About the journal Contents 02 15 October 2012 Muslim Communities in Christian Spain: The recovery of an Islamic heritage Ana Echevarría

07 26 November 2012 Soft Stone Vessels from the 2nd Millennium BCE Settlements on Failaka, Kuwait: Results from the Danish archaeological excavations (1958-1963) Anna Hilton Soria

13 7 January 2013 Aesthetics of Islamic Ornament in the Sixteenth Century: Ottoman-Safavid visual conversations Gülru Necipoğlu

19 14 January 14 2013 Current Fieldwork on the Early Islamic Archaeology of Kuwait: Kadhima, the coast and the Tariq Basra Derek Kennet

25 18 February 2013 Journalism and Fiction: Facts, ideas and imagination Alan Riding

33 4 September 2013 Bandits and Freedom Fighters in the Ottoman Balkans: Their arms and traditions Robert Elgood

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LNS 1 C 4th century AH/10th century CE Iranian World Earthenware H: 4.4 cm; D: 14.4 cm; T: 0.24 cm This object was selected by the Children’s Art Workshop participants to be the icon for Long Ago Zoo: Animals in The al-Sabah Collection, an exhibition curated by children.

Hadeeth ad-Dar 1 Volume 39 Muslim Communities in Christian Spain: community. A few years later, when there was a need scripts/two languages: Arabic, Castilian translation to justify the Mudejars’ remaining in infidel lands, an and Aljamiado. The recovery of an Islamic heritage Egyptian legal scholar was to define that community as follows: The mention of these Arabic treatises also means that their use of Arabic – at least passive knowledge, i.e., reading - by the learned elite was not completely lost until well into the 15th century. This is also proved by recent study of the private records of their meetings, Ana Echevarría written by their own scribes instead of Christian ones. Name chains were far from lost, and wherever a Presented in English prestigious Arabic genealogy was not found, it might 15 October 2012 be “constructed”, based on some well-known nisbas. At the time the Umayyad caliphate of Al-Andalus was abolished in the Iberian Peninsula (1031), the Northern Christian kingdoms were still small units that had almost no impact in the morale of Al-Andalusi population. Until the 1060’s, reorganisation and the division of power was the main concern of the rulers who called themselves “kings”, and whom we know as “the kings of Taifas (muluk al-tawa’if)”. Their courtly culture still represented the ideals fostered by ‘They have mosques in which they pray and [they] are also allowed to fast during the month al-Hakam II in his construction of the caliphate. Only when the waves of Almoravids of Ramadan. They [the Muslims] give alms and and Almohads swept the south of Al-Andalus, while the advances of Castile and ransom captives from the hands of Christians. They Aragon were impossible to stop from the North, did large groups of people from publicly apply the laws of Islam (hudūd al-Islām), Al-Andalus think of emigration towards the North as a way to avoid losing everything. and they openly manifest the fundamentals of Islam (qawā‛id al-Islām), and the Christians do not interfere This population was combined with the remnants of those who had stayed after with any of their religious acts. They [the Muslims] There are also significant numbers of books and th th the extensive Christian conquests of the 11 and 13 centuries (which involved pray in their sermons for Muslim sultans without other volumes that were more private in their useage. the great Taifas of the Banu Dhil Nun in Toledo, and the Abbadíds in Seville). specifying a particular name and they ask God to These include Qur’an and commentaries, breviaries, This is the story of their development and survival for the next five hundred years. make them [the sultans] victorious and to destroy their books of prayers and books on Arabic grammar. enemies.’ This community’s way of life left little scope for Until recently, Muslim communities living in the town council, so even under Christian standards, it The Muslims of Castile fulfilled these conditions, original creation, and instead privileged a ‘conservative’ Northern part of the Iberian Peninsula during the should be good for administration. although they suffered from the same disadvantage transmission of its own identity. Therefore the figure Middle Ages were thought to be a marginal group as experienced by Muslims of other regions: their of the mufti from nearby Segovia, ‛Īsā ibn Jābir (Yça that lost its religious identity, political power and even The creation of a distinct group identity is usually leaders were not recognised by scholars from the Gidelli or Yçe de Gebir in Christian sources), is literary tradition. By the end of this, I hope you will based on a feeling of shared origins and of common international Islamic community. exceptional. His Breviario sunni, written at the request have a completely different idea of their significance beliefs and values, and on an instinct for survival as of the leaders of other aljamas, was composed in to the survival of Islam in the Iberian Peninsula for the a community. Among the Muslims of Castile these The transmission and transformation of traditional Castilian as part of this project of transmission. The “classical Islamic period” (four centuries) in Spain. feelings were channeled and stimulated particularly legal models by the Islamic community living under work was conceived as a summary of Islamic doctrine, through religious institutions. Although religious Christian domain are traceable through the Arabic of the ethical norms that a good Muslim should follow, First, the evolution of their settlements: authorities recommended emigration to the dar and Spanish written sources. They were authorised and of the fiqh or Islamic jurisprudence needed to guide Evolution from morerías to aljamas al-Islam, practicing the Islamic precepts that are to use their own local qadi-s, who had the last word a community in Castile. It also contains passages that al-ŷamā‘a (Spanish: aljama) referred to a “meeting summarised in the five pillars of Islam came to be in all legal cases and controlled the legal system can be viewed as a direct response to the dangers or assembly of the whole body of believers united by considered an indispensable ‘religious minimum.’ for the Christian kings. Therefore, Muslim faqih-s that increasingly menaced Castilian Muslims. their common faith”. The term comes into the Spanish These actions, together with the right to be judged by were regarded as real “guardians of the faith”, as language through the influence of the conquest of large their own religious laws and to pray in their mosques, they have recently been named. They continued Until recently it was thought that the Castilian areas of Al-Andalus, which were already organised in were the basic conditions that the Mudejars had to to dictate fatwas, and they backed their opinions Muslims had essentially lost the Arabic language, aljamas. An aljama is also easier to relate to the local fulfil in order to be considered part of the larger Islamic with some of the most popular legal works in Al- except in a few cases, but there is increasing Andalus for centuries, such as the Kitāb al-Tafrī’ by evidence that the elites maintained it, particularly in Dr Ana Echevarria is an expert in religious minorities in the Iberian Peninsula in the Middle Ages, with special interest in Ibn al-Ŷallāb al-Basrī (10th c.), the Risāla fī l-fiqh documents internal to their community that have not Muslims under Christian domain and Arabised Christians. She has participated in more than 30 conferences in Spain, and around the world. by Ibn Abī Zayd al-Qayrawānī (d. 996). The come down to us. Progressive loss of Arabic as a transmission of legal manuscripts took place in three language of conversation, at home and in public, must

Hadeeth ad-Dar 2 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 3 Volume 39 have occurred fairly early in Castile; but for the elite also in an area that could be closed off and isolated cathedral chapter; that would mean that no new house provided a wealth of funerary slabs, some of which classes the capacity to study and learn the language in case of trouble. The first community mosque, the of worship was openly ‘built.’ have inscriptions. As there should not be burials was one way to distinguish themselves from the rest one called ‘del Solarejo’ (‘on the small plot of land’), inside the mosque nor mosques inside the cemeteries, Muslims must have negotiated for other grounds, of the community. Members of the chief Muslim was next to the church of San Esteban in the very The hypothesis is all the more plausible if we consider that the minimal architectural requirements more convenient to them. Given the existence of a families of each city travelled to Valencia or Granada centre of the walled town, at a time when Mudejars of a mosque correspond easily to the structure of hospital for captives over the hill of St. Matthew, it is and learned enough Arabic to read the Qur’an and preferred to have their houses and shops around the an Ávilan house of the period: there was usually a not surprising to find the Islamic cemetery on the other works of jurisprudence; they could then pass on the Little Market. This mosque remained in use until the courtyard with a well that could be used for ablutions, side of river Adaja, in the ford, close to one of the main basic religious import of their manuscripts, and record end of the 15th century, probably until measures were and a qibla marking the direction for prayer could be ways out of the city, and outside the walls. Burials the minutes of their meetings. Castilian Mudejar begun to create a Muslim quarter outside the walls. located in one of the rooms. A minaret was out of the had the canonical position, except for some of the alfaquís also maintained Arabic for writing certain question in any case, because the call to prayer from it post-13th century ones which are slightly disoriented, notarial documents, normally marriage contracts or In documents the mosque is called ‘of San Esteban’ was forbidden. The area where the new mosque was and with the face looking to the southeast. The hole inheritance settlements, between the 12th and the or ‘the almaxi (for al-masjid) of the town which is situated was laid out around a fountain called ‘el Baño was dug approximately one and a half metres in the 16th centuries. Most often they would try to write inside the city.’ It was maintained by alms from its Viejo’ or ‘the Old Bath,’ and it is clear that Muslims tried ground, and the corpse was buried without a coffin. them in Classical Arabic with the help of a formulary, congregation, as well as by properties dedicated to its to accumulate properties near it. This might mean that The earliest graves must have been for captives or so as to avoid incorporating colloquial or Romance upkeep that the mosque held within the city. These they were trying to add more buildings to the mosque slaves, who were working in the great civil works of elements; but in fact the literary language appeared properties were usually houses given in perpetual itself, perhaps as a residence for the alfaquí or as a the walls and the cathedral at the time. They were only occasionally amid abundant Andalusi dialectal leasehold to the neediest Muslims of the community; Qur’anic school, or simply as a way to manage pious simple, without signs, re-used without taking care features and Romance forms. if the occupant died without heirs or if the leaseholder donations for maintaining the mosque. The Alquibla of regrouping older bones - as was usual in family decided to sell the dwelling, the aljama could buy it Mosque did in fact hold some neighbouring houses groups - the corpses had no personal belongings with To these can be added two more, awaiting dating back. The location of both the principal mosque whose leases helped to finance continued worship them, and were dated at the end of the 12th century. and study, since extant manuscripts belong to the 16th and the synagogue near the cathedral and within the and the needs of the community. The bodies were carefully organized in “streets”, with century, but more could be found from the 15th. These city walls also suggests a need – as in other Castilian corridors for transit. include books of Hadith, legends, magic and medicine. cities such as Burgos – to protect the minority The last mosque in the city, founded in the new communities. Moorish quarter that was created in the district of El The first graveyard was substantially enlarged in Medieval Christian cities in the Iberian Peninsula Berrocal (‘the rocky place’) or Las Vacas (‘the cows’), to the following centuries to house up to 5000 burials, as could house one or more mosques. Some may have The second area where Mudejars lived was around the southeast of town, did benefit from the agreement the demands of the Muslim population increased. That remained after the Christian conquest of the city, while La Solana Mosque, which stood next to the city wall, made at the Cortes of 1480 that if mosques that lay makes it the biggest Mudejar cemetery known in the others were authorised by the city’s leaders when the close to the church of Santa María Magdalena and the outside the Moorish quarter were closed, others Iberian Peninsula. It has been the object of several Muslim community living there asked for permission Great Market. Its congregation would have consisted could be built within it. In fact all of Ávila’s mosques archaeological campaigns, but the anthropological a permission that was denied by legal codes, both of the faithful who lived around the market and the were improperly situated by this standard, but that of study of the remains is still in the project stage. Streets ecclesiastical and royal, but which in fact was given squares of San Pedro and Santo Tomé, both of Alquibla was still in use in 1487, probably because it and corridors were maintained, but lack of space for practical reasons. As happened elsewhere, these them in the market district. After 1396 the outlying stood in the remotest district. favoured the concentration of burials, using the space buildings framed the public space in which the Muslim San Nicolás neighbourhood – which had existed at in three subsequent layers, something we believe th community would circulate and communicate, since least since the end of the 12 century around the Unfortunately none of the mosques used by the might show a family use of certain burial spaces. they were attached to normal places of assembly: the Romanesque church of that name – became an Muslims themselves has survived, and therefore we market and the public square. important new area of residence for Ávila’s Muslims, have lost what would have been the highest expression A substantial effort was made not to alter the older closer to the river and to the Muslim cemetery; it was of their Islamic art (although research now in progress burials. Only three cases show previous bones moved The city of Avila housed an important Muslim here that the new Alquibla Mosque would be built. may identify at least one of them). We do have a single carefully aside. The rest just have a fine layer of earth th th community from the 12 to the 16 century. It left the inscription and some building fragments of the old La between the corpses, so that they would fulfil the most complete collection of records about Mudejars to Because there were laws that limited the building Solana mosque, later converted into the monastery of canonical order of being in direct contact with it. To keep be found in Castile for the time being. of new mosques for Islamic worship, it is hard to Nuestra Señora de Gracia. It is essential, however, to the body or the head in their canonical position, stones, understand how the Mudejars were allowed to erect distinguish between the remains of what would have stone walls or argylle walls were used, thus avoiding As the number of slaves who had come to Ávila a third prayer-hall while the two others were still in been true ‘Islamic’ architecture, constructed when chalk, gypsum or cooked brick, inside or outside the increased, and especially if free Muslims were use. We must assume an increase in Ávila’s Muslim the building would have been used by the Mudejar graves. Wooden covers were used sometimes, but present in the city, we may assume that they were population at about this time, and a shift of its centre community, and later works built by Muslim architects always over earth basements. These elements have ceded a number of properties that would form the toward the south that extended the city beyond the and masons at a time when their intended purpose also been found in other Mudejar cemeteries such as basis of the future Muslim quarter. First they were walls. Such a movement might have freed up spaces was ‘Christian.’ An example of the latter would be the Valladolid, Murcia or Valencia. granted a mosque in which to pray. The building within the walls that Christians could put to other uses. brick pelmets, with painted and incised decoration, was undoubtedly given by the Church itself with the It is also possible that the civil and ecclesiastical that are found in both the Gracia and the Santo Tomás From the 13th century, probably having to do with approval of the city council, for it was located within authorities turned a blind eye to the appearance monasteries and which did not exist in Mudejar times. the beginning of social differentiation of the members the walls, on a site both favourable and controllable. of another mosque, especially if was located in a of the growing Islamic group, external signs started to It was close to the cathedral and to the castle, but building that the community was leasing from the The extensive excavation of the remains of the be used for the location of burials. The monuments Mudejar cemetery in the banks of the river Adaja has or funerary slabs shared the patterns of contemporary

Hadeeth ad-Dar 4 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 5 Volume 39 Soft Stone Vessels from the 2nd Millennium BCE Settlements on Failaka, Kuwait: Results from the Danish archaeological excavations (1958-1963)

Anna Hilton Soria memorial stones found in other places in dar al-islam: have not reached us - the suras were transmitted in Presented in English three stones, two of them stuck in the ground, and a cursive writing, with diacritical marks. 26 November 2012 third one in between, horizontally, with inscriptions or Muslim contributions to architecture and art in vegetal designs. The more complex monuments were all the territory controlled by Castile are outstanding. used to mark the existence of an outstanding member First, they were renowned for their skills as carpenters In the period of 1958 to 1963 Danish archaeological missions from the of the community, or else the pantheon of a family and woodcarvers, to the extent that their work was Moesgaard Museum in Denmark conducted excavations on Failaka. As a result group. Islamic law discouraged ostentation in public demanded for the ceilings of the most important of these missions a large number of soft stone vessels and fragments were cemeteries, but allowed for external marks to surround palaces and churches in the kingdom. uncovered along with other 2nd millennium BCE material and architecture. the surface of the burial, such as the uncovered walls surrounding several burials in Ávila. The study of the heritage left to us by the Muslims of Until now, only the ceramic and stamp seals have been published, whereas Christian Spain remains incomplete. Its first objective the stone vessels have remained largely unpublished and untreated. Slabs (rujâma, lawh) were not forbidden by should be to identify their mosques and the limits of Maliki jurists, but they recommended they not have the neighbourhoods they occupied, together with In 2008 a Kuwaiti-Danish team reinitiated The island of Failaka is situated in the bay of inscriptions, for then the social status of the deceased the remaining traces of their residence in the cities. excavations on Failaka and as a part of these missions Kuwait some 15 km from mainland Kuwait. On the would not be proclaimed by his tomb. However, this Systematic research has begun into the buildings that was the analysis and study of the stone vessels south-western shore the three tells of F3, F5 and recommendation was systematically overlooked by Muslim architects and masons worked on, and into from the 1958-1963 excavations. The assemblage, F6 are located. F3 is a settlement dating back to the political and religious figures alike. There was also Andalusi and Mudejar methods of construction — the consisting of 1,465 stone vessels and fragments early second millennium BCE and contains several place for Qur’anic, religious or poetic inscriptions on latter to be understood as preserving the aesthetics stored at the Kuwait National Museum, Kuwait and occupation phases with the latest circa 1300 BCE. their tombstones. of Al-Andalus while adapting it to the new background the Moesgaard Museum, Denmark The architecture includes small and a few large-scale of Christian customs, and to two different groups houses, as well as a temple structure. F6 contains Ávila was no exception. It seems that the very of users: Muslims living under Christian lords and Historical and geographical setting of the material a large structure that is called the ‘Palace’ and has rich Muslims living in Avila cared for their effective Christians who sought fashionable Muslim handicrafts. Failaka enters the historical scene in the Bronze a completely different architectural layout than the religious differentiation. The symbolic status of Arabic It is still necessary, however, to explore it in greater Age, around 2000 BCE, when it becomes associated domestic quarters on F3. The ‘Palace’ was likely a as a sacred language, and the fact that Christian depth, placing the works of art in connection to their with an expansion phase and economic flourish of the production unit, as it contained several installations, authorities respected the status of the Islamic creators and to the latters’ patrons, for the links cultural entity of Dilmun. From the middle of the 3rd including large-scale cisterns and storage facilities. graveyard, has resulted in a remarkable preservation between the Muslims and their Christian neighbours millennium BCE, Dilmun was a civilisation consisting The ‘palace’ dates from the early second millennium of Qur’anic scripts in the 15th century slabs of the that arise out of such relationships. As for the written of seafaring merchants that shipped copper, ceramic, BCE to around 1400 BCE. The tell of F5 contained cemetery. Despite the lack of written copies of the tradition, further research is needed into documentary carnelian, ivory, stones and other goods from the second millennium material, but no associated Qur’an in the area - there must have been, but they and bibliographic sources in the libraries. Oman peninsula, Iran and Indus to the large cities of architecture has been excavated. F5 is dominated by Mesopotamia. overlying Hellenistic layers.

