DOCSLIB.ORG

The Deleveraging of U.S. Households: Credit Card Debt Over the Lifecycle

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Deleveraging of U.S. Households: Credit Card Debt Over the Lifecycle 2016 n Number 11 ECONOMIC Synopses The Deleveraging of U.S. Households: Credit Card Debt over the Lifecycle Helu Jiang, Technical Research Associate Juan M. Sanchez, Research Officer and Economist ggertsson and Krugman (2012) contend that “if there Total Credit Card Debt is a single word that appears most frequently in dis - $ Billions cussions of the economic problems now afflicting E 900 both the United States and Europe, that word is surely 858 865 debt.” These authors and others offer theoretical models 850 that present the debt phenomenon as follows: The econo my 800 788 792 756 is populated by impatient and patient individuals. Impatient 744 751 750 individuals borrow as much as possible, up to a debt limit. 718 When the debt limit suddenly tightens, impatient individ - 700 683 665 656 648 uals must cut expenditures to pay their debt, depressing 650 aggregate demand and generating debt-driven slumps. Such 600 a reduction in debt is called deleveraging . 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 20 11 2012 2013 2014 2015 SOURCE: Federal Reserve Bank of New York Consumer Credit Panel/Equifax. Individuals younger than 46 deleveraged the most after the Share of the Change in Total Credit Card Debt financial crisis of 2008. by Age Group Percent 25 21 20 The evolution of total credit card debt around the finan - 14 14 14 15 13 11 cial crisis of 2008 appears consistent with that sequence: 8 10 6 Credit card debt increased quickly before the financial cri sis 5 1 3 3 0 and then fell for six years after that episode. Although credit –5 –3 –10 –5 –5 card debt began to rise again in 2015, the total remains 20 –10 –15 –12 –13 2004-2008 percent below its 2009 peak. In this essay, we analyze credit –20 –19 –18 –25 –22 2008-2015 card debt by borrower age group for the 2004-08 and 20-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 41-45 46-50 51-55 56-60 61-65 66-70 2008-15 periods to determine whether the sequence of Age Group events holds at the micro (household) level. The data used are from the Federal Reserve Bank of NOTE: The share of the change for each age group is de!ned as the change in credit card debt for that age group divided by the absolute value of total debt; New York Consumer Credit Panel/Equifax. The first fig ure (xi – xi ) that is, s hare =def t2 t1 , where x is total credit card debt, xi is credit card debt 1 shows total credit card debt of individuals 20 to 70 years |xt2 – xt1| of a particular age group, and | x| is the absolute value of x. of age. Credit card debt increased by approximately $114 SOURCE: Federal Reserve Bank of New York Consumer Credit Panel/Equifax. billion in the 2004-08 period, peaked in 2009, and then decreased by over $193 billion in the 2008 -15 period. 2 To better understand how individual credit card debt increase—almost 50 percent—however, was driven by changed over the two periods, we calculate the share each individuals 56 years of age and older. Remarkably, indi - age group contributed to the total changes. The results are viduals younger than 46 years of age, who arguably need presented in the second figure. In the 2004-08 period, credit to borrow the most, accounted for only 25 percent of the card balances increased across all age groups. Most of the increase in total debt. Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis | research.stlouisfed.org ECONOMIC Synopses Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis | research.stlouisfed.org 2 Deleveraging of credit card debt after the financial cri sis Notes of 2008 continued until 2015. Importantly, in clear con trast 1 The Equifax credit-reporting data include a nationally representative 5 per - with the pre-crisis period (2004-08) when older individu als cent sample of all adults with a Social Security number and a credit report. increased their credit card debt the most, younger indi vid - The credit card debt is called “bankcard” debt in the dataset. Since consumer credit profiles are recorded at the end of each quarter, credit card debt is not uals reduced theirs the most during the post-crisis (2008-15) revolving. period. Individuals 56 years of age and older accounted 2 Notice that the total differs from that of the United States because the data for virtually none of the decrease in credit card debt. For used here include only a sample of individuals. Actually, we use a subsample individuals 66 to 70, credit card debt actually increased. of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York Consumer Credit Panel/Equifax data. Strikingly, individuals younger than 46 accounted for 68 percent of the deleveraging. References These findings suggest that although the evolution of Eggertsson, Gauti B. and Krugman, Paul. “Debt, Deleveraging, and the Liquidity credit card debt at the aggregate level is consistent with the Trap: A Fisher-Minsky-Koo Approach.” Quarterly