DOCSLIB.ORG

Significance and Application of the Socialism of the 21St a Case Study

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Significance and Application of the Socialism of the 21St a Case Study Significance and Application of the Socialism of the 21st Century in Latin America: A Case Study on Ecuador and the Administration of President Rafael Correa By Francisco X. Abad Guerra East Texas Baptist University Honors Project Supervisor: Dr. Israel Nandamudi Other Committee Members: Dr. Sandy Hoover, Mr. José Alonzo Department of History and Political Science MAY 2012 Abad 1 Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................ 4 CHAPTER 1: Literature Review .................................................................................................................. 8 1. Core Principles: ................................................................................................................................. 8 Learning from History .......................................................................................................................... 9 Adaptability ......................................................................................................................................... 10 Institutions and Leadership ................................................................................................................. 12 2. Political and Diplomatic Principles: ............................................................................................... 13 National Principles ............................................................................................................................. 14 International Principles ...................................................................................................................... 15 3. Economic and Social Principles: ..................................................................................................... 16 Human Development ........................................................................................................................... 17 Environmental Development ............................................................................................................... 17 Economic Development ...................................................................................................................... 18 Technological Development ................................................................................................................ 19 CHAPTER 2: Introduction to Ecuador’s Case Study ................................................................................. 21 1. A Regional Need for Change: ......................................................................................................... 21 2. Correa’s raise to Power ................................................................................................................... 23 3. Case Study Framework ................................................................................................................... 27 CHAPTER 3: Ecuador’s Core Principles for Socialism of the 21st Century ............................................. 30 1. New Constitution and Good Living ................................................................................................ 30 2. Institutions and Leadership ............................................................................................................. 32 2.1. Constitution ............................................................................................................................. 32 2.2. Plan Nacional del Buen Vivir 2009-2013 ............................................................................... 34 2.3. Creating of Ministries Appointment of People ........................................................................ 35 2.4. Correa’s Leadership ............................................................................................................... 35 CHAPTER 4: Democracy – A Political and Diplomatic Analysis ............................................................. 37 1. National Level ................................................................................................................................. 37 1.1. Constitutional Mandates ......................................................................................................... 37 1.2. National Development Plan Goals and Policies ..................................................................... 39 1.3. September 30, 2010 – National Crisis .................................................................................... 40 1.4. El Universo Case .................................................................................................................... 43 Abad 2 1.5. Elections and Referenda ......................................................................................................... 45 2. International Level .......................................................................................................................... 46 2.1. Constitutional Mandates ......................................................................................................... 46 2.2. National Development Plan Goals and Policies ..................................................................... 47 2.3. Manta’s Military Base ............................................................................................................ 47 2.4. Angostura’s Bombing and Diplomatic Crisis ......................................................................... 47 2.5. Ecuador – United States Diplomatic Crisis ............................................................................ 48 2.6. OAS Position on Honduras Re-Admission .............................................................................. 49 2.7. Regional Integration ............................................................................................................... 50 CHAPTER 5: Development – An Economic and Social Analysis ............................................................. 52 1. Human Development ...................................................................................................................... 52 1.1. Constitutional Mandates ......................................................................................................... 52 1.2. National Development Plan Goals and Policies ..................................................................... 53 1.3. Vice-Presidency and Social Inclusion ..................................................................................... 54 1.4. Cultural Preservation ............................................................................................................. 55 2. Environmental Development .......................................................................................................... 55 2.1. Constitutional Mandates ......................................................................................................... 56 2.2. National Development Plan Goals and Policies ..................................................................... 56 2.3. Yasuní-ITT ............................................................................................................................... 57 2.4. Chevron Lawsuit ..................................................................................................................... 59 3. Economic Development .................................................................................................................. 60 3.1. Constitutional Mandates ......................................................................................................... 61 3.2. National Development Plan Goals and Policies ..................................................................... 