The Dilmun culture was situated in the The archaeological contexts of the stone vessels Arabian Gulf, namely on the islands of Bahrain are sometimes vague, as stone plunders have and Tarut. From around 2000 BCE, Failaka was disturbed the sites both in antiquity and in modern embedded in the Dilmun domain, as a trading outpost, times. Given these circumstances the stone vessels due to the island’s strategic location, ideal for transfer from Failaka were primarily dated by stylistic and redistribution of goods, and its fresh water comparisons with material deriving from sites in the supplies. Near East.

Anna Hilton Soria, Archaeologist Ann Hilton Soria worked on the Kuwaiti-Danish Archaeological mission led by Dr Hojlund in 2009 and 2011, and on excavation sites in Bahrain, Egypt and Jordan. She is working currently on her third publication on Failaka, Kuwait.

Hadeeth ad-Dar 6 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 7 Volume 39 Bronze Age stone vessels In Iran no undecorated vessels have cuneiform included more variation, extensive decoration and Different styles of carved soft stone vessels were inscriptions and this practice seems only to apply different forms. Vessels from Failaka showed marks in circulation during the Bronze Age (3300-1200 BCE) for vessels imported into Mesopotamia. One calcite of being used in household contexts. A rather different and have been found widely distributed on sites in sherd from Failaka carries an inscription, but sadly context is recorded for similar vessels on the Oman Iran, Mesopotamia, along the Arabian Gulf and on too little remains to be read. Many vessels were Peninsula, where Wadi Suq vessels like the Umm an- the Oman peninsula. Although the Bronze Age stone taken as booty from the land of Elam by the kings Nar vessels, were primarily found in collective tombs, vessels were a mixed group of undecorated, figurative of Mesopotamia and later donated to deities and such as Hili North tomb A. decorated and geometric decorated vessels, it was deposited in temples, such as Nippur, Girsu, Adab not until 1973 that Pierre de Miroshedji conducted the and Ur. Cuneiform inscriptions describe these actions. The distribution of Wadi Suq vessels rarely first actual studies of stone vessel styles dating to the extends beyond the Oman Peninsula and this 3rd and 2nd millennium BCE. Umm an-Nar (2300-2000 BCE) decrease could reflect the declining trade between From 2300 BCE a new style of soft stone vessels the northern and southern part of the Gulf in the first Figure 1 The past 40 years additional scholars, such known as Umm an-Nar emerged. Previously it was part of the 2nd millennium BCE. It is known that from as P. Kohl, J. Zarins, H. David and C. Velde, have assumed that the figurative style and the Umm an-Nar c. 1800 BCE the Dilmun culture endured a downfall These vessels have been uncovered in Iranian elaborated this work, constructing typologies and style were related and that the latter, also known as likely due to the collapse of the Indus civilisation and Mesopotamian temples and graves and on the labelling the different styles, which made them able Série Recente, succeeded the previous in a uniform and the shift of trade routes and suppliers of copper. island Tarut, but are otherwise little represented at to distinguish chronological and regional differences development. This has proven not to be the case, as This notion is interesting as quantities of Wadi Suq sites situated on the eastern side of the Gulf waters. within the stone vessel repertoire. These include: the two styles overlapped in time and productions of vessels discovered by far exceed any other vessel This vessel style was, however, represented with a Figurative style, 3rd millennium BCE undecorated vessels were shifted to the Oman Peninsula instead styles identified on Failaka, which suggest some significant number of sherds on Failaka. The wide style, Umm an-Nar, Wadi Suq and Late Bronze Age of the previous production-centres in Iran, suggesting connections were maintained. distribution of this style throughout the Near East has vessel styles. In the Bronze Age layers on Failaka, two distinct styles. been used as an example to explain interregional all of these styles were identified and are discussed Late Bronze Age (1600-1250 BCE) communication and long-distant trade of high-status below. Furthermore, the decoration of Umm an-Nar was A few geometric and undecorated sherds belonging items between ancient empires and elites. incised into the surface, in simple geometric patterns to the Late Bronze Age (LBA) repertoire were found Stone types and provenience including horizontal lines and circles. The previous on Failaka. The LBA style was developed from Wadi Undecorated vessels (2600-2300 BCE) A wide range of stones was used to manufacture figurative vessels had the surface removed around Suq but included fare more extensive decoration A small number of undecorated 3rd millennium these vessels, though the vast majority were produced the motifs making the decoration stand out in a high that often covered the entire exterior surface of the BCE vessels categorised as bell-shaped, calcite and from so-called soft stones that include talc, chlorite relief. A change of stone types was also noted as a vessels. This style was also produced on the Oman black and white spotted vessels originally and steatite. The remaining types include harder departure from the characteristic greenish soft stone Peninsula. manufactured in Iran, were also excavated on Failaka. stones such as calcite, basalt, dolerite and limestone favoured in the figurative style or the calcite and lime- All three vessel-groups have been found in mortuary with fossil corals. The variation of stones reflects not stones used for the plain vessels to greyish stones Unknown styles contexts in Iran, e.g. Shahdad, but have also turned only a diversity of taste, but also reveal the different was now preferred for this style. A number of Umm an- A number of vessels could not be fitted in with the up in south Mesopotamian burials like the royal tombs routes of distribution and trade that Failaka was Nar vessels were identified in the Failaka assemblage. established stone vessel styles as they are unique at Ur. involved in during the 3rd - 2nd millennium BCE. and without parallels in the Near East. This makes Wadi Suq (2000-1600 BCE) the establishment of provenance and dating rather No soft stone sources have been confirmed on A new type of geometric soft stone vessels was challenging. Scholars such as Theresa Howard-Carter Failaka or mainland Kuwait and vessels or stones produced on the Oman peninsula from the beginning and Branwen Denton have previously mentioned a therefore had to be imported from elsewhere. Sources of the 2nd millennium BCE. This style is called Wadi few vessels, but now they can be more fully described. of basalt, steatite and chlorite were found in Iran, Suq. The vessels consist of two main groups; a figurative on the Oman Peninsula, Saudi Arabia and Yemen. group and a group of undecorated and occasionally Calcite sources are found in south eastern Iran and cuneiform inscribed vessels. Pakistan. The black limestone with fossil corals can be found in the Zagros Mountains. Figurative Failaka Style (c.1700-1500 BCE) The Figurative Failaka style separates itself from Figurative style (2600-2300 BCE) the former 3rd millennium Figurative style, since it has A figurative style of vessels was produced in a completely different decoration layout and figurative workshops in Iran. This style is also known as themes, as well as different vessel shapes and stone Intercultural style, Série Ancienne or Jiroft style. types. These observations suggest that these two Figurative style vessels are beautifully carved with figurative styles are distinct and were produced in specific motifs including: a hut or temple façade, Figure 3 different cultural spheres. combat scenes, scorpions, date palm trees or imitations of basketry, textile and masonry. In general Wadi Suq developed from Umm an- The detailed carvings on a number of Figurative Figure 2 Nar, but these two styles also differed as Wadi Suq Failaka vessels allow a peek into the cultic lives of

Hadeeth ad-Dar 8 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 9 Volume 39 unique. One is a group of bowls with characteristic These styles were nonetheless found scattered in all concentric stepped ridges near the base found both Bronze Age layers, but with the greatest concentration on plain, cuneiform and Figurative Failaka vessels. in period 3A to 4A layers (c. 1725-1450 BCE). That A few tentative parallels are available for this vessel 3rd millennium BCE vessels were found in later and shape, which suggest a date of 18th - 14th century completely different contexts, far from their original BCE. production sites, suggests a different and secondary use on Failaka. The second group is a type of plate or small altar. Some are plain while others are inscribed in cuneiform. The lack of extensive wear-marks suggests One bears an inscription, which Glassner suggests to that 3rd millennium BCE vessels were not used on be the name of a temple. Several of these altar plates a domestic level, but might be related to contexts have additionally turned up in the French and Kuwaiti- of reuse on Failaka, as sherds occasionally had Danish excavations of the temple on F6. These altar secondary cutting marks and intentional breaks. The plates have some affiliations with Mesopotamia and reworking of stone vessels into new objects, e.g. one similar plate in the British Museum was dedicated beads, pendants, spindle-whorls, loom-weights and Figure 4 Figure 5 to Enmahgalanna, the high priestess of the moon god fishnet-sinkers, could explain the presence of this at Ur dating to around 2043 BCE. early material on Failaka. It is suggested that the 3rd 2nd millennium BCE people, who manufactured these noteworthy that these three symbols are present on millennium vessels arrived on the island after they fell containers (figure 4). On a number of vessels, scenes several of the Figurative Failaka vessels (figure 5). A number of cuneiform inscribed vessels seem out of use in the Gulf region for a period before they of procession or worship are depicted. Here humans nd to have been used in cultic settings as the writing arrived on Failaka in 2 millennium BCE contexts to are shown raising their arms in front of their faces Combining the notion of people worshipping mentions local deities such as Inzak of Agarum, the serve as raw material for new objects. in devotion, sometimes carrying a palm-branch, as astral symbols and astral symbols representing patron god of Dilmun. Furthermore, a big temple and they walk in line towards either astral symbols that at specific deities might suggest which divinities were the temple of Inzak, is mentioned on these sherds. The Wadi Suq and Late Bronze Age styles dating to times are carried on the backs of animals or towards nd worshipped and the practices behind this worship. the 2 millennium BCE, as well as the new identified standards, altars or deities. Also mythical creatures The Figurative Failaka vessels offer a small but unique Cuneiform inscribed vessels are not known styles date contemporary with the settlement such as bull-men are represented in these scenes. glimpse into forgotten rituals and belief systems of south of Failaka except for one sherd found on the phases on Failaka. It is not surprising to find Wadi the past. As no comparative vessels could be used surface of Qala’at al-Bahrain on the northern coast Suq vessels in all settlement layers or that the Late One unique and mysterious vessel has a depiction to date the Figurative Failaka Style a number of other of Bahrain. Interestingly, this sherd also mentions the Bronze Age vessels appears from period 4A (c.1450 of a large bearded face with a disk on top of his head. objects, including Dilmun stamp seals in Style III, clay Dilmun deity Inzak. It is worth noting that none of the BCE) Wadi Suq vessels were used on a household In a repeated pattern three persons with arms raised, figurines and altars from the Gulf region were used. sherds found in the Dilmun orbit have any statements level, as traces of soot, heat, residue and wear marks walk in procession towards the face and between the of being achieved by looting, unlike the previously are present. Vessels were not immediately discarded worshippers’ heads are low-lying crescent moons. rd The Style III seals and the Figurative Failaka style mentioned 3 millennium BCE vessels recovered when broken, but mended and further utilised. The face is suggested to be a male deity although his vessels share a number of iconographic similarities, in Mesopotamia. So, why this difference? Was it identity is presently unknown. A few possible parallels such as worship scenes, humans with identical because statements of looting exclusively related to a The new style groups, i.e. Figurative Failaka Style for the unknown deity are available from Failaka, nd features such as clothes and faces, standards, astral particular fashion conducted by Mesopotamian kings and 2 millennium undecorated and cuneiform inscribed including faces occurring on a number of Style III rd symbols, birds and bull-men. Style III seals have in the 3 millennium BCE? Or was it simply because vessels, were found in layers dating from period 3A seals and a small clay head with similar features. exclusively been excavated on Bahrain and Failaka. these vessels were manufactured within Dilmun to 4B (c. 1725-1300 BCE). These vessels were used As some of the Style III seals were inscribed with territory and therefore did not have to be claimed as differently than the contemporary Wadi Suq vessels, It is clear that some of the images are more cuneiform, specialists such as J.J. Glassner and B. booty? as they lacked domestic marks. Judging from their fictional than real and must be understood as symbols Denton have suggested a date spanning from the decoration that often depicts worship and procession or metaphors. From Mesopotamian iconography we late Old Babylonian period to the early Kassite period Stone Vessels and their Relationship to Settlement scenes and the cuneiform references, these vessels know that astral symbols represent different deities; for these seals (c. 1700-1450 BCE). These period Phases on Failaka should likely be associated with cultic practices. the sun represents the god of justice, Shamash, coincide with period 3A-3B (c. 1725-1550 BCE) on Stone vessels from Failaka demonstrated diverse who was the heroic conqueror of night and death. nd Failaka. Based on the strong iconographic similarities, vessel shapes and types of decoration that were It is possible that these newly identified 2 He was the son of the moon god Sin, who was as well as the fact that Figurative Failaka vessels were produced from a variety of soft stones that could be millennium BCE styles were produced in the Arabian represented by a full moon or a crescent moon, but predominantly found in 3A-3B layers, it is suggested grouped into the seven styles just discussed. These Gulf, but whether they were purely of a local origin is could also be depicted as a bull or a cattle-herder. that a dating of this unknown style be around 1700- different styles were dated on stylistic comparisons still under discussion. There are clear influences from He was worshipped in the marshy areas of southern 1500 BCE. and this section provides a brief discussion on how the southern Dilmun traditions (e.g. iconography and Mesopotamia. Sin’s daughter was the goddess they relate to the settlement phases on Failaka. references to local deities) and the choices of stone Inanna, a fertility goddess, whose symbol was the rd Cuneiform and Undecorated The 3 millennium BCE styles, that of the types used for these vessels are similar to vessels star of Venus. Together these three gods formed (2nd millennium BCE) Figurative Style, the undecorated groups and the manufactured on the Oman Peninsula. Nevertheless, an astral triad of divinities worshipped in the 3rd A number of vessel forms are present in this Umm An-Nar style, all date prior to the first settlement Mesopotamian iconography and cuneiform are also and 2nd millennium BCE. It is most interesting and category from which two shapes are pronounced and phases (Period 1, c. 1950 BCE) on tell F3, F6 and F5. present.

Hadeeth ad-Dar 10 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 11 Volume 39 It is most interesting that the dating of these to pass through these areas belonging to the kings Aesthetics of Islamic Ornament in the vessels (c.1700-1500 BCE) is contemporary with of the Sealand dynasty in order to reach Babylon the 1st Sealand Dynasty lying just north of Failaka and the other great cities of Mesopotamia. The Sixteenth Century: in the marshy areas of southern Mesopotamia. This ceramic tradition on Failaka in these periods also legendary kingdom has not yet been located and is shows influences from the north, but as the southern Ottoman-Safavid visual conversations only known from cuneiform texts. Generally very little Mesopotamia falls under a dark age during this period, is known about this period in South Mesopotamia. It this connection still remains on a speculative level. is known that trade and merchants from the Gulf had Gülru Necipoğlu-Kafadar Presented in English 7 January 2013

At the turn of the twentieth century, the fascination with ornament as an abstract language of form and color triggered an enthusiastic appreciation of Islamic art, which became conceptualised as a purely decorative tradition. The nebulous notion of the decorative was, however, scarcely informed by discourses on the arts and crafts generated from within the Islamic lands. Simplistic typological classifications of ornament under the overarching category of the eternal “arabesque” underestimated the diversity and historical specificity of distinctive languages of ornament, like those of the Ottomans and Safavids.

