DOCSLIB.ORG

ELISA ROMERO HATEGAN Plaintiff/Defendant by Counterclaim

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
ELISA ROMERO HATEGAN Plaintiff/Defendant by Counterclaim 1 Court File No. CV-18-00610489-0000 ONTARIO SUPERIOR COURT OF JUSTICE B E T W E E N: ELISA ROMERO HATEGAN Plaintiff/Defendant by Counterclaim and ELIZABETH MOORE FREDERIKSEN and BERNIE FARBER Defendants/Plaintiff by Counterclaim AFFIDAVIT OF ELISA ROMERO HATEGAN I, Elisa Romero Hategan, of the City of Toronto in the Province of Ontario, MAKE OATH AND SAY: 1. I am the Plaintiff/Defendant by Counterclaim in this action. As such I have personal knowledge of the matters to which I testify in this Affidavit, except where my testimony is expressly stated to be on information and belief, in which case I state the source of my information and belief, and I believe the testimony to be true. 2. This affidavit in sworn in response to Elizabeth Moore aka Elizabeth Frederiksen’s affidavit and the Defendants Elizabeth Moore and Bernie Farber’s Motion to dismiss my action. Herein I will reply to those matters I see as relevant to the subject matter of the Statement of Claim I filed in Ontario Superior Court on December 10, 2018 and revised as Fresh as Amended on February 11, 2019, and to Elizabeth’s countersuit and allegations of defamation. Where I do not specifically address an allegation made in Elizabeth’s affidavit, I deny that allegation, put her to strict proof thereof, and reserve the right to respond with more particularity at a later date should it become necessary to do so. 2 My Recruitment and Role in The Heritage Front 3. I was born in Bucharest, then-communist Romania in December 1974, and lived there until age 11. My parents were both deaf, and suffered enormous abuse in their childhoods due largely to the then- commonly held perception that people with disabilities were not valuable members of society. My father, Iosif Hategan, clawed his way from being called the village idiot in his Transylvanian village to becoming the president of the Romanian Deaf Association. My mother, Lucia Hategan, was assaulted at age 12 or 13 by village boys, which led to her being sent to a state-run facility for deaf girls, where she met my father (who was an art teacher). My parents’ experiences hardened them and made them frequently lash out at each other. Physical and emotional violence was a common occurrence in our family. 4. When I was 9, my mother defected from Romania while on a trip to a deaf conference in Italy, where she asked for political asylum. She made her way to Canada and applied to sponsor my father and me under the Red Cross family reunification program. My father and I joined her in Toronto in September 1986, when I was 11 years old. At that time, I was known by my birthname of Elisse Charlene Hategan; I legally changed my name in 2009. 5. While living in Bucharest in the care of my father (between ages 9-11), my father made it clear he didn’t want a child. As a result, I was frequently locked out of our apartment and left to fend for myself on the streets. I was able to overcome the neglect thanks to the generosity of a neighbour across the street, Eugenia Ganciu, who fed me and gave me shelter after dark. She was my best friend’s grandmother, and the first person in my life to teach me about compassion and kindness. 6. After we arrived in Canada, my father disliked his new life here and had problems understanding and learning a new language. In 1988 he decided to return to communist Romania, where he died 3 shortly after. I was 13 years old. My mother and I were allocated a subsidized apartment at 285 Shuter Street, a community housing building in Regent Park. While living there, she was violent and physically abusive toward me. I recall the Children’s Aid Society first becoming involved with us after Mr. Godlewsky, my 5th grade teacher at Park Public School, called the police when I showed up in class after lunch crying and with bruises. I was assigned a CAS social worker, Ms. Shanti Persad, but I was not removed from the home at that time. 7. At age 14, I ran away from home and ended up in the care of the Children’s Aid Society, spending the next 1.5 years in a couple of group homes and foster care. At one point, while living in a group home on Browning Avenue in the city’s east end, I was the only white girl there. I felt isolated and bullied by the other resident kids, who teased me because I didn’t fit in. At the time, I felt they were picking on me because of my race, although in retrospect I now believe that the bullying was more related to the fact that I didn’t know much about pop culture or rap music, often still wore my hair in braids, and came across as a stereotypical “nerd”. 8. After running away from a foster home I was transferred to, I decided to return to my mother’s apartment. I dropped out of school near the end of grade 9 – that year I had transferred schools twice, due to moving from my Browning Avenue group home to the foster home in Pickering, and I didn’t want to enroll in a new high school for the third time in one semester. 9. Back at my mother’s apartment at 285 Shuter street I was lonely, had no friends and no hope that things could get better. My mother, who worked full-time as a data input clerk at CIBC, did not enroll me in any extracurricular programs since she couldn’t afford the extra fees. I missed Romania and didn’t feel I belonged in this country. I had come from a rigid communist dictatorship that enforced conformity and punished those who stood out. To me, Canada seemed to demand the 4 opposite – individuality and multiculturalism – and I was lost. I had no self-esteem, no confidence, and didn’t feel like I belonged anywhere. 