61 3.3. Planned Economy ................................................................................................................... 62 3.4. CEPAL REPORT .................................................................................................................... 63 4. Technological Development ........................................................................................................... 64 4.1. Constitutional Mandates ............................................................................................................. 65 4.2. National Development Plan Goals and Policies .......................................................................... 65 4.3. SENESYT ................................................................................................................................... 65 4.4. YACHAY - Ciudad del Conocimiento ....................................................................................... 66 CHAPTER 6: Conclusion and Future Implications .................................................................................... 68 Abad 3 BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................................... 74 Primary Sources: ..................................................................................................................................... 74 Secondary Sources .................................................................................................................................. 76 Personal Interviews: ................................................................................................................................ 90 Abad 4 INTRODUCTION In a changing
Load more

Recommended publications
  • FEMA Guide to Continuity of Government for State, Local
    Guide to Continuity of Government For State, Local, Tribal and Territorial Governments July 2021 Guide to Continuity of Government for State, Local, Tribal and Territorial Governments This page intentionally left blank Guide to Continuity of Government for State, Local, Tribal and Territorial Governments Table of Contents 1. Introduction and Purpose .......................................................................................................... 2 2. Principals of COOP, COG and ECG ............................................................................................. 3 2.1. Relationship Between COOP and COG ........................................................................... 5 3. Continuity of Government – A Coordinated Effort .................................................................... 5 3.1. COG - Representation and Cross Governmental/Jurisdictional/ Organizational Continuity Working Group ............................................................................................... 5 3.2. Branches of Government (Federal Model) .................................................................... 6 3.3. SLTT Departments, Agencies and Bureaus ................................................................... 8 4. Emergency Action Steps ............................................................................................................ 9 4.1. Emergency Resources .................................................................................................. 10 Annex A: NEF 1 Description ..........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy in the United States
    Democracy in the United States The United States is a representative democracy. This means that our government is elected by citizens. Here, citizens vote for their government officials. These officials represent the citizens’ ideas and concerns in government. Voting is one way to participate in our democracy. Citizens can also contact their officials when they want to support or change a law. Voting in an election and contacting our elected officials are two ways that Americans can participate in their democracy. Voting booth in Atascadero, California, in 2008. Photo by Ace Armstrong. Courtesy of the Polling Place Photo Project. Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship 1 Becoming a U.S. Citizen Taking the Oath of Allegiance at a naturalization ceremony in Washington, D.C. Courtesy of USCIS. The process required to become a citizen is called naturalization. To become a U.S. citizen, you must meet legal requirements. You must complete an interview with a USCIS officer. You must also pass an English and Civics test. Then, you take the Oath of Allegiance. This means that you promise loyalty to the United States. When you become a U.S. citizen, you also make these promises: ★ give up loyalty to other countries ★ defend the Constitution and laws of the United States ★ obey the laws of the United States ★ serve in the U.S. military (if needed) ★ do important work for the nation (if needed) After you take the Oath of Allegiance, you are a U.S. citizen. 2 Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship Rights and Responsibilities of Citizens Voting is one important right and responsibility of U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Resistance to Civil Government
    Resistance to Civil Government 1849 Henry David Thoreau 1817–1862 YogeBooks 2008:11:20:20:02:59 2 Æsthetic Papers Art X.—Resistance to Civil Government A Lecture delivered in 1847 3 4 Resistance to Civil Government heartily accept the motto,—“That government is best Iwhich governs least;” and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe,—“That government is best which governs not at all;” and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. The objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government. The standing army is only an arm of the standing government. The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it. Witness the present Mexican war, the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for, in the outset, the people would not have consented to this measure. This American government,—what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity? It has not the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his will.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Civil Society Works for a Democracy That Is Not Only More Representative
    ‘Civil society works for a democracy that is not only more representative but also more participatory’ CIVICUS speaks to Ramiro Orias, a Bolivian lawyer and human rights defender. Orias is a program officer with the Due Process of Law Foundation and a member and former director of Fundación Construir, a Bolivian CSO aimed at promoting citizen participation process for the strengthening of democracy and equal access to plural, equitable, transparent and independent judicial institutions. Q: A few days ago a national protest against the possibility of a new presidential re-election took place in Bolivia. Do you see President Evo Morales’ new re-election attempt as an example of democratic degradation? The president’s attempt to seek another re-election is part of a broader process of erosion of democratic civic space that has resulted from the concentration of power. The quest for a new presidential re-election requires a reform of the 2009 Constitution (which was promulgated by President Evo Morales himself). Some of the provisions introduced into the new constitutional text were very progressive; they indeed implied significant advances in terms of rights and guarantees. On the other hand, political reforms aimed at consolidating the newly acquired power were also introduced. For instance, there was a change in the composition and political balances within the Legislative Assembly that was aimed at over-representing the majority; the main authorities of the judiciary were dismissed before the end of their terms (the justices of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Tribunal were put to trial and forced to resign) and an election system for magistrates was established.
