An Inside Look at the Obama Administration: Politics and Policy at the Six-Month Mark

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

An Inside Look at the Obama Administration: Politics and Policy at the Six-Month Mark An Inside Look at the Obama Administration: Politics and Policy at the Six-Month Mark 1 DOUGLAS SCHOEN JUNE 30 T H , 2009 Overview 2 I spent six years between 1994 and 2000 as one of President Bill Clinton’s senior political advisers. During that time, we did an extensive amount of polling and research on issues facing the country. Many of the decisions that were made at the very least were informed by polling information. Overview 3 Tonight, I seek to provide a context for decisions that the Obama administration is making: why they are doing what they are doing, and how they are doing it. I will provide this context by examining a survey that I conducted over the weekend with 800 likely voters representing a national sample of the American population. Overview 4 This is a critical time for President Obama. Personally, Obama remains popular. His policies are somewhat less popular, and there is a substantial degree of skepticism as to whether these policies will actually create jobs, and large numbers of voters fear that they will increase the deficit. Americans are convinced that the Republicans caused the economic problems we currently face. However, there is a sense that Republican policies now are at least as constructive, if not more constructive, than Democratic policies. Overview 5 The electorate is supportive of Obama’s health care and cap-and-trade initiatives, but has doubts about the efficiency and impact of both. Voters also have a fear that new taxes will be created from Obama’s initiatives, and that another government bureaucracy will be created because of Obama’s health care plan. There is no appetite among the electorate for another stimulus package. The Context 6 Party Identification of the American Electorate 7 A May 21, 2009 report by the Pew Research Center shows that 35% of voters identify themselves as Democrats, 23% identify as Republicans and 36% identify as Independents. Party Identification of the American Electorate 8 40% 35% 36% 30% 23% Democrat 20% Republican Independent 10% 0% Pew Research Center Report: May 21, 2009 Party Identification of the American Electorate 9 This represents a significant and steady decline in the Republican Party. Thirty percent identified as Republicans in 2004, and one-quarter indentified as Republicans in 2008. Republican losses however, have not translated into gains for the Democrats. Democrats have dropped one point since 2008 (36%), and have only gained two points since 2004 (33%). Party Identification of the American Electorate 10 The number of Americans who self-identify as Independents has reached record highs. Independents have increased four points since 2008 (32%), and six points since 2004 (30%). Thus, it’s not that the Democratic Party has grown, but that the Republican Party has fallen precipitously and more Americans identify as Independents. Party Identification 2004-2009 11 38% 36% 36% 36% 34% 34% 33% 33% 33% 35% 32% 32% 33% 30% 30% 30% 30% Democrat 30% 29% 28% 28% Republican 26% Independent 25% 25% 24% 23% 22% 20% 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Ideological Identification of the American Electorate 12 Additionally, the percentage of Americans who identify as liberals has remained relatively constant over the past five years, ranging from 19% to 21%. 19% currently call themselves liberal. Those who identify as moderates and as conservatives remain stagnant as well. 38% describe themselves as moderate and 37% describe themselves as conservative. Ideological Identification 2004-2009 13 45% 40% 37% 39% 37% 37% 38%36% 38% 36% 38% 39% 35% 36% 35% Liberal 30% Conservative 25% Moderate 21% 20% 20% 20% 19% 19% 19% 15% 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Identification of the American Electorate 14 Thus, we are in a country that is non-Republican, moderate and looking for change. How is the Obama administration framing policy and politics in the light of this environment? Direction of the Country 15 First and foremost, people are still angry and frustrated. 55% believe that things in the country are on the wrong track. 37% believe that things are headed in the right direction. Direction of the Country 16 60% 55% 50% 40% 37% 30% Right direction 20% Wrong track 10% 0% Generally speaking, are things in the country headed in the right direction, or are they on the wrong track? What’s the most serious problem facing our country? 17 38% believe that the most serious problem facing our country is the economy 15% say health care 15% say government ethics and corruption 12% say immigration What is the most serious problem facing our country today? 18 The economy 38% Health care 15% Government ethics and corruption 15% Immigration 12% Education 6% War on terror 6% The Environment 4% SocialSecurity 2% War in Iraq 1% Perceptions of the Economy 19 51% think the U.S. economy is currently in the midst of the beginnings of a recovery. 