10. At age 16, in the fall of 1991, I watched an American television program that was interviewing a young man from Toronto who was speaking about taking pride in his European heritage. He argued that other races and cultures were able to freely celebrate pride in their ethnicity, but that there was a double standard against white people. His words resonated with me – he didn’t “look” like what I had imagined a neo-Nazi would be like; he wore a suit and appeared clean-cut and non-threatening. When the television show flashed the address of a US nationalist group’s PO Box, I wrote it down and sent them a letter asking for more information. Within weeks, they replied by sending me the address and telephone number of a nationalist group in my area – the Heritage Front. 11. In 1991, the Heritage Front was just starting to establish themselves as a “white rights lobby group” that would eventually become Canada's largest neo-Nazi white supremacist group to date. They operated primarily by disseminating their racist messages via a telephone hotline in Toronto. People calling their number would hear messages that were rotated every few days. From what I recall, the messages consisted of such themes as calling for an end to immigration, to affirmative action, to welfare handouts, and support for the “boys in blue” – at that time, the Toronto Police Services were being accused by community activists such as Dudley Laws of the Black Action Defense Committee of racial profiling and illegal strip-searches of innocent black women. 12. After a few days of listening to the hotline messages, I worked up the nerve to leave a message on the hotline. That same day, a man named Wolfgang Droege called me back – he represented himself as the Heritage Front’s public leader, and one of three men who ran the organization. The other two were Grant Bristow, a co-founder of the Front who in 1992 also appointed himself the “Intelligence 5 Chief/Director”, and Gerry Lincoln, who was primarily in charge of the hotline and “Up Front”, the HF’s upcoming magazine publication, which would have its inaugural release that December. 13. Wolfgang and I arranged to meet that week, on a Tuesday evening in front of the Eaton’s Centre. His friendly demeanour put me at ease, despite the fact that he was an adult and I was a fairly naïve teenager who had never even gone on a date. He assured me that the Heritage Front was a political lobby group gaining in strength, and that one day he would replace Preston Manning as the leader of the Reform Party. As someone who didn’t know much about the politics at the time, I had no reason to doubt him. Almost overnight, Wolfgang became my father figure and mentor for the length of my stay in the Heritage Front. I didn’t know it at the time, but soon learned that he was a former Klansman and member of the US terrorist group The Order, who had an extensive criminal record for drug offences and for attempting to overthrow the Caribbean island of Dominica in a failed coup attempt, known as Operation Red Dog, intended to turn the island into a white ethnostate. 14. My trajectory in the white supremacist movement was rapid – a month after joining the group, I started to record messages for the official hotline; three months after, I was speaking at my first Heritage Front rally, held on December 7, 1991.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • BACKBENCHERS So in Election Here’S to You, Mr
    Twitter matters American political satirist Stephen Colbert, host of his and even more SPEAKER smash show The Colbert Report, BACKBENCHERS so in Election Here’s to you, Mr. Milliken. poked fun at Canadian House Speaker Peter politics last week. p. 2 Former NDP MP Wendy Lill Campaign 2011. p. 2 Milliken left the House of is the writer behind CBC Commons with a little Radio’s Backbenchers. more dignity. p. 8 COLBERT Heard on the Hill p. 2 TWITTER TWENTY-SECOND YEAR, NO. 1082 CANADA’S POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT NEWSWEEKLY MONDAY, APRIL 4, 2011 $4.00 Tories running ELECTION CAMPAIGN 2011 Lobbyists ‘pissed’ leaner war room, Prime Minister Stephen Harper on the hustings they can’t work on focused on election campaign, winning majority This campaign’s say it’s against their This election campaign’s war room Charter rights has 75 to 90 staffers, with the vast majority handling logistics of about one man Lobbying Commissioner Karen the Prime Minister’s tour. Shepherd tells lobbyists that working on a political By KRISTEN SHANE and how he’s run campaign advances private The Conservatives are running interests of public office holder. a leaner war room and a national campaign made up mostly of cam- the government By BEA VONGDOUANGCHANH paign veterans, some in new roles, whose goal is to persuade Canadi- Lobbyists are “frustrated” they ans to re-elect a “solid, stable Con- can’t work on the federal elec- servative government” to continue It’s a Harperendum, a tion campaign but vow to speak Canada’s economic recovery or risk out against a regulation that they a coalition government headed by national verdict on this think could be an unconstitutional Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff.