These two rival Islamic empires dialogically perception and artistic creation accorded a high developed their own “classical” languages of stature to skilled craftsmanship, particularly in arts ornament in conversation with one another, during the addressing the highest “external senses” of sight and reigns of Sultan Süleyman I (r. 1520-66) and Shah hearing. Stressing the capacity of the five “internal Tahmasb I (r. 1524-76). Medieval Islamic theories of senses” to penetrate the beauty of the inner world, visual perception and aesthetics were reformulated these texts assimilated the perceptual theories of in early modern Ottoman and Safavid texts on the medieval philosophers into a framework of mystical visual arts. After briefly discussing relevant concepts love, whose highest goal is the intuitive perception in the written sources, I shall concentrate on the of divine beauty. The love of beauty, then, allowed aesthetics and cultural politics of sixteenth-century for both the formal autonomy of aesthetic value Ottoman ornament, with some comparative remarks and its place within a cosmos that opened on to the on its counterpart in Safavid Iran. By comparing transcendent and sublime. the modalities of decorative design in these two interrelated “regimes of visuality,” I hope to elucidate Abstract ornamental designs, mediating between the problematic nature of the modernist notion of pure viewers and objects, could trigger a combination of decoration, generally assumed to be merely aimed at sensuous and spiritual/intellectual pleasures. Ibn al- triggering pleasurable delight. Haytham’s (d. 1040) treatise on optics, celebrated for its analysis of the perception of beauty, defines Let me begin by drawing attention to the intimate “glancing perception” as an instantaneous recognition connection between sight and insight in medieval of familiar forms firmly embedded in visual memory. Islamic texts, a connection that underlines the By contrast, “contemplative perception” is a longer cognitive potential of abstract visual designs going operation involving the inspection of complex visual beyond pleasure. Medieval texts emphasising the forms by the mental faculty of judgment. According to Figure 1: A figurative style vessel Figure 3: A Wadi Suq type of Figure 5: The symbols of three combined mental and bodily dimension of sensual Ibn al-Haytham, the fine details of minute designs such produced in an Iranian workshop geometric soft stone vessels Gods of an astral triad present on a produced on the Oman peninsula. Figurative Failaka vessel Professor Gülru Necipoğlu-Kafadar is the Aga Khan professor of Islamic Art, and director of the Aga Khan Programme of Is- Figure 2: A black and white spotted lamic Architecture at Harvard University. She is a frequent speaker at international conferences and workshops and has published vessel originally manufactured in Iran Figure 4: A Figurative Failaka vessel extensively. Her latest book is about architecture in Turkey during the age of Sinan, the famous Ottoman architect. with detailed carvings

Hadeeth ad-Dar 12 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 13 Volume 39 as the painted decorations and ornaments (nuqūsh) with vegetal scrolls. The invention of this prototypical of the Ottoman Empire. The term rūmī may allude to as well as inscriptions, demonstrating their intimate of a wall, the letters of a script, and the difference mode of abstract vegetal ornament is attributed to the predominance of abstract vegetal scrolls – often connection with the arts of the book. The frequent between closely similar colors– are perceived only an imaginary contest. In the contest, the painters accompanied by geometric interlace patterns– in the amalgamation of figural and non-figural designs in after scrutiny and contemplation. of Cathay (Northern China) supposedly challenge ornamental repertoires of the Rum Seljuq sultanate Safavid ornamental compositions in diverse media Imam ‘Ali by adorning a page with floral lotus scrolls, and successor principalities, including the early reflects the fluidity of boundaries between decorative The evocative power of abstract designs, often which they called “Cathayan” (khatā’ī). The author Ottomans, that initially ruled in Anatolia (Rum). If so, design and figurative painting. As we shall see, these accompanied by inscriptions providing textual cues, of the album preface asserts that, in response to this this geographical term assigns a territorial identity to boundaries became more rigidly defined in the enhanced this type of contemplative vision, which is challenge by Chinese painters, Imam ‘Ali drew “a the international islīmī motif, thereby indigenizing it. Ottoman regime of visuality, which was characterized often referred to in Ottoman sources as the “scrutinizing charming islāmī that astonished the people of Cathay, from the 1550s onwards by predominantly non-figural gaze” (im‘ān-i naẓar). Ornamental patterns could and when that prototype (aṣl) falls into their hands, The early twentieth-century Western classification designs in the decorative arts, with the exception of potentially induce “contemplative perception” and all other decorative designs (naqshā) were lesser in of Islamic ornament within four genres of the so- the arts of the book. engage the subjectivity of attentive beholders like their view”. called arabesque (vegetal, geometric, epigraphic, and seductive visual magnets by inviting a close-up way figural) is overly simplistic. By contrast, Safavid and The complementary theories of the “seven modes” of viewing. They were partly designed to stimulate the These two modes of decorative design, already Ottoman texts refer to “seven modes of decorative and “two pens” also appear in Safavid biographical cognitive faculties of aesthetic perception, rather than mentioned in fifteenth-century Timurid sources, design” (haft aṣl-i naqqāshī). The earliest reference treatises on calligraphers and painters. However, these responding to an allegedly Islamic “horror vacui” (fear became fully integrated into the Ottoman and Safavid to these seven modes as a typological repertoire theories are notably absent in an Ottoman treatise on of the void), or to an equally pathological “cosmophilia” repertories of ornament. The first mode, called “islīmī” paralleling the six or seven “pens” in calligraphy calligraphers and painters written in 1587. Its author, (love of ornament). in fifteenth-century Timurid and Ottoman sources, is appears in the prefaces of Safavid albums from the the polymath Mustafa ‘Āli, marginalizes the prominence the split palmette vegetal scroll derived from the vine 1550s and 1560s. The seven modes consist of: islīmī given in Safavid texts on the visual arts to the first Shi‘i The integration of medieval perceptual theories and acanthus. The second mode known as khatā’ī is or islāmī (vegetal scroll), khatā’ī (Cathayan), farangī Imam ‘Ali, in accordance with the Ottoman court’s into discourses on the visual arts is exemplified by the Chinese floral lotus and peony scroll, sometimes (Frankish, European), fassāli (patched-up), abr (cloud Sunni orientation. There is no mention of his invention the twelfth-century Sufi poet Nizami’s well known inhabited by dragons and auspicious creatures, which pattern, or marbled), wāq (vegetal scroll with human of the so-called islāmī motif, and his competition with references to the mental origin of images, painted became domesticated in the eastern Islamic lands by and animal heads), and girih (knotted, or geometric artists from China is replaced by a different story: the from memory and from forms stored in the imagination. the Mongols after the 1250s. The transmutation of the interlace). The last term is sometimes substituted in contest between three “miracle-working” Chinese These theories informed more specialized Safavid and term islīmī to islāmī (Islamic) only occurs in Safavid Safavid sources with “band-i rūmī” (Anatolian knot), a painter-decorators and the legendary artist Mani. The Ottoman writings on the visual arts and architecture texts. Its appearance in the preface of the Amir term which assigns a regional affiliation to geometric islāmī motif is simply identified with the geographical that emerged in the sixteenth century. The new Ghayb Beg Album indicates that modes of ornament ornament. label, rūmī; likewise, “Persian” arts are referred to genres of writing in Persian and Turkish were rooted could carry symbolic and sectarian associations in territorially, as pertaining to greater Iran (‘acemī). in a shared Timurid-Turkmen cultural heritage. They specific contexts, which were not universally shared Though not always easy to identify, the seven reflect the growing prominence of court scriptoria throughout the Islamic lands. The construction of a fundamental modes (aṣl) with infinite derivative The ideal of mimetic abstraction occupies a central (kitābkhāna or naqqāshkhāna), which promoted the prestigious genealogy traced back to the first Shi‘i variants or branches (far’) formed the backbone of position in Ottoman writings on the arts, in which the collaboration of calligraphers and painter-decorators Imam ‘Ali –who is imagined in the preface to be a Safavid manuscript illumination and decorative design divinely bestowed power of artistic invention is a key (naqqāsh) specializing in the arts of the book, who master calligrapher and illuminator – reveals the in multiple media. The Amir Ghayb Beg Album’s concept. The chief architect Sinan’s autobiographies, often prepared designs on paper for multiple media. mythmaking penchant of Safavid painter-designers preface interprets these seven modes and the figural existing in different versions, are a prime example. anxious to boost the status and legitimacy of their images of painters as mimetic abstractions modeled The importance of innovation is also stressed in The unprecedented prefaces of sixteenth-century profession. The identification of the split palmette on the divine artist’s wondrous creation: “They follow Mustafa ‘Āli’s aforementioned biographical treatise, Safavid albums –combining specimens of calligraphy, scroll as a quintessentially “Islamic” prototype in some God’s craft from the compass of the spheres to the which praises some calligraphers and painters illumination, drawing, and painting– provide precious texts –other Safavid sources continue to use the surface of the earth. / With their gazes fixed on creation, practicing in the “lands of Rum” as the “inventors” glimpses into aesthetic concepts. An example is Mir term islīmī –curiously recalls the European concept they take an image from every prototype.” No clear (mūcid) of new styles differing from the “Iranian Sayyid-Ahmad’s preface to the Amir Ghayb Beg of the vegetal arabesque. This identification finds separation is made here between figural painting manner” (üslūb-i ‘acemī). In my view, this heightened Album, compiled in 1564-65, which defines art as no counterpart in former Timurid and contemporary and decorative design, in keeping with the preface’s self-consciousness of regional artistic identity, closely the “key to wisdom” and the pen as the “key to art.” Ottoman sources, characterized by a Sunni slant. agenda to legitimize the depiction of animate beings associated with dynastic court culture, contributed to The author of the preface praises the imaginative For instance, a poem (dated 1493-94) that eulogizes through a genealogical connection with calligraphy the emergence of increasingly differentiated visual power of painter-decorators whose creations are Sultan Mehmed II’s mosque in Istanbul, identifies the and illumination. This connection was articulated by regimes in the Ottoman and Safavid territorial empires. the “object of contemplation for those possessed of principal elements of its decorative repertoire as the the theory of the “two pens,” formulated in the court The interrelated yet easily distinguishable languages insight”. He writes: “The beauty that unveils her face split palmette scroll (rūmī, synonymous with islīmī) of Shah Tahmasb. The theory in question, which of ornament codified in each neighboring dynasty did in the mirror-like tablet of the painter-decorator’s and the Chinese floral scroll(khatā’ī) , the same motifs linked the scribe’s “vegetal” pen with the painter’s not evolve in isolation, but rather in conversation with mind is not reflected in everyone’s imagination.” The that are cited in contemporary Timurid texts. Ottoman “animal” pen-brush, found its visual expression in the one another, as these court cultures gradually drifted preface legitimizes this profession by referring to the sources generally label the vegetal arabesque as specimens assembled within Safavid albums. away from their formerly shared Timurid-Turkmen Prophet Muhammad’s son-in-law ‘Ali, the revered islīmī, following Timurid precedent, or alternatively artistic heritage. first Imam of the Twelver Shi’i Safavid polity. It claims as rūmī (pertaining to the lands of Rum). The latter Sixteenth-century Safavid decorative designs in Let us now turn to the formation of a new that Imam ‘Ali was not only the inventor of the Kufic term is a regional, rather than religious, denomination multiple media often feature courtly and hunting scenes Ottoman aesthetic of ornament in the second half script, but also the first to decorate samples of writing that refers to the formerly eastern Roman territories

Hadeeth ad-Dar 14 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 15 Volume 39 bookish “seven modes” of Safavid decorative design to a selected repertoire of mixed flowers (dominated by tulips, rosebuds, hyacinths, and carnations), often accompanied by eternally blooming plum blossoms. Yet old motifs, such as vegetal scrolls, geometric interlaces, stars, vases, Chinese cloud bands, wavy tiger stripes, triple dots, rosettes and lotus palmettes were not abandoned. The uninhibited fusion of recognizable species of flowers with traditional motifs, excerpted from the “seven modes” of ornament, engendered a remarkably expressive visual language

Figure 1 with an unmistakable identity of its own (figure 4). Figure 4 Pushing the ideal of mimetic abstraction to its utmost of the sixteenth century, which deliberately departed Figure 2 limits, the selective naturalism of this innovative bouquets of flowers. The naturalism of this new floral from previously favored Timurid-Turkmen models. aesthetic mediated between nature and convention, scholars as the “saz style”. This style evokes an style injected new life into traditional abstract floral Designs on paper prepared by late fifteenth-century the real and the imaginary. imaginary world of lush vegetation with bold serrated sprays in the “Cathayan” manner. The “classical” painter-decorators affiliated with the Ottoman court leaves, often inhabited by dragons, phoenixes, birds, Ottoman decorative repertoire, distinguished by scriptorium had played a decisive role in indigenizing The transcultural potential of Ottoman ornament qi’lins, and winged fairies. Although he was a specialist ubiquitous groupings of identifiable flowers, rose to the international Timurid-Turkmen idiom, dominated increased with the disappearance of animate forms of drawing and design, a biographical dictionary prominence during Karamemi’s tenure as chief court by abstract islīmī (or rūmī) and khatā’ī patterns in in the public realm of the decorative arts from the of Ottoman poets (composed in 1568–69) testifies painter-decorator in the 1550s and 1560s. diverse media. However, this international Persianate to his wider-ranging skills. According to this source, 1550s onward. Thereafter, the restricted use of aesthetic would fall out of fashion with changing Shah Quli, who composed Persian poetry under the The new aesthetic that came into full bloom during figural imagery in Ottoman court culture became cultural politics in the course of Sultan Süleyman’s penname Penahi, was nicknamed the “second Mani the third quarter of the sixteenth century found its largely confined to the arts of the book. In my view, reign, around the 1550s. of the lands of Rum”. His unsurpassed talent in “figural paradigmatic expression in brocaded silk textiles, this development sharpened the fluid boundaries painting,” rivaling that of Bihzad, was equaled by his Iznik tiles and court carpets. It subordinated the between “decorative” and “representational” art that Archival documents I have published confirm that expertise in the “seven modes of decorative design” the Ottoman court scriptorium continued to supply (heft aṣl-i naqqāş) that aroused the jealousy of the designs and loaned painter-decorators to other “eight paradises.” This account accords well with the imperial workshops, including those of tilemakers, absence of rigid boundaries between figural and tentmakers, and carpetweavers. In a register of royal decorative design in Safavid artistic practice, which expenses from the early 1530s, I came across a had shaped Shah Quli’s training under the master revealing reference to drawings made for a patterned Aqa Mirak. court carpet by the leading court painter-designer (naqqāsh) Shah Quli, who also refurbished and Given his expertise in decorative design, it is not illuminated a Yusuf and Zulaykha manuscript at that surprising that Shah Quli’s own pupil and successor, time. This multitalented Ottoman artist had been Kara Memi, was a specialist of illumination. Born in deported from Safavid Tabriz after its conquest by Istanbul, the latter would revolutionize the Safavid Sultan Selim I in 1514. Shah Quli officially joined the paradigm of the “seven modes” with manuscript “royal corps of painter-decorators” in Istanbul in 1520, illuminations featuring unprecedentedly naturalistic after initially being paid from the private royal purse. Becoming the chief of that corps in the 1540s, he held this post until his death in 1557. I have argued elsewhere, on the basis of an archival document, that the unrivaled masterpieces of the “Cathayan” (khatā’ī) manner in blue, white, and turquoise ceramic tile panels –later reassembled at the Sünnet Odası in the Topkapı Palace– were based on stencils designed by Shah Quli in 1527-28 for a new kiosk commissioned by Sultan Süleyman.

Shah Quli is now renowned for his ink drawings in the “Cathayan” manner, referred to by modern Figure 5 Figure 3

Hadeeth ad-Dar 16 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 17 Volume 39 characterized the Safavid regime of visuality. The joyful ceramic objects without any inscriptions or Current fieldwork on the early augmented autonomy of “decorative” design from intrinsic symbolism appealed to Muslim and non- the arts of the book, and the breakdown of clear- Muslim customers alike. A set of dishes with coat of Islamic archaeology of Kuwait: cut ornamental modes encouraged original abstract arms, commissioned by a European customer, for experiments with form, color, and scale. example, points to the semi-commercial character of Kadhima, the coast and the Tariq al-Basra the Iznik workshops. The Ottoman preference for legibility and monumentality contrasted with the visual density Ottoman ornament not only negotiated intercultural of Safavid ornament, comprising less naturalistic boundaries but also defined the empire’s territorial small-scale patterns rendered with the miniaturist’s borders with a cohesive system of canonical attention to detail. The dramatically magnified motifs signs. The new aesthetic canon helped cement the Derek Kennet and contrasting radiant colors of the new Ottoman hegemonic collective identity and taste of the empire’s Presented in English aesthetic moved away from intricate designs multiethnic ruling elite. It made visible the augmented 14 January 2013 to produce a powerful impact from a distance. magnificence of an increasingly centralized vast Compared to the bold patterns of Ottoman textiles, for empire extending over three continents. With the instance, those of the Safavids are often saturated seventeenth-century decentralization of the Ottoman Since winter 2009 fieldwork has been taking place on mainland Kuwait, with inscriptions and narrative figural imagery, regime, its elitist visual order would be gradually specifically between Jahra and Sabiya, examining the development of Islamic consisting of contemporary themes or excerpts from be transformed into a premodern mass culture, settlements from the late-pre Islamic period until the 11th century CE. This Persian literature (figure 5). Characterized by greater governed by the market forces of consumerism and cultural specificity, Safavid ornament was primarily international commerce. By the seventeenth century, project is collaboration between the Kuwait National Council for Culture intended for internal consumption, unlike its Ottoman the increasingly floral and larger scale ornaments of Arts and Letters and Durham University, Department of Archaeology. Work counterpart that more easily crossed intercultural Safavid portable objects followed suit, when Shah over the first four seasons is starting to provide an increasingly clear insight boundaries. Generally lacking inscriptions, Ottoman ‘Abbas I (1587-1629) began to search international luxury products were widely consumed by non- markets for them. The so-called Polonnaise into the development of Kuwait through the early centuries of Islam and Muslims both within the empire and beyond. carpets, for instance, lack inscriptions and are the development of the earliest Muslim communities in the Kuwait area. The taste for inscriptionless, non-figural Ottoman dominated by nonfigural designs with enlarged floral textiles and carpets in the Balkans, Poland, motifs appealing to Western tastes. Thus coming The archaeological record suggests that it is of Eastern Arabia such as Bahrain, Qatar, Eastern Hungary and Russia was enhanced by the intentional closer to Ottoman precedents, the luxury products possible to define a five-phase outline of Kuwait’s Saudi Arabia and the Oman Peninsula material of ambiguity of their sensually appealing large-scale of the Safavid court workshops aesthetically development from about the 4th or 5th century CE this period is very dense and it seems that this was patterns. Ottoman export carpets were also a staple adapted themselves to the international demands of through to the 10th or 11th century CE. This begins a time of high populations and fairly intense activity in upper class Italian Renaissance households and export trade in an ever more globalized early modern with the Hellenistic/Parthian period, although it could over much of the region, including southern Iraq. decorated the whitewashed Protestant churches of world. also have included the Iron Age and Achaemenid It is possible that some of the so-called Torpedo Transylvania. periods (c 1300-300 BCE) about which very little Jar sites of the later Sasanian period (see below) is known in North East Arabia, aside from a few may have their origins at this time. It is also known The implicit paradisiacal associations of floral minor finds on Failaka. This paper will set out the that Akkaz and Umm al-Namel islands were both Iznik tiles were in some cases made explicit key characteristics of each of the stages in this the locations of significant settlements at this time, by accompanying inscriptions. However, such development. as was Failaka F6. It seems strange therefore that metaphorical interpretations were not readily there is no evidence so far from the Kadhima area apparent in Iznik wares, featuring freehand versions Hellenistic/Parthian (4th century BCE – 3rd for occupation at this time and it seems likely that of comparable designs invented by potters. These century CE) some evidence will eventually come to light as the No definite evidence for activity during this survey is extended in future seasons. Figure 1: Page from a late fifteenth- Figure 3: A page with floral Figure 5: Safavid silk comprising period has come to light to date, although some century Ottoman album associated illuminations, from a Dīvān of Sultan repeat motifs of riders with captives, sherds of Torpedo Jars scattered around the Sasanian (3rd – 7th centuries CE) with the circle of Sultan Mehmed II’s Süleyman bearing the signature of sixteenth century Iran (New York, court painter-designer, Baba Naqqaş, Kara Memi, 1566 Metropolitan Museum of Art) coastal plain might have been deposited at this It is thought that many if not all of the Torpedo comprising designs combining time and a number of possible cist tombs (none Jar sites that have been discovered along the abstract split palmette vegetal scrolls Figure 4: Ottoman gold brocade of which have been excavated or reliably dated) coast can be dated to this period, although some (islīmī) and Catayan (khatā’ī) floral (kemkha) kaftan, third quarter of the might have been created. This period is therefore may date earlier (Parthian) and later (8th century). scrolls (Istanbul University Library) sixteenth century (Istanbul, Topkapı Palace Museum) very much a mystery in this area at the moment and These sites are always located close to the edge Figure 2: A sixteenth-century album requires further thought and work. In other parts of the sea or sabkha and consist predominantly of page attributed to Shah Quli, with a design in the Cathayan (khatā’ī) Dr Derek Kennet, a senior lecturer in archaeology in the University of Durham, obtained his PhD from School of Oriental and manner, currently known as the “saz African Studies, University of London. He participated actively in several excavations in the Middle East, India and Iran. Dr Kennet style” is a prolific writer who authored several books and research papers related to archaeological finds in the region.