43% disagree. 76% think that the U.S. is facing a serious risk of inflation in the future. 17% disagree. 71% say that the U.S. is facing a risk for a period of long term higher unemployment with the unemployment rate hovering around 10%. 19% disagree. The Economy – Economic Recovery 20 60% 55% 51% 50% 45% 43% Agree 40% Disagree 35% 30% Do you think that the U.S. economy is currently in the midst of the beginnings of a recovery? The Economy – Inflation 21 80% 76% 70% 60% 50% 40% Agree 30% Disagree 20% 17% 10% 0% Do you think that the United States is facing a serious risk of inflation in the future? The Economy – Unemployment 22 80% 71% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% Agree 19% Disagree 20% 10% 0% Do think that the United States is facing a risk for a period of long term higher unemployment, with the unemployment rate hovering around 10%? The Economy –Depression 23 60% 54% think that it is likely 54% that we could face 50% 45% another depression in the near future. 40% 45% think that it is not 30% Likely likely. Not likely 20% How likely do you think is the possibility that we could face another depression in the near future? The Economy – Depression 24 80% 76% 76% think that we are 70% probably facing the most 60% serious economic 50% 40% downturn since the Great Depression. 30% 22% Probably 20% 22% think that we are 10% Probably probably not. 0% not Do you think that we are facing the most serious economic downturn the country has experienced since the Great Depression? Economic Recovery Predictions 25 40% say it will take more than one year, and 28% say it will take more than a few years for the U.S. economy to recover. How long do you think it will take for the United States economy to recover? Less than six months 4% More than six months 7% One year 22% More than one year 40% More than a few years 28% Barack Obama’s Economic Policies 26 Voters are split on whether Obama’s policies have helped the economy. 30% say they have helped the economy. One -third say they have hurt the economy . 30% say they have not yet had an impact. Barack Obama’s Economic Policies 27 40% 33% 30% 30% 30% 20% Helped Hurt 10% Not yet had an impact 0% So far, would you say that Barack Obama’s policies have helped the economy, hurt the economy, or have they not yet had an impact on the economy? Impact of Democratic and Republican Economic Policies 28 Voters are split on the impact of the Democrats’ economic policies. 38% believe that their economic policies have hurt the economy, while 38% believe that they have helped the economy. Half of the electorate believes that the economic policies of the Republican Party have hurt the economy. 31% think they have helped. Thus, George Bush remains a potent target for rhetorical attacks. Impact of Democratic and Republican Economic Policies 29 60% 50% 50% 40% 38% 38% 31% 30% Helped the economy Hurt the economy 20% 15% 14% Have not had an impact 10% 0% Democrat economic Republican economic policies policies Bipartisanship in Washington 30 Voters still want more bipartisanship in Washington. 59% think we need an increase in bipartisanship in Washington to solve our problems. 34% think we need strong leadership from President Obama. 41% say bipartisanship has gotten worse in Washington since Obama was elected president. 20% say it has gotten better, 31% say it has stayed the same. Bipartisanship in Washington 31 Some say what we need in Washington right now is an increase in bipartisanship to solve the country’s problems. Others say that the key to solving the country’s problems is strong and decisive leadership from the President and his supporters in Congress. Which statement is closer to your view? We need an increase in bipartisanship. 59% We need strong and decisive leadership from President 34% Obama and his supporters in Congress. Bipartisanship in Washington 32 50% 41% 40% 31% 30% It has improved 20% 20% It has gotten worse It has stayed the same 10% 0% How has bipartisanship changed since Obama's election? Republican and Democratic Policies in Congress 33 While voters say that Republicans caused our country’s problems, their policies are seen as marginally more constructive than the Democrats’ policies. 47% think Republicans in Congress offer constructive policies, while 44% think Democrats in Congress offer constructive policies. Republicans in Congress 34 50% 47% 43% 40% 30% Offer constructive 20% policies Seek to oppose 10% Democrats 0% Do you believe that Republicans in Congress offer constructive policies, or do they just seek to oppose the Democrats? Democrats in Congress 35 50% 44% 40% 36% 30% Offer constructive policies 20% 20% Seek to oppose Republicans 10% Not sure 0% Do you believe that Democrats in Congress offer constructive policies, or do they just seek to oppose the Republicans? Republican and Democratic Policies in Congress 36 To be sure, if the Democratic policies produce real results, the voters will continue to vote Democratic.