    [Show full text]
  • Alternative North Americas: What Canada and The
    ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS What Canada and the United States Can Learn from Each Other David T. Jones ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, D.C. 20004 Copyright © 2014 by David T. Jones All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, scanned, or distributed in any printed or electronic form without permission. Please do not participate in or encourage piracy of copyrighted materials in violation of author’s rights. Published online. ISBN: 978-1-938027-36-9 DEDICATION Once more for Teresa The be and end of it all A Journey of Ten Thousand Years Begins with a Single Day (Forever Tandem) TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1 Borders—Open Borders and Closing Threats .......................................... 12 Chapter 2 Unsettled Boundaries—That Not Yet Settled Border ................................ 24 Chapter 3 Arctic Sovereignty—Arctic Antics ............................................................. 45 Chapter 4 Immigrants and Refugees .........................................................................54 Chapter 5 Crime and (Lack of) Punishment .............................................................. 78 Chapter 6 Human Rights and Wrongs .................................................................... 102 Chapter 7 Language and Discord ..........................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Miss World 1970 by Jennifer Hosten, Coming Spring 2020 About Sutherland House
    MISS WORLD 1970 BY JENNIFER HOSTEN, COMING SPRING 2020 ABOUT SUTHERLAND HOUSE Founded in 2017 by Canadian author and publishing executive Kenneth Whyte, Sutherland House is a new Toronto-based publisher of non-fiction books for global English-language audiences. Sutherland House specializes in narrative works of biography, memoir, history, business, culture, and current affairs. Aiming for high-quality and broad appeal, it published eight books in 2019 and will deliver nine in 2020. Each volume will be commissioned and edited by Mr. Whyte. All of our publications will bear the unique aesthetic of the Sutherland House brand, and be subjected to rigorous market testing from conception to launch. By maintaining a low overhead, the company is dedicating an unusually high portion of its resources to the promotion and mar- keting of its titles, which will be managed by our international network of service providers. Our Sutherland Classics series, which began in 2019 with the republication of Bernard Crick’s definitive George Orwell: A Life, is indicative of our commitment to quality non-fiction. We will reprint one or two masterpieces of biography, memoir, or character-driven history every year under the Sutherland Classics imprint. CONTACT INFORMATION CONTACT PUBLICITY SPRING 2020 THE SUTHERLAND HOUSE INC. [email protected] 416 Moore Ave, Suite 205 Toronto, ON M4G 109 RIGHTS INQUIRIES [email protected] MATTHEW BUCEMI [email protected] ORDERING INFORMATION CANADA WORLD UNIVERSITY OF BAKER AND TAYLOR TORONTO PRESS PUBLISHING SERVICES 5201 Dufferin Street 30 Amberwood Parkway Toronto, ON M3H 5T8 Ashland, OH 44805 Email: utpbooks@utpress. Tel: (888) 814-0208 utoronto.ca Email: [email protected] Misbehaviour, a major motion picture based on To be the luckiest kid in America, he first had to the author’s life and starring Keira Knightley and be the unluckiest.
    [Show full text]
  • Nurturing Media Vitality in Quebec's English-Speaking Minority
    Brief to the Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage Nurturing Media Vitality in Quebec’s English-speaking Minority Communities Presented by the Quebec Community Groups Network April 12, 2016 Introduction The Quebec Community Groups Network, or QCGN, is a not-for-profit representative organization. We serve as a centre of evidence-based expertise and collective action. QCGN is focused on strategic issues affecting the development and vitality of Canada’s English linguistic minority communities, to which we collectively refer as the English-speaking community of Quebec. Our 48 members are also not-for-profit community groups. Most provide direct services to community members. Some work regionally, providing broad-based services. Others work across Quebec in specific sectors such as health, and arts and culture. Our members include the Quebec Community Newspaper Association (QCNA). English-speaking Quebec is Canada’s largest official language minority community. A little more than 1 million Quebecers specify English as their first official spoken language. Although 84 per cent of our community lives within the Montreal Census Metropolitan Area, more than 210,000 community members live in other Quebec regions. Media Landscape English-speaking Quebecers have consistently signalled that access to information in their own language is both a need and a priority (CHSSN-CROP survey, various years). This may seem a bit of a contradiction in a world awash in English language information through CNN, Time magazine and Hollywood movies galore. The important nuance is that English- speaking Quebecers need information in their own language about their own local and regional communities, something that is increasingly hard to access on a consistent basis in a context of the francization of daily life in Quebec and the demise of traditional community media.
