voting (if for some reason they thought this voting was necessary). The post-colonial times are peppered with stories of the rigging of elections, particularly during the few years the Kenya People’s Union (KPU) existed before it was banned and its leaders detained in 1969. -
Post-Election Violence in Kenya
Spontaneous or Premeditated? DISCUSSION PAPER 57 SPONTANEOUS OR PREMEDITATED? Post-Election Violence in Kenya GODWIN R. MURUNGA NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Elections Violence Political violence Political crisis Ethnicity Democratization Kenya The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-694-7 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. Spontaneous or Premeditated? Contents Contents ..............................................................................................................................................................3 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................5 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................7 Post-Election Violence: Overview of the Literature .............................................................................8 A Note on the Kenyan Democratisation Processes ............................................................................13 Clash of Interpretations ................................................................................................................................17 The Ballot Box and -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
Tempered Radicals and Servant Leaders: Portraits of Spirited Leadership Amongst African Women Leaders
TEMPERED RADICALS AND SERVANT LEADERS: PORTRAITS OF SPIRITED LEADERSHIP AMONGST AFRICAN WOMEN LEADERS Faith Wambura Ngunjiri A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF EDUCATION May 2006 Committee: Judy A. Alston, Advisor Laura B. Lengel Graduate Faculty Representative Mark A. Earley Khaula Murtadha © 2006 Faith Wambura Ngunjiri All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Judy A. Alston, Advisor There have been few studies on experiences of African women in leadership. In this study, I aimed at contributing to bridging that literature gap by adding the voices of African women leaders who live and work in or near Nairobi Kenya in East Africa. The purpose of this study was to explore, explain and seek to understand women’s leadership through the lived experiences of sixteen women leaders from Africa. The study was an exploration of how these women leaders navigated the intersecting oppressive forces emanating from gender, culture, religion, social norm stereotypes, race, marital status and age as they attempted to lead for social justice. The central biographical methodology utilized for this study was portraiture, with the express aim of celebrating and learning from the resiliency and strength of the women leaders in the face of adversities and challenges to their authority as leaders. Leadership is influence and a process of meaning making amongst people to engender commitment to common goals, expressed in a community of practice. I presented short herstories of eleven of the women leaders, and in depth portraits of the other five who best illustrated and expanded the a priori conceptual framework. -
Page 1 of 2 Allafrica.Com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila Is Being Set up For
allAfrica.com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Page 1 of 2 HOME Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Makau Mutua 5 June 2010 OPINION Nairobi — This is a warning to Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Call it a yellow card. Mr Odinga needs to remember the biblical proverb that "pride cometh before a fall". It is a law of gravity that whatever goes up must come down. He should know that it's a bad omen to count one's chickens before they hatch. The exuberance in the Yes camp is irrational because it belies some irreconcilable contradictions. Some senior PNU members - who are ostensibly in the Yes camp - are setting Mr Odinga up for a hard fall. They are fattening his ego for slaughter. Mr Odinga must remember that the leopard never changes its spots. It's now a fact that the referendum is a contest to succeed President Kibaki. It is no longer only about reform. The leader of the camp that wins the referendum will easily jog to State House in 2012. This is where Mr Odinga becomes an endangered species. There is no doubt that he is the clear leader of the Yes camp. Nor is there any question about President Kibaki's unequivocal support for the proposed constitution. Mr Kibaki is fully behind Mr Odinga. But the two plausible PNU presidential candidates - Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka and Finance minister Uhuru Kenyatta - have only given tepid support to the proposed constitution. Mr Musyoka has refused to unequivocally back the constitution, or vigorously campaign for it. -
Parliament of Kenya the Senate