Hadeeth ad-Dar 18 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 19 Volume 39 likely interpretation is therefore that these were temporary trading camps to which Iraqi maritime traders brought goods in torpedo jars from Iraq to be traded further inland via nomadic populations along the coast, or alternatively where locally-produced products were collected and put into torpedo jars ready for ‘export’ via sea to Iraq. Such products might have included dried and salted fish, shell fish, fish oils and paste and bitumen or material brought from the interior such as cheese or incense.

The Early Islamic Period (late 7th and 8th centuries CE) Many of the ‘Torpedo jar’ sites of the Sasanian period appear to have been abandoned by the later 7th or 8th century although it seems that some also may have continued to be used, as sherds of 8th century glazed wares have been found on some of the larger examples. The precise date of this apparently mass abandonment is not known as our understanding of the Sasanian pottery chronology is not yet good enough and this is one of the questions that the project will need to answer in the coming seasons. It may have occurred during the Figure 2 Sasanian period, at its end, or even some time after it during the early Islamic period. As the date of this Despite their modest accommodation, the change is not known, it is not possible to be certain Figure 1 people who lived in these structures were not whether or not there was a period of inactivity along poor. They were using large amounts of imported torpedo jar fragments associated with occasional quite likely that others existed. Its existence, along the coastline before the development of the next Iraqi glazed pottery and glass suggesting that they sherds of glazed bowls or jars (usually with a with the example on Miskan Island, indicates these significant phase of archaeological evidence. traded with Iraq, either directly or through travelling yellow-tinted rather than a blue glaze) and sherds sites were perhaps quite widely spread across the merchants who visited the coast. In addition to of large storage/transport jars in a thick, creamy whole of the northern Gulf and also shows that th th At some point during the later 7 or early 8 the pottery and glass it is likely that they used white fabric. These sites appear to be quite densely they cannot all have been solely engaged with the centuries we can trace the development of groups other traded commodities that have not survived scattered in some parts of the coast (e.g. between decanting of liquid goods for overland transport into of stone houses clustered into small, loosely in the archaeological record, such as textiles and Mughaira and Subiyah) and clearly represent a the Arabian interior and that other activities must agglomerated settlements all along the coast. The foodstuffs. It is not known what they traded in significant amount of activity and an important part therefore have been involved. settlement excavated in Area E is a good example return for these items; perhaps locally-produced of the coast’s history. of one of these. The sites recorded and studied at goods such as leather, dairy and meat products Although only one such site has been Mughaira are others and it is certain that there are or bitumen or perhaps products that had travelled A number of new sites came to light in the investigated so far, it is possible to suggest that more, for example in the Mudaira area and possibly overland from other parts of Arabia. The Kadhima 2011-12 season in the Mughaira/Subiyha area they are all linked to a similar activity or range of in the large area between Mughaira and Mudaira Project has been able to gain a good insight into and two key sites were located further away; one activities as their locations and configurations are where little systematic survey has yet been the lives of these people through the excavations in on Miskan Island that was identified during a visit all very similar. What this activity might have been undertaken. Many of these settlements are made Area E and at Mughairah and more will be known there and a further site which came to light at al- is not certain but it certainly involved contact with up of small, stone, sub-circular huts with a diameter once the study of the material evidence has been Khidr on Failaka Island during a visit there on the southern Mesopotamia - either through travel to of less than 3 m. They are not sophisticated completed next season. same day. This site was actually first discovered by the area or through contact with travellers from that structures by any means; they are perhaps the sort the Slovak mission during their excavations, when area - because that is the probable origin of the of structures that a semi-nomadic population might The way that the larger settlement at Mughairah they uncovered two torpedo jar bases buried in a torpedo jars. It seems unlikely that the occupants construct during a yearly sojourn along the coast. is laid out, with isolated clusters of structures shallow pit in trench 22T on the top of the Bronze- of the sites stayed on them for long periods of Their superstructures would have been made of being separated by two or three hundred metres age mound labelled KH1 on the west side of al- time as there is a very limited cultural assemblage, either mud-brick or wood and their confined space of empty space, reminds one very much of the Khidr Bay, although, of course, they were unable there is no evidence of structures or domestic would have been capable of sheltering a small way in which a Bedouin encampment is organised. to understand the significance of this find at the activity and in some cases the sites are located on family only for sleeping whilst many daily activities This fact strengthens the interpretation that these time. This is the first and only torpedo jar site the sabkha which would have been soft, damp or such as cooking would have taken place outside. settlements represent nomadic communities who known from Failaka Island - although it seems even flooded at many points of the year. The most

Hadeeth ad-Dar 20 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 21 Volume 39 Figure 3 were in the first stages of giving up their mobile established local community in order to conduct Figure 5 existence. trade with them. As has been demonstrated above, the pottery and chlorite assemblages from the two Close to the Area E stone huts a much more areas show very marked differences, with Area elaborate domestic structure came to light during ABC showing much more marked evidence of trade the excavations in trench EX027 at Area ABC in the with places such as India and the Hijaz. Resolving 11/12 season. There is no mistaking the difference this chronological/social question is something that in architecture, the house in trench EX027 is the Kadhima Project needs to address. to a well and perhaps a small local community insight into the development of the early Islamic rectangular, it had three rooms and measures in order to trade with them (figure 4). Perhaps, community along this stretch of coastline and about 7 m by 3.5 m, it is built of stone and mud One interesting point is that underneath the as time went by and as the trading relationship into the development of the early Abbasid trading brick, had stone and clay floors and may even Area ABC house there is evidence that a small developed, the merchants decided to construct a network. have had a second storey or a rooftop. A small wooden structure once stood in exactly the same better, more comfortable and secure residence and attached room may have been used for cooking place. A few sherds of 7th/8th century material were that is what we see in the rectangular mud-brick The 9th -10th centuries CE or other preparations and a large open area next found associated with this structure as was a crude house. Alternatively, there may be a chronological By the early 9th century (c 835 CE) all of the 8th to the house shows evidence of cooking and other millefiori-type glass bead. One possible scenario development between the two locations with century settlements along the coastline had been domestic activities. In comparison to the Area E is that the wooden hut represents the remains of perhaps the Area E huts representing the first steps abandoned and any trading activities that were and Mughairah structures this is a veritable palace an early mercantile settlement, perhaps a small towards a sedentary lifestyle that were taken by going on had either ceased or were taking place and must reflect, in its architecture, influence from group of Iraqi merchants who landed here next local nomadic community for whom trading contact elsewhere. Only a few sherds of the distinctive outside the immediate region - probably Iraq. How with Iraqi merchants was an increasingly important glazed pottery of the 9th century (the ‘Samarra then did this structure and its inhabitants relate to part of their yearly cycle. The construction of Horizon’ wares) have been found during the survey the occupants of the Area E stone huts located just the ABC house might then reflect a further step activity of the Kadhima Project, suggesting that 200 metres away? One possibility is that the two towards a fully sedentary lifestyle for part of this there was in fact a small residual human presence areas were not contemporary and that Area ABC same community at a later stage. There are other in the area - probably of nomadic people - who came into existence only after the Area E settlement possible scenarios but at present more evidence, were still in contact with Iraq but only on a much was abandoned. Another possibility is that the two both for the relative date of the two sites and about reduced scale compared to a century earlier. areas were contemporary but that Area ABC was their material culture assemblages, is needed the residence of a trader, possibly an outsider before more can be said. Clearly though, these two What then had happened to the apparently from Iraq, who resided here close to an already- sites have already provided a unique and important burgeoning trade that was described above? One Figure 4

Hadeeth ad-Dar 22 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 23 Volume 39 possibility is that it was diverted elsewhere and occurred at most locations along the coast of Journalism and Fiction: in this context the site at Shiqaya in the Wadi al- Eastern Arabia at some time around the end of the Facts, ideas and imagination Batin might provide some vital clues. Not only 8th century suggesting that regional political and is Shiqaya a large site with an unusual and very economic factors may also have been at play in distinctive plastered building at its core, but it also these developments. shows evidence of very high levels of consumption of pottery and chlorite, certainly much higher It is hoped that further survey along the Wadi than is known from all the 8th century settlements al-Batin in the future, together with a more detailed along the Kadhima coast. This is demonstrated investigation of the Shiqaya site, will provide Alan Riding by the fact that during a short 40-minute stay, the further insights into these developments. It is also archaeological team picked up over 900 sherds of hoped that this will help to resolve the Presented in English pottery from the surface of the site. This can be mystery of this apparently dynamic but highly 18 February 2013 compared to less than 600 sherds that were retrieved unstable trading system and the lives of its local from the excavated trenches in Area E in the participants. I was a journalist for 40 years, a foreign correspondent whose job it was to report 2010-11 season. Most of the material from Shiqaya from distant corners of the world to readers far away. I tried to do this honestly. is imported from Iraq, and still more appears to have The 11th-13th centuries CE come from other locations, perhaps Iran, perhaps With the exception of a single sherd of eroded I won’t say “objectively,” because “objective” reporting is something taught deeper into the Arabian interior. In additions, kilns monochrome sgraffiato that was retrieved from in journalism schools but non-existent in practice. Every journalist brings with at the site manufactured fired bricks to line the the excavations in trench EX028 at Area ABC and him or her a certain package – family roots and upbringing, national culture, large cistern that was probably intended to provide some possible coins retrieved by Sultan al-Duwish educational background, religious beliefs or no religious belief, an ability to water for merchants and pilgrims passing along the from Area E, no evidence of this period has yet route to the Hijaz. come to light anywhere in Kuwait or indeed, in speak foreign languages or not, a variable degree of curiosity, a natural courage the immediately surrounding region. It is generally or perhaps an inclination to be wary or even fearful, and yes, also prejudices, One possible explanation for this configuration acknowledged that this was a period of decline and of which even they may be unaware. But, like it or not, this is the prism through of the evidence is that the deliberate development limited activity across much of Eastern Arabia and which they approach the world. So when I say I tried to do my job honestly, of the trade/pilgrimage infrastructure along the in this respect the absence of any evidence is not Wadi al-Batin by the Abbasids (contemporary with a surprise. Nonetheless, it is unlikely that there I am fully aware that my reporting was inevitably subjective. My “honest” the Darb Zubayda) might have diverted traffic away was no human activity at all. The limited evidence interpretation was inseparable from whom I was. Just as someone carrying a from the coastal route leading to a decline in trade listed above suggests that there was probably a different life package would interpret the same events differently – not more or and settlement along the coast and a concentration restricted nomadic population in the area who were of activity at a few sites such as Shiqaya in the Wadi not consuming and depositing pottery and other less honestly, just differently. al-Batin. In addition, pilgrim traffic may have been material culture in a way that allows their activities increasing as the proportion of Muslim converts to be recognised by archaeologists. It is hoped that I make this confession with certain humility I spent most of my career as a correspondent in in Iraq grew ever higher during the 9th and 10th further investigation of the archaeological remains because not infrequently I was wrong. Some Latin America and Western Europe. Latin America centuries. This might not be the whole story though, of nomadic/seasonal activity will provide further reporting is fairly straightforward because everyone was the more interesting because, when I was there as it is known that a similar disjuncture in settlement insights into this period. has more or less the same facts: there’s been a plane in the 1970s and 1980s, the continent was gripped crash or an earthquake, there are victims, there’s a by instability: American-backed military dictatorships, rescue operation, there’s perhaps an investigation. Cuban-backed guerrilla movements, human rights Follow-up reporting may add important details: the abuses, economic disarray, drug trafficking, you plane was badly maintained or the batteries were name it. But it was also more interesting because dodgy; or the earthquake was deadly because, say, we were few foreign correspondents covering this. schools were built on the cheap. But when it comes Western Europe is packed with good journalists and to politics, the facts often only make sense when they good newspapers, but in a sense in Latin America are interpreted. And they are interpreted to conform we had a bigger responsibility to get the news out, not only to the vision of the reporter but also to the particularly in countries with censorship and death values of the readers and even the editors back home. threats against, even murders of, local reporters. In Give us the facts, my bosses would say, then tell us my case, writing for The New York Times, I really what they mean. Believe me, that is easier said than felt I was shaping American opinion about what was

Figure 1. The rim of a torpedo jar Figure 3. Excavations underway on Figure 5. ‘Samarra horizon’ sherds done. happening south of the border. showing the bitumen that was used an early Islamic hut at Mughairah. of the 9th and 10th centuries from to waterproof it. Shiqaya in the Wadi al-Batin. Alan Riding is a British journalist and writer who for 30 years was a foreign correspondent for The New York Times, latterly as Figure 4. A gold earring found next the paper’s cultural correspondent for Europe based in Paris. His books include Distant Neighbors: A Portrait of the Mexicans; Figure 2. A kite photograph of the to the early Islamic well at Kadhima. Essential Shakespeare Handbook; Opera; and, most recently, And The Show Went On: Cultural Life in Nazi-Occupied Paris. He row of early Islamic huts at Kadhima. resides in Paris where he is currently writing plays.