    [Show full text]
  • CMCRP : the Growth of the Network Media Economy in Canada
    THE GROWTH OF THE NETWORK MEDIA ECONOMY IN CANADA, 1984-2017 REPORT NOVEMBER 2018 (UPDATED JANUARY 2019) Canadian Media Concentration Research Project Research Canadian Media Concentration www.cmcrp.org 2 Candian Media Concentration Research Project The Canadian Media Concentration Research project is directed by Professor Dwayne Winseck, School of Journalism and Communication, Carleton University. The project is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and aims to develop a comprehensive, systematic and long-term analysis of the media, internet and telecom industries in Canada to better inform public and policy-related discussions about these issues. Professor Winseck can be reached at either [email protected] or 613 769- 7587 (mobile). Open Access to CMCR Project Data CMCR Project data can be freely downloaded and used under Creative Commons licens- ing arrangements for non-commercial purposes with proper attribution and in accor- dance with the ShareAlike principles set out in the International License 4.0. Explicit, written permission is required for any other use that does not follow these principles. Our data sets are available for download here. They are also available through the Dat- averse, a publicly-accessible repository of scholarly works created and maintained by a consortium of Canadian universities. All works and datasets deposited in Dataverse are given a permanent DOI, so as to not be lost when a website becomes no longer avail- able—a form of “dead media”. Acknowledgements Special thanks to Ben Klass, a Ph.D. student at the School of Journalism and Communi- cation, Carleton University, Lianrui Jia, a Ph.D student in the York Ryerson Joint Gradu- ate Program in Communication and Culture and Han Xiaofei, also in the Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Identity Politicking: New Candidacies and Representations in Contemporary Canadian Politics
    Identity Politicking: New Candidacies and Representations in Contemporary Canadian Politics by Teresa-Elise Maiolino A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Toronto © Copyright by Teresa-Elise Maiolino 2017 Identity Politicking: New Candidacies and Representations in Contemporary Canadian Politics Teresa-Elise Maiolino Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Toronto 2017 Abstract This dissertation centres on the candidacies and leaderships of three politicians—Justin Trudeau, Olivia Chow, and Kathleen Wynne. It examines the ways in which gender, race, sexuality, and other salient aspects of politicians’ identities are strategically negotiated and mobilized by politicians, political actors, the media, and the grassroots. The cases herein question the extent to which identity matters in Canadian electoral politics at the municipal, provincial, and federal levels, bridging sociological understandings of power and authority with feminist analyses of identity. The project engages broadly with qualitative methods—discourse analysis, media analysis, participant observation, and interviewing. The research contributes to understandings of: (1) the durability of masculinity in Canadian electoral politics; (2) dispositional requirements for leaders; (3) the compensatory labour that minority politicians perform; (4) alignments and allegiances between politicians and grassroots movements. The first case of the dissertation examines media coverage of a charity-boxing match between Liberal Member of Parliament Justin Trudeau and Conservative Canadian Senator Patrick Brazeau. It offers the concept recuperative gender strategies to describe how political leaders work to restore their public gender identities. The second case is focused on the candidacy of visible minority Toronto mayoral candidate, Olivia Chow.
    [Show full text]
  • PAAC E-News, February • 2006
    Public Affairs: Your Online Newsletter February • 2006 Public Affairs: Your Online Newsletter February • 2006 • President's Message: I am woman; hear me more • Conference 2006: Accountability in public service • Event report: Darrell Bricker and the poisoned chalice • The Book Man: A high probability of enlightenment • The web editor: All the dirt on the Kyoto protocol President's message I am woman; hear me more by Elaine Flis PAAC President In the recent general election, as in elections past, advocates for women in politics talked a great deal about the scarcity of women candidates. And once again the focus was on the need to increase the number of candidates running for political parties by breaking down barriers to their participation. Yet we rarely look beyond that, to assess what happens to recruit, motivate and engage women in the political process between elections. Like now. If democracy is to be truly representative, women must be at the decision-making table, and in significant roles rather than minor ones. But before that can happen at the government level it must happen in the political parties themselves. A look at party leaders' offices across the country shows a depressing lack of top-level involvement by women. Most female political staff are in supporting roles or are, at best, in middle management positions. An embarrassingly small number are appointed chief of staff to a leader or welcomed into the leader's inner circle. Now, with our new Prime Minister's cabinet unveiled, that lack is once again seen at the top. Why is lack of women at the top bad for the country? Because it means less innovation in thinking.