September 19, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 1 PARLIAMENT OF KENYA THE SENATE THE HANSARD Thursday, 19th September, 2013 The Senate met at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre at 2.30 p.m. [The Temporary Speaker (Sen. Murkomen) in the Chair] PRAYERS QUORUM CALL AT COMMENCEMENT OF SITTING The Temporary Speaker (Sen. Murkomen): Hon. Senators, we have a quorum. Let us proceed with today’s business. PAPERS LAID REPORTS OF THE FINANCE COMMITTEE ON COUNTY ESTIMATES/CASH DISBURSEMENT SCHEDULE Sen. Billow: Mr. Temporary Speaker, Sir, I beg to lay the following Papers on the Table of the House, today, Thursday, 19th September, 2013:- Report of the Finance Committee on the Investigations on Irregular Alteration to the Budget Estimates for Turkana County for the Fiscal Year 2013/2014. Report of the Finance Committee on the Cash Disbursement Schedule for County Governments for the Fiscal Year 2013/2014. NOTICES OF MOTIONS Sen. Billow: Mr. Temporary Speaker, Sir, I beg to give notice of the following Motions:- ADOPTION OF REPORT ON COUNTY GOVERNMENT CASH DISBURSEMENT SCHEDULE FOR FINANCIAL YEAR 2013/2014 THAT, pursuant to the provisions of sections 17(7) of the Public Finance Management Act, the Senate adopts the Report of the Standing Disclaimer: The electronic version of the Senate Hansard Report is for information purposes only. A certified version of this Report can be obtained from the Hansard Editor, Senate. September 19, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 2 Committee on Finance, Commerce and Economic Affairs on the County Government Cash Disbursement Schedule for the year 2013/2014 ADOPTION OF REPORT ON IRREGULAR ALTERATION OF ESTIMATES FOR TURKANA COUNTY THAT, the Senate adopts the Report of the Standing Committee on Finance, Commerce and Economic Affairs on the Investigations carried out by the Controller of Budget on the Irregular Alteration of the Budget Estimates for Turkana County for the Fiscal Year 2013/2014. -
English Version
Diaspora Voting and Ethnic Politics in Kenya Beth Elise Whitaker and Salma Inyanji To cite this article: Beth Elise Whitaker, Salma Inyanji, “Vote de la diaspora et ethnicité au Kenya,” Afrique contemporaine 4/2015 (n° 256), p. 73-89. URL : www.cairn.info/revue-afrique-contemporaine-2015-4-page-73.htm. ABSTRACT: Many African governments have extended voting rights to nationals living abroad, but little is known about the political behavior of diaspora populations. In the context of Kenya, where the 2010 constitution authorized diaspora voting, we ask whether nationals living abroad are as likely to vote along ethnic lines as their counterparts at home. Using data from public opinion polls prior to the March 2013 presidential election, we compare levels of support for presumed ethnic candidates among Kenyans surveyed in the diaspora and those surveyed in the country. Overall, diaspora respondents were significantly less likely than in-country respondents to support the presumed ethnic candidate from their home province. The results provide preliminary support for our hypothesis that diaspora Africans are less likely to vote along ethnic lines than their in-country counterparts, and thus are less reliable for the construction of ethnic coalitions. More survey data are needed from Kenyans and other Africans living abroad to further examine the relationship between diaspora voting and ethnicity in African politics. As migration patterns have become increasingly global, African diaspora populations have emerged as an important political consideration (Akyeampong 2000). The African Union has held a series of conferences to engage the diaspora with a view toward recognizing it as the continent’s “sixth region.” African governments have been reaching out to nationals living abroad to seek their economic and political participation at home. -
Who Owns the Land? Blood and Soil Issues in the Kenyan Rift Valley
WHO OWNS THE LAND? BLOOD AND SOIL ISSUES IN THE KENYAN RIFT VALLEY PART 1: The passion with which millions of citizens valued their presidential vote in the stolen 2007 presidential elections can be reflected in scenes of the bloody post-election clashes today that engulfed Rift Valley, Nyanza, Coast, Nairobi, Western and to a less extent in other parts of the country. Nakuru was the latest epicenter of inter ethnic murders. The violent reactions to rigged elections may reflect the pain of deep and historically rooted injustices some of which predate Kenya’s independence in 1963. They are in fact motivated and exacerbated by landlessness, joblessness, and poverty believed to be heavily contributed towards by the prevailing political status quo that has dominated Kenya since independence. This is a system that has continuously perpetrated, in successive fashion, socio- economic injustices that have been seamlessly transferred from one power regime to the next. The Land issue With a fast growing population in Kenya, limited resources including land and jobs, have severely been put in extreme pressure. Responsive political operatives cognizant of this reality have appreciated the importance of incorporating progressive policies that seek to aggressively address poverty, landlessness, unequal distribution of resources and unemployment, as a matter of priority (in their party manifestoes) if any social stability is to be maintained in Kenya. Without doubt, the opposition party ODM sold an attractive campaign package that sought to address historic land injustices, unemployment, inequitable resource sharing and poverty through a radical constitutional transformation, under the framework of the people-tailored Bomas Constitution Draft. -