Hadeeth ad-Dar 24 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 25 Volume 39 But was I getting it right? Naturally most right- The Arab world is hardly less challenging, but was that, yes, the museum had certainly been looted subsequent gradual recovery have been followed wing dictatorships did not like what I wrote: the the role of the Western press inside these countries and vandalised, but many important treasures as well closely because we can identify with a single nastier ones would threaten me directly, the more is less important since it is written principally for as ancient documents had been hidden and saved. teenager more easily than any number of anonymous subtle ones would hire American PR companies to Western readers. Understandably, Arab governments Yet in the minds of many readers, it was the first story victims. We’re not being heartless or cynical; it’s denounce my inaccurate reporting. And of course are more concerned with what Western governments that stuck. My story saying, yes, it was bad, but not simply something we can understand, something that left-wing opponents of these regimes applauded me. think and do than what foreign correspondents write, as bad as we thought was…. well, a bit boring. touches us emotionally. But I often wondered, first, would ordinary people – although the irony is that Western policies may be whatever that means –would they recognize their influenced by what reporters file from the region, not Perhaps more pertinently, while I was in Iraq, Unsurprisingly, then, journalists yearn to stand countries in my reporting? And secondly, if someone, least because correspondents have contacts and go the increasingly-desperate American effort to find back from the noise in the belief that they may be say, in New York or Kuwait who had read everything places unavailable or unreachable to diplomats for weapons of mass destruction was still underway. better heard. And this yearning has only intensified as I had written about a country and they then visited security reasons. Put differently, if a correspondent And of course the American newspapers, including the speed of news reporting has accelerated. Twenty it, would they arrive well informed, would they is killed on assignment, sorry, folks, he was a fine my own, played a significant role in propagating this years ago, people were happy to get yesterday’s understand the country as a result of my reporting? reporter, adios. But if a diplomat is killed, God forbid, justification for the invasion of Iraq. But all too soon news in today’s newspaper. No longer. Today an ambassador, now that’s a matter of state. this untruth was forgotten in the violent chaos that reporters have to keep writing for their 24/7 websites, followed. Correspondents found themselves covering plus they must tweet and blog to show they are first These are questions that in practice apply to all At The Times, I remember being cautioned a different kind of war in which every day some new with everything. And at the end of the day, they must foreign correspondents in all parts of the world. But against making predictions. Wise advice, no doubt, horror had to be reported. And in the minds of readers write a coherent story for print. Sometimes they are rarely are they more pertinent than right here in the yet wasn’t it our job to prepare our readers for what and journalists alike, they just piled up, with one day so tied up feeding this new media monster that they Middle East. might happen, to indicate the way things seemed almost indistinguishable from the next. It reminded me have no time to go out reporting. to be going? Well, certainly over the past two years of the Vietnam War where, every afternoon, American As it happens, my first foreign posting was at the and on many other earlier occasions, the Arab world military spokesmen would announce the day’s body So how can they escape what has come to United Nations in New York in 1967, immediately after has caught us off guard. Revolutions have occurred – count of dead Viet Cong. These were the facts and resemble a hamster’s exercise wheel? When they the Six-Day War. I was a tender 23-year-old in the and are still occurring – which we did not see coming, they were duly reported: obviously the United States can, they write books. They are not the only ones to journalists’ booth when the Security Council adopted leaving us chasing after the facts and struggling to was winning. But in hindsight it is apparent that all do so. Hundreds of soldiers who have fought in Iraq its famous Resolution 242 – or rather not resolution, interpret them – even as the facts keep changing. those “facts” were meaningless. and Afghanistan have also penned their accounts, at it might better be described today. And from then If it is our job to clarify confusion, all too often our often very personal, sometimes dramatic, frequently on, my life has been accompanied by the twists and analysis is quickly overtaken by more confusion. We The reality is that unending conflicts produce harrowing, but rarely analytical. That has been left to turns of the Middle East – the so-called Yom Kippur did not anticipate the Arab Spring. We then told our reader fatigue. You have probably heard of a journalists. I could mention a dozen books written by war, the Iranian revolution, the end of the Cold War, readers – perhaps not in so many words but implicitly parallel phenomenon: compassion fatigue. That reporters that throw much more light on these wars two Iraq wars, two intifadas, the rise of Islamic – that the revolutions in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya is, when there is a sudden spate of man-made or than the news reports that they themselves may have fundamentalism, the growth of the conservative right were a good thing, getting rid of despots, bringing natural disasters, from wars to tsunamis, and the filed. If I could perhaps add a personal immodest in Israel, the Arab spring and now the war in Syria – freedom, paving the way for democracy. We also Western public is bombarded by requests for money note: I reported from Mexico for 13 years, then I to mention just a few highlights. But I did not devote applauded those who were bravely challenging the by aid agencies, whether NGO’s or international wrote a book about Mexico. The many hundreds of my career to this region and I don’t mind admitting Assad regime in Syria. And now? We see the future organizations like UNICEF. At a certain point, stories I wrote from Mexico have long been forgotten. that I’m relieved I didn’t. Surely nowhere is more no clearer than anyone else. generosity fatigue or compassion fatigue set it and The book is still alive. subject to interpretation and misinterpretation than donations begin to fall away. Well, readers have a the Middle East. It is hardly the fault of journalists when things go similar reaction when newspapers, radio, television Yet non-fiction books are also not altogether wrong. But readers are understandably confused and on-line news outlets serve up an unwavering satisfying. Yes, they have facts, ideas and analysis, For The New York Times, Israel is usually when we get things wrong. Let me give you a small fare of riots, bombings, assassinations, massacres but they rarely carry the emotional clout of fiction, considered the most challenging foreign posting, example. I’ve actually been to Kuwait before, in 2003, and the like. Journalists have a duty to report them they rarely absorb a reader as intimately as a good not only because it is a nervous and unpredictable on my way into Iraq just two weeks after the fall of all, but readers feel helpless, they become numbed, novel. It is perhaps for this reason that some reporters democracy, not only because of its close ties to the Saddam Hussein. And that was when I first had they may read the first few lines, then think: Oh, more have engaged in what has become known as literary United States, not only because The Times itself is the pleasure of meeting Sheikha Hussah [Sabah al- of the same. This is why journalists leap on stories journalism. That is, the reporter approaches his owned by a liberal and secular Jewish family, but also Salem al-Sabah, DAI director general] who briefed that, strictly speaking, are anecdotal, yet will grab the story in a much more descriptive, personal, well, because of the large American Jewish population me on the cultural atrocities committed by Iraq in public’s attention. literary style. Two who were very successful at this and the political clout in Washington of the pro-Israeli Kuwait more than a decade earlier. By then I had were Bruce Chatwin, an Englishman, and Ryszard Jewish lobby. So, to put it simply, whatever The Times given up war reporting and was writing about culture One recent example: the Pakistani schoolgirl Kapuscinski, a Pole. A number of writers in The New correspondent writes, he or she will be bombarded and I was sent to follow up the story of the ransacking Malala Yousafzai who was shot by the Taliban last Yorker have also developed this technique. But while by one or other current of Jewish opinion. In the old of the Baghdad Museum. Our first story had said the October because she had been campaigning for these books and essays are often very well written days, it was letters and telephone calls; today it is museum had been virtually emptied, that evidence of girls’ right to education. Hundreds of people have and entertaining to read, they have a problem: writing emails, blogs, website commentaries, radio and our oldest civilization had been wiped out. The story been killed in Pakistan since then by bombs or that is too literary loses credibility as true reportage. television pundits, all within minutes. Objectivity? made headlines around the world, but, it transpired, drones, but she came to personify an entire nation’s And while Chatwin and Kapuscinski are no longer Whose objectivity? it was a tad hyperbolic. What I found when I got there struggle against extremism. Her fight for life and her around to defend themselves, both are now viewed

Hadeeth ad-Dar 26 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 27 Volume 39 with skepticism by old-fashioned reporters like myself. brought to life again by an acclaimed trilogy by an such as The Quiet American, set during France’s Of course, there is nothing like repression or They have come to represent the perils of first-person English author, Pat Barker, in the 1990s. Indochina war, Our Man in Havana, set in Cuba’s dictatorship to awaken a writer’s political instincts journalism. Batista dictatorship, and The Comedians, set in Papa or, still more, his or her political responsibilities. Yes, wars provide fertile material, not only Doc Duvalier’s dictatorship. In the United States, Arthur Miller denounced The alternative is to write fiction, pure and simple. for journalists. The Spanish Civil War brought McCarthyism through his play The Crucible. Norman And it is very tempting to do so. But, alas, not many Hemingway’s For Whom the Bell Tolls, which, In that sense, Greene belonged to an earlier Mailer denounced the Vietnam War in his novelistic novels by journalists go beyond pulp fiction. And few unusually, came out just one year after Franco’s generation of writers more concerned with situations reportage Armies of the Night. But that was then. Now are successful, though one exception is a French victory. For the Second World War, Joseph Heller’s than specific events. But they were no less political it would be hard to name an American novelist with a writer, Gérard de Villiers, a former journalist whose Catch 22 is perhaps the most acclaimed American for doing so. Charles Dickens, who also began life strong political profile. And the same is true for Britain spy thrillers delve into – and sometimes anticipate novel, although Norman Mailer’s The Naked and the as a journalist, frequently used his pen to denounce and the rest of Western Europe. Our recent wars – real life political or terrorist dramas. He calls his Dead and Kurt Vonnegut’s Slaughterhouse-Five also the miserable life of Victorian London’s urban poor, seem to have gone unnoticed by prominent novelists. books “faction” and he churns them out, four or five deserve mention, all published years after V-E Day. never more effectively than in Oliver Twist. And, per year, some 200 so far, with close to 100 million Another remarkable book written secretly during the interestingly, most of his novels were first published Turn back to lands of oppression, though, and the in print. And he obviously has good sources in the German occupation of France is Irène Némirovsky’s as monthly excerpts in newspapers. Emile Zola story changes. Even the Soviet bloc was evidence CIA, MI6, Mossad, the ex-KGB or whatever because, Suite Française. Némirovsky herself, a Russian- was another 19th century writer with a strong social of that. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s Gulag Archipelago, amidst all the sex and violence, he usually gets things born Jew, was arrested and died in Auschwitz, but conscience, as demonstrated in his masterpiece which was smuggled out of the Soviet Union and right. John Le Carré gets the mood right, but Gérard her manuscript was kept by her daughters and was Germinal, which denounced the struggle for survival published in English in 1974, remains the defining de Villiers gets dangerously close to the bone. published only in 2004 and became an international of the brutally-exploited coal miners of northern literary work of the long Soviet nightmare. In Africa, best-seller. You could say that, by then, scholars had France. Nadine Gordimer stood up to South Africa’s apartheid In practice, the worlds of journalism and fiction explored every imaginable aspect of the German regime, Wole Soyinka confronted Nigeria’s military overlap a great deal. There’s a nice quote from occupation of France, yet, revisited in fiction, Suite Moving into the 20th century, two British writers dictatorships. And both were recognized with Nobel Matthew Arnold: “Journalism is literature in a hurry.” Française demonstrated how much more was left to extrapolated dark futures for mankind from the world prizes. In Turkey, Orhan Pamuk, another Nobel Another aphorism says: “Where journalism stops be said. taking shape around them. In 1932, Aldous Huxley laureate, has faced persecution for daring to mention literature goes on.” And yet another that makes us published Brave New World, set in the year 2540 the Armenian genocide that followed the collapse of feel good: “Journalism is the first draft of history.” Then there are Holocaust novels, usually when the technological revolution set in motion by the Ottoman Empire after the First World War. And But there are also more disturbing comparisons: fictionalized memoirs, likeFatelessness by the Nobel Henry Ford’s assembly lines had created a World of course China is another case in point. Writers “Journalists use the truth to tell lies, novelists use prize-winner Imre Kertesz, The Long Voyage by State. Then in 1945, George Orwell’s Animal Farm: struggle to be heard and face jail if they step too far lies to tell the truth.” In other words, imagination can Jorge Semprun and Vasily Grossman’s Life and Fate, A Fairy Story used allegory to satirize Stalinist out of line. Let’s not forget that Liu Xiao Bo, the writer often convey truths more persuasively than facts. As which use literature to bring an individual human totalitarianism where “all animals are equal, but and intellectual who won the Nobel Peace Prize in a result, some reporters writing what are known as dimension to what was basically industrialized some animals are more equal than others.” It was, 2010, is still languishing in a Chinese jail. “human interest” stories will borrow the descriptive genocide. They too are usually the result of long Orwell wrote at the time, an attempt “to fuse political techniques of fiction to make scenes appear more years of reflection. And of course in non-fiction there purpose and artistic purpose into one whole,” an One option is exile. And when we look at real, to try to “inhabit” the characters, to add what we are The Diary of Anne Frank and Primo Levi’s If This objective many writers have shared. Four years later, internationally-known Arab writers, many have call color. At the same time, novelists will carry out is a Man, personal accounts which stand apart from in Nineteen Eighty-Four, he went further, imagining a also chosen to live abroad even when they are not extensive research into real situations so that their any historical study of the Holocaust. tyrannical society headed by Big Brother and bringing prohibited from returning home. I can name several characters and dramas seem credible. But in the end, into our language such contemporary concepts as who live in Paris, among them the Moroccan Tahar the novelist is a free agent, the journalist is not. I could go on, but let me pause with one favorite doublethink, thoughtcrime and Newspeak. Ben Jeloun, the Lebanese Amin Maalouf and writer, Graham Greene, who made the switch from Mohammed Moulessehoul, a former Algerian army There is still another big difference. A journalist journalism to fiction early in his career. For many Over the years, I have had the good fortune of officer who wrote under the pen name of Yasmina has to deal with the “now,” while novelists have no British foreign correspondents, Greene was the meeting many leading writers, including Greene. And Khadra for security reasons when he lived in Algeria such pressure. Just looking back at wars, the most novelist we all yearned to be. He had the eye of a while all were essentially literary figures, most also and retained it after he moved to France. All have immediate kind of news, it is rare for writers to tackle journalist, he traveled to the same places we visited, had strong political opinions which they were eager Arabic as their native language and all write in them in fiction while the conflicts are still raging. There he spoke to the same people and saw the same to express. Octavio Paz, the Mexican poet and Nobel French. Also now living in France, is the great Syrian are exceptions. For the First World War, Wikipedia things, yet he wrote great works of fiction that said laureate, never wrote political poetry, but whenever poet Adonis. And he has been recently joined in lists no fewer than 53 British poets, among them more about a place than any number of our stories. we met, we talked politics. The same could be said Paris by the young Syrian novelist Samar Yazbek, Rupert Brooke, Wilfred Owen and Robert Graves, I mentioned my time in Mexico. Greene traveled to of Harold Pinter, another Nobel laureate: he didn’t who was forced to flee the Assad regime. Naguib who wrote from the trenches of northern France and Mexico in 1938 and spent just six weeks there. Yet write political theater, but every lunch or dinner we Mahfouz, the Egyptian novelist who in 1988 became whose words are still used to evoke the horrors of from this voyage, he wrote The Power and the Glory shared was dominated by, in his case, his obsessive the first Arabic-language Nobel laureate, learned of all wars. On the other hand, the best known World and a travel journal, Another Mexico. When I read dislike for the foreign policy of successive American the perils of staying at home: because of his stand War I novel, Erich Maria Remarque’s All Quiet on them more than 30 years later, they revealed to me governments. Still another Nobel laureate, the against Islamic fundamentalism, notably around the the Western Front was first published in 1928. And a great deal about the country I was covering. And Portuguese writer José Saramago, was a lifelong controversy stirred by Salman Rushdie’s Satanic if the First World War seems a long time ago, it was much the same could be said of other Greene novels, Communist, but the nearest he came to politics in his Verses, he suffered an assassination attempt which novels was through allegory. almost cost him his life.

Hadeeth ad-Dar 28 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 29 Volume 39 Arab writers – and I should add Iranian writers – but they boycotted the collaborationist press and they he ran for the presidency. He lost to a man who I am of course talking about a certain kind of often face special difficulties. They write in Arabic put out their own clandestine newspaper. quickly took on the trappings of a dictator, yet Vargas novelist. A fiction writer who devotes himself or – or Persian – but find it almost impossible to be Llosa demonstrated that he was willing to put his herself to, say, the drama of family life, you know like published in their home countries if they touch on When the Liberation came, other artists and prestige as a writer on the line in the name of a those French films where Pierre is married to Marie sensitive political, religious or social issues. At the performers who collaborated were banned from political cause. but loves Chantal who is married to Jean-Paul who same time, few have the option of being published working for a year or two, perhaps even jailed for a loves Marie, well, that sort of writer is a long way from abroad because few are the Western publishers able few months, but writers were treated differently. The I’d like to mention another Latin American, a the rough-and-tumble of journalism. But if you scan or willing to read a manuscript in Arabic or Persian. very fact they had collaborated in print meant that Mexican, Carlos Fuentes, who died last year, not only the names of the great writers of history, they usually In some cases, they have little choice but to pay they exercised far more nefarious influence than, say, because he was a close friend, but also because he have more to say because even their family dramas to have their works translated into, say, English or an actress who had a Nazi lover. Further, their words too personified the writer with a clear political voice. are set in far broader contexts. You might say that French. I have come across the names of a half- left a long trail of evidence which they could not As a novelist, his subject was Mexico. In fact, long War and Peace is basically an extended love story, dozen Kuwaiti writers but have struggled to find their deny when they were put on trial. Across the broad before I reached Mexico, my first understanding yet is there a greater account of the Napoleonic war works in translation. For the West, this is also a great world of the arts, where, as I say, the show went on, of the complexity of that country came from one of in Russia? loss because novelists would give us greater insights only journalists and writers were executed after the Carlos Fuentes’s early novels, The Death of Artemio into the workings of North African and Middle Eastern Liberation. Even de Gaulle said writers have special Cruz. And by good fortune, within months of arriving in In today’s new media age, however, the question societies, insights that not even the most experienced responsibilities. But the ferocity of this purge had a Mexico, I met the writer I had admired from afar. But I of how we feed our minds has become more urgent foreign correspondent can provide. The proof is that, positive long-term effect. It enabled those writers who soon also discovered his fascination with politics and and perhaps more alarming than ever. It is no secret two Israeli writers, Amos Oz and David Grossman, had been in the resistance to claim that they had kept here his subject was all of Latin America. And he was that newspaper circulation is falling everywhere. who are widely read in translation in the West and alive the notion that writers occupied the moral high in a privileged position because, thanks to his fluency Many newspapers are in trouble, a good many in the sympathize with the plight of the Palestinians, have ground. And in the years after the war, they recovered in English, he could speak for all of Latin America in United States have closed. Even newspapers like contributed enormously to Western understanding of their prestige. the United States. He and Gabriel García Márquez, The New York Times have been forced to emphasize that intractable problem. the great Colombian writer, were even invited to their websites. Yet, even though the number of Yes, writers are different. In many countries, once lunch by President Clinton to discuss American policy people reading The Times on-line continues to grow, Of course, the difference between leading a novelist or intellectual has won public recognition, towards Cuba. the paper faces a problem common to all other journalists and prominent novelists goes beyond the he or she is expected to opine on the hot issues of the papers. Advertising in the printed press has tumbled way they write. A novelist is an artist whose principal day. Some are surprised to find themselves in this role. As a foreign correspondent, I also sought out dramatically and, while on-line advertising may be tool is his imagination. And this creative dimension In a recent interview in The New York Times, Orhan the likes of Fuentes, García Márquez, Vargas growing, it generates much less revenue than print. gives him a special aura, a certain mystique, even a Pamuk said: “I am never motivated by political ideas. Llosa, Octavio Paz and a host of other writers Put bluntly, The Times has less money to devote to unique authority. You might argue that this should also I am interested in human situations and funny stories.” as sources. This wasn’t the same as talking to reporting. And I’m talking about a paper that still has be true of, say, painters, composers, movie directors, But in interviews, he said, he was always being drawn politicians, guerrilla leaders or intelligence agents the best international coverage in the world. Once choreographers and perhaps even architects. They into politics and he had become resigned to this. He who might share information selectively and spin it great papers like the Washington Post and the Los too may be blessed by a mysterious gift of creativity. added: “I perhaps learned that political questions are to suit their immediate interest. No, these were true Angeles Times have closed almost all their foreign And yet writers are different. a sort of destiny for literary writers, especially if you conversations with thinkers who stood away from bureaus. France’s three leading dailies, Le Monde, come from the non-Western world.” Yet many others the cacophony of breaking news. They talked about Libération and Le Figaro are struggling to survive; in My most recent book, And The Show Went On, are happy to use the pulpit of newspaper interviews literature, history, religion, ideology, the psychology Germany, Spain Italy, elsewhere, it’s the same story. explored cultural life in Paris during the German or columns to express political views. And, ironically, of their own compatriots, the ancient roots of political occupation between 1940 and 1944. And in it, I these opinions may draw more readers than their struggles and, yes, also the politics of the day. They And how about books? Across the West, book covered all the arts along with a galaxy of famous novels. They have become celebrity writers. Fame didn’t give me stories as such – although occasionally sales are also falling, the advances given to well artists, from painters like Picasso and Matisse to has given them a new audience. I interviewed them for The Times. Rather, they gave known writers have been cut in half, and up-and- singers like Edith Piaf and Maurice Chevalier. But it me a deeper understanding of how their societies coming writers have a hard time finding agents and was with writers that the line between collaboration This was certainly my experience in Latin America. worked. And that was invaluable. publishers. As it happens, my American publisher is and resistance was most clearly drawn. Why is And in the dark years I covered that region, the doing well at the moment. And why is that? Well, it that? Already the decision whether to publish or opinions of these writers carried weight. After What was in it for them? Well, like Graham Greene, published E. L. James’s erotic sado-masochistic not to publish under German censorship rules was all, most were opposed to the repressive military other leading novelists began life as journalists, trilogy, beginning with Fifty Shades of Grey, which political. In practice, most did publish. Then came the regimes in power. And while many were forced to although most escaped before the formulaic nature has sold some 80 million copies worldwide in barely question, what and where did they publish. The most flee and publish abroad, their prestige served to of journalism damaged their writing forever. But their one year. So, yes, junk still sells. But serious fiction infamous collaborators wrote in pro-Nazi newspapers draw attention to the murders, disappearances and circles of close friends invariably included many and non-fiction have been badly hit. And it’s not just and magazines, denouncing in shrill tones Jews, abuses taking place in their home countries. One journalists. The truth is that journalists and novelists because of the general economic crisis or even the communists, Freemasons, the Allies and of course Peruvian writer, Mario Vargas Llosa, who won the have affection, even admiration, for each other. growing popularity of e-books. Because e-books General de Gaulle, in exile in London. Those writers Nobel literature prize in 2010, went further than most. Journalists are often in awe at how novelists can are cheaper, they generate less income for both who joined the resistance for the most part also In 1989, with Peru close to becoming a failed state reinvent the world, but through journalists, novelists publishers and authors. But they are also easier published books – and such luminaries as Jean-Paul because of a violent Maoist revolutionary movement, can also feel in touch with the real world. So there’s a to buy and, in theory at least, as e-books become Sartre and Albert Camus were among those who did – rampant inflation and a dysfunctional government, two-way flow of information and ideas. popular across the world, total sales might level off.