    [Show full text]
  • Dictatorship of the Proletariat’
    Revolution and the ‘Dictatorship of the Proletariat’ Vanessa Walilko DePaul University March 2004 V.I. Lenin has been accused of being “power-crazed” and “a fanatic believer in a Communist utopia” (Getzler: 464).1 To others, Lenin is considered to be the “greatest thinker to have been produced by the revolutionary working class movement since Marx” (Lukacs: 10). By still others, he is considered a “cynical authoritarian” or a “revolutionary idealist”2 (Rereading: 19). It has also been proposed that Lenin “had a compulsive need to dominate” and that he “was indeed a revolutionary fanatic” (ibid: xvii). Yet Lenin identified one reason for his writings: to clear up those aspects of Marx’s and Engels’ theories which had been “ignored and distorted3 by the opportunists” (State and Revolution: 384, Rereading: 5).4 Despite the fact that Marx and Lenin agreed on many points regarding revolution and the role the proletariat would play after they had secured power for themselves, many of Lenin’s ideas are at the same time quite distinct from the theories that Marx put down in The Communist Manifesto and The Class Struggles in France 1848-1850. This paper will address their similarities and differences in views regarding the necessity of the revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Marx understood that the material conditions of life, particularly the political economy determined human consciousness (Theory and Revolution: 34). Marx believed that history was driven by the class struggle.5 This class antagonism eventually evolved into an open fight which “either ended in a large revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes” (Manifesto: 1).6 The revolution,7 therefore, was the catalyst for radical social change.
    [Show full text]
  • Authority, Authoritarianism, and Education
    "Hybrid with Projection #1 by Susan Hetmannsperger 17 Authority, Authoritarianism, and Education Bruce Romanish The achievement of political freedom in a democratic produced populations desirous of and supportive of such system results from the conscious plans and actions of a political leadership since various environmental causes are human community. Once political freedom is identified as as significant in explaining authoritarianism as are psycho- an aim, the true task inheres in developing social structures logical predispositions.1 This issue has been addressed as and institutional frameworks which create, nurture, and well in terms of personality development, family influences, sustain that end. These structures and frameworks themselves and from the standpoint of the effects of religions and are in need of care and support if the democracy they nourish religious movements, but scant attention has been paid to the is not to wither and atrophy from neglect. Yet desiring politi- school's role as a shaper of patterns of belief, conduct, and cal freedom, accomplishing it, and maintaining it do not come ways of thinking in relationship to authoritarianism. with instructions. Modern history provides many examples If schools exhibit democratic characteristics, that may of societies that lost their way and slipped into the darkness reflect democratic features of the larger social order or the and despair of political oppression. schools are making a contribution to society's movement in This essay examines the concept of authoritarianism and that direction. Conversely, an authoritarian experience in the ways it is reflected and fostered in school life and school school life suggests either a broader cultural authoritarianism structure.
