Competition and Cooperation in Social and Political Sciences – Adi & Achwan (Eds) © 2018 Taylor & Francis Group, London, ISBN 978-1-138-62676-8

The contributions of women, who established intercultural marriages, in creating a ‘new identity’ of the Minangkabau diaspora

Mina Elfira Department of Literature Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas , Depok, Indonesia

ABSTRACT: Pai marantau (going voluntary, putatively temporary or permanent migra- tion) is an activity which is usually associated with the Minangkabau of West , Indo- nesia, well known as the world’s largest matrilineal society and one that coexists amongst the mostly Islamic societies within Indonesia. Initially it was conducted by men only, but later on women have also participated in this activity. Some Minangkabau women do pai marantau through interethnic/state marriages. Based on the argument of Nira Yuval-Davis (1997b), who states the importance of home, and women as homemakers in the process of ethnicity building, as cultural rules and their practices are transmitted to the next generation at home, most strongly by women, this paper will explore the contributions of Minangkabau women, who established intercultural marriages, in modifying matrilineal within contemporary urban Minangkabau diaspora households. Using qualitative methods, it will investigate that by utilising the ambivalent roles of agents of change and defenders of adat, these women have created a ‘new identity’ of Minangkabau, which is more in lifestyle than in blood, in their daily lives. In addition, with the impact of the globalised world, people tend to look to their roots for their identity.

1 INTRODUCTION

Banyak malangkah (The more steps to be performed), banyak nan diliek (the more chances to look around), banyak pulo nan didapek (the more benefits that can be gained) The aphorism above is one of many Minangkabau aphorisms that underscore the impor- tance of conducting a journey (marantau) to enrich and enlighten one’s soul. It encourages a Minangkabau to pai marantau (go on migration) – to conduct a journey in search of wisdom and prosperity. Rantau originally referred to the territories outside Luhak nan Tigo, called Rantau nan Tigo Jurai: Hulu (upper end) Batang Hari river, Hulu Batang Kuantan river, Hulu (Westernenk, 1981. 61). Later, rantau came to refer to areas outside Alam Minangkabau that are influenced socioculturally by Minangkabau (Azra, 2003:36). Today the term rantau refers to territories outside the Minangkabau homeland. Minangkabau peo- ple use the term adat to refer to both their oral history, pertaining to the origins of Alam Minangkabau, and to the proverbs and aphorisms that serve as guiding principles and rules for ceremonies, conduct, and matrilineal kinship relations (Kato, 1982:33–34). Pai marantau (going voluntary, putatively temporary or permanent migration) is an activ- ity which is usually associated with the Minangkabau of , Indonesia, well known as the world’s largest matrilineal society and one that coexists amongst the mostly Islamic societies within Indonesia. Initially it was conducted by men only, while Minang- kabau women stayed in the homeland. Later on, women have also participated in marantau activity. One of the impacts of going marantau, especially for those who permanently going marantau, is the possibility of interaction with other ethnic groups through marriages. Some