Recommended publications
  • 1990 NGA Annual Meeting
    BARLOW & JONES P.O. BOX 160612 MOBILE, ALABAMA 36616 (205) 476-0685 ~ 1 2 ACHIEVING EDUCATIONAL EXCELLENCE 3 AND ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY 4 5 National Governors' Association 6 82nd Annual Meeting Mobile, Alabama 7 July 29-31, 1990 8 9 10 11 12 ~ 13 ..- 14 15 16 PROCEEDINGS of the Opening Plenary Session of the 17 National Governors' Association 82nd Annual Meeting, 18 held at the Mobile Civic Center, Mobile, Alabama, 19 on the 29th day of July, 1990, commencing at 20 approximately 12:45 o'clock, p.m. 21 22 23 ".~' BARLOW & JONES P.O. BOX 160612 MOBILE. ALABAMA 36616 (205) 476-0685 1 I N D E X 2 3 Announcements Governor Branstad 4 Page 4 5 6 Welcoming Remarks Governor Hunt 7 Page 6 8 9 Opening Remarks Governor Branstad 10 Page 7 11 12 Overview of the Report of the Task Force on Solid Waste Management 13 Governor Casey Governor Martinez Page 11 Page 15 14 15 Integrated Waste Management: 16 Meeting the Challenge Mr. William D. Ruckelshaus 17 Page 18 18 Questions and Discussion 19 Page 35 20 21 22 23 2 BARLOW & JONES P.O. BOX 160612 MOBILE, ALABAMA 36616 (205) 476-0685 1 I N D E X (cont'd) 2 Global Environmental Challenges 3 and the Role of the World Bank Mr. Barber B. Conable, Jr. 4 Page 52 5 Questions and Discussion 6 Page 67 7 8 Recognition of NGA Distinguished Service Award Winners 9 Governor Branstad Page 76 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 3 BARLOW & JONES P.O.
    [Show full text]
  • POLL RESULTS: Congressional Bipartisanship Nationwide and in Battleground States
    POLL RESULTS: Congressional Bipartisanship Nationwide and in Battleground States 1 Voters think Congress is dysfunctional and reject the suggestion that it is effective. Please indicate whether you think this word or phrase describes the United States Congress, or not. Nationwide Battleground Nationwide Independents Battleground Independents Dysfunctional 60 60 61 64 Broken 56 58 58 60 Ineffective 54 54 55 56 Gridlocked 50 48 52 50 Partisan 42 37 40 33 0 Bipartisan 7 8 7 8 Has America's best 3 2 3 interests at heart 3 Functioning 2 2 2 3 Effective 2 2 2 3 2 Political frustrations center around politicians’ inability to collaborate in a productive way. Which of these problems frustrates you the most? Nationwide Battleground Nationwide Independents Battleground Independents Politicians can’t work together to get things done anymore. 41 37 41 39 Career politicians have been in office too long and don’t 29 30 30 30 understand the needs of regular people. Politicians are politicizing issues that really shouldn’t be 14 13 12 14 politicized. Out political system is broken and doesn’t work for me. 12 15 12 12 3 Candidates who brand themselves as bipartisan will have a better chance of winning in upcoming elections. For which candidate for Congress would you be more likely to vote? A candidate who is willing to compromise to A candidate who will stay true to his/her get things done principles and not make any concessions NationwideNationwide 72 28 Nationwide Nationwide Independents Independents 74 26 BattlegroundBattleground 70 30 Battleground Battleground IndependentsIndependents 73 27 A candidate who will vote for bipartisan A candidate who will resist bipartisan legislation legislation and stick with his/her party NationwideNationwide 83 17 Nationwide IndependentsNationwide Independents 86 14 BattlegroundBattleground 82 18 Battleground BattlegroundIndependents Independents 88 12 4 Across the country, voters agree that they want members of Congress to work together.