    [Show full text]
  • Open Secret: Kevin Donovan’S Account of the Ghomeshi Investigation Is Comprehensive, but Not Revelatory
    Open secret: Kevin Donovan’s account of the Ghomeshi investigation is comprehensive, but not revelatory Book Review by David Hayes, The National Post, October 17, 2016 Secret Life: The Jian Ghomeshi Investigation By Kevin Donovan Goose Lane 260 pp; $19.95 Several years ago, while talking to one of my former feature writing students, Jian Ghomeshi’s name came up. I often listened to Ghomeshi hosting CBC Radio’s Q, and thought he was an effective interviewer whose hushed, intimate voice was made for radio. My former student, a talented young woman in her late 20s, said to me, “do you know the joke about Jian Ghomeshi? If you’re a female journalist in your 20s working in the arts in Toronto, he’s hit on you.” I was surprised but then thought, why should I be? It’s a common enough scenario and, if true, I would think less of Ghomeshi, but assumed it meant he was one of those middle-aged celebrities fixated on young women. Not admirable, perhaps, but also not criminal. When the Ghomeshi scandal became public — driven by the reporting of independent media critic Jesse Brown and triggered by Ghomeshi’s rambling Facebook post in which the former broadcaster admitted to a taste for consensual rough sex — it was catnip for the media. As weeks passed, more women came forward, mainly anonymously, with disturbing stories of choking, punching and sexual assault, initially on Brown’s Canadaland site and, later, in The Toronto Star when Brown entered into a partnership with the paper’s investigative unit and the coverage grew exponentially.
    [Show full text]
  • Unity in Diversity? Neoconservative Multiculturalism and the Conservative Party of Canada
    Unity in Diversity? Neoconservative Multiculturalism and the Conservative Party of Canada John Carlaw Working Paper No. 2021/1 January 2021 The Working Papers Series is produced jointly by the Ryerson Centre for Immigration and Settlement (RCIS) and the CERC in Migration and Integration www.ryerson.ca/rcis www.ryerson.ca/cerc-migration Working Paper No. 2021/1 Unity in Diversity? Neoconservative Multiculturalism and the Conservative Party of Canada John Carlaw Ryerson University Series Editors: Anna Triandafyllidou and Usha George The Working Papers Series is produced jointly by the Ryerson Centre for Immigration and Settlement (RCIS) and the CERC in Migration and Integration at Ryerson University. Working Papers present scholarly research of all disciplines on issues related to immigration and settlement. The purpose is to stimulate discussion and collect feedback. The views expressed by the author(s) do not necessarily reflect those of the RCIS or the CERC. For further information, visit www.ryerson.ca/rcis and www.ryerson.ca/cerc-migration. ISSN: 1929-9915 Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 Canada License J. Carlaw Abstract Canada’s Conservative Party and former government’s (2006-2015) attempts to define and at times shift Canadian identity and notions of citizenship, immigration and multiculturalism to the right have been part of a significant political project featuring a uniquely creative and Canadian form of authoritarian populist politics in these realms. Their 2006 minority and 2011 majority election victories represented the culmination of a long march to power begun with the 1987 founding of the Reform Party of Canada. While they have at times purged themselves of some of the most blatant, anti-immigration elements of the discourses of their predecessor parties, continuities in its Canadian brand of authoritarian populist politics have continued in new forms since the founding of the new Conservative Party in 2003.