    [Show full text]
  • Inclusive Democracy and Participatory Economics TAKIS FOTOPOULOS
    DEMOCRACY & NATURE: The International Journal of INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACY, Vol. 9, No. 3 (November 2003) Inclusive Democracy and Participatory Economics TAKIS FOTOPOULOS Although Michael Albert is well aware of the existence of the Inclusive Democracy (ID) project, still, in his new book Parecon (Par) 1 he prefers to ignore its existence and follows the trouble-free path to compare Parecon with the disastrous central planning system and the narrowly ecological Bioregionalism, or with social ecology which, in fact, offers no mechanism at all for the allocation of resources as it is based on a post-scarcity moral economy. However, even if may be a good tactics to demonstrate the “superiority” of a proposal by avoiding the dialogue with alternative viable proposals, 2 it certainly does not help the advancement of the discussion, urgently needed today, on alternative proposals of social organisation. It is therefore the aim of this paper to fill this gap and compare and contrast the ID project with Parecon, which I consider to be the main systematic proposals of an alternative economy recently advanced, so that readers could make their own minds about the pros and cons of each project. I will begin with a discussion of the general nature of the two proposals and I will continue with the main characteristics of Parecon, which I will then discuss in detail in the rest of the paper, comparing them with the corresponding characteristics of the ID project. Main elements of the two proposals The nature of Parecon and the ID project At the outset, it has to be made clear that Parecon, unlike the ID project, is not a political project about an alternative society.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia, Georgia and the Eu in Abkhazia and South Ossetia
    PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION: RUSSIA, GEORGIA AND THE EU IN ABKHAZIA AND SOUTH OSSETIA Iskra Kirova August 2012 Figueroa Press Los Angeles The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author and cannot be interpreted to reflect the positions of organizations that the author is affiliated with. PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION: RUSSIA, GEORGIA AND THE EU IN ABKHAZIA AND SOUTH OSSETIA Iskra Kirova Published by FIGUEROA PRESS 840 Childs Way, 3rd Floor Los Angeles, CA 90089 Phone: (213) 743-4800 Fax: (213) 743-4804 www.figueroapress.com Figueroa Press is a division of the USC Bookstore Copyright © 2012 all rights reserved Notice of Rights All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmit- ted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without prior written permission from the author, care of Figueroa Press. Notice of Liability The information in this book is distributed on an “As is” basis, without warranty. While every precaution has been taken in the preparation of this book, neither the author nor Figueroa nor the USC Bookstore shall have any liability to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused or alleged to be caused directly or indirectly by any text contained in this book. Figueroa Press and the USC Bookstore are trademarks of the University of Southern California ISBN 13: 978-0-18-214016-9 ISBN 10: 0-18-214016-4 For general inquiries or to request additional copies of this paper please contact: USC Center on Public Diplomacy at the Annenberg School University of Southern California 3502 Watt Way, G4 Los Angeles, CA 90089-0281 Tel: (213) 821-2078; Fax: (213) 821-0774 [email protected] www.uscpublicdiplomacy.org CPD Perspectives on Public Diplomacy CPD Perspectives is a periodic publication by the USC Center on Public Diplomacy, and highlights scholarship intended to stimulate critical thinking about the study and practice of public diplomacy.
