1 Introduction 2 Neoliberal Colonialism 3 Analysing

Notes

1 Introduction

1 . I use the terms ‘classical liberal’, ‘social liberal’ and ‘neoliberal’ consistently to specify three key recent phases of thinking about the liberal state. I do this for clarity and heuristic purposes, while recognising that there are overlaps and contestations. There are also other terms that draw out different aspects of these approaches. For example, in analysing the social liberal era, many critical scholars use other labels such as ‘multiculturalism’, ‘social welfarism’ or ‘social democracy’. However, I find that the term ‘social liberal’ works well to link this phase of liberalism as a political theory to the historical social policy era in which the welfare state was extended and celebrated. Where I use the term ‘liberalism’, I am referring to the broader set of ideas and practices that encompasses classical, social and neoliberalism. 2 . Irene Watson also identifies this type of process at work in the ‘New Arrangements’, suggesting that they require ‘taking responsibility for one’s own trauma’ (2008: 18).

2 Neoliberal Colonialism

1 . Not confusing this with ‘decolonisation’ in terms of separation from the mother country of England (which has happened to different extents and with different psychological impacts in each case). This might disrupt the imperial relationship between metropole and colony, but we should no longer accede to the politically convenient claim that it somehow disrupts the colonial relationship between colonists and Indigenous peoples. 2 . Harper later clarified that in using the term ‘colonialism’, he was referring to external imperial expansion. However, in a different way, this usage also demonstrates the routine erasure of constitutive settler colonialism. Where colonialism is imagined as the expansion of a pre-existing state, the founding role of colonialism in creating that state is defined away. 3 . This claim about the perception of the end of colonialism surfaces often in academic literature identifying Australia as post-colonial (O’Reilly 2010); for a critical discussion of this literature, see Anita Heiss (2003). More broadly, it is based on my own experience of mainstream social narratives as a member of settler society, and from teaching Indigenous policy to university students. When I ask students to identify the point at which Australian colonialism ended, the majority point to the 1967 constitutional referendum and the extension of citizenship to Aboriginal people.

3 Analysing Neoliberalism and Settler Colonialism

1 . The only other term that might draw these changes together is ‘post-social liberalism’ – and, besides being awkward, this term loses the specific content

187 188 Notes

of neoliberal programs. These programs become distinguished only by their temporal position as being after social liberalism – but in many situations the two logics continue to coexist in the present. 2 . This is part of governmentality’s broader analysis of the ways in which liberalism gives its objects an independent, quasi-natural status (Gordon 1991: 26; Dean and Hindess 1998: 4–6). In separating political rule and its subjects via the formalisation of the ‘public/private’ divide, liberal reason critiques the earlier assumption that the state is potentially omnipotent within its own domain. Rather, liberalism suggests that the state can never fully know the complex, independent objects of its rule (Foucault 2008: 29). This disconnect between the imperative of the state to govern completely and its inability to do so makes liberalism utopian, but always failing and under review. Various knowledges, including the social sciences, emerge as mediators translating the objects of government into more knowable and governable forms. Liberal reason, informed by these expertises, continually accuses itself of governing its objects either too little or too much, and shifts the boundaries between state and society back and forth (Dean and Hindess 1998: 4). 3 . ‘while all non-Indigenous peoples residing in settler states may be complicit in settlement, making us all settlers, not all settlers are created equal. Subject formation in settler colonies works in multiple ways, privileging in multiple ways, and settler colonialism’s conditions of possibility rely on the differentiated forms of subject-formation and privilege’ (Snelgrove et al. 2014: 6). Jodi Byrd, for example, uses the language of native people, settlers and ‘arrivants’ to distinguish between those who arrived to dispossess Indigenous people and assume ownership of property, and those who were forcibly brought to work that property to produce profit (2011). 4 . While in the contemporary Anglophone world the logic of elimination is less focused on the possession of land as physical resource, this dimension of the settler colonial encounter does manifest itself in the present around struggles over land that was previously economically marginal (such as the ‘northern regions’ attached to many settler colonies – Alaska, the Australian Northern Territory and Nunavut). Such land was not previously the object of comprehensive settler attempts at dispossession, but if new technologies or economies lead to it becoming economically desirable, then new strategies of economic and physical dispossession are mobilised. Such changing settler valuations of land can, therefore, create Indigenous estates recognised by the settler legal and political system that this system later seeks to dissolve. The settler colonial project may not necessarily seek to possess all land in this sense, although it may eventually calculate this to be in its interests and do so. But, once it takes the form of the contemporary liberal nation-state, the settler project does seek to dissolve all substantive Indigenous political difference. 5 . In the popular settler understanding, for example, the instant Captain James Cook claimed sovereignty and radical land title in 1788, all Aboriginal sovereignty was immediately extinguished (Reynolds 1992). Recent scholarship has shown that the actual legal and political assertion of sovereignty was much slower and more fragmented, following more closely the actual extension of settlement and the ability to enforce settler criminal jurisdiction (Ford 2010). 6 . See Hage (2006); Perera (2007); Veracini accounts for this focus on the incoming threat of racialised others such as refugees in terms of the settler Notes 189