    [Show full text]
  • Conservatives on Madison Avenue: Political Advertising and Direct Marketing in the 1950S
    NANZAN REVIEW OF AMERICAN STUDIES Volume 41 (2019): 3-25 Conservatives on Madison Avenue: Political Advertising and Direct Marketing in the 1950s MORIYAMA Takahito * This article investigates how urban consumerism affected the rise of modern American conservatism by focusing on anticommunists’ political advertising in New York City during the 1950s. The advertising industry developed the new tactic of direct marketing in the post-World War II period and, over the years, several political activists adopted this new marketing technique for political campaigns. Direct mail, a product of the new marketing, was a personalized medium that built up a database of personal information and sent suitable messages to individuals, instead of standardized information to the masses. The medium was especially significant for conservatives to disseminate their ideology to prospective supporters across the country in the 1950s when the conservati ve media establishment did not exist. This research explores the development of the American right in urban areas by analyzing the role of direct mail in the conservative movement. The postwar era witnessed the rise of modern American conservatism as a political movement. Following World War II, anticommunism became widespread among Americans and the United States was confronted with communism abroad, whereas in domestic politics right-wing movements, such as McCarthyism, attacked liberalism. The New Deal had angered many Americans prior to the 1950s. Frustrated with government regulations since the 1930s, some businesspeople acclaimed the free enterprise system and individual liberties as the American ideal; several intellectuals and religious figures criticized the decline of traditional values in modern society; and white Southerners were adamant in preventing the federal government from interfering in the Jim Crow laws.
    [Show full text]
  • Preferences for Bipartisanship in the American Electorate Laurel
    Compromise vs. Compromises: Preferences for Bipartisanship in the American Electorate Laurel Harbridge* Assistant Professor, Northwestern University Faculty Fellow, Institute for Policy Research [email protected] Scott Hall 601 University Place Evanston, IL 60208 (847) 467-1147 Neil Malhotra Associate Professor, Stanford Graduate School of Business [email protected] 655 Knight Way Stanford, CA 94035 (408) 772-7969 Brian F. Harrison PhD Candidate, Northwestern University [email protected] Scott Hall 601 University Place Evanston, IL 60208 * Corresponding author. We thank Time-Sharing Experiments in the Social Sciences (TESS) for providing the majority of the financial support of this project. TESS is funded by the National Science Foundation (SES- 0818839). A previous version of this paper was scheduled for presentation at the 2012 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. Abstract Public opinion surveys regularly assert that Americans want political leaders to work together and to engage in bipartisan compromise. If so, why has Congress become increasingly acrimonious even though the American public wants it to be “bipartisan”? Many scholars claim that this is simply a breakdown of representation. We offer another explanation: although people profess support for “bipartisanship” in an abstract sense, what they desire procedurally out of their party representatives in Congress is to not compromise with the other side. To test this argument, we conduct two experiments in which we alter aspects of the political context to see how people respond to parties (not) coming together to achieve broadly popular public policy goals. We find that citizens’ proclaimed desire for bipartisanship in actuality reflects self-serving partisan desires.