Journal of Economics , August sequence of events described by Eggertsson and Krugman 2012, 127 (3), pp. 1469-513. (2012), changes at the individual level are not. In particu lar, Moscarini, Giuseppe and Postel-Vinay, Fabien. “Did the Job Ladder Fail after younger individuals—who contributed little to the pre- the Great Recession?” Journal of Labor Economics , January 2016, 34 (S1, Part 2), crises expansion of credit—deleveraged the most. pp. S55-S93. What accounts for the deleveraging by younger indi vid - uals? After the crisis, younger individuals, with arguably poor job prospects, decreased their debt and increased their savings. The deterioration of job prospects is well documented by Moscarini and Postel-Vinay (2016), who named it “the failure of the job ladder.’’ The deterioration of jobs prospects, however, would not have affected older individuals, who had arguably already climbed the job lad - der and thus did not need to deleverage. Thus, labor mar - ket changes may have caused the deleveraging. And what explains the period of credit expansion? It’s possible that the relaxation of credit limits played a role. Of course, more evidence is needed to determine the accuracy of these pos - sible explanations. Identifying the real factors that caused the deleveraging is important because policy recommen da - tions may depend crucially on them. n Posted on May 27, 2016 © 2016, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Views expressed do not necessarily reflect official positions of the Federal Reserve System..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Deleveraging and the Aftermath of Overexpansion
    May 28th, 2009 Jeffrey Owen Herzog Deleveraging and the aftermath of overexpansion [email protected] O The deleveraging process for commercial banks is likely to last years and overshoot compared to fundamentals Banking System Asset and Leverage Growth O A strong procyclical correlation exists between asset growth and Nominal Values, 1934-2008 leverage growth over the past 75 years 25% O At the level of the firm, boom times generate decreasing 20% 1942 collateralization rates and increasing average loan sizes 15% O Given two-year loan losses of $1.1tr and leverage declines of -5% 10% 2008 to -7.5%, we expect deleveraging to curtail commercial bank 5% credit by $646bn and $687bn per year for 2009-2010 0% -5% Trends in deleveraging and commercial banking over time Leverage Growth -10% 2004 -15% 1946 Deleveraging is the process whereby commercial banks reduce their ratio of -20% assets to equity capital, thus bringing down their aggregate exposure to the 0% 5% -5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% economy. Many commentators point to this process as an eventual destination -10% Asset Growth for the US commercial banking system, but few have described where or how Source: FDIC we arrive at a more deleveraged commercial banking system. Commercial Bank Assets and Equity Adjusted for Inflation by CPI, $tr Over the past seventy years, the commercial banking sector’s aggregate 0.6 6 balance sheet has demonstrated a strong positive correlation between leverage and asset growth. For the banking industry, 2004 was an 0.5 5 S&L Crisis, 1989-1991 exceptionally unusual year, with equity increasing yoy by 22%.
    [Show full text]
  • The End of Deleveraging?
    Economic Compass Global Perspectives for Investors Issue 19 • NOVEMBER 2012 HIGHLIGHTS › Some leverage is economically useful, but, the U.S. clearly took this notion too far in the 2000s. › Subsequent deleveraging has been a drag on growth over the past four years. › Importantly, the private sector has now completed deleveraging, presenting the Eric Lascelles opportunity for slightly better – or at least better quality – economic growth. Chief Economist › However, government deleveraging tends to lag the rest, and is only now RBC Global Asset Management Inc. commencing. THE END OF DELEVERAGING? The Greek physicist Archimedes may not have been referring to the economy when he said, “Give me a lever long enough Exhibit 1: Deleveraging Drags on Growth and I will move the world,” but the sentiment nonetheless rings true. Financial leveraging by banks, corporations, households DEBT CYCLE PRESENT and governments indisputably combined to buoy the global Leveraging Deleveraging economy for several decades. Business Cycle in However, this tide abruptly turned when the global financial Downswing Upswing cautious upswing crisis hit in 2008. Leveraging suddenly morphed into deleveraging. Alas, while it is beneficial for individual households to bring their finances into order by curtailing BUSINESS CYCLE consumption, this unavoidably depresses economic growth when performed en masse. This “paradox of thrift” has acted Debt Cycle still like a riptide on the global economy, dragging it away from firm deleveraging land. Source: RBC GAM The purpose of this report is to provide a clearer understanding Economically, the U.S. could manage more growth in the near for why leverage first rose, and why it is now beating a retreat.