desire to occupy the structural position of Indigenous people resisting inva- sion (2013).

4 Policy: Assuming Sovereignty

1 . ‘Historically speaking, Australia followed the United States, a chronology that involved a degree of replication. While the differences between these two White-Anglo settler colonies are as marked as the continuities, the colonisation of Australia was too closely bound up with Britain’s north-American embarrassment to be considered separately. In terms of preaccumulation, settler policies in Australia were significantly informed by lessons learned in North America. An obvious example is the avoidance of slavery. Of even greater significance for a discussion of race in Australia is the avoidance of Native sovereignty’ (Wolfe, forthcoming: 26).

5 Australian Indigenous Policy 2000–2007

1 . Later a source of tension, as these leaders saw bureaucrats paid well for doing the same thing. This was a particular issue in the troubled Shepparton trial (Morgan Disney 2006a). 2 . While ATSIC effectively ceased operation from the time of the announcement in April 2004, the ATSIC Amendment Bill did not pass the upper house until 16 March 2005. During this time, the bill was referred to a Select Committee on the Administration of Indigenous Affairs, which produced a highly critical report of the abolition process (Curtis 2005). However, in the meantime the October 2004 federal election had delivered a Coalition majority in the Senate and the Amendment was passed without change. 3 . Although, in reality, all of these staff may have already been working together as ATSIC employees in the Regional Office, and been ‘mapped’ to the new agen- cies without moving physical location. However, they now needed to follow the administrative processes of their new departments (KPMG 2007: 13). 4 . We tend to imagine that policy problems and programs come first, and then policy tools are designed to fit them. However, as governmentality scholars point out, these tools themselves are ‘somewhat autonomous’ and in their turn ‘impose limits over what it is possible to do’ and think (Dean 1999: 31). 5 . See, for example, the Australian social services delivery office Centrelink, which since the 1990s has functioned within a neoliberal mutual obligation framework (Halligan 2008: 5–6). On its website, Centrelink describes its role as assisting ‘people to become self-sufficient’, and its ‘Newstart Payments’ for unemployed people involve signing an Employment Pathway Plan and meeting a list of activity requirements. For each day the ‘jobseeker’ does not participate in these activities, they lose a day of benefits under the ‘No Show, No Pay’ failure program (http://www.centrelink.gov.au/internet/internet.nsf/ payments/nsnp.htm ). 6 . Examples of critical articles in major papers include The Age: ‘Hygiene pact in deal for blacks’ (Shaw 2004: 1); Herald Sun : ‘Wash up if you want fuel’ (Harvey 2004: 1); Courier Mail: ‘Community’s health deal fuels claims of coercion’ (Barnett 2004b: 7). 190 Notes