175 Minangkabau women, even, do pai marantau through interethnic/state marriages. It is inter- esting to know how significant is the impact of intercultural marriages to the establishing of Minangkabau identity. Matriliny and Islam are the essences of Minangkabau identity (Elfira, 2009). Moreover, it has been widely accepted within Minangkabau studies, includ- ing the work of Sanday (2002), Hadler (2009) and Elfira (2015), that Minangkabau women, symbolised as limpapeh Minang jo (the central pillars of Minangkabau and the Big House the Adat house) have played significant roles within Minangkabau society. How far is the contribution of Minangkabau women, who established intercultural mar- riages, in creating a ‘new identity’ of the Minangkabau diaspora? The research question is based on the argument of Nira Yuval-Davis, who states the importance of home, and women as homemakers in the process of ethnicity building, as cultural rules and their practices are transmitted to the next generation at home, most strongly by women (Yuval-Davis, 1997b). Woodward’s argument that identity is fluid and contingent (Woodward, 1997:3) is used in analysing the identity of the Minangkabau diaspora. The work of Elizabeth E. Graves (1971 and 1981) and Mina Elfira (2015), discussing the significant contribution of Minangkabau women in establishing Minangkabau identity in a rantau land, provided a foundation for my hypothesis regarding the contribution of the Minangkabau women diaspora in making a Minangkabau identity in rantau land. Investigat- ing the Minangkabau response to Dutch colonial rule in the nineteenth century, shed light on the nature of Padang as the rantau land. Graves (1971:36) argues that the coast could never truly be Minangkabau without Minangkabau women of good family who never left their mother’s house in their homeland, even after marriage. Later on, Elfira (2015) found that Padang seemingly has become a Minangkabau territory, considering the fact that these women seemingly prefer to follow their husbands migrating to Padang, and building their permanent ‘home’ (not just ‘temporary dwelling’), rather than staying at their mothers’ houses in the heartland (darek). Regarding the important role of Minangkabau women in establishing a Minangkabau identity, I agree with both of them. Following their arguments, I hypothesis that the Minangkabau women diaspora plays an important key in establishing Minangkabau identity, which is more in lifestyle than in blood, in rantau land through their homes. This research aims to contribute to the further understanding of Minangkabau iden- tity and social relations from a Minangkabau woman’s point of view, and draws on the voices of other Minangkabau women. In order to examine the way Minangkabau women, who established intercultural mar- riages, modify Minangkabau identity in their daily lives outside Minangkabau mainland, this paper will rely more on qualitative data, obtained using qualitative methods. The choice is based on Nancy Lopez’s argument that qualitative methods capture the contextual, real-life, everyday experiences of the individual interviewed (Lopez, 2003:7). Moreover, this method, including participant observation and in-depth interviews, is considered more effective in exploring intercultural marriages. Intercultural marriage, especially when it is also an inter- religious marriage, still seems to be a sensitive issue in Indonesia. I chose my sample from women with whom I was acquainted either professionally or personally, or women whom I could contact through family members and acquaintances. The research location is , which has become the main destination for Minangkabau migrants in Indonesia. The data was collected through a face-to-face encounter, and also from electronic media, as some of them are living abroad, including in Italy, Germany, Hong Kong, Qatar, and the USA. After being translated into English, extensive segments of the in-depth interviews, conducted in the Indonesian and Minangkabau languages, will be included in this paper. In order to protect their privacy, respondents quoted in this paper have been given pseudonyms.