Hadeeth ad-Dar 30 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 31 Volume 39 No, the real problem is the Internet. It is a “Few seem concerned about the influence of the Bandits and Freedom Fighters remarkable tool of communication, so remarkable Internet and new media on thought, feelings, human that it has altered the way a good part of humanity relations and political responsibility.” in the Ottoman Balkans: uses its mind. In other words, the time spent on emailing, surfing, social networking and buying on- Journalists and novelists are not going to disappear Their arms and traditions line includes time that might once have been spent as long as we need information and imagination. But reading print newspapers and books. I’d add that when we prefer the instant gratification of movies, those who read on-line newspapers also do so television and the Internet, we are the losers. Fifty differently, grabbing the news but less frequently years ago, Marshall McLuhan proclaimed: “The plunging into long analytical articles which, frankly, are medium is the message.” Now it is time to fight not much fun reading on a screen. So, paradoxically, back, to escape new media’s giant maw, to recover Robert Elgood while never before has so much information been so our freedom to read, think and dream. To do so, we Presented in English easily accessible, people are not necessarily better must examine, first, how we educate our children 24 September 2013 informed. The attraction of easy communication and and, secondly, how we continue to educate ourselves. the very speed of information mean we have less We are at a watershed. Only by turning back to the Historically the Balkans was full of isolated towns which had their own distinct time to think. As Robert Silvers, the legendary editor message can we hope to understand the world costume, music, language, silver and decorative designs and motifs. The arms of The New York Review of Books, put it recently: around us and our place within it. making towns were too small to absorb all the arms produced and weapons were taken across the Balkans to sell at fairs. Sometimes arms were bought from the makers and taken to another town to be decorated and then sold in a third town. This enormously complicates attribution. Furthermore Greek, Slav, Vlach, and Albanian craftsmen were scattered across the Balkans and indeed the Ottoman Empire. It became apparent that arms production in the Balkans was one of the biggest industries in the Islamic world turning out weapons not only for local consumption but also for export across the whole Islamic World.

Warriors were immensely fat scented with herbs. The proud of their weapons and mutton fat was used on the added silver decoration weapons but was also put on whenever funds permitted, the hair to make the warrior so the silver is not always of especially attractive. one date. Arms were worn in a bensilah or selachi, a belt The relationship between a with compartments in front warrior and his weapons was of the stomach into which very close, the arms being were thrust pistols, separate treated as personalities. In ramrod, yataghan and often a Albania and Greece weapons kalamdan or pen box. These were given names; Theodoros were kept polished to suggest Grivas’s gun was called frequent use and the amount Theodoroula, the female version of silver was an indicator to all of his name with an affectionate of a man’s prosperity, since suffix. The silver sword of the the silver represented his hero Odysseus Androutsos was portable wealth. In addition called Asemo, a woman’s name there was always a pair of meaning silver. It was claimed silver ammunition boxes and he could jump over seven an oil box containing mutton horses and he was famous for Figure 1

Dr Robert Elgood, a Research Associate in the Art and Archaeology department at London University and a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries and the Royal Asiatic Society, has lectured in India, the Gulf, Europe and the United States, at prestigious institutions including museums and universities. The author of numerous texts on the arms and armour of the Islamic world, he is currently completing catalogues of the arms in two Indian collections.

Hadeeth ad-Dar 32 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 33 Volume 39 women in the mountains and their ballads were of on the metal barrel. These barrels were later copied or tufenkler from Algiers, Frengi from western men whose swords were their sisters and their guns in Brescia in northern Italy, termed alla Greca and Europe, Rūmī or Ottoman, Istanbuli, Macāri from their wives. A Greek ballad sadly refers to: ‘my hand sold in the Balkans. A Venetian contract dated 1680 Hungary, and Alaman from Germany. Elsewhere we as a pillow, my sword as a mattress and my little for alla Greca barrels shows the very low unit price, find references to Talyan tufenkler, Italian guns. At flintlock hugged like a wife.’ Another song describes indicative of poor quality and an impoverished end this time according to Sir Thomas Sherley who was how ‘pistols were their brothers and sisters and guns market. ransomed in Istanbul in 1605, the English had three their mothers and fathers. There was no disgrace in shops selling arms and munitions in Istanbul. being a bandit but it was a hard life in the mountains The manufacture and ownership of firearms and the slightest wound meant that one could not became an Ottoman state monopoly under laws Throughout their history the Turks had very outrun the pursuing Turks with fatal consequences. passed by Suleiman the Lawgiver in 1524. His Grand considerable support from various European states, Vizier drew up the first law on handguns in an effort to acting in their own political interests, in the supply That said, the mountain men saw themselves as control them. Handguns were to be made by cebeci, and development of firearms. The Dutch and English free as birds. In Bosnia and Montenegro the warriors or state armourers, paid for by the Treasury. There were considered to have been overtaken by the often wore a silver plume in their fur cap called a were armouries with armourers in all the major castles French in the sale of arms to Turkey in 1738. The chelenka, set with stones, said to represent a bird’s and state workshops at Adrianople and Ezerum and same year the Sultan received a shipload of muskets Figure 2 wing. These were given for valour and a number Istanbul. and gunpowder from Charles XII of Sweden in might be worn at the same time. An undated Serbian payment for Ottoman support against the Russians. poem ‘Old Vuyadin’ describes with admiration a In 1610 gunsmiths and dagger makers from the captured haiduk with ‘a fur hat with twelve feathers in guilds in Sofia, Skopje and Plovdiv were ordered to The Ottomans encouraged a trading network that a ring; each feather made of gold, a pound in weight.’ Istanbul to work in the State workshops. But though stretched from the Danube to the Euphrates. Take In Montenegro and Serbia, the word soko meaning the law was vigorously enforced in some Ottoman the town of Sarajevo in Bosnia as an example of what falcon was commonly used to mean brave warrior. regions it prove ineffectual in many areas, even in happened in practice. As a point of local interest Albanian refer to their country as the land of eagles Ottoman Turkey where bands of peasants with tufenk Sarajevo was the most northerly town in the Ottoman and themselves as sons of eagles. or matchlocks terrorised much of the country in the Balkans to which camel trains were taken. Following sixteenth century. Turkish occupation of Bosnia in the mid-fifteenth The chief warriors in Bosnia Herzegovina also century the town developed quickly as a result of wore silver breastplates called toké which varied from The market in arms in the Ottoman Empire rapidly Ottoman state funding, particularly the construction of region to region, obviously vestigial armour. These became international. In a list of arms from a Viziers ‘Sultān mosques’ and we can assume an immediate were sometimes worn by Greek chiefs; and were still armoury dated 1009 AH/1600 CE we find 75 guns need for armourers. The first town defter or record being worn at weddings in the early twentieth century. dates from 1489 and records workers in 17 crafts including three resident swordsmiths and by 1526 there was a bazaar of swordsmiths. Sarajevo made yataghans and the kilidj, the Turkish short sword and sabre respectively and Sarajevo watered steel sword Figure 3 blades were exported to Damascus where they were running eight leagues through the mountains without sold as Damascus blades A Muslim gun maker or stopping when his band was defeated by the Turks. Tufegdžija is mentioned in an archival document or There was no shame in running away. Ottoman defter from 1528-1536. A sidžil or court record from armies invariably outnumbered the rebels and Sarajevo of 1555/57 mentions cutlers (bičakdzije). capture meant impalement or skinning alive. Figure 4 There are also scabbard makers listed.

Because it was a frontier region and also close Before combat promises were made to weapons The Turkish gun barrels of the latter half of the to Italy and adjacent to Venetian overseas territory by their owners and there was talk of feeding them or 16th century with dragon head muzzles, which they in the Balkans, called Venetia Ultra Mare, with its rewarding them with silver: called ejderhanafter ejder, a dragon, were replaced capital at Kotor, new firearms technology reached the in favour of barrels with swollen muzzles which they town earlier than many other more isolated Balkan My proud gun, my praised sword, called karanfil, a name that by extension meant the arms centres. Djordjija, a “tabandzija” (pistol maker) is How many times have you saved my life? whole gun. In Turkish, the word means a carnation recorded working in Sarajevo in 1682 but it is likely that Help me now (or a clove) as it does with minor amendments in pistols were being made in Sarajevo earlier than this. And I will cover you with gold and Albanian and Serbo-Croat. The carnation, Dianthus I will cover you with silver. caryophyllus, was popular on Isnik pottery and Sarajevo had a population of 50,000 by the 17th Ottoman textiles in the 16th century. The swollen century and Evliya Çelebi describes the city as an The haiduks and klephts, robbers from the northern muzzle on the gun resembles the carnation in bud. emporium for wares from India, Arabia, Persia, and southern Balkans respectively, lived without Some even have the carnation chiselled as decoration Figure 5 Hadeeth ad-Dar 34 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 35 Volume 39 Poland and Czechoslovakia. The arms industry The last Sarajevan gunmaker, Sabljar Dedo, died were annually shipped to Rumelia and the Austrian which probably reflects a change of ownership rather grew as a result of the almost continuous wars fought in 1934. frontier. than the actual date of the stock. by the Turks on the Austrian frontier in the 16th and 17th centuries, becoming fixed in the late 17th century Closely associated with Sarajevo was the nearby This is very substantial for the time and it should The most spectacular Balkan gun is the džeferdar. due to the second siege of Vienna in 1683. town of Fojnica, an important gun making centre for be remembered that there were many other towns The stock derives from late seventeenth century centuries. Here they made the shishana, the Turkish across the Balkans that were exporting to the Turkish guns with inlaid mother-of-pearl stocks There were no private gunsmiths in Sarajevo until the army long gun with a hexagonal wooden butt and a Ottoman Empire in similar fashion. Furthermore, while the name comes from Turkish cevherdar and 17th century when the protection of the guild or esnaf heavy barrel, a stock form used by Ottoman troops, there was competition from European arms makers th system allowed them to develop, though curiously, particularly the Janissaries, from the 15 century. like Liege and St Etienne. Clearly Sarajevo, Fojnica, th many of the Bosnian gunsmiths were Christian Serbs. The famous late 19 century gun or shishana makers Dupovci and Foča supplied the Istanbul market with Many others were Albanian who worked in their own were Mujo and his son Ibro Bodo; Jakov and Mijo many of their high quality Damascus twist faceted area by the wooden bridge and made Albanian style Bosnjak, another father and son; Salih Ahmetas only barrels. This raises questions about how many were guns known locally as arnautke or tančice meaning ‘T’ forged barrels whilst Anto Vucevic and Anto Krlic actually being made in Istanbul and how many were shaped because of the shape of the butt. Elsewhere, were gunsmiths who assembled the parts of the gun. merely assembled and improved by decoration for these guns are referred to as roga meaning ‘horned’ Another smith was considered so skilful that he was resale there. because of the shape of the butt. These guns were known as ‘Inglez’, a remarkable tribute to English Figure 8 much lighter than the shishana used by the Janissaries gunsmiths. However we must recognise that the demand for because the Albanians were used to fighting in the arms was enormous. In Montenegro one of the most from Arabic jauhar meaning lustre or jewel. These mountains and needed an accurate but very portable dreadful curses that could be made was: ‘May you be ‘jewelled’ mother of pearl inlaid guns are the work of weapon. This gun illustrates the tendency in the without arms in your house.’ gunmakers in Kotor, Risan, Herceg-Novi and Foça, Balkans for very similar guns in appearance to have an area comprising Eastern Herzegovina and Boka different linguistic names depending on who owned it A number of Balkan guns evolve from the firearms Kotorska. The mother of pearl came from Italy and and where they lived. in use in the Ottoman army at that time. For example was reputedly cut in the town of Risno, the designs there were gold or silver decorated barrels called initially from Istanbul where work in mother of pearl dzeverdani or dzeverlije found in Hercegovina, was a major craft in the 15th -17th centuries. Often retired Janissaries became craftsmen and Montenegro, including the northern Albanian guns virtually all the Muslim artisans of Sarajevo, as in other from towns like Shkodra that attempted to copy the There appears to have been a large number of Balkan cities, termed themselves Janissaries. This Figure 6 highly decorated Siege of Vienna Ottoman barrels. Venetian export barrels and locks sent to to Boka gave them tax privileges and immunity from arrest. Kotorska. The lock on a džeferdar in the Stephanis From surviving esnaf documents it is possible to learn There is a comparatively rare flintlock long gun Collection is signed ‘Chinelli’, the Brescian maker. In many of the names of the actual gunsmiths from the from Croatia and Bosnia Herzegovina, the distinctive the first half of 19th century, as a result of the struggle 18th and 19th centuries working in Sarajevo, most but Besides Sarajevo there were many other major feature being the long curved wooden butt. The of the Montenegro people for freedom, which Kotor not all in the Gunsmith’s bazaar. The first recorded arms making towns in Bosnia: Foča, Mostar, Trebinje, name, çibuklija is used in Serbo, Croat and Turkish supported, the town regained its leading gunmaking was Risto Milanović who died in 1709. Travnik, Fojnica and Konjic, for example. In part these supplied local needs. No peasant or shepherd role with 29 gunsmiths working there. Arms were also made in Perast and other small towns on the The development of gunmaking in the Balkans in ever went out to work without two pistols, a yataghan bay, home to wealthy sea captains, rich from trade the early 18th century can be seen in the life of the [Ottoman knife or short sword] and a gun for his own voyages in the Mediterranean and Black Sea. founder of one great Bosnian gunsmithing family, protection. Simić-Tufe who was first recorded in the early 18th The Balkans was famous for its blood feuds as well century. He learnt his trade in Istanbul, settled in as its bandits. Arms from this region were regularly Sarajevo and later moved to Zvornik in north east taken by caravan and ship for sale in Asia and Africa. Bosnia. According to tradition the Simić-Tufe were In the early 19th century a caravan of at least 300 so successful that they sent their craftsmen all over horses carrying arms left Sarajevo for Skopje and on Bosnia to establish additional gunsmiths’ shops and at to Salonica every year for shipment to Istanbul. Other the end of the 18th century they opened another shop Figure 7 caravans went from Sarajevo to the port of Split on in Sarajevo. the Adriatic coast for shipment by sea, two caravans and compares the gun to the long Turkish tobacco a month in the summer and one a month in the winter. pipe. The origin of this stock shape is found on Figure 9 In 1813 there were 90 gunsmiths working in Split received 2,000 guns, about 3,500 gun barrels, Italian 17th century Brescian wheellocks but the form Sarajevo and numerous sword and knife smiths. 1,000 pairs of pistols and equal numbers of yataghans evolves slightly in the north west Balkans and takes The džeferdars were considered hugely expensive More than 200 silversmiths worked on decorating every year. Amongst this number were about 100 on a graceful, hooked, oval shape. Dated Balkan and desirable in northern Albania and were often the blades, hilts and scabbards, locks and barrels, highly decorated guns and pistols destined for the examples are invariably 18th or even 19th century but copied. The The Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini which their work being amongst the best in the Empire. top end of the market. Similar quantities of arms others are earlier and it seems likely that in some provided the tribal legal code in Albania from the cases the date reflects the addition of the decoration 14th century to this day allowed for fines of various