    [Show full text]
  • The XXI Century Socialism in the Context of the New Latin American Left Civilizar
    Civilizar. Ciencias Sociales y Humanas ISSN: 1657-8953 [email protected] Universidad Sergio Arboleda Colombia Ramírez Montañez, Julio The XXI century socialism in the context of the new Latin American left Civilizar. Ciencias Sociales y Humanas, vol. 17, núm. 33, julio-diciembre, 2017, pp. 97- 112 Universidad Sergio Arboleda Bogotá, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=100254730006 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Civilizar Ciencias Sociales y Humanas 17 (33): 97-112, Julio-Diciembre de 2017 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22518/16578953.902 The XXI century socialism in the context of the new Latin American left1 El socialismo del siglo XXI en el contexto de la nueva izquierda latinoamericana Recibido: 27 de juniol de 2016 - Revisado: 10 de febrero de 2017 – Aceptado: 10 de marzo de 2017. Julio Ramírez Montañez2 Abstract The main purpose of this paper is to present an analytical approach of the self- proclaimed “new socialism of the XXI Century” in the context of the transformations undertaken by the so-called “Bolivarian revolution”.The reforms undertaken by referring to the ideology of XXI century socialism in these countries were characterized by an intensification of the process of transformation of the state structure and the relations between the state and society, continuing with the nationalization of sectors of the economy, the centralizing of the political apparatus of State administration.
    [Show full text]
  • WHY COMPETITION in the POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA a Strategy for Reinvigorating Our Democracy
    SEPTEMBER 2017 WHY COMPETITION IN THE POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA A strategy for reinvigorating our democracy Katherine M. Gehl and Michael E. Porter ABOUT THE AUTHORS Katherine M. Gehl, a business leader and former CEO with experience in government, began, in the last decade, to participate actively in politics—first in traditional partisan politics. As she deepened her understanding of how politics actually worked—and didn’t work—for the public interest, she realized that even the best candidates and elected officials were severely limited by a dysfunctional system, and that the political system was the single greatest challenge facing our country. She turned her focus to political system reform and innovation and has made this her mission. Michael E. Porter, an expert on competition and strategy in industries and nations, encountered politics in trying to advise governments and advocate sensible and proven reforms. As co-chair of the multiyear, non-partisan U.S. Competitiveness Project at Harvard Business School over the past five years, it became clear to him that the political system was actually the major constraint in America’s inability to restore economic prosperity and address many of the other problems our nation faces. Working with Katherine to understand the root causes of the failure of political competition, and what to do about it, has become an obsession. DISCLOSURE This work was funded by Harvard Business School, including the Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness and the Division of Research and Faculty Development. No external funding was received. Katherine and Michael are both involved in supporting the work they advocate in this report.