    [Show full text]
  • Monitor Are Co-Ordinated Dennis Carr Over 25 Years
    CANADIAN CENTRE FOR POLICY ALTERNATIVES JULY/AUGUST 2017 $6.95 Contributors Alyssa O’Dell is Media and Public Relations David Bruer Officer with the CCPA. works at Inter Pares where Peter Prontzos he is focused on food is Faculty Emeritus at Langara sovereignty and economic College in Vancouver, and Vol. 24, No. 2 justice. taught political science for Book reviews in the ISSN 1198-497X Monitor are co-ordinated Dennis Carr over 25 years. His articles Canada Post Publication 40009942 by Octopus Books, a has 27 years’ worth of have appeared in print and community-owned anti- The Monitor is published six times experience creating online, including in the oppressive bookstore in a year by the Canadian Centre for affordable housing and Monitor, and he has worked Policy Alternatives. Ottawa. social facilities in Ottawa in both radio and television. The opinions expressed in the and Vancouver, and is He is writing his first book, Monitor are those of the authors the recipient of the 2016 Remembering Our Humanity: and do not necessarily reflect Canadian Housing and A Better World Is Possible. the views of the CCPA. Renewal Association Lifetime Michal Rozworski Please send feedback to Achievement Award. Michal’s writing has appeared [email protected]. Kory Earle in Jacobin, Ricochet, the Editor: Stuart Trew is President of People First of Toronto Star, Briarpatch and Senior Designer: Tim Scarth The Tyee, among other places. Layout: Susan Purtell Canada/Personnes d’abord Editorial Board: Peter Bleyer, du Canada and a member He produces the Political Eh- Alyssa O’Dell, Seth Klein, Kate of the Council of Canadians conomy blog and podcast.
    [Show full text]
  • PAAC E-News, Special Conference Edition • November • 2005
    Public Affairs: Your Online Newsletter Special Conference Edition • November • 2005 • President's Message: Welcome to our special E-news • The new slate: Meet the new PAAC Executive and Directors • Event report: Cabinets, First Ministers and Westminster democracy • Presidents' Reception: Ontario Speaker honours PAAC Presidents • Conference opener: Squalls, sunshine and tending the garden • The attack of the giant nanny: Discussion gets audience smoking • Speaking of news: Strategies to avoid media relations pitfalls • Award of Distinction: Elyse Allan speaks of reaching out • Ethics: Black and white and read all over • Using polling strategically: A window on 'the persuadable middle' • Politics and journalism: Where the twain have met President's message Welcome to our special Conference E-news by Elaine Flis PAAC President It is an honour to greet all PAAC members today as President of the Association, and to introduce our special Conference edition E-news. I'll have more to say about the Association and its future directions in future columns, beginning in December. In the meantime, I invite and encourage all members to enjoy this special edition of our newsletter. On Thursday, October 27, our Conference, The Art and Science of Public Affairs, featured plenary sessions at the opening, at lunch, and at its closing. Spread out like a professional development feast in between were a dozen breakout sessions, in four time slots which allowed people to choose which sessions to attend. The theme was, Emerging Issues in Public Affairs. To cover those sessions for the E-news we had one writer/photographer, providing coverage of selected events. This month's E-News begins with coverage of our pre-Conference, October 12 luncheon event, then segues into selected Conference sessions, in chronological order.
    [Show full text]
  • Homophobic Hate Propaganda in Canada
    \\server05\productn\G\GHS\5-1\GHS107.txt unknown Seq: 1 17-MAY-07 8:17 Homophobic Hate Propaganda in Canada Dr. Ellen Faulkner [email protected] I. INTRODUCTION While the typical hate crime is perceived to be of a violent nature perpetrated by individuals connected to Nazi and neo-Nazi groups and white supremacists, a more insidious form of hatred exists in the form of hate propaganda (Kinsella 1994; Martin 1995; Sher 1983; Sunahara 1981; Abella and Trooper 1982; Barrett 1987; Betcherman 1975; Bolaria and Li 1985; Frideres 1976). In Canada “hate messages take a variety of forms including flaming crosses, heckling at memorial services, music, and dese- cration of synagogues, mosques, or temples” (Commission for Racial Equality 1999, quoted in Kazarian 1998, 204). “In the winter of 1992, a lone protestor at an Ontario university disrupted a Kristallnacht (night of broken glass) ceremony in memory of the 1938 attack by Nazi soldiers on Jewish homes and businesses” (Gillis 1993, quoted in Kazarian 1998, 204). And “on a May 1993 weekend in London, Ontario, 40 members of the Ku Klux Klan—men, women, and children wearing white robes and conical hats—attended a cross-burning ceremony to celebrate the white race on a private property” (Swainson and Small 1993, quoted in Kazarian 1998, 204). In 1994, a skinhead in Toronto was sentenced to four years in prison for beating a Tamil immigrant into paralysis. Just before the attack, the man had attended a racist rock concert where he was inspired by such lyrics as “These boots are made for stompin’.
    [Show full text]