Hadeeth ad-Dar 36 Volume 39 Hadeeth ad-Dar 37 Volume 39 (1788-1866) owned an arms shop in Cairo. One The paragun has a long smoothbore barrel (like brother would manage the shop for several years the use of fabric testifying to the cheapness and lack while the other would ship ten tovars of arms twice of technical sophistication of production). The lock is yearly from Prizren. Prizren had close trade links with also unique in its form, being a type of miquelet [a the northern Albanians arms town of Shkodra which distinctive form of snaplock] of unusual proportions, had a famously busy bazaar and the road between known as a boylia lock. The origin of the gun remains these two towns was reported crowded with caravans Figure 12 Figure 10 uncertain but the relative rareness suggests that as late as 1894. amounts to compensate victims. In late editions, the the area of production was small. The Ottoman blood price for a death was either 1000 ducats or a influenced design of the gun suggests a desire for When an Ottoman army was ordered to assemble džeferdar. It would appear that the value of the gun lightness and its obvious attempts to cut the cost of contingents came from all over the Empire, all armed was based not on its construction cost but on its rarity production suggest an impoverished remote area according to their own local preference. As a result which inflated its value. Mother of pearl has no Muslim under Ottoman influence. Evidence points to Bulgaria an Ottoman army had a large variety of very regional value other than aesthetic but it has a very important rather than the north west Balkans as their market but weapons. In 1821 the Sultan directed his army to association in the Christian world, being associated the variety of decoration on these guns suggests they attack the rebel Ali Pasha at Ioannina. The town Figure 13 with the Virgin Mary and the Immaculate Conception. were taken by their owners, probably mercenaries or which was 90 % Greek lists seven arms makers in for Christians and Muslims until it became a part of This would have been of great significance to the bashi bazouks, to gunsmiths throughout the Ottoman the archives but Ioannina was noted for the splendour the modern Greece in 1913. Christian Bokelians and also to the Christian northern Empire where local decoration was added to the of its silver work. The Greek silversmiths of Ioannina Albanian tribes. basic form. avoided the conflict by taking refuge in the Ionian A particular feature of the fighting in the Balkans Islands, then under British control. On their return was that it relied very largely on close combat creating Mother of pearl plaques appear on typical Albanian Many of the most important arms making towns at the end of the war they changed the style of their a demand for personal arms of distinction that lasted guns and also on a gun called paragun. Both have were in the central Balkans, Prisren, Tetovo, Peć, work to reflect popular Greek feeling. After the war until the First World War as we can see in Bitsoris’ diamond shaped mother of pearl plaques with dots, Djakova, Shkodra, Elbasan, Berat, Delvino and Dibra, the Greeks placed the son of King Ludwig of Bavaria gun. As late as the Balkan Wars of 1910, 1911 and circles and lines cut into the surface which are filled all of which employed Albanian gunsmiths. Prisren on the throne in 1833 as King Othon and a period of 1912 the Macedonian army relied on cannon made with red or black pigment. These plaques are to was described by a number of people as the most Greek Romantic revival followed, with golden arms to out of hollowed out tree trunks with which to fight the be found on 19th century džeferdars, indicating the important arms producing town in the Balkans with carry at court. Ioannina continued to decorate arms Turks. common regional origin of the work. The džeferdar over 100 gunsmiths shops in the mid nineteenth barrel decoration evolves so that the original Turkish century. It made guns until the 1950s. style is scarcely recognisable by the 19th century, Figure 1: Southern Albanian or Souliote Bottom: North east Balkan tufenk with Figure 10: Paragun with 18th century though the very distinctive silver barrel inlay continued Arms from Prizren were carried by caravan to warrior armed with a gun called an miquelet lock. Late 17th century. Balkan made barrel, the stock inscribed by to be used. Salonica and then went to Turkey, Egypt, Asia Minor, arnautka or kariophili, a roka or straight Marsigli Collection, Bologna the breech: ‘Made by Seyyid Salih; owner Persia, Arabia, and India. The African market was silver flintlock pistol and a silver hilted el Haci kazi-zade Hasan Efendi; Oh God! sabre known as a shpata. Figure 6: Shishana: heavy gun with Year 1246 [1830-31]. Benaki Museum, The paragun is essentially a provincial version of the most important, demonstrated by the fact that Watercolour by Joseph Cartwright 1822. octagonal watered steel barrel with seven- Athens. the shishana, but of uncertain regional origin. (figure the richest arms-exporting families in Prizren were Private collection. groove rifling. The pierced silver mounts 10) The name comes from a type of fabric used at the Misirli and the Sudanli. Much of the trade was in are stamped behind the breech with the Figure 11: Pair of Prizren pistols with the medieval Byzantine court where it was called the hands of Serb and Albanian Catholic silversmiths Figure 2: Toka of Nikola Kulić, made by assay mark of Sultan Mustapha III (R. typical silver filigree work, dating from the the silversmith Djordjije Panov from Risan, 1757-74). Stephanis Collection, Athens. 1830s. The silver gilt mounts have been paragandama and apparently incorporated a gold who accumulated enough cash to fund such long Boka Kotorska in August 1774. added by a jeweller to lift the commercial th stripe. In Serbia it is also referred to as coa paraguna, distance trade. In the first half of the 19 century the National Museum Figure 7: Curved stock of a rare north value, a common practice that was very coa meaning “textile”. This type of gun has the six Prizren silversmith Hajji Pjetar twice yearly exported of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Balkan çibuklija, named after the Turkish profitable. Maritime Museum, Kotor. sided wooden shishana butt, of longer, flatter form, ten loads of guns from Tetova and Prizren to Cairo pipe. The decorated brass covering the Figure 3: Toka of Theodorus stock is typical Serbian work. National Figure 12: Gold and niello flintlock uniquely covered with fabric. It is possible that the and was believed to have been paid the weight of Kolokotrones, (1770-1843), General in the Army Museum, Belgrade. kariophilli, c. 1830s, made for the court early use of paraguna fabric was a cheap means the guns in gold. Two Prizren brothers, who were Greek war of Independence. The toka was of King Othon of Greece, probably in of copying the elaborate bands of ivory and brass lock makers, Hajji Paly (1782-1850) and Hajji Djerdj made in western Bosnia Herzegovina. Figure 8: Dzeferdar from Boka Kotorska Ioannina. There is a crown amongst the decoration that are a characteristic of the Turkish National Historical Museum, Athens. or western Bosnia Herzegovina with decoration on the butt. Folklore Museum, miquelet lock dated 1804 AD. The gun Athens. shishane, both in Istanbul and in Bosnia where the Figure 4: Late sixteenth century Turkish is signed by the maker Mulla Osman. shishana was copied. Later it seems that any fabric barrel showing the dragon head muzzle. National Historical Museum, Athens. Figure 13: Mannlicher Schoenauer available was used, velvet being common. To this National Army Museum, Belgrade. M1903 carbine. Owned by Constantine was added embroidery or gold braid in arabesques, Figure 9: Gun bearing the inscription ‘N Bitsoris and used by him in the fighting for Figure 5: Top: Ottoman matchlock, fitilli 1802’. The mother-of-pearl inlay is inspired Ioannina and northern Epirus. The silver a design probably faithful to the Byzantine original. tufenk, with three stage Damascus twist by the guns called dzeferdar from Boka sheet and Niello decoration is covered Most of the dated versions seen by the author are barrel. Signed ‘Mehmed’. Late 17th Kotorska but is clearly from somewhere traditional Greek motifs and religious 19th century. There are two guns in the Benaki century. different. The Italian back sight and the inscriptions. National Historical Museum, Museum with owners and makers names dated 1830 use of the Christian date and initial gives Athens. Middle: Ottoman gun with combined further indication of a Christian owner in the and 1831. Figure 11 matchlock and flintlock. 1683. western Balkans who was probably Greek.

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AIYDAAIYDA SALEM SALEM INTISARINTISAR SALEM SALEM SHAFIKASHAFIKA ALI ALI MARIAMMARIAM NASER NASER AL SABAHAL SABAH ALAL SABAH SABAH ALAL MUTAWA MUTAWA AL SABAHAL SABAH AIYDAAIYDA SALEM SALEM INTISARINTISAR SALEM SALEM SHAFIKASHAFIKAAIYDA ALI ALI SALEM MARIAMINTISARMARIAM SALEM NASER NASERSHAFIKA ALI MARIAM NASER AL SABAH AL SABAH AL MUTAWA AL SABAH AL SABAHAL SABAH ALAL SABAH SABAH ALAL MUTAWA MUTAWA AL SABAHAL SABAH AIYDA SALEM INTISAR SALEM SHAFIKA ALI MARIAM NASERABDULAZIZ AMAL SABAH BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. MUNIRA KHALID NASRALLAH DONORS AL SALEM AL SABAH AL SABAH AL MUTAWA AL SABAHSULTAN ESSA AL SALEM AL SALEH AL MUTAWA SYED BEHBEHANI AL SABAH AL SABAH DONORS ABDULAZIZ AMAL SABAH BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. MUNIRA KHALID NASRALLAH SULTAN ESSA AL SALEM AL SALEM AL SALEH AL MUTAWA SYED BEHBEHANI AL SABAH AL SABAH AMAL SABAH DONORS ABDULAZIZNOURA NASSER BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. MUNIRA KHALID NASRALLAH HIND HAMED RACHAD RIHAM FOUAD SULTAN ESSA ALMOHAMMED SALEM AL SALEM AL SALEH AL MUTAWA SYED BEHBEHANI ABDULAZIZ AL BAHAR PAULA AL SABAH , ALAL SABAH RASHED AL SABAH HABIB TABIAT ALGHANIM DIRECTOR,S ALGHANIM PATRONS DONORS ABDULAZIZ AMAL SABAH BADRIYANOURA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. MUNIRANASSER KHALID NASRALLAH DIRECTOR S SULTAN ESSA AL SALEM AL SALEM AL SALEH AL MUTAWA SYED BEHBEHANI HIND HAMED RACHAD RIHAM FOUAD CIRCLE AL SABAH ABDULAZIZAL SABAH MOHAMMED PAULAAFRAH AL MUBARAKSABAH AL SABAH EMAD MOHAMED AL BAHAR AMAL SABAH AL BAHAR HABIB TABIAT ALGHANIM , DONORS ABDULAZIZ BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. ALMUNIRA RASHED KHALID NASRALLAH SULTAN ESSA AL SALEM ALGHANIM AL SALEM AL SALEH AL MUTAWA SYED BEHBEHANI CIRCLE , AL SABAH ALI FAISAL AL KHALED MOHAMMED GHAZI AL SEDAIRAWI DIRECTOR S AL SABAH NASSER AMAL SABAH NOURASABAH AMIN DONORS ABDULAZIZNOURA NASSER BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. MUNIRA KHALID NASRALLAH HIND HAMED RACHAD RIHAM FOUAD AL SALEM HIND HAMED RACHAD RIHAM FOUAD DIRECTOR S SULTAN ESSA MOHAMMED AL SALEM AL SALEH MOHAMMED AL MUTAWA SYED BEHBEHANI , ABDULAZIZ ABDULAZIZAL BAHAR AL RAYESPAULA AL SABAH PAULA AL SABAH AL SABAH HABIB TABIAT ALGHANIM CIRCLE ALGHANIM AL RASHED AL SABAH AL BAHAR BASEMAH MUBARAK ALHABIB SABAH TABIATNADIA MOHAMMADALGHANIM AL BAHAR DIRECTOR SKUTAYBA ALGHANIMPATRONS AL RASHED NOURA NASSER CIRCLE HIND HAMED RACHAD RIHAM FOUAD ALAMIAH ABDULAZIZ MOHAMMED AFRAH MUBARAK AL SABAH EMAD MOHAMED AL BAHAR DIRAAR YUSUF ALGHANIM RAKAN IBRAHIM ALGHANIM , YUSSUF AL BAHAR PAULA AL SABAH HABIB TABIAT ALGHANIM KUTAYBA AL RASHED ALGHANIM ALI FAISAL AL KHALED MOHAMMED GHAZI AL SEDAIRAWI CIRCLE ALGHANIM NOURASABAH AMIN NASSER DIRECTOR S ALAMIAH HIND HAMED RACHAD RIHAM FOUAD YUSSUF ABDULAZIZAL RAYES MOHAMMED SABAH AMIN KUTAYBA AL BAHAR PAULABASEMAH AL SABAH MUBARAK ALHABIB SABAH TABIATNADIA MOHAMMADALGHANIM AL BAHAR ALGHANIM ALGHANIM AL RASHED CIRCLE YUSSUF ALAMIAH AL RAYES DIRAAR YUSUF ALGHANIM RAKAN IBRAHIM ALGHANIM KUTAYBAALGHANIM SABAH AMIN AL RAYES YUSSUF ALAMIAH SABAH AMIN KUTAYBA ABDULAZIZ AMAL SABAH BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. MUNIRA KHALID NASRALLAH ALGHANIM DONORS AL SALEM SABAH AMIN AL RAYES YUSSUF ALAMIAH SULTAN ESSA AL SALEM AL RAYESAL SALEH AL MUTAWA SYED BEHBEHANI KUTAYBA AL SABAH ALGHANIM AL SABAH YUSSUF ALAMIAH ABDULAZIZ AMAL SABAH BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. MUNIRA KHALID NASRALLAH ALGHANIMDONORS AL SALEM SULTAN ESSA AL SALEM AL SALEH ALSUPPORTERS MUTAWA ABBASA ESMAIL BEHBEHANISYED GEORGEBEHBEHANI SALEH ABU AYYASH NADA SULAIMAN Al-MUTAWA AL SABAH PATRONSAL SABAH ABBAS ABDULLAH AL DASHTI HANA AL ABDULMUGHNI NAHLA MUHALHEL AL MUDHAF AMAL SABAH ADEL TAWFEEQ AL ZUHAIR HIND ABDULLA AL SABAH NAJLA MOHAMMED AL FARAJ ABDULAZIZNOURA NASSER BADRIYAAFRAH SABAH MUBARAK AL SABAH BUTHAINAHEMAD MOHAMED AL BAHARM. MUNIRA KHALIDADEL SALEM AL ABDULJADER NASRALLAHJANICE OLDS NOUF KHALED AL MARZOUQ SUPPORTERS DONORS AHMAD ABDULLAH AL SARRAF KEVIN BURKE PHILIP FOUAD BARDAWIL AL SALEM HIND HAMEDALI FAISAL AL KHALED MOHAMMED GHAZI AL SEDAIRAWI RACHAD RIHAM FOUAD ABBASA ESMAIL BEHBEHANI GEORGE SALEH ABU AYYASH NADA SULAIMAN Al-MUTAWA SULTANABDULAZIZ ESSA MOHAMMED AL SALEM PAULAAL AL SALEH SABAH AL MUTAWA ALI ASHOUR AL JAFAR SYED KHALIFABEHBEHANI DIRAAR ALGHANIM SAMER KHANACHET AL SABAH ALP BAHARABASEMAHTRONS MUBARAK AL SABAH NADIA MOHAMMAD AL BAHAR HABIB TABIAT ANWAR FAISALALGHANIM AL SABAH LEENA HUSNI DEIRANIE SAWSAN ABDULLAH ABDULRAHIM ABBAS ABDULLAH AL DASHTI HANA AL ABDULMUGHNI NAHLA MUHALHEL AL MUDHAF ALGHANIM AL RASHED AL SABAH ALIA ABDULRAHMAN AL MESHARI LINA SAADI ABOUDHEIR TAREQ ABDULAZIZ AL AWADHI DIRAAR YUSUF ALGHANIM RAKAN IBRAHIM ALGHANIM ALTAF ESSA SULTAN AL ESSA MANAL BADER AL GHARABALLY TAREQ AZMY EL SHEIKH ADEL TAWFEEQ AL ZUHAIR HIND ABDULLA AL SABAH NAJLA MOHAMMED AL FARAJ PATRONS ASMAHAN AL SHUBAILI MARZOUQ DIRAAR ALGHANIM TAREQ BADER AL MAILAM AFRAH MUBARAK AL SABAH EMAD MOHAMED AL BAHAR ADEL SALEM AL ABDULJADER JANICE OLDS NOUF KHALED AL MARZOUQ NOURA NASSER AWATIF SABAH AL SALEM AL SABAH MOHAMMED IBRAHIM AL FRAIH WOROUD TALEB AL SUHAIL HIND HAMED RACHAD BIRGIT AL MUTAWA RIHAMMOHAMAD FOUAD MAHMOUD RASHEED YASSER ASHOR AL JAFAR AHMAD ABDULLAH AL SARRAF KEVIN BURKE PHILIP FOUAD BARDAWIL ABDULAZIZ MOHAMMED PAULAALIAFRAH FAISAL AL MUBARAKSABAH AL KHALED AL SABAH MOHAMMEDEMADCHRIS STEVE MOHAMED TRAGAKIS GHAZIMONA AL MOHAMMED AL BAHAR SEDAIRAWI AL KHONAINI ZEYAD HAMAD AL FARES AL BAHAR HABIB TABIATENASS SAUD AL MARZOUQ ALGHANIMMONA MOHAMMED FAROUKI ALI ASHOUR AL JAFAR KHALIFA DIRAAR ALGHANIM SAMER KHANACHET ALGHANIM AL RASHED FADEELA DUAIJ AL SABAH MUNA MUHALHEL AL MUDHAF ALI FAISAL AL KHALED MOHAMMEDFAHAD ABDULRAHMAN AL RADI GHAZIMUNIRA ALSULAIMAN SEDAIRAWI AL KHUBAIZI ANWAR FAISAL AL SABAH LEENA HUSNI DEIRANIE SAWSAN ABDULLAH ABDULRAHIM NOURASABAH AMIN NASSER BASEMAH MUBARAK AL SABAH NADIA MOHAMMAD AL BAHAR HIND HAMED RACHAD RIHAM FOUAD ALIA ABDULRAHMAN AL MESHARI LINA SAADI ABOUDHEIR TAREQ ABDULAZIZ AL AWADHI ABDULAZIZAL RAYES MOHAMMED PAULABASEMAH AL SABAH MUBARAK AL SABAH NADIA MOHAMMAD AL BAHAR SUPPORTERSAL BAHARABBASA ESMAIL BEHBEHANI GEORGE SALEH ABUDIRAAR AYYASH NADA SULAIMANYUSUF Al-MUTAWA ALGHANIMHABIB TABIATRAKAN IBRAHIMALGHANIM ALGHANIM ALTAF ESSA SULTAN AL ESSA MANAL BADER AL GHARABALLY TAREQ AZMY EL SHEIKH ALGHANIM AL RASHED ABBAS ABDULLAH AL DASHTI HANA AL ABDULMUGHNI NAHLA MUHALHEL AL MUDHAF ADEL TAWFEEQ AL ZUHAIR HIND ABDULLA AL SABAH NAJLA MOHAMMED AL FARAJ ASMAHAN AL SHUBAILI MARZOUQ DIRAAR ALGHANIM TAREQ BADER AL MAILAM ADEL SALEM AL ABDULJADER JANICE OLDS DIRAARNOUF KHALEDYUSUF AL MARZOUQ ALGHANIM RAKAN IBRAHIM ALGHANIM AHMAD ABDULLAH AL SARRAF KEVIN BURKE PHILIP FOUAD BARDAWIL AWATIF SABAH AL SALEM AL SABAH MOHAMMED IBRAHIM AL FRAIH WOROUD TALEB AL SUHAIL BENEFACTORS SAMER KHANACHET ALI ASHOUR AL JAFAR KHALIFA DIRAAR ALGHANIM BENEFACTORS SABAH AMIN ANWAR FAISAL AL SABAH LEENA HUSNI DEIRANIE SAWSAN ABDULLAH ABDULRAHIM BIRGIT AL MUTAWA MOHAMAD MAHMOUD RASHEED YASSER ASHOR AL JAFAR ALIA ABDULRAHMAN AL MESHARI LINA SAADI ABOUDHEIR TAREQ ABDULAZIZ AL AWADHI BENEFACTORS ALTAF ESSA SULTAN AL ESSA MANAL BADER AL GHARABALLY TAREQ AZMY EL SHEIKH CHRIS STEVE TRAGAKIS MONA MOHAMMED AL KHONAINI ZEYAD HAMAD AL FARES AL RAYES ASMAHAN AL SHUBAILI MARZOUQ DIRAAR ALGHANIM TAREQ BADER AL MAILAM AWATIF SABAH AL SALEM AL SABAH MOHAMMED IBRAHIM AL FRAIH WOROUD TALEB AL SUHAIL ENASS SAUD AL MARZOUQ MONA MOHAMMED FAROUKI BIRGIT AL MUTAWA MOHAMAD MAHMOUD RASHEED YASSER ASHOR AL JAFAR SABAH AMIN CHRIS STEVE TRAGAKIS MONA MOHAMMED AL KHONAINI ZEYAD HAMAD AL FARES FADEELA DUAIJ AL SABAH MUNA MUHALHEL AL MUDHAF AIYDA SALEM INTISARINTISAR SALEM SALEM SHAFIKASHAFIKA ALI ALI MARIAMMARIAM NASER NASER ENASS SAUD AL MARZOUQ MONA MOHAMMED FAROUKI AIYDA SALEM FADEELA DUAIJ AL SABAH MUNA MUHALHEL AL MUDHAF ALAL SABAH SABAH ALAL MUTAWA MUTAWA AL SABAH AL RAYES FAHAD ABDULRAHMAN AL RADI MUNIRA SULAIMAN AL KHUBAIZI BENEFACTORSAL SABAHAL SABAH AL SABAH FAHAD ABDULRAHMAN AL RADI MUNIRA SULAIMAN AL KHUBAIZI BENEFACTORSAIYDA SALEM INTISAR SALEM SHAFIKA ALI MARIAM NASER BENEFACTORSAL SABAH AL SABAH AL MUTAWA AL SABAH