    [Show full text]
  • Planning the American Dream: the Case for an Office of Opportunity
    Center on Children and Families at BROOKINGS May 2014 CCF Brief # 53 Planning the American Dream: The Case for an Office of Opportunity Richard V. Reeves Opportunity is a Bipartisan Issue U.S. politics is short on bipartisanship. But there is one issue on which the major players on both sides of the aisle are in agreement. Upward intergenerational mobility is too low—which is both a symptom and a cause of unfairness in American society. Take these two quotes, one from President Obama and the other from Representative Paul Ryan: “Upward mobility is the central promise of life in America: but right now, America’s engines of upward mobility aren’t working the way they should. “Opportunity is who we are… but upward mobility has stalled.” Hard to know which one is which, isn’t it? The first is Ryan, the second Obama. Rhetorical agreement that America ought to be a land of opportunity is, of course, hardly news. But it is significant that most senior political figures now agree that we are falling way short of this ideal. Mounting empirical evidence that rates of intergenerational social mobility in the U.S. are low and flat has finally penetrated the American political consciousness. A chance for some bipartisan work to address social mobility has presented itself. This is a precious moment, which ought to be seized. But even if the two sides agree there is a problem, they are very far from agreeing on any solution. Quite the opposite: while Democrats are pushing state action—pre-K education, Race to the Top in schools, a higher minimum wage, new metrics for college performance— Republicans emphasize wealth creation, trust, and civic capital in communities, and focus on reducing welfare rolls.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Introduction 2 Neoliberal Colonialism 3 Analysing
    Notes 1 Introduction 1 . I use the terms ‘classical liberal’, ‘social liberal’ and ‘neoliberal’ consistently to specify three key recent phases of thinking about the liberal state. I do this for clarity and heuristic purposes, while recognising that there are overlaps and contestations. There are also other terms that draw out different aspects of these approaches. For example, in analysing the social liberal era, many critical scholars use other labels such as ‘multiculturalism’, ‘social welfarism’ or ‘social democracy’. However, I find that the term ‘social liberal’ works well to link this phase of liberalism as a political theory to the historical social policy era in which the welfare state was extended and celebrated. Where I use the term ‘liberalism’, I am referring to the broader set of ideas and practices that encompasses classical, social and neoliberalism. 2 . Irene Watson also identifies this type of process at work in the ‘New Arrangements’, suggesting that they require ‘taking responsibility for one’s own trauma’ (2008: 18). 2 Neoliberal Colonialism 1 . Not confusing this with ‘decolonisation’ in terms of separation from the mother country of England (which has happened to different extents and with different psychological impacts in each case). This might disrupt the imperial relationship between metropole and colony, but we should no longer accede to the politically convenient claim that it somehow disrupts the colo- nial relationship between colonists and Indigenous peoples. 2 . Harper later clarified that in using the term ‘colonialism’, he was referring to external imperial expansion. However, in a different way, this usage also demonstrates the routine erasure of constitutive settler colonialism.
    [Show full text]
  • Capital Punishment: the Fragmentation of Colombia and the Crisis of the Nation-State
    Third World Quarterly, Vol 22, No 6, pp 1063–1078, 2001 Capital punishment: the fragmentation of Colombia and the crisis of the nation-state JEFF BROWITT ABSTRACT The Colombian nation-state is in its worst period of crisis since the infamous Violencia of the late 1940s and 1950s. State power is being contested by a number of groups: paramilitaries, the revolutionary Left, drug cartels and corrupt high-level officials. But these latest challenges must be set in a wider historical context: a 200-year history of failed attempts by the oligarchy to forge a stable modern nation-state without undermining their dominant position in the Colombian polity. The writing of a new constitution in 1991, the first since 1886, was an attempt to address many of the above problems, including the granting of special powers to the executive to deal with civil unrest, the need for a de- centralised and pluralised political landscape and constitutional guarantees for minority and indigenous representation and rights. However, constitutional change has also taken place in the context of the consolidation of the globalisa- tion project and the practical effects of the new constitution have been its provision of legal and administrative measures to facilitate the neoliberal restructuring of the economy, a process which, over the past 10 years, has been a devastating form of ‘capital punishment’ for the Colombian underclasses and has contributed to the further fragmentation of the nation. In the past two to three years in Colombia there have been several major national strikes against the government’s economic policies. Public sector and private sector labour unions have been agitating for a moratorium on the payment of foreign debt, a change from the dominant neoliberal economic model of the past 10 years and a rejection of IMF preconditions for loans.
