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Educational Policy and Cognitive Competences Heiner Rindermann Educational Policy and Cognitive Competences Heiner Rindermann and Stephen J. Ceci Educational Policy and Country Outcomes in International Cognitive Competence Studies Heiner Rindermann1 and Stephen J. Ceci2 1Institute of Psychology, Karl-Franzens-University Graz, Austria, and 2Department of Human Development, Cornell University Address correspondence to Heiner Rindermann, Institute of Psychology, Karl-Franzens- University Graz, Universitaetsplatz 2, A-8010 Graz, Austria; e-mail: [email protected]; or Stephen J. Ceci, Department of Human Development, Cornell University, Martha Van Rensselaer Hall, Ithaca, New York 14853-4401; e-mail: [email protected]. Educational policy and cognitive competences 2 ABSTRACT—Prior studies of students’ and adults’ cognitive competence have shown large differences between nations, equivalent to a difference of 5 to 10 years of schooling. These differences seem to be relevant because studies using different research paradigms have demonstrated that population-level cognitive abilities are related to a number of important societal outcomes, including productivity, democratization, and health. In this overview of transnational differences, we document a number of positive predictors of international differences in student competence, including the amount of preschool education, student discipline, quantity of education, attendance at additional schools, early tracking, the use of centralized exams and high stakes tests, and adult educational attainment. We found rather negative relationships for grade retention rates, age of school onset, and class size. Altogether, these results, when combined with the outcomes of earlier studies, demonstrate that international differences in cognitive competence can be explained in part by aspects of the respective countries’ educational systems and that these differences consequently can be reduced by reform of their educational policy. This has important implications not just for closing gaps in educational achievement, but for narrowing international gaps in wealth, health, and democracy. Educational policy and cognitive competences 3 COGNITIVE COMPETENCE AT THE MACROSOCIAL LEVEL AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIETIES The past decade has seen a new development in the study of cognitive ability: Following a century of conceptual and psychometric development in which individual and group (socioeconomic, age, and ethnic) differences were examined, researchers have turned their attention to national and international differences in cognitive competence. The goal is to use cognitive differences to understand and predict national differences in a variety of outcomes: societal development, rate of democratization, population health, productivity, gross domestic product (GDP), and wage inequality. This development has been the offshoot of researchers in different disciplines working on cognitive ability, often using constructs borrowed from each other (even if sometimes unaware of doing so). Historically, the empirical analysis of students’ intellectual competence was the near exclusive purview of psychologists. However, today such analyses are carried out by researchers from many disciplines using different but related concepts. For instance, economists’ utilize the concept of human capital to include cognitive attainment (e.g., Blau & Kahn, 2005; Heckman, 2000), educationists use the concepts of literacy and numeracy (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD], 2005), and psychometricians’ and cognitive developmentalists’ focus on the concept of intelligence (Brody, 1992; Piaget, 1947). The measurement of cognitive abilities in these diverse research traditions is based on mental tasks that can be solved with thinking and with varying amounts of specific knowledge and school-based content within the different approaches. This includes tasks that were designed to be free of prior knowledge and school-initiated learning, such as abstract matrices, mazes, and figural relations that are neither taught explicitly nor made available in schools and homes (Ceci, 1991; Educational policy and cognitive competences 4 Rindermann, 2007b). Students’ scores on all of these different measurement approaches correlate highly at the individual level (Ceci, 1991; Jensen, 1998) and very highly at the national level (Rindermann, 2007b): For example, students who score above average on educational tests also score above average on psychometric intelligence tests (Ceci, 1996), and children who exhibit advanced cognitive development on (qualitative) Piagetian tasks such as conservation and formal operational reasoning also tend to exhibit advanced performance on (quantitative) psychometric (intelligence) and educational tests (Jensen, 1998). Thus, the manifold of positive correlations among ostensibly dissimilar tests (e.g., verbal, math, science, or figural; Piagetian, psychometric intelligence, or student assessment tests) is taken as evidence that the same underlying latent factor is involved in all complex cognitive performance (Ceci, 1991). In addition, educational and behavioral genetic research show that psychometric intelligence and student achievement depend on similar environmental and genetic factors. Results demonstrate akin heritability coefficients for both tests, and common analyses of intelligence and achievement found that one identical genetic factor had a strong influence on interindividual differences (Haworth, Kovas, Dale, & Plomin, 2008; Wainwright et al., 2005). The influence of such genetic factors could even increase given an optimal environment for all children (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994; Ceci & Papierno, 2005). Regardless of the theoretical tradition or measurement approach taken, however, any influence of genetic factors on interindividual differences does not mean that cognitive competence is fixed genetically: Cognitive development could be influenced positively by a host of environmental factors, most notably institutionalized education (Armor, 2003; Barber, 2005; Ceci, 1991; Ceci & Williams, 1997; Luria, 1976; Winship & Korenman, 1997). The influence of schooling has important policy implications for entire societies because cross-sectional and longitudinal studies controlling other possible determinants and Educational policy and cognitive competences 5 using cross-lagged designs have repeatedly shown that cognitive ability contributes to (a) the growth of both individual and national wealth (Hanushek & Kimko, 2000; Jones & Schneider, 2006; Rindermann, 2008b; Schmidt & Hunter, 2004; Weede & Kämpf, 2002), (b) wage differentials within and between nations (Blau & Kahn, 2005; Psacharopolous & Patrinos, 2004), (c) civil and political activity of citizens (Denny & Doyle, 2008), including the democratization of nations (Rindermann, 2008c; Simpson, 1997), and (d) individual and societal health and longevity (Goldman & Smith, 2002; Gottfredson & Deary, 2004; Rindermann & Meisenberg, 2009; United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 2004). Cognitive ability is one of the most important causal factors for predicting and understanding economic, political, social, and cultural modernization process. It is important to note for the purposes of the present research that cognitive ability is also one of the most effective factors to manipulate via policy changes and experimental interventions. In this article, we extend this research by showing that although schooling is not the sole cause of differences in cognitive ability, it provides a means of predicting and understanding transnational differences that have enormous political and economic implications. THE MAGNITUDE OF INTERNATIONAL DIFFERENCES IN COGNITIVE COMPETENCES We start with an empirical finding that has been repeatedly documented: The well- known large-