SUPPORTERS ABBASA ESMAIL BEHBEHANI GEORGE SALEH ABU AYYASH NADA SULAIMAN Al-MUTAWA

NASRALLAH SYED AIYDAAIYDA SALEM SALEM INTISARINTISAR SALEM SALEM SHAFIKASHAFIKA ALI ALI MARIAMMARIAM NASER NASER ABBAS ABDULLAH AL DASHTI HANA AL ABDULMUGHNI NAHLA MUHALHEL AL MUDHAF BEHBEHANI AL SABAHAL SABAH ALAL SABAH SABAH ALAL MUTAWA MUTAWA AL SABAHAL SABAH SUPPORTERS ADELABBASA TAWFEEQ ESMAIL AL BEHBEHANI ZUHAIR HINDGEORGE ABDULLA SALEH AL ABU SABAH AYYASH NAJLANADA SULAIMAN MOHAMMED Al-MUTAWA AL FARAJ AIYDA SALEM INTISARPATRONS SALEM SHAFIKA ALI MARIAM NASER ADELABBAS SALEM ABDULLAH AL ABDULJADER AL DASHTI JANICEHANA AL OLDS ABDULMUGHNI NOUFNAHLA KHALED MUHALHEL AL MARZOUQ AL MUDHAF AL SABAH AL SABAH AL MUTAWA AL SABAH AHMADADEL TAWFEEQ ABDULLAH AL ZUHAIRAL SARRAF KEVINHIND ABDULLA BURKE AL SABAH PHILIPNAJLA FOUADMOHAMMED BARDAWIL AL FARAJ AFRAH MUBARAK AL SABAH EMAD MOHAMED AL BAHAR ALIADEL ASHOUR SALEM AL AL JAFAR ABDULJADER KHALIFAJANICE OLDS DIRAAR ALGHANIM SAMERNOUF KHALED KHANACHET AL MARZOUQ ALI FAISAL AL KHALED MOHAMMED GHAZI AL SEDAIRAWI ANWARAHMAD FAISALABDULLAH AL SABAH AL SARRAF LEENAKEVIN BURKEHUSNI DEIRANIE SAWSANPHILIP FOUAD ABDULLAH BARDAWIL ABDULRAHIM ALIAALI ASHOUR ABDULRAHMAN AL JAFAR AL MESHARI LINAKHALIFA SAADI DIRAAR ABOUDHEIR ALGHANIM TAREQSAMER ABDULAZIZ KHANACHET AL AWADHI BASEMAH MUBARAK AL SABAH NADIA MOHAMMAD AL BAHAR ALTAFANWAR ESSA FAISAL SULTAN AL SABAH AL ESSA MANALLEENA HUSNIBADER DEIRANIE AL GHARABALLY TAREQSAWSAN AZMY ABDULLAH EL SHEIKH ABDULRAHIM ASMAHANALIA ABDULRAHMAN AL SHUBAILI AL MESHARI MARZOUQLINA SAADI DIRAAR ABOUDHEIR ALGHANIM TAREQ BADERABDULAZIZ AL MAILAM AL AWADHI DIRAAR YUSUF ALGHANIM RAKAN IBRAHIM ALGHANIM AWATIFALTAF ESSA SABAH SULTAN AL SALEM AL ESSA AL SABAH MOHAMMEDMANAL BADER IBRAHIM AL GHARABALLY AL FRAIH WOROUDTAREQ AZMY TALEB EL SHEIKHAL SUHAIL AMAL SABAH DONORS ABDULAZIZ BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. MUNIRA KHALID NASRALLAH BIRGIT AL MUTAWA MOHAMAD MAHMOUD RASHEED YASSER ASHOR AL JAFAR SULTAN ESSA AL SALEM AL SALEM AL SALEH AL MUTAWA SYED BEHBEHANI ASMAHAN AL SHUBAILI MARZOUQ DIRAAR ALGHANIM TAREQ BADER AL MAILAM AL SABAH AL SABAH CHRISAWATIF STEVE SABAH TRAGAKIS AL SALEM AL SABAH MONAMOHAMMED MOHAMMED IBRAHIM AL AL KHONAINI FRAIH ZEYADWOROUD HAMAD TALEB AL AL FARES SUHAIL DONORS ABDULAZIZ AMAL SABAH BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. MUNIRA KHALID NASRALLAH SULTAN ESSA AL SALEM AL SALEM AL SALEH AL MUTAWA SYED BEHBEHANI ENASSBIRGIT SAUDAL MUTAWA AL MARZOUQ MONAMOHAMAD MOHAMMED MAHMOUD FAROUKI RASHEED YASSER ASHOR AL JAFAR AL SABAH AL SABAH AMAL SABAH FADEELACHRIS STEVE DUAIJ TRAGAKIS AL SABAH MUNAMONA MUHALHELMOHAMMED AL AL MUDHAF KHONAINI ZEYAD HAMAD AL FARES DONORS ABDULAZIZNOURA NASSER BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. MUNIRA KHALID NASRALLAH AL SALEM HIND HAMED RACHAD RIHAM FOUAD SULTANABDULAZIZ ESSA MOHAMMED AL SALEM AL SALEH AL MUTAWA SYED BEHBEHANI FAHAD ABDULRAHMAN AL RADI MUNIRA SULAIMAN AL KHUBAIZI AL SABAH AL BAHAR PAULA AL SABAH HABIB TABIAT ALGHANIM ENASS SAUD AL MARZOUQ MONA MOHAMMED FAROUKI SABEEHA AL JASSEM ALGHANIM AL RASHED ALP SABAHATRONS ABDULAZIZ AMAL SABAH BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. MUNIRA KHALID NASRALLAH FADEELA DUAIJ AL SABAH MUNA MUHALHEL AL MUDHAF DONORS NOURA NASSER SULTAN ESSA AL SALEM HIND AL SALEM HAMED AL SALEH AL MUTAWARACHAD SYED BEHBEHANIRIHAM FOUAD MOHAMMED AFRAH MUBARAK AL SABAH EMAD MOHAMED AL BAHAR FAHAD ABDULRAHMAN AL RADI MUNIRA SULAIMAN AL KHUBAIZI ABDULAZIZ AL SABAH AL SABAHBAHAR PAULA AL SABAH AL RASHED HABIB TABIAT ALGHANIM ABDULAZIZALGHANIM AMAL SABAH BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAHALI FAISAL M.AL KHALEDMUNIRA KHALIDMOHAMMED GHAZINASRALLAH AL SEDAIRAWI DONORS NOURASABAH AMIN NASSER SULTAN ESSA AL SALEM HIND AL SALEM HAMED AL SALEH AL RACHADMUTAWA SYEDRIHAM BEHBEHANI FOUAD ABDULAZIZAL RAYES MOHAMMED PAULA AL SABAH AL SABAH AL BAHARSABAH BASEMAH MUBARAK ALHABIB SABAH TABIATNADIA MOHAMMADALGHANIM AL BAHAR ALGHANIM AMALAL RASHED SABAH DONORS ABDULAZIZNOURA NASSER BADRIYA SABAH BUTHAINAH M. MUNIRA KHALID NASRALLAH AL SALEM HIND HAMED DIRAAR YUSUF ALGHANIMRACHAD RAKANRIHAM IBRAHIM FOUAD ALGHANIM SULTANABDULAZIZ ESSA MOHAMMED AL SALEM AL SALEH AL MUTAWA SYED BEHBEHANI AL SABAHSUPPORTERSAL BAHAR PAULA AL SABAH HABIB TABIAT ALGHANIM SABAHALGHANIM AMIN AL RASHED AL SABAH ABBASA ESMAIL BEHBEHANI GEORGE SALEH ABU AYYASH NADA SULAIMAN Al-MUTAWA AL RAYES PATRONSABBAS ABDULLAH AL DASHTI HANA AL ABDULMUGHNI NAHLA MUHALHEL AL MUDHAF NOURA NASSER HIND HAMED RACHAD RIHAM FOUAD ABDULAZIZ MOHAMMED ADEL TAWFEEQAFRAH MUBARAK AL ZUHAIR AL SABAH EMADHIND ABDULLAMOHAMED AL AL SABAH BAHAR NAJLA MOHAMMED AL FARAJ SABAH AMIN AL BAHAR PAULA AL SABAH HABIB TABIAT ALGHANIM ALGHANIMAL RAYES AL RASHED ADEL SALEM AL ABDULJADER JANICE OLDS NOUF KHALED AL MARZOUQ NOURA NASSER ALI FAISAL AL KHALED MOHAMMED GHAZI AL SEDAIRAWI SABAH AMIN HIND HAMED RACHAD RIHAM FOUAD ABDULAZIZAL RAYES MOHAMMEDHadeeth ad-Dar 40 VolumeAHMAD 39 ABDULLAH AL SARRAF KEVIN BURKE PHILIP FOUAD BARDAWIL Hadeeth ad-Dar 41 Volume 39 AL BAHAR PAULABASEMAH AL SABAH MUBARAK ALHABIB SABAH TABIATNADIA MOHAMMADALGHANIM AL BAHAR ALGHANIM AL RASHED ALI ASHOURDIRAAR AL YUSUF JAFAR ALGHANIM RAKANKHALIFA IBRAHIM DIRAAR ALGHANIMALGHANIM SAMER KHANACHET ANWAR FAISAL AL SABAH LEENA HUSNI DEIRANIE SAWSAN ABDULLAH ABDULRAHIM SABAH AMIN SUPPORTERS ABBASA ESMAIL BEHBEHANI GEORGE SALEH ABU AYYASH NADA SULAIMAN Al-MUTAWA PATRONS AL RAYES ALIA ABDULRAHMANABBAS ABDULLAH AL DASHTI AL MESHARIHANA AL ABDULMUGHNILINA SAADI ABOUDHEIRNAHLA MUHALHEL AL MUDHAF TAREQ ABDULAZIZ AL AWADHI ALTAF ADELESSA TAWFEEQ SULTAN AL ZUHAIR AL ESSA HIND ABDULLA AL MANALSABAH BADERNAJLA AL MOHAMMED GHARABALLY AL FARAJ TAREQ AZMY EL SHEIKH AFRAH MUBARAK ALSABAH SABAH AMINEMAD MOHAMED AL BAHAR ADEL SALEM AL ABDULJADER JANICE OLDS NOUF KHALED AL MARZOUQ ALI FAISAL AL KHALEDAL RAYES MOHAMMED GHAZI AL SEDAIRAWI ASMAHANAHMAD ABDULLAHAL SHUBAILI AL SARRAF KEVIN BURKE MARZOUQ DIRAARPHILIP FOUAD ALGHANIM BARDAWIL TAREQ BADER AL MAILAM ALI ASHOUR AL JAFAR KHALIFA DIRAAR ALGHANIM SAMER KHANACHET BASEMAH MUBARAK AL SABAH NADIA MOHAMMAD AL BAHAR AWATIFANWAR SABAH FAISAL AL AL SABAH SALEM AL SABAHLEENA HUSNI DEIRANIEMOHAMMEDSAWSAN IBRAHIM ABDULLAH AL ABDULRAHIM FRAIH WOROUD TALEB AL SUHAIL ALIA ABDULRAHMAN AL MESHARI LINA SAADI ABOUDHEIR TAREQ ABDULAZIZ AL AWADHI DIRAAR YUSUF ALGHANIM RAKAN IBRAHIM ALGHANIM BIRGITALTAF AL ESSA MUTAWA SULTAN AL ESSA MANAL BADER AL MOHAMADGHARABALLY MAHMOUDTAREQ AZMY EL SHEIKH RASHEED YASSER ASHOR AL JAFAR CHRISASMAHAN STEVE AL TRAGAKISSHUBAILI MARZOUQ DIRAARMONA ALGHANIM MOHAMMEDTAREQ BADER AL AL MAILAMKHONAINI ZEYAD HAMAD AL FARES AWATIF SABAH AL SALEM AL SABAH MOHAMMED IBRAHIM AL FRAIH WOROUD TALEB AL SUHAIL SUPPORTERS ABBASA ESMAIL BEHBEHANI GEORGE SALEH ABU AYYASH NADA SULAIMAN Al-MUTAWA ENASSBIRGIT SAUD AL MUTAWA AL MARZOUQ MOHAMAD MAHMOUDMONA RASHEED MOHAMMEDYASSER ASHOR FAROUKI AL JAFAR PATRONS ABBAS ABDULLAH AL DASHTI HANA AL ABDULMUGHNI NAHLA MUHALHEL AL MUDHAF CHRIS STEVE TRAGAKIS MONA MOHAMMED AL KHONAINI ZEYAD 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