The XXI Century Socialism in the Context of the New Latin American Left Civilizar
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1990 NGA Annual Meeting
BARLOW & JONES P.O. BOX 160612 MOBILE, ALABAMA 36616 (205) 476-0685 ~ 1 2 ACHIEVING EDUCATIONAL EXCELLENCE 3 AND ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY 4 5 National Governors' Association 6 82nd Annual Meeting Mobile, Alabama 7 July 29-31, 1990 8 9 10 11 12 ~ 13 ..- 14 15 16 PROCEEDINGS of the Opening Plenary Session of the 17 National Governors' Association 82nd Annual Meeting, 18 held at the Mobile Civic Center, Mobile, Alabama, 19 on the 29th day of July, 1990, commencing at 20 approximately 12:45 o'clock, p.m. 21 22 23 ".~' BARLOW & JONES P.O. BOX 160612 MOBILE. ALABAMA 36616 (205) 476-0685 1 I N D E X 2 3 Announcements Governor Branstad 4 Page 4 5 6 Welcoming Remarks Governor Hunt 7 Page 6 8 9 Opening Remarks Governor Branstad 10 Page 7 11 12 Overview of the Report of the Task Force on Solid Waste Management 13 Governor Casey Governor Martinez Page 11 Page 15 14 15 Integrated Waste Management: 16 Meeting the Challenge Mr. William D. Ruckelshaus 17 Page 18 18 Questions and Discussion 19 Page 35 20 21 22 23 2 BARLOW & JONES P.O. BOX 160612 MOBILE, ALABAMA 36616 (205) 476-0685 1 I N D E X (cont'd) 2 Global Environmental Challenges 3 and the Role of the World Bank Mr. Barber B. Conable, Jr. 4 Page 52 5 Questions and Discussion 6 Page 67 7 8 Recognition of NGA Distinguished Service Award Winners 9 Governor Branstad Page 76 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 3 BARLOW & JONES P.O. -
La Construción Del Fraude Y Los Partidos Políticos En La Argentina De
Sociohistórica, nº 15-16, 2004. ISSN 1852-1606 http://www.sociohistorica.fahce.unlp.edu.ar/ Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Centro de Investigaciones Socio Históricas La construcción del fraude y los partidos políticos en la Argentina de los años treinta u María Dolores Béjar En este trabajo analizo la trayectoria del fraude durante el gobierno de Agustín Justo, teniendo especialmente en cuenta la situación política e institucional en la provincia de Buenos Aires. El objetivo central es identificar la combinación de factores, prácticas y decisiones políticas que intervinieron en la constitución del escenario fraudulento. La instrumentación del fraude no fue lineal. Su movimiento pendular remite a los cursos de acción aprobados por la Unión Cívica Radical (UCR) y a los virajes del ejecutivo nacional, en parte, como respuesta a las decisiones del radicalismo y, en gran medida, derivados del equilibrio inestable entre las tendencias y las facciones en pugna en el seno de la Concordancia. Sobre la base de esta conjun- ción de factores en el período estudiado distingo dos momentos: el de la absten- ción electoral de la UCR (1931-1935) y el del fraude percibido y denunciado (por el conjunto de los partidos opositores y la mayor parte de la prensa) como un “plan organizado” a partir del reingreso del radicalismo al escenario electoral en 1935. El sucesor de Justo, Roberto Ortiz, dio cauce a un nuevo momento en el que se destaca su afán por recomponer la relación de fuerzas en el seno de la Concordancia en desmedro de los conservadores y a favor del antipersonalismo. -
POLL RESULTS: Congressional Bipartisanship Nationwide and in Battleground States
POLL RESULTS: Congressional Bipartisanship Nationwide and in Battleground States 1 Voters think Congress is dysfunctional and reject the suggestion that it is effective. Please indicate whether you think this word or phrase describes the United States Congress, or not. Nationwide Battleground Nationwide Independents Battleground Independents Dysfunctional 60 60 61 64 Broken 56 58 58 60 Ineffective 54 54 55 56 Gridlocked 50 48 52 50 Partisan 42 37 40 33 0 Bipartisan 7 8 7 8 Has America's best 3 2 3 interests at heart 3 Functioning 2 2 2 3 Effective 2 2 2 3 2 Political frustrations center around politicians’ inability to collaborate in a productive way. Which of these problems frustrates you the most? Nationwide Battleground Nationwide Independents Battleground Independents Politicians can’t work together to get things done anymore. 