2 INTERCULTURAL MARRIAGE AND ITS COMPLEXITY

As detailed by some scholars of Minangkabau, such as Krier (2000), Peletz (2005) and Elfira (2015), getting married is an important affair which is taken seriously by the kin group and the Minangkabau groom and bride. As for an individual, marriage carries an acknowledge- 176 ment of being a mature individual with full rights to participate in adat activities within the society. A female is first expected to continue a family line. In Minangkabau, a mar- riage not only unites two individuals, but also two matrilineal family groups. Marriage in Minangkabau is clan exogamous, so until quite recently it was forbidden to marry some- one from the same clan. Influenced by Islamic laws, nowadays it is allowed for marriage within one clan as long as the persons are not closely related by blood. The ideal marriage, according to Minangkabau adat, is one in which the bride is pulang ka bako (goes back to her paternal family). This involves a man marrying his mamak’s daughter—a classic case of what anthropologists term cross-cousin marriage. By applying this concept, the children will belong to the same clan as their grandfather (their father’s mamak). This concept is also an attempt to keep harato pusako (ancestral property) in the same kin grouping. But, it seems that the Minangkabau younger generation, especially those who are living outside Minang- kabau land such as in Jakarta, considers this practice outdated, especially as there is little contemporary interest in harato pusako. They also see such marriages as potentially unhappy because of strong interference from the two sides of the family, as expressed by Lenni (a 39-year-old mother with three children), whose husband is a Javanese man. In addition, in multi-ethnic Jakarta, where Minangkabau is not the biggest nor the most dominant ethnic group, there is a strong possibility to marry a person from other ethnic groups. In daily life, some Minangkabau have practised some mixed marriages, known as kawin antar suku (interethnic marriage), kawin anta nagaro (interstate marriage), and kawin campua (mixed marriage). In the 1970s–80 s mixed marriages were a non-preferred choice, especially within Minangkabau society in Minangkabau land. Preserving adat purity and the feeling of having better customs are some reasons for the rejection. In addition, the community tended to look down at a person who established it. However, nowadays, especially in the rantau area, it seems that mixed marriages, meaning intercultural marriages, have been openly practised. Yerika (66-year-old), who allowed her two daughters to be married to other ethnic groups, argues that the tolerant principle is a realisation of the adat aphorism ‘dimaa bumi dipinjak disinan langiak dijunjuang’ (where you set your foot down, there the sky is held in high esteem) as Jakarta is not the land of Minang- kabau. The concept that marriage is more a personal affair than a matrilineal family affair is a common reason raised by those who established intercultural marriage, as argued by Oriza (a 25-year-old Padang man), who grew up in Jakarta and married a Javanese woman in Javanese customs. It can be said that the Minangkabau community diaspora is more tolerant on this issue, with some conditions. It seems that Minangkabau society prefers intercultural marriages between Minangkabau women and non-Minangkabau men rather than vice versa. Fear of losing Minangkabau identity may be one reason why a Minangkabau mother might tend to forbid her male children from marrying non-Minangkabau women. It can be said that this attitude is a result of the application of the matrilineal system, in which descent and inheritance go through the maternal line. Despite this acceptance, it is expected that Minangkabau adat is still respected in this intercultural marriage affair. For example, Rina (55-year-old) was criticised by her cousins as she let the wedding ceremony of her first son be totally in Javanese customs without any symbol of Minangkabau custom, as they said: ‘it is all right we respect their customs, but our adat should not be ignored’ (Adaik urang diharagoi tapi adaik awak jaan dilupokan). The criticism shows that using of Minangkabau marriage ceremony customs is a symbol of the practice of Minangkabau adat. Regarding the variety of intercultural marriages, it seems that interstate marriage, espe- cially between a female Minangkabau and a male Westerner, to some extent makes a good impression amongst the Minangkabau in Jakarta. The possibility of getting a better financial support and raising a status are two reasons for this impression. On the other hand, inter- religious marriages seem still to be an exception. Influenced by Islamic laws, Minangkabau society tends to prevent interreligious marriages, especially between a Minangkabau Islamic woman and a non-Islamic man. For those who are involved in interreligious marriage, the society tends to dispense some sanctions, which can be either moral or material, or both. These people may lose their rights and responsibilities provided by the adat, as can be seen from Nina’s case. Nina, who married a Christian Javanese man in a Christian marriage ceremony, 177 has been excluded from the Minangkabau adat community. As a result, she cannot claim her rights over inheritance, especially over harato pusako. Because of that, many Minangkabau who established it, try to cover up their marital status. As also shown by Elfira (2009), fear of getting moral and social sanctions from the community and losing Minangkabau identity can be the main reasons for this covertness. An example of this can be seen from the case of Henny, who married an English non-Islamic man and lived in Hong Kong. Most of her kampong relatives do not yet know that her marriage is not only kawin anta nagaro but also kawin campua, which has a connotation as interreligious marriage. When I asked her through a questioner, Henny did not reply to my question. Based on the cases above, it can be said then that regarding intercultural marriage, in order to protect the Minangkabau adat, the Minangkabau diaspora ‘plays’ with their assimilation and exclusivity interests. The act has proved that identity is fluid and contingent (Woodward, 1997:3). It seems that there are some modifications of the applied adat in their daily life, which impacts on the creation of the Minangkabau diaspora identity. ‘It’s more in lifestyle than in blood’: Home, women, and the creation of Minang- kabau diaspora identity. We are in Padang send our condolences ... we got the news from N Mosque through brother S, the head of our community. The above quotation, taken from a Minangkabau family WhatsApp group (10/08/2016, 05.51), shows the closeness of overseas Minangkabau to their homeland, as can be seen from Ita’s case. Although spending most of her time outside Minangkabau land, Ita (late) was still considered as a member of a Minangkabau community in the homeland. It is no wonder then that the Minangkabau are also known for their paradoxical character: their closeness to the homeland but their eagerness to pai marantau. These overseas Minangkabau established a viral family group through electronic media such as WhatsApp, so they can still be in con- tact with their family in the homeland. This media is also used to reconnect with their family members who are spreading out in the rantau land. In addition, it is a medium with which to educate and practice Minangkabau things, such as language, food, adat aphorisms, songs, and jokes. In a discussion in Jakarta (06/07/2016), one of these group members jokingly called it a kind of ‘Minangisation project’, a project to shape the Minangakabau character as an identity.. It seems for them the identity of Minangkabau is determined more in lifestyle than in blood; Dino’s case can be taken as an example. By blood, Dino cannot be considered as a being a Minangkabau as his mother (late) had Madurese blood. His mother was born and grew up in Padang, married a Minangkabau man, and practised Minangkabau adat at home. Dino, who has become accustomed to this adat, has practised it in his daily life in Jakarta. He is known amongst his friends, even by the Minangkabau community itself, as a Minangkabau in this multi-ethnic city. At Dino’s home, who has married a Chinese Javanese woman, Minangakabu adat is more dominant than Java- nese and Chinese customs. Dino’s case shows the importance of women as the homemakers in the process of ethnicity building, as argued by Yuval-Davis (1997b). Moreover, it seems that the realisation of this project is more effective and successful at home. It can be said that most of the diaspora, whether they have full-blood or half-blood of Minangkabau, admit that they learnt these Minangkabau things from home, where they grew up as Minangkabau. They also say that their mothers have played a significant role in teaching them Minangkabau things, and in making them into Minangkabau, as expressed by Lulu (45-year-old), who was born and grew up in Jakarta, from a Sundanese father and a Minangkabau mother. Lulu, who worked overseas after finishing her graduate school, learnt Minangkabau adat from ‘home ... mother, maternal family members ... in Indonesia I am a Minangkabau’. While in Indonesia, Lulu was more exposed to her Minangkabau roots, and when overseas she introduces herself as an Indonesian. Although she married an American man and became a USA citizen, Indonesia still means Minangkabau for Lulu, as at home she practices and edu- cates her family members (children and husband) about Minangkabau things. It is interesting to note that the Minangkabau adat, which is highly respected and gives women significant roles within society, is the character that makes most perantau (wanderers) proud of being 178 Minangkabau, as expressed by Elli (43-year-old), who married an Italian man and lived in Milan (Italy). Based on her email (23/08/2016, 19.26), Elli, who included some Minangkabau adat practices in her marriage ceremony, said that ‘A Minangkabau woman is independent and strong ...she is capable in making decisions without her brother’s influence or help’. It is interesting to note also that many Minangkabau perantau, even the half-blood ones, feel more Minangkabau after they live overseas, as can be seen from the case of Olla (27-year- old), who has migrated to Germany and got engaged to a German man. Olla, who grew up with Minangkabau adat, plans to use Minangkabau customs for her marriage ceremony at her parent’s home in Jakarta, since Minangkabau is her identity: it is never ... how can I be lost [my root] ... it seems that when I was born I firstly heard ‘ oh my God my child is a daughter’ than words of adzan [recite call to Islamic prayer over newborn child] ... it [marriage ceremony] is definitely using Minangkabau adat... it has been my childhood dream... in marriage ceremony there will be a Minang- kabau welcoming dance (the discussion via electronic media 16/07/2016, 17.56). Another example can be seen from Ina’s case. Since Ina’s mother is a Minangkabau, she too is considered by adat as being a Minangkabau. But Ina, who put her Sundanese father’s name as part of her full name, was better known as a Sundanese than a Minangkabau while in Jakarta. But, after moving overseas because of getting married, she became aware of her roots as a Minangkabau. This can be seen from the fact that she has been appointed as the organ- iser of an Indonesia-Minangkabau community in that country. It seems that for Ina, whose Minangkabau identity is getting stronger, Indonesia is Minangkabau. For many of these over- seas Minangkabau, the Minangkabau adat, which taught a perantau how to behave in rantau land, is one of the reasons for them to go back to their roots as Minangkabau, as said by Elli, who was born in Jakarta and moved overseas after finishing her high school study: Minangkabau principles and modernism … [make me able] to independently live in a foreign country, able to adjust … [I am] rightfully proud of my own identity [as a Minangkabau] (based on her email 23/08/2016, 19.26) Based on Ina’s and Elli’s cases, it can be said then that with the impact of the globalised world, people tend to look to their roots for their identity.