    [Show full text]
  • Credit Reallocation, Deleveraging, and Financial Crises
    Credit Reallocation, Deleveraging, and Financial Crises Junghwan Hyun Raoul Minetti∗ Hiroshima University Michigan State University Abstract This paper studies how the process of reallocation of credit across firms behaves before and after financial crises. Applying the methodology proposed by Davis and Haltiwanger (1992) for measuring job reallocation, we track the dynamics of credit reallocation across Korean firms for over three decades (1980 2012). The credit − boom preceding the 1997 crisis featured a slowdown of credit reallocation. Af- ter the crisis and the associated reforms, the creditless recovery (deleveraging) masked a dramatic intensification and increased procyclicality of credit realloca- tion. The findings suggest that the crisis and the associated reforms have triggered an efficiency-enhancing increase in the fluidity of the credit market. Keywords: Credit Reallocation, Credit Growth, Financial Crises. JEL Codes: E44 ∗Raoul Minetti: Department of Economics, 486 W. Circle Drive, 110 Marshall-Adams Hall, Michi- gan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1038. E-mail: [email protected] . Junghwan Hyun: gre- [email protected] . We wish to thank several seminar and conference participants for their comments and suggestions. All remaining errors are ours. 1 Credit Reallocation, Deleveraging, and Financial Crises Abstract This paper studies how the process of reallocation of credit across firms behaves before and after financial crises. Applying the method- ology proposed by Davis and Haltiwanger (1992) for measuring job re- allocation, we track the dynamics of credit reallocation across Korean firms for over three decades (1980 2012). The credit boom preceding − the 1997 crisis featured a slowdown of credit reallocation. After the crisis and the associated reforms, the creditless recovery (deleveraging) masked a dramatic intensification and increased procyclicality of credit reallocation.
    [Show full text]
  • Debt Overhang and Deleveraging in the US
    Working Paper Series Bruno Albuquerque and Debt overhang and deleveraging Georgi Krustev in the US household sector: gauging the impact on consumption No 1843 / August 2015 Note: This Working Paper should not be reported as representing the views of the European Central Bank (ECB). The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the ECB Abstract Using a novel dataset for the US states, this paper examines whether household debt and the protracted debt deleveraging help explain the dismal performance of US consumption since 2007 in the aftermath of the housing bubble. By separating the concepts of deleveraging and debt overhang { a flow and a stock effect { we find that excessive indebtedness exerted a meaningful drag on consumption over and beyond income and wealth effects. The overall impact, however, is modest { around one-sixth of the slowdown in consumption between 2000-06 and 2007-12 { and mostly driven by states with particularly large imbalances in their household sector. This might be indicative of non-linearities, whereby indebtedness begins to bite only when misalignments from sustainable debt dynamics become excessive. Keywords: Household deleveraging, Debt overhang, Consumption function, Housing wealth. JEL Classification: C13, C23, C52, D12, H31 ECB Working Paper 1843, August 2015 1 Non-technical summary The leveraging and subsequent deleveraging cycle in the US household sector played a significant role in affecting the performance of economic activity in the years around the Great Recession. A growing body of theoretical and empirical studies have thus focused on explaining to what extent and through which channels the excessive build-up of debt and the deleveraging phase might have contributed to depress economic activity and consumption growth.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Was Japan Hit So Hard by the Global Financial Crisis?