7 . The major Indigenous opponents included Senator Aiden Ridgeway, political leader Mick Dodson and legal academic Larissa Behrendt. NIC chair Sue Gordon spoke out in support of the pact. Mulan spokesperson Mark Sewell strongly defended the SRA but was only once identified as a non-Indigenous community administrator (Karvelas and Banks 2004: 1). 8 . Who directed the Government to ensure a ‘logical connection between the obligations the government wants the community to commit to, and the incentives it is offering in return’ or risk the legitimacy of the process (Dodson and Pearson in The Age 15 December 2004). 9 . The most significant study of the regional governance aspect of the New Arrangements is a substantial discussion paper written by Indigenous political leader and academic Kerry Arabena (2005). She was employed by ATSIS in 2004, and following its abolition accepted the position of director of the Regional Governance Unit in the newly formed OIPC (Arabena 2005: 6). She found this work problematic to the point of experiencing an ‘adverse physical reaction’ and soon left to reflect upon the New Arrangements from an academic perspective within the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (Arabena 2005: 6). 10 . Over the following months, the language was further neutralised: from ‘regional governance’, it became ‘regional bodies’, then ‘regional networks’, and by the May 2005 budget had become ‘regional engagement arrangements’, taking up the administrative language used in the wider New Arrangements (Arabena 2005: 36). 11 . The new agreements signed by the Rudd government incorporate the new COAG ‘Closing the Gap’ principles rather than the Howard-era ‘Overcoming Disadvantage’ agenda. 12 . Governance scholar Sullivan argues that ‘although the aim of the RPA scheme is better founded than that of ATSIC Regional Councils, there are few, if any, regions of Australia that are currently equipped to engage with it’ (Sullivan 2005: 12), while Hunt and Arabena suggest that government was never truly committed to the project of facilitating regional Indigenous engagement (Hunt 2007: 166; Arabena 2005: 36). 13 . In the FaCSIA 2005–06 Annual Report, SRAs: target 100, results 95; holistic SRAs: target 5, results ‘none at this time, although several in development’; RPAs: target 5, results 1 (236). 14 . The COAG trial sites and their corresponding reviews are: Greater Shepparton: Morgan Disney 2006a; Wadeye: Gray 2006; East Kimberley: Quantum 2006; APY Lands: UKY 2006a; Cape York: UKY 2006b; ACT: Morgan Disney 2006c; Tasmania: Author unclear (referenced as OIPC 2006c); Murdi Paaki: UKY 2006a. 15 . For example, newspaper articles such as ‘Whole of Government approach to Aborigines fails’ (AAP 2006) and ‘Indigenous program brings no benefits’ (Karvelas 2006) refer to the COAG review, but discuss the findings in relation to SRAs. 16 . Private correspondence between author and FaCSIA staff member (2007), in author’s possession. Notes 191

6 Redefining the ‘Aboriginal Problem’

1 . This aligns with a broader shift from social liberal rationalities, in which the state aims to ‘enfold society in mechanisms of security’ and to regulate it where it is not functioning adequately, to more neoliberal rationality which reinscribes the natural, external existence of objects of government. It further positions these objects, such as the market and the community, as inherently more desirable and better able to regulate themselves and even state processes (Dean 1999).

7 Building Capacity

1 . In relation to this case study, it is important to note that my reconstruction of the SRA program logic, like that of the COAG trial evaluators, is retro- spective and reflects my own understanding of the policy. Over the life- time of SRAs, there was substantial confusion among both government and Indigenous actors regarding the policy’s purpose (Morgan Disney 2006: 12, 19; Morgan Disney & Associates et al. 2007: 22), and any attempt to piece together a coherent ‘underlying’ program logic from the messiness of day- to-day implementation falsely suggests a clarity, agency and inevitability to SRA policy making. However, by reconstructing the rationale at the end of the policy process, I can take into account all the different strands of thought and shifts in meaning that took place over time. Furthermore, I argue that the formulation of coherent neoliberal Indigenous policy logic is a key task of SRA policy itself, and therefore needs to be considered as an element of SRA implementation. 2 . An evaluation of the RPA was commissioned by the Agreement Coordinators Group in early 2008. This summarised the RPA in this way: ‘As the first RPA in Australia, the details, underlying concepts and processes were evolving and developing for all the partners. As a result there were unexpected changes in policy, misunderstandings between the partners and a disconnect between the decision makers and the people at the negotiating table. It is not surprising that it has been difficult to reach a shared understanding of some of the underlying concepts such as “mutual obligation” and for government to make any substantial change to implement their “whole of government” and “harnessing the mainstream” approaches (Dixon Partnership Solutions 2008: 2).’ It concluded that a ‘most significant outcome’ was that the partners wanted to start afresh (Dixon Partnership Solutions 2008: 3) (Sullivan 2010: 7).