41 37 41 39 Career politicians have been in office too long and don’t 29 30 30 30 understand the needs of regular people. Politicians are politicizing issues that really shouldn’t be 14 13 12 14 politicized. Out political system is broken and doesn’t work for me. 12 15 12 12 3 Candidates who brand themselves as bipartisan will have a better chance of winning in upcoming elections. For which candidate for Congress would you be more likely to vote? A candidate who is willing to compromise to A candidate who will stay true to his/her get things done principles and not make any concessions NationwideNationwide 72 28 Nationwide Nationwide Independents Independents 74 26 BattlegroundBattleground 70 30 Battleground Battleground IndependentsIndependents 73 27 A candidate who will vote for bipartisan A candidate who will resist bipartisan legislation legislation and stick with his/her party NationwideNationwide 83 17 Nationwide IndependentsNationwide Independents 86 14 BattlegroundBattleground 82 18 Battleground BattlegroundIndependents Independents 88 12 4 Across the country, voters agree that they want members of Congress to work together. -
'Civil Society Works for a Democracy That Is Not Only More Representative
‘Civil society works for a democracy that is not only more representative but also more participatory’ CIVICUS speaks to Ramiro Orias, a Bolivian lawyer and human rights defender. Orias is a program officer with the Due Process of Law Foundation and a member and former director of Fundación Construir, a Bolivian CSO aimed at promoting citizen participation process for the strengthening of democracy and equal access to plural, equitable, transparent and independent judicial institutions. Q: A few days ago a national protest against the possibility of a new presidential re-election took place in Bolivia. Do you see President Evo Morales’ new re-election attempt as an example of democratic degradation? The president’s attempt to seek another re-election is part of a broader process of erosion of democratic civic space that has resulted from the concentration of power. The quest for a new presidential re-election requires a reform of the 2009 Constitution (which was promulgated by President Evo Morales himself). Some of the provisions introduced into the new constitutional text were very progressive; they indeed implied significant advances in terms of rights and guarantees. On the other hand, political reforms aimed at consolidating the newly acquired power were also introduced. For instance, there was a change in the composition and political balances within the Legislative Assembly that was aimed at over-representing the majority; the main authorities of the judiciary were dismissed before the end of their terms (the justices of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Tribunal were put to trial and forced to resign) and an election system for magistrates was established. -
Manual De Estilo De Clarín
Manual de estilo Todos los derechos reservados. Esta publicación no puede ser reproducida, ni en todo ni en parte, ni registrada en, o transmitida por un sistema de recuperación de información, en ninguna forma ni por ningún medio, sea mecánico, fotoquímico, electrónico magnético, electroóptico, por fotocopia o cualquier otro, sin el permiso previo por escrito de la editorial. © 1997, Arte Gráfico Editorial Argentino S.A. Clarín © De esta edición: 1997, Clarín / Aguilar U.T.E. Beazley 3860. 1437 Buenos Aires © Diseño de tapa: Cases i Associats, S.A. I.S.B.N.: 950-782-032-9 Impreso en Argentina Hecho el depósito que indica la ley 11.723 Primera edición: Marzo 1997 Presidente y Directora Editorial Ernestina Herrera de Noble Vicepresidente Ejecutivo y Director General Héctor H. Magnetto Director José A. Aranda Director Lucio R. Pagliaro Secretario General de Redacción Roberto P. Guareschi Controlador Administrativo-Financiero Héctor M. Aranda Gerente Comercial Alberto Pazos Gerente de Producción y Circulación Santos Casalnuovo Manual de Estilo Gerente de Asuntos Corporativos Saturnino Herrero Mitjans Editor Osvaldo Tcherkaski Gerente de Personal Redacción Jorge Figueiras Fernanda Longo, Telma Luzzani Gerente Técnico Diseño Roberto Landi Cases i Associats, S.A. Índice 1. Palabras preliminares 13 2. Bases de política editorial 19 3. Aspectos legales 21 3.1. Difamación, calumnias e injurias 3.2. Mención de menores 4. Principios generales 23 4.1. Noticia 4.2. Fuentes 4.2.1. Tipos de fuentes 4.2.2. Jerarquía de las fuentes 4.3. Primicias y notas exclusivas 4.4. Encuestas y sondeos de opinión 5. La producción de los textos 27 5.1. -
La Ley De Propiedad Intelectual De 1933. Proyectos Y Debates Parlamentarios Sobre Los Derechos Autorales En Argentina*