    ADBI Working Paper Series Why was Japan Hit So Hard by the Global Financial Crisis? Masahiro Kawai and Shinji Takagi No. 153 October 2009 Asian Development Bank Institute ADBI Working Paper 153 Kawai and Takagi Masahiro Kawai is the dean of the Asian Development Bank Institute. Shinji Takagi is a professor, Graduate School of Economics, Osaka University, Osaka, Japan. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Samuel Hsieh Memorial Conference, hosted by the Chung-Hua Institution for Economic Research, Taipei,China 9–10 July 2009. The authors are thankful to Ainslie Smith for her editorial work. The views expressed in this paper are the views of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of ADBI, the Asian Development Bank (ADB), its Board of Directors, or the governments they represent. ADBI does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this paper and accepts no responsibility for any consequences of their use. Terminology used may not necessarily be consistent with ADB official terms. The Working Paper series is a continuation of the formerly named Discussion Paper series; the numbering of the papers continued without interruption or change. ADBI’s working papers reflect initial ideas on a topic and are posted online for discussion. ADBI encourages readers to post their comments on the main page for each working paper (given in the citation below). Some working papers may develop into other forms of publication. Suggested citation: Kawai, M., and S. Takagi. 2009. Why was Japan Hit So Hard by the Global Financial Crisis? ADBI Working Paper 153.
    [Show full text]
  • The U .S . Recovery from the Great Recession: a Story of Debt and Deleveraging Brady Lavender and Nicolas Parent, International Economic Analysis
    THE u .S . RECOVERY FROM THE GREAT RECEssION: A STORY OF DEbt AND DELEVERAGING 13 BANK OF CANADA REVIEW • WIntER 2012–2013 The U .S . Recovery from the Great Recession: A Story of Debt and Deleveraging Brady Lavender and Nicolas Parent, International Economic Analysis The prolonged period of deficient demand in the United States following the Great Recession is unusual relative to past U.S. recessions, but is consistent with historical international experience in the aftermath of severe financial crises. Loose lending standards and relatively low interest rates in the pre-crisis period contributed to a sharp buildup in household debt. Subsequently, household deleveraging has been the most important factor holding back the recovery. While a large fiscal expansion helped to sustain aggregate demand during the crisis and its aftermath, the federal debt in the United States is currently on an unsustainable trajectory. The government sector now needs to delever, which will represent a drag on economic growth for years to come. Given Canada’s close real and financial linkages with the United States, understanding the trajectory and characteristics of the U.S. recovery has important implications for the Canadian economy and thus monetary policy. In December 2007, the U.S. economy entered its longest and deepest recession since the Great Depression. Historically, in the early stages of a recovery, U.S. GDP has typically grown at a faster rate than the potential growth rate of the economy, reflecting pent-up demand from businesses and consumers and some rebuilding of inventories. Deep economic down- turns thus tend to be associated with stronger rebounds (Howard, Martin and Wilson 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Overborrowing, Deleveraging and a Great Recession ∗
    Overborrowing, Deleveraging and a Great Recession ∗ Phuong V. Ngoy Cleveland State University Abstract This paper examines the role of overborrowing, deleveraging, and an incomplete financial market in driving an economy to a great recession with a binding zero lower bound on the nominal interest rate (ZLB). There are two key features that differentiate my work from the current literature of deleveraging and the ZLB. First, I endogenize the debt limit of borrowers by tying it to the market value of collateral assets. Second, and more importantly, I allow for overborrowing by calibrating the model to match with the high debt-to-income ratio at the onset of the Great Recession for the U.S. homeowners that owned a house in 1997. I am able to show that the second feature makes the ZLB more likely to bind under an adverse shock to the credit market. When the ZLB binds, a great recession emerges with a free fall in output and the price level, mostly due to the Fisherian debt deflation that puts more debt burden on the borrowers. JEL classification: E21, E32, E44, C61. Keywords: overborrowing, deleveraging, the ZLB, liquidity trap, Taylor rule, Great Recession, Fisherian debt deflation. ∗I would like to thank Jianjun Miao, Robert King, Francois Gourio, J.Christina Wang and Alisdair McKay for their discussion and comments. Also, I would like to thank the participants of the BU dissertation workshop, BU macro reading group, and Cleveland State University seminar, Fall 2013 Midwest Macro Meeting for their comments and suggestions. All errors in the paper are mine. yDepartment of Economics, Cleveland State University, 2121 Euclid Avenue, Cleveland, OH 44115.