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Index

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Carr, Kim, 90 Commission (ATSIC), 3–4, 76, 77, citizenship, 5, 7, 22, 24, 27, 37 80, 85–6, 104, 108, 119–27, 130, Clarke, John, 46–7 161 Closing the Gap agenda, 4, 76 Aboriginal problem, 70, 71, 129 COAG, see Council of Australian framing of, 13 Governments (COAG) redefining, 104–28 coercion, 18, 26, 178, 183 administrative issues, 99–100 collective rights, 1 Agamben, Giorgio, 26, 60 colonial difference, 116–18 Alfred, Taiaiake, 9, 33–4 colonialism, 2–7, 105, 180 Arabena, Kerry, 94, 123, 129–30, 133, see also settler colonialism 150 capacity building and, 133–6 Asia, 35 denial of, 20 assimilation, 6, 52, 64 extractive, 18–19, 22 Australia, 40 Indigenous policy and, 10–11 colonialism in, 20 liberalism and, 17–20, 22 Indigenous policy in, see Indigenous neoliberal, 12, 17–32, 184 policy public policy and, 7–9 social policy in, 8–9 settler, 70 authoritarianism, 24, 160–78 Communities in Crisis (CIC) policy, 13, 79, 101–3, 145, 182 behaviour, 1, 4, 13, 27, 53, 76, 88–9, community engagement, 144–5 90–2, 105, 130, 133, 141–3, consent, 131, 146–8, 160, 162–3, 167 146–7, 150, 173 contractualism, 37, 148–50, 158–9, Behrendt, Larissa, 90 162 Bentham, Jeremy, 18 cooperation, 141–4, 166–7, 170–1 bipartisanship, 122 corporate accountability, 101–2 Brough, Mal, 101, 103 Council of Aboriginal Reconciliation Brown, Wendy, 56 (CAR), 80, 81, 107–8, 109–13 Council of Australian Governments Calma, Tom, 92 (COAG), 80–4 Canada, 20, 40 framework, 80–2 capacity, 23–4, 67–8, 70, 77, 134, 160, trials, 82–4, 100, 125, 130, 138, 143, 162, 173, 177–8, 181–3 145, 161, 165 capacity building, 13–14, 26, 38, 98, criminalisation, 134 129–59 colonial, 133–6 Dean, M., 59–60 consent and, 146–8 decolonisation, 18–19, 21–4, 25, 40, RPAs and, 150–4 180–1 shared responsibility and, 154–7 democracy, 5, 19, 22, 119 SRAs and, 137–48 development, 11 CAR, see Council of Aboriginal differentiated rule, 26 Reconciliation (CAR) see also capacity; Hindess, Barry

209 210 Index disadvantage, 70, 77, 107, 118, 120–3, Indigenous capacity, see capacity 125–7, 139–43, 157–8 Indigenous corporations, 170 Dodson, Patrick, 80, 89, 107 Indigenous land, collective ownership domestic policy, 52, 53, 180 of, 10–11 see also Indigenous policy; public Indigenous people policy capacity of, 23–4, 67–8, 70, 77, 98, as colonising strategy, 67–9 129–60, 162, 173, 182–3 sovereignty and, 66–7 citizenship rights for, 5, 7, 22, 24 domestication, 52, 63–5 colonial difference and, 116–18 consent of, 141, 146–8, 160, economic participation, 1, 6, 26 162–3, 167 Evans, Chris, 164, 166, 168–9, 170, disadvantage of, 120–3, 125–7, 172, 176 139–43 exceptionalism, 26, 31, 61, 173, 177 as dysfunctional, 25, 27, 76, 102, exclusion, 6–7, 25, 26, 27, 110, 131 158–9 expertise, 123 failure of ATSIC to represent, 123–5 extractive colonies, 18–19, 22 as majority, 22 as minority, 22 FaCSIA, 99–100, 161, 164–76 political demands of, 54 financial resources, 140–1 in settler states, 40, 42 Foucault, M., 59, 136 Indigenous policy, 69–71 freedom, 18, 23, 178, 183 2000-2007, 75–103 administrative issues, 99–100 Gibbons, Secretary, 171, 174–5 changes in, 3–4, 12–13 globalisation, 54–5, 57, 185–6 COAG framework, 80–4 Goldberg, D. T., 23 colonialism and, 10–11 Gordon, C., 30, 39 as colonising strategy, 67–9 governance capacity, 130–1, 133–4 Communities in Crisis (CIC) policy, see also capacity 13, 79, 101–3, 145, 182 government priorities, 154–5 disadvantage of, 157–8 Government Response, to CAR report, failures of, 161–2, 164–72 111–18 lack of buy-in for, 97–9 governmentality, 36–7, 59–60, 136 mainstreaming of, 120 Gray, Bill, 172 mutual obligation, 4, 77, 88–91, 132–3 Hanson, Pauline, 89 negative evaluations of, 100–1 Harmer, Jeff, 165, 167–73 neoliberal, 2–7, 10–11, 57, 75–105, Harper, Stephen, 20 131, 137–8, 148, Harvey, David, 36 179–86 Hindess, Barry, 7, 23, 128, 133, 135, New Arrangements, 4, 77–80, 85–7, 145, 158, 180–2 92–3, 96–102, 126–7, 129–30, Howard, John, 79, 80, 85–6, 103–5, 151, 161 109, 113–14, 116–17, 119–22, NTER, 4, 6, 11, 14, 25, 55, 76–8, 140, 160, 171 103, 158–60, 162 hygiene, 90 reconciliation policy, 3–4, 21, 77, 89, 104, 107–18 inclusion, 6–7, 17, 21–7, 105, 131, regional governance agenda, 134, 177, 184 94–6 Indigenous Advancement Strategy, 4, 76 rhetorical reframing of, 104–28 Index 211