3 CONCLUSION

Based on the analysis above, this paper’s conclusion has some main points. Firstly, in main- taining intercultural relations the ‘play’ with their assimilation and exclusivity interests in order to protect their adat. The paper also argues that matrilineal prin- ciples and Islam are the defining aspects to be considered by the Minangkabau diaspora in maintaining intercultural marriage relationships. Thirdly, Minangkabau women who estab- lished intercultural marriages, modify the application of the Minangkabau adat in their daily lives so that the adat suits with the social condition of the Minangkabau diaspora. It can be said that these women act as ‘defender’ and the ‘creator’ of the adat in rantau land. These women have made significant contribution to creating a ‘new’ identity of the Minangkabau diaspora. It seems for them that the identity of the Minangkabau is determined more in lifestyle than in blood. Lastly, in this globalised world, the Minangkabau overseas tend to go back to their roots as Minangkabau to look for their identity.

REFERENCES

Azra, A. (2003). Surau: Pendidikan Islam Traditional dalam Transisi dan Modernisasi (Surau:Traditional Islamic Education in Transition and Modernisation). Jakarta: Logos Wacana Ilmu Press. Elfira, M. (2009). Not Muslim, not Minangkabau: Interreligious marriage and its cultural impact in Minangkabau society. In G.W. Jones, C.H. Leng, & M. Mohamad (Eds.), Muslim-Non-Muslim Marriage:

179 Political and Cultural Contestation in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. Elfira, M. (2011). Inter-ethnic relations in Padang of West Sumatra: Navigating between assimilation and exclusivity. Wacana: Jurnal ilmu Pengetahuan Budaya, 13(2), 293–304. Elfira, M. (2015). The lived experiences of Minangkabau mothers and daughters: Gender relations, adat and family in Padang, West Sumatra, Indonesia. Germany: Scholar Press. Graves, Elizabeth E.. (1971). The Ever-Victorious Buffalo: How the Minangkabau of Indonesia solved their “Colonial Question”, Ph.D. Thesis, University of Wisconsin. Graves, E.E. (1981). The Minangkabau response to Dutch colonial rule in the nineteenth century. Mono- graph Series (Publication No. 60), Ithaca, New York: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University. Hadler, J. (2009). Muslims and matriarchs: Cultural resilience in Minangkabau through jihad and colonial- ism. Singapore: National University of Singapore. Kato, T. (1982). Matriliny and migration: Evolving Minangkabau traditions in Indonesia., Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. Krier, J. (2000). The marital project: Beyond the exchange of men in Minangkabau marriage. American Ethnologist, 27(4), 877–897. Lopez, N. (2003). Hopeful girls, troubled boys: Race and gender disparity in urban education. New York and London: Routledge. Peletz, M. (2005). The king is dead; long live the queen! American Ethnologist, 32(1), 39–41. Sanday, P.R. (2002). Women at the center: Life in a modern matriarchy. Ithaca, NY, London: Cornell University Press. Westenenk, L.C. (1981). De Minangkabausche published in 1915, (translated into Indonesian by Mahyudin Saleh, S.H.). Padang, Penerbitan dan Bursa Buku Fakultas Hukum dan Pengetahuan Masyarakat Universitas Andalas. Woodward, Kathryn (1997). Introduction. In Kathryn Woodward (ed.), Identity and Difference (pp. 1–6). California: SAGE publication. Yuval-Davis, N. (1997a). Gender and nation. London: Sage. Yuval-Davis, N. (1997b). Women, citizenship and difference. Feminist Review, 57, 4–27.

180