    [Show full text]
  • Mark Carney: Growth in the Age of Deleveraging
    Mark Carney: Growth in the age of deleveraging Remarks by Mr Mark Carney, Governor of the Bank of Canada and Chairman of the Financial Stability Board, to the Empire Club of Canada/Canadian Club of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, 12 December 2011. * * * Introduction These are trying times. In our largest trading partner, households are undergoing a long process of balance-sheet repair. Partly as a consequence, American demand for Canadian exports is $30 billion lower than normal. In Europe, a renewed crisis is underway. An increasing number of countries are being forced to pay unsustainable rates on their borrowings. With a vicious deleveraging process taking hold in its banking sector, the euro area is sinking into recession. Given ties of trade, finance and confidence, the rest of the world is beginning to feel the effects. Most fundamentally, current events mark a rupture. Advanced economies have steadily increased leverage for decades. That era is now decisively over. The direction may be clear, but the magnitude and abruptness of the process are not. It could be long and orderly or it could be sharp and chaotic. How we manage it will do much to determine our relative prosperity. This is my subject today: how Canada can grow in this environment of global deleveraging. How we got here: the debt super cycle First, it is important to get a sense of the scale of the challenge. Accumulating the mountain of debt now weighing on advanced economies has been the work of a generation. Across G-7 countries, total non-financial debt has doubled since 1980 to 300 per cent of GDP.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Optimal Speed of Sovereign Deleveraging
    On the Optimal Speed of Sovereign Deleveraging with Precautionary Savings∗ Thomas Philippon† and Francisco Roldán‡ March 2018 Abstract We study the interaction between sovereign risk and aggregate demand driven by the endogenous response of savers to sovereign risk. We obtain two main results. First, this new sovereign risk / aggregate demand channel creates a tradeoff between the recessionary impact of fiscal consolidation and the risk of a future sovereign debt crisis. Risk aversion has a large impact on output losses and on welfare when sovereign debt is risky. Second, we find that savers and borrowers disagree about the optimal path of sovereign deleveraging. The sovereign risk channel can therefore explain some of the rise in political disagreement about fiscal policy. Using a version of the model calibrated to the Eurozone crisis, we find that sovereign risk justifies starting to deleverage about two years after the beginning of the recession. We also find that, after 2012, the channel was weakened so that active deleveraging in a recession is no longer justified. JEL: E2, G2, N2 ∗We are grateful to Marcos Chamon, Olivier Blanchard, Linda Tesar and Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas for comments and discussions. †Stern School of Business, New York University; NBER and CEPR. ‡New York University 1 How fast should governments reduce their leverage? The question has been at the center of much policy debate in the aftermath of the Great Recession and of the Eurozone crisis. One side of the tradeoff is rather straightforward. In a non-Ricardian world, fiscal consolidation can depress aggregate demand and decrease employment. Whether this is good or bad depends on the state of the economy.