    [Show full text]
  • THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
    Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and Inclusivity: a Reflection from the 2019 Bali Civil Society and Media Forum
    Democracy and Inclusivity: A Reflection from the 2019 Bali Civil Society and Media Forum Editor Dinna Prapto Raharja, Ph.D Democracy and Inclusivity: A Reflection from the 2019 Bali Civil Society and Media Forum Editor Dinna Prapto Raharja, Ph.D Democracy and Inclusivity: A Reflection from the 2019 Bali Civil Society and Media Forum Editor Dinna Prapto Raharja, Ph.D Published by: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) Kantor Perwakilan Indonesia Jalan Kemang Selatan II No. 2 A | Jakarta 12730 Telepon : +62-21-7193711 Fax : +62-21-71791358 Email : [email protected] Website: www.fes.or.id ISBN 978-602-8866-27-9 Oktober 2020 Reproduction of this work in any form whatsoever, including photocopies whitout the written permission of the publishers, is prohibited Not for Sale Contents Foreword from the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung [p. 6] Foreword from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia [p. 9] Acronym and Abbreviation [p. 12] CHAPTER ONE Social Inclusion in Today’s Democracies Dinna Prapto Raharja [p. 15] CHAPTER TWO Trust and Confidence in Democracy Syahredzan Johan [p. 29] CHAPTER THREE Exclusivity and Democracy in Decline in Southeast Asia Naruemon Thabchumpon [p. 41] CHAPTER FOUR Beyond Numbers, Ensuring Inclusivity in a Growingly Exclusive Democratic Realm Sylvia Yazid and Mireille Marcia Karman [p. 51] CHAPTER FIVE Democracy, Capitalism and The New Media Andina Dwifatma [p. 63] CHAPTER SIX Hoax, Polarization, and Democracy: a Civil Society Perspective Anita Ashvini Wahid [p. 73] CHAPTER SEVEN Way Forward Dinna Prapto Raharja [p. 83] Profile of Writers [p. 90] Democracy and Inclusivity: A Reflection from the 2019 Bali Civil Society and Media Forum Foreword from the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Indonesia Office (FES) felt pleased when the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (KEMLU) invited FES for the second time to become a co- organizer of the »Bali Democracy Media and Civil Society Forum (BCSMF)«, which was held again as a parallel and integral part of the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF).
    [Show full text]
  • Working Paper
    Working Paper No. 34 / November 2012 Reviewing Member States’ Commitment to the European External Action Service Abstract Based on interviews with diplomats from a representative cross-section of nine member states and members of the EEAS itself, the research findings of this EPIN Working Paper confirm long-standing traditions and member state perceptions of cooperation with European institutions. The paper also reveals new aspects of the intergovernmental method of foreign policy shaping and making in the European Union; in particular how different national positions can positively or negatively affect the consolidation of the EEAS and the role of the EU as an international actor. As such, the Working Paper makes an original contribution to the existing literature on one of most discussed actors in the European Union’s post-Lisbon architecture in the domain of EU external action. EPIN Working Papers present analyses of key issues raised by the debate on the political integration of Europe. The European Policy Institutes Network (EPIN) is a network of think tanks and policy institutes based throughout Europe, which focuses on current EU political and policy debates (see back cover for more information). Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the authors in a personal capacity and not to any of the institutions with which they are associated. ISBN: 978-94-6138-245-0 Available for free downloading from the CEPS (http://www.ceps.eu) and EPIN (http://www.epin.org) websites © Copyright 2012, EPIN & CEPS Contents Preface ............................................................................................................................................ i Steven Blockmans Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................... ii Jackie West and Steven Blockmans France and the EEAS: A give-and-take relationship ....................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Foreign Service Journal, July-August 1982
    congress owmgb m uenirdi Hmericd Service Jo JULY/AUGUST 1982 The Press & Foreign Policy On October 20, 1980, Fortune Magazine devoted tlpe activities. VISA checking and card services are pro¬ major part of six pages to a description of the revo¬ vided by Bank One of Columbus, N.A. lutionary Merrill Lynch Cash Management Account financial service that lets you control your money If you've often wished that you could use some of in these five ways: the capital invested in securities without selling them, or been irritated at seeing interest, dividends 1. Your funds are virtually never idle. Any cash is or uninvested capital sitting idly in a brokerage automatically invested to earn daily compounded account, earning little or no income—you owe it dividends at current money market rates. You may to yourself to investigate the Cash Management elect to invest in the CMA™iMoney Fund, Thx-Exempt Account financial service. Fund or Government Securities Fund. It's a major step forward in financial services and 2. While Merrill Lynch is not a bank, you have instant it's exclusively Merrill Lynch's. And now it is available access to all your invested cash at any time any¬ to anyone with investments and/or cash totaling where in the world just by writing a check. $20,000 or more 3. You have immediate access to a line of credit based upon the value of your securities. 4. You receive a special VIS/fcard that is accepted in 152 countries and is different from any you now have.
    [Show full text]