Indigenous policy – continued multiculturalism, 23 RPAs, 4, 77, 79–80, 87–8, 93–6, 132, Murphy, Lyndon, 9, 22–3, 28–9, 44, 150–4, 156 58, 65, 104, 120 settler colonial dynamics and, 106–7 mutual obligation, 4, 77, 88–91, 132–3 shifts in, 1–2 social liberal, 5–7, 20–4, 26, 104–5, National Indigenous Council (NIC), 86 180–1, 203 Native Americans, 2, 21, 46, 68 SRAs, 4, 13, 77–80, 84, 88–93, Nelson, Brendan, 90 95–103, 130–2, 137–48 neo-colonialism, 19 strategic intervention policy, 174–7 neoliberalism, 2–7, 10–11, 37–40 Indigenous rights, 1, 30–1 analysis of, 33–50 Indigenous sovereignty, 61–3, 67–8 capacity and, 134–5 individualism, 27 colonialism, 12, 17–32, 184 Intervention, see NTER globalisation and, 55 Indigenous policy and, 2–4, 6–7, jurisdiction, 53, 62–3, 128 10–11, 57, 75–105, 131, 137–8, 148, 179–86 land ownership quasi-contractualism and, 148–50, collective, 10–11 158–9, 162 Indigenous, 67 representation and, 127–8 Latham, Mark, 85 role of state on, 39–40 Latin America, 35, 40 settler colonialism and, 41 liberalism, 2–3, 5–7, 12, 30, 106, 158, social policy, 11, 37–40 178, 180 sovereignty and, 55–6 capacity assessment and, 23–4 top-down vs. bottom-up, 34 colonialism and, 17, 18–20, 22 voluntarism, 160–1, 176–7 social, 2–3, 5–7, 20–4, 26, 104–5, New Arrangements, 4, 77–80, 85–7, 180–1 92–3, 96–102, 126–7, 129–30, Locke, John, 18 151, 161 logic of elimination, 44, 45, 46 New Zealand, 20, 40 Ngaanyatjarra RPA, 151–3, 156 Mabo legal decisions, 70 normalisation, 130, 183 Manderson, D., 134 Northern Territory Emergency marginalised groups, 31, 54, 185 Response (NTER), 4, 6, 11, 14, 25, marketisation, 26, 37 55, 76–8, 103, 158–60, 162, 182 material disadvantage, 14, 70, 77, 107, 118, 125, 127, 130–41, 142, 143, Obama, Barack, 2, 21 157–8 Office of Indigenous Policy material wellbeing, 14, 77 Coordination (OIPC), 86, 151, 171 Mignolo, Walter, 33 oppression, 43, 46 minorities, 22, 54 misrecognition, 24 paternalism, 14, 26, 32, 38, 160–78 moral authority, 25, 31 penal systems, 31, 56, 134 Moreton-Robinson, Aileen, 9, 22, policy failure, 161–2, 164–72, 173 27–8, 45, 53, 57, 64–5 explanations for, 168–72 Morgan Disney, 82–4, 92, 93, 98, policy problems, 130, 137 99–101, 143 reframing, 172–6 Morrissey, M., 44 wicked, 140–2, 144, 146, 155–8, Mulan Indigenous community, 88–91 171–2 212 Index political community, 54, 180, 184–185 Senate Supplementary Budgets political relationships, 43–6, 180–186 Estimates Committee hearing, political speeches, 106, 108–9 161, 162, 163–78 politics service delivery, 82–4, 138–9, 145–6, settler colonial, 47–8 148, 162 sovereign, 57–61 settler colonialism, 4–7, 10–11, 20, post-colonial theory, 40–1, 49–50 40–3, 50, 70 power, 49, 50, 57–60, 63, 66–7 see also colonialism privatisation, 36–7, 112–113 Indigenous policy and, 106–7 problematisation, 106, 107–28, 129 political relationships and, 43–6 protectionism, 6, 24 politics, 47–8 public policy, 38, 90 settler scholarship, 46–50 see also Indigenous policy settler states, 40 colonialism and, 7–9 incorporation in, 23 sovereign politics and, 57–61 legitimacy of, 30, 32, 44–45, 55 neoliberal, 30–2 quasi-contractualism, 137, 148–50, public policy in, 7–9 157–60, 162 social liberalism and, 21–4 social policy in, 2–3 race, 26–7, 33, 42–46 sovereignty, 44–5, 51–71 racial discrimination, 78 settler-Indigenous relationship, 9, 14, Racial Discrimination Act, 25, 159 26, 27, 43–6, 52, 70, 133, 180 reciprocity, 89 shared responsibility, 81, 132–3, 141, see also mutual obligation 142, 144, 154–7, 170–1 recognition, 23 Shared Responsibility Agreements reconciliation policy, 3–4, 21, 77, 89, (SRAs), 4, 13, 77–80, 84, 87–103, 104, 107–18 125, 130–2, 136–48, 174, 175, 177 regional governance agenda, 94–6 end of, 160 Regional Partnership Agreements policy failure of, 161 (RPAs), 4, 77, 79–80, 87–8, program logic, 138–48 93–6, 132, 149–54, 156, 160, quasi-contractualism and, 149–50 174, 177 Shaw, Karena, 57, 61 Remote Service Delivery National Shergold, Peter, 137 Partnership Agreement, 132 social contract, 149 representation, 118–19, 123–8 social liberalism, 2–3, 5–7, 20–4, 26, responsibility, 1, 132–3, 136, 141, 144, 104–5, 180–1 146, 154–7, 170–1 social policy Rose, Nikolas, 36, 136 see also domestic policy Rowse, Tim, 41, 49 changes in, 2 Rudd, Kevin, 21–2, 103 colonialism and, 7–9 neoliberal, 11, 37–40 school attendance, 76, 90, 173 social wellbeing, 52 security, 11, 25, 52, 55 socio-economic needs, 76, 105 self-determination, 1–4, 9, 13, 19, sovereign exceptionalism, 26, 31, 61 22, 70, 77, 80, 104, 107–8, 128, sovereignty, 12, 31, 44–5, 51–71, 185 129, 132 capacity and, 134 self-management, 104, 120 contemporary, 54–7 self-regulation, 37 domestic policy and, 66–7 self-reliance, 30 framing of, 61 Index 213