The Challenges of Reinvigorating Democracy Through Visual Art in 21St Century Nairobi
The challenges of reinvigorating democracy through visual art in 21st century Nairobi Craig Campbell Halliday 30 September 2019 Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfilment for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Sainsbury Research Unit for the Arts of Africa, Oceania & the Americas School of Art, Media and American Studies University of East Anglia, Norwich This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived therefrom must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution. 1 Abstract This study examines the potential for contemporary visual art to reinvigorate democracy in 21st century Nairobi, Kenya, through an interdisciplinary investigation. The new millennium ushered in fresh hope for democratisation in the postcolonial East African country. In 2002, Daniel arap Moi’s 24 years of authoritarian rule ended. The opposition were victorious at the ballot box, instilling a belief amongst the electorate that formal political processes could bring change. However, the post-election violence of 2007/8 shattered such convictions. But, from this election result came a progressive Constitution and with it possibilities for creating change. These momentous events underscore Kenya’s topsy-turvy path towards democracy – a path whose trajectory is charted in the experience of ordinary Kenyans who believe in democracy’s value and their right to participate in politics and civil life. Artists, too, have been at the forefront of this ongoing struggle. This study draws on empirical research to demonstrate contemporary visual art’s capacity to expand ways of practising, experiencing and understanding democracy. -
Moorings: Indian Ocean Trade and the State in East Africa
MOORINGS: INDIAN OCEAN TRADE AND THE STATE IN EAST AFRICA A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Nidhi Mahajan August 2015 © 2015 Nidhi Mahajan MOORINGS: INDIAN OCEAN TRADE AND THE STATE IN EAST AFRICA Nidhi Mahajan, Ph. D. Cornell University 2015 Ever since the 1998 bombings of American embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, especially post - 9/11 and the “War on Terror,” the Kenyan coast and the Indian Ocean beyond have become flashpoints for national and international security. The predominantly Muslim sailors, merchants, and residents of the coast, with transnational links to Somalia, the Middle East, and South Asia have increasingly become the object of suspicion. Governments and media alike assume that these longstanding transnational linkages, especially in the historical sailing vessel or dhow trade, are entwined with networks of terror. This study argues that these contemporary security concerns gesture to an anxiety over the coast’s long history of trade and social relations across the Indian Ocean and inland Africa. At the heart of these tensions are competing notions of sovereignty and territoriality, as sovereign nation-states attempt to regulate and control trades that have historically implicated polities that operated on a loose, shared, and layered notion of sovereignty and an “itinerant territoriality.” Based on over twenty-two months of archival and ethnographic research in Kenya and India, this dissertation examines state attempts to regulate Indian Ocean trade, and the manner in which participants in these trades maneuver regulatory regimes. -
Infotrak Public Policy and Governance Research Division Infotrak Harris Popularity Poll
INFOTRAK PUBLIC POLICY AND GOVERNANCE RESEARCH DIVISION INFOTRAK HARRIS POPULARITY POLL APRIL 2012 103 Manyani East Rd, Lavington P.O. Box 23081- 00100 Nairobi, Kenya, Tel: +254 20 4443450/1/2, For more information contact: Raphael Mulwa +254 736 360 964 1. Introduction The implication of the new constitution on Kenyan politics cannot be underestimated. All political candidates must adhere to the national values and pass the integrity test under chapter six of the Constitution. It is possible that the mind-set of the Kenyan voter has changed after the 2007/2008 post-election violence. Through opinion polls, politicians are able to tell what the voters perceive to be most important in terms of policies, voting preference, the message and also a candidate’s popularity among Kenyans from different socio-economic backgrounds. The forthcoming general elections will be the first under the new constitution. Alliances have been formed as part of the strategies to win the presidential race. The campaigns have also witnessed new entrants into the race. Ultimately, the Kenyan voter will be the determinant of who holds which elective post. In executing its mandate as a pollster and in bid to inform Kenyans, Infotrak Research and Consulting conducted a nationwide opinion poll to establish the popularity of various presidential hopefuls and political parties. The survey further sought to establish the preferred running mates for various presidential hopefuls. 2. The Methodology The poll was sponsored and conducted by Infotrak Research and Consulting between 11th and 13th March, 2012 through face to face interviews with a nationwide sample of 2400 respondents, to represent the Kenyan adult population of 19,462,358 translating into a margin of error of -/+ 2 at 95% degree of confidence.