La ley de propiedad intelectual de 1933. Proyectos y debates parlamentarios sobre los derechos * autorales en Argentina The law of intellectual property of 1933. Projects and parliamentary debates on copyrights in Argentina Leandro Gustavo Lacquaniti Universidad de Buenos Aires – CONICET [email protected] Enviado: 30/05/2017 - Aceptado: 07/07/2017 “Leandro Gustavo Lacquaniti/' La ley de propiedad intelectual de 1933. Proyectos y debates parlamentarios sobre los derechos autorales en Argentina " en Revista de Estudios Sociales Contemporáneos n° 17, IMESC-IDEHESI/CONICET, Universidad Nacional De Cuyo, 2017, pp. 66-85” * Este trabajo se inserta en un proyecto más amplio de investigación financiado con una beca interna doctoral de CONICET (2016-2021) cuyo título es La Comisión Nacional de Cultura. Estado, artistas e intelectuales en la Argentina (1933-1955). Estudios Sociales Contemporáneos 17 | Diciembre 2017 La ley de propiedad intelectual de 1933. Proyectos y debates parlamentarios sobre los derechos autorales en Argentina Resumen El 26 de Septiembre de 1933, durante la presidencia de Agustín P. Justo, se sancionó en la Argentina la ley de propiedad artística e intelectual N° 11.723. El proyecto fue presentado al Congreso Nacional por el diputado Roberto Noble y su estudio recayó sobre una Comisión Especial designada por el poder Ejecutivo Nacional que fue presidida por el senador Matías Sánchez Sorondo. El objetivo de este artículo consiste en analizar las diferentes posturas que los bloques partidarios esgrimieron sobre la sanción de la ley de derechos autorales en el Congreso de la Nación y que versaron principalmente sobre el rol del Estado frente a la propiedad intelectual, la situación de los productores culturales y los mecanismos de circulación de sus obras en el plano local. -
Question – Vol
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by El Servicio de Difusión de la Creación Intelectual ISSN 1669-6581 Question – Vol. 1, N.° 37 (Verano 2013) TRANSFORMACIÓN DE LAS INDUSTRIAS CULTURALES EN LA ARGENTINA: UN ESTUDIO DE CASO A PARTIR DEL PROCESO DE CONCENTRACIÓN DEL GRUPO CLARÍN Esteban Andrés Zunino Universidad Nacional de Quilmes (Argentina) Introducción Las transformaciones acaecidas en los últimos años en el campo de las Industrias Culturales constituyen un elemento central del estudio contemporáneo del campo de la Comunicación. Concebidas como ramas, segmentos y actividades industriales productoras y distribuidoras de mercancías con contenido simbólico que son resultado del trabajo creativo, su particularidad consiste en una doble finalidad de sus productos simbólicos: por un lado, la reproducción del capital orientada por el modo de acumulación capitalista; y por el otro, la reproducción ideológica y social (Zallo, 1988). Las Industrias Culturales poseen particularidades tanto desde el punto de vista de su producción y distribución como desde el punto de vista de su consumo. Asimismo, su desarrollo en un contexto de globalización de la economía y la cultura imprimió en ellas dinámicas propias en diferentes lugares del planeta. Entonces, no se deben perder de vista las especificidades del proceso a nivel nacional (Fox y Waisbord, 2002). En ese sentido, el estudio de la consolidación del Grupo Clarín como principal conglomerado mediático del país (Mastrini y Becerra, 2009) resulta fundamental para comprender la dinámica propia que adquirió el proceso de transformación de la industrias culturales en el escenario nacional actual. La decisión de abordar el análisis sobre Clarín resulta elocuente: en el mercado de la prensa gráfica, de los 180 diarios que se calculan en el país, Clarín concentra el 31 % del mercado, alcanzando el 40,5 % de participación en la facturación del sector (Mastrini y Becerra, 2009). -
Conservatives on Madison Avenue: Political Advertising and Direct Marketing in the 1950S
NANZAN REVIEW OF AMERICAN STUDIES Volume 41 (2019): 3-25 Conservatives on Madison Avenue: Political Advertising and Direct Marketing in the 1950s MORIYAMA Takahito * This article investigates how urban consumerism affected the rise of modern American conservatism by focusing on anticommunists’ political advertising in New York City during the 1950s. The advertising industry developed the new tactic of direct marketing in the post-World War II period and, over the years, several political activists adopted this new marketing technique for political campaigns. Direct mail, a product of the new marketing, was a personalized medium that built up a database of personal information and sent suitable messages to individuals, instead of standardized information to the masses. The medium was especially significant for conservatives to disseminate their ideology to prospective supporters across the country in the 1950s when the conservati ve media establishment did not exist. This research explores the development of the American right in urban areas by analyzing the role of direct mail in the conservative movement. The postwar era witnessed the rise of modern American conservatism as a political movement. Following World War II, anticommunism became widespread among Americans and the United States was confronted with communism abroad, whereas in domestic politics right-wing movements, such as McCarthyism, attacked liberalism. The New Deal had angered many Americans prior to the 1950s. Frustrated with government regulations since the 1930s, some businesspeople acclaimed the free enterprise system and individual liberties as the American ideal; several intellectuals and religious figures criticized the decline of traditional values in modern society; and white Southerners were adamant in preventing the federal government from interfering in the Jim Crow laws. -
Preferences for Bipartisanship in the American Electorate Laurel
Compromise vs. Compromises: Preferences for Bipartisanship in the American Electorate Laurel Harbridge* Assistant Professor, Northwestern University Faculty Fellow, Institute for Policy Research [email protected] Scott Hall 601 University Place Evanston, IL 60208 (847) 467-1147 Neil Malhotra Associate Professor, Stanford Graduate School of Business [email protected] 655 Knight Way Stanford, CA 94035 (408) 772-7969 Brian F. Harrison PhD Candidate, Northwestern University [email protected] Scott Hall 601 University Place Evanston, IL 60208 * Corresponding author. We thank Time-Sharing Experiments in the Social Sciences (TESS) for providing the majority of the financial support of this project. TESS is funded by the National Science Foundation (SES- 0818839). A previous version of this paper was scheduled for presentation at the 2012 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. Abstract Public opinion surveys regularly assert that Americans want political leaders to work together and to engage in bipartisan compromise. If so, why has Congress become increasingly acrimonious even though the American public wants it to be “bipartisan”? Many scholars claim that this is simply a breakdown of representation. We offer another explanation: although people profess support for “bipartisanship” in an abstract sense, what they desire procedurally out of their party representatives in Congress is to not compromise with the other side. To test this argument, we conduct two experiments in which we alter aspects of the political context to see how people respond to parties (not) coming together to achieve broadly popular public policy goals. We find that citizens’ proclaimed desire for bipartisanship in actuality reflects self-serving partisan desires. -
— — the Way We Will Work
No. 03 ASPEN.REVIEW 2017 CENTRAL EUROPE COVER STORIES Edwin Bendyk, Paul Mason, Drahomíra Zajíčková, Jiří Kůs, Pavel Kysilka, Martin Ehl POLITICS Krzysztof Nawratek ECONOMY Jacques Sapir CULTURE Olena Jennings INTERVIEW Alain Délétroz Macron— Is Not 9 771805 679005 No. 03/2017 No. 03/2017 Going to Leave Eastern Europe Behind — e-Estonia:— The Way We Will Work We Way The Between Russia and the Cloud The Way We Will Work About Aspen Aspen Review Central Europe quarterly presents current issues to the general public in the Aspenian way by adopting unusual approaches and unique viewpoints, by publishing analyses, interviews, and commentaries by world-renowned professionals as well as Central European journalists and scholars. The Aspen Review is published by the Aspen Institute Central Europe. Aspen Institute Central Europe is a partner of the global Aspen network and serves as an independent platform where political, business, and non-prof-it leaders, as well as personalities from art, media, sports and science, can interact. The Institute facilitates interdisciplinary, regional cooperation, and supports young leaders in their development. The core of the Institute’s activities focuses on