    [Show full text]
  • Peter Praet: Deleveraging and Monetary Policy
    Peter Praet: Deleveraging and monetary policy Speech by Peter Praet, Member of the Executive Board of the European Central Bank, at the Hyman P Minsky Conference, organised by the Levy Economics Institute and ECLA of Bard with support from the Ford Foundation, The German Marshall Fund of the United States, and Deutsche Bank AG, Berlin, 26 November 2012. * * * I would like to thank Philippine Cour-Thimann, Federic Holm-Hadulla and Roberto Motto for their contributions to the preparation of this speech. It is a great pleasure to join you on the occasion of the Levy Economics Institute’s Hyman P. Minsky Conference. The financial crisis erupted five years ago when the leverage cycle that had accompanied the “great moderation” abruptly reversed. Since then, the euro area and large parts of the global economy have been swept by several waves of financial shocks. And each wave has unleashed strong deleveraging forces throughout the affected economies. Deleveraging often reflects a necessary adjustment process. And it does not necessarily warrant policy intervention. At the same time, it bears the risk of becoming abrupt and disorderly, thus threatening price stability by dislodging the provision of credit and the transmission of monetary policy signals to the real economy. In the worst case, it may lead to a full-blown financial meltdown via self-sustained adverse feedback loops of the kind envisioned by Hyman P. Minsky. Central banks have a role in ensuring that the economy does not move towards divergent dynamics that would be inconsistent with price stability. To this end, they have a range of policy tools at their command which may be used to control deleveraging pressures.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Financial Stability Report
    OCT 17 World Economic and Financial Surveys Global Financial Stability Report Global Financial Stability Report Is Growth at Risk? Is Growth at Risk? Is Growth OCT 17 IMF Global Financial Stability Report, October 2017 INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND World Economic and Financial Surveys Global Financial Stability Report October 2017 Is Growth at Risk? INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND ©2017 International Monetary Fund Cover and Design: Luisa Menjivar and Jorge Salazar Composition: AGS, An RR Donnelley Company Cataloging-in-Publication Data Joint Bank-Fund Library Names: International Monetary Fund. Title: Global financial stability report. Other titles: GFSR | World economic and financial surveys, 0258-7440 Description: Washington, DC : International Monetary Fund, 2002- | Semiannual | Some issues also have thematic titles. | Began with issue for March 2002. Subjects: LCSH: Capital market—Statistics—Periodicals. | International finance—Forecasting—Periodicals. | Economic stabilization—Periodicals. Classification: LCC HG4523.G557 ISBN 978-1-48430-839-4 (Paper) 978-1-48432-056-3 (ePub) 978-1-48432-057-0 (Mobipocket) 978-1-48432-059-4 (PDF) Disclaimer: The Global Financial Stability Report (GFSR) is a survey by the IMF staff published twice a year, in the spring and fall. The report draws out the financial ramifications of economic issues high- lighted in the IMF’s World Economic Outlook (WEO). The report was prepared by IMF staff and has benefited from comments and suggestions from Executive Directors following their discussion of the report on September 21, 2017. The views expressed in this publication are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Directors or their national authorities.
    [Show full text]
  • Leverage and Deepening Business Cycle Skewness
    Leverage and Deepening Business Cycle Skewness Henrik Jensen Ivan Petrellay Søren H. Ravnz Emiliano Santorox March 2019 Abstract We document that the U.S. and other G7 economies have been characterized by an in- creasingly negative business cycle asymmetry over the last three decades. This finding can be explained by the concurrent increase in the financial leverage of households and firms. To support this view, we devise and estimate a dynamic general equilibrium model with collateralized borrowing and occasionally binding credit constraints. Improved access to credit increases the likelihood that financial constraints become non-binding in the face of expansionary shocks, allowing agents to freely substitute intertemporally. Contractionary shocks, on the other hand, are further amplified by drops in collateral values, since con- straints remain binding. As a result, booms become progressively smoother and more prolonged than busts. Finally, in line with recent empirical evidence, financially-driven expansions lead to deeper contractions, as compared with equally-sized non-financial ex- pansions. Keywords: Credit constraints, business cycles, skewness, deleveraging. JEL: E32, E44. University of Copenhagen and CEPR. Department of Economics, University of Copenhagen, Øster Farimagsgade 5, Bld. 26, 1353 Copenhagen, Denmark. E-mail: [email protected]. yUniversity of Warwick and CEPR. Warwick Business School, University of Warwick, Scarman Rd, CV4 7AL Coventry, United Kingdom. E-mail: [email protected]. zUniversity of Copenhagen. Department of Economics, University of Copenhagen, Øster Farimagsgade 5, Bld. 26, 1353 Copenhagen, Denmark. E-mail: [email protected]. xUniversity of Copenhagen. Department of Economics, University of Copenhagen, Øster Farimagsgade 5, Bld.
    [Show full text]