    [Show full text]
  • Bipartisanship in the 21St Century Cures Act in a Partisan Environment
    Bipartisanship in the 21st Century Cures Act In a partisan environment, what characteristics of political compromise lead to the passage of legislation? Courtney Scoufis Undergraduate Honors Thesis Sanford School of Public Policy Duke University Durham, NC December 2017 BIPARTISANSHIP IN THE 21ST CENTURY CURES ACT SCOUFIS 2 Acknowledgements This project would not be have been possible without the help of many people. Thank you to Julie Barnes-Weise for sparking my interest in pharmaceutical research and development my sophomore year through the Global Health Innovation Alliance Accelerator. I would also like to thank her for agreeing to be my thesis adviser and for her continuous support. I would like to thank Ken Rogerson for making what at first seemed like a daunting task doable and always helping me brainstorm my next steps. I would also like to thank Adam Hollowell for his encouragement and advice. Additionally, I would like to thank Jane Bahn for her help pulling committee reports. Thank you to my family, friends, and thesis companions for their support over the past year. Finally, thank you to the Sanford School of Public Policy for providing funding for this research. BIPARTISANSHIP IN THE 21ST CENTURY CURES ACT SCOUFIS 3 Table of Contents List of Tables …………………...………………………………………………....……...…...... 4 Abstract …………………...…………………………………………………....……………...... 5 Introduction ……..……………………………………………………………………………… 6 Literature Review …….……………………………………………………………………..…. 8 I. Bipartisanship ……………………………………………………………………… 8 II. Partisan Opinions
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of Human Rights PENNSYLVANIA STUDIES in HUMAN RIGHTS
    The Future of Human Rights PENNSYLVANIA STUDIES IN HUMAN RIGHTS Bert B. Lockwood, Jr., Series Editor A complete list of books in the series is available from the publisher. The Future of Human Rights U.S. Policy for a New Era EDITED BY WILLIAM F. SCHULZ University of Pennsylvania Press Philadelphia Copyright ᭧ 2008 University of Pennsylvania Press All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations used for purposes of review or scholarly citation, none of this book may be reproduced in any form by any means without written permission from the publisher. Published by University of Pennsylvania Press Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4112 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper 10987654321 A Cataloging-in-Publication record is available for the Library of Congress ISBN 978-0-8122-4111-2 with special appreciation for the support of the Center for American Progress Contents Introduction 1 William F. Schulz 1. Fighting from Strength: Human Rights and the Challenge of Terrorism 23 Elisa Massimino 2. National Security and the Rule of Law: Self-Inflicted Wounds 39 John Shattuck 3. The United States and the Future of Humanitarian Intervention 52 Rachel Kleinfeld 4. Matching Means with Intentions: Sanctions and Human Rights 72 George A. Lopez 5. Setting the Record Straight: Why Now Is Not the Time to Abandon Democracy Promotion 84 Jennifer L. Windsor 6. A Tale of Two Traditions: International Cooperation and American Exceptionalism in U.S. Human Rights Policy 103 Catherine Powell 7. Putting Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights Back on the Agenda of the United States 120 Philip Alston 8.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record—House H212
    H212 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE February 7, 2001 risky scheme, a close analysis of the Today we refer to cooperation as bi- The question, though, remains, is historical record, Mr. Speaker, will partisanship. Some argue that biparti- there really anything new being of- prove otherwise. Both Senator BOB sanship is absolutely necessary for the fered? The demand for bipartisanship is GRAHAM of Florida and Alan Greenspan American democracy to survive. The nothing more than a continuation of agree that the Bush tax cut is average media never mentions a concern for the the third-way movement of the last by historical standards. survival of the Republic, but there are several decades. The effort always is to Consider, for example, this chart, those who argue that left-wing inter- soften the image of the authoritarians prepared by the nonpartisan National ventionism should give no ground to who see a need to run the economy and Taxpayers Union. The Bush tax cut and right-wing interventionism, that too regulate people’s lives, while pre- the tax cut proposal we support in the much is at stake. tending not to give up any of the ad- Economic Recovery and Growth Act of The media are demanding the Bush vantages of the free market or the sup- 2001 are considerably smaller than ei- administration and the Republican posed benefits that come from compas- ther the Kennedy tax cut of the 1960s or Congress immediately yield to those sionate welfare or a socialist govern- significantly smaller than the Reagan insisting on higher taxes and more ment.
    [Show full text]