leadership seminars, expert meetings, and public conferences, all of which are held in a neutral manner to encourage open debate. The Institute’s Programs are divided into three areas: — Leadership Program offers educational and networking projects for outstanding young Central European professionals. Aspen Young Leaders Program brings together emerging and experienced leaders for four days of workshops, debates, and networking activities. — Policy Program enables expert discussions that support strategic think- ing and interdisciplinary approach in topics as digital agenda, cities’ de- velopment and creative placemaking, art & business, education, as well as transatlantic and Visegrad cooperation. -
“El Ministerio De Onganía”. Un Análisis De La Conformación Del Ministerio De Bienestar Social (1966-1970)
“El Ministerio de Onganía”. Un análisis de la conformación del Ministerio de Bienestar Social (1966-1970) [“The Ministry of Onganía”. An Analysis of the Formation of the Ministry of Social Welfare (1966-1970)] Florencia Osuna (Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento – CONICET/Universidad Nacional de La Plata) [email protected] Resumen: Abstract: Este artículo busca dar cuenta de los objetivos, las The purpose of this article is to account for the objec- discusiones, los actores y las políticas en torno a la tives, discussions, players, and policies related to the creación del Ministerio de Bienestar Social durante el creation of the Ministry of Social Welfare during the gobierno dictatorial de Juan Carlos Onganía (1966- dictatorial government of Juan Carlos Onganía (1966- 1970). Bajo el amplio concepto de “bienestar social” 1970). The broad concept of “social welfare” included fueron englobadas diferentes áreas de la política different areas of public policy which began to guide pública que comenzaron a orientar su intervención en the intervention based on the concepts of “commu- función de los conceptos de “comunidad”, “desarro- nity,” “development,” and “State subsidiarity”. In this llo” y “subsidiariedad del Estado”. En este sentido, el regard, this paper analyzes, on the one hand, the trabajo analiza, por un lado, las características de los characteristics of Catholic officers and the developers funcionarios católicos y desarrollistas que fueron who were recruited. On the other hand, it studies the reclutados. Por otro lado, estudia las principales polí- main policies promoted in the different areas of the ticas impulsadas en las diferentes áreas del ministerio: ministry: Social Security, Housing, Public Health, and Seguridad Social, Vivienda, Salud Pública, y Promo- Community Assistance and Promotion. -
November 14, 2019, Vol. 61, No. 46
El juicio político 12 Golpe en Bolivia 12 Workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite! workers.org Vol. 61 No. 46 Nov. 14, 2019 $1 U.S.-backed coup in Bolivia Indigenous, workers resist By John Catalinotto “opened the doors to absolute impu- Nov. 11—In a message from his base east of the country. Since Oct. 20, when nity for those who are able to exercise in the Chapare region in central Bolivia, Morales won re-election, these gangs have Nov. 12— From La Paz, journalist power.” But, Teruggi adds, “[The] half President Evo Morales said on the eve- attacked and beaten pro-Morales elected Marco Teruggi writes that 24 hours after of the country that voted for [President] ning of Nov. 10: “I want to tell you, broth- political leaders, burning their homes and the U.S.-backed coup in Bolivia, “There Evo Morales exists and will not stand ers and sisters, that the fight does not end offices across the country. is no formal government, but there is idly by.” Formal and informal organi- here. We will continue this fight for equal- Immediately, the imperialist-con- the power of arms.” (pagina12.org) zations of Indigenous peoples, campesi- ity, for peace.” (Al Jazeera, Nov. 11) trolled media worldwide tried to give Police and soldiers patrol at the behest nos and workers are blockading roads, Earlier that day, a fascist-led coup their unanimous spin to the event, slan- of the coup leaders, while fascistic gangs setting up self-defense units, and call- backed by the Bolivian police and mil- dering the Morales government and roam, beat and burn, the coup having ing for “general resistance to the coup itary, and receiving the full support of its Movement toward Socialism (MAS) d’état throughout the coun- U.S.