sovereignty – continued Vanstone, A., 122, 124–7, 142, 150 globalisation and, 54–5 Veracini, Lorenzo, 40, 41–2, 44 Indigenous, 61–3, 67–8 voluntarism, 160–1, 173, 176–7 neoliberal, 55–6 politics and, 57–61 Wacquant, Lois, 31, 36, 38, 134 as practice of domestication, Wadeye report, 100, 161, 172 63–5 Walter, Maggie, 56–7, 85, 105 state, role of, 39–40 welfare dependency, 1, 182–3 state sovereignty, see sovereignty welfare policy, 3, 88–91, 181 strategic intervention policy, 174–7 welfare quarantining, 78 Stringer, R., 97, 160 welfare reform, 1 subjectivities, 18, 35, 38–9, 52, 64, 69, welfare state, 28 75, 105, 116, 119, 133–6 Western Australia East Kimberley trial, Sullivan, Patrick, 101, 150 84, 93, 147–8 white settlers, 45–6, 48–9 Tosa, H., 177 whole-of-government approach, 4, 76, trachoma, 90–1 77, 82, 100, 162, 166, 169–73, 175 transnational movements, 30–1 wicked policy problems, 130, 137, Tully, James, 54, 62, 63 140–2, 144, 146, 155–8, 171–2 Wolfe, Patrick, 19, 40, 44, 45, 53, 68 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People, 30–1 Yalta Council, 103 United States, 20, 40, 46, 68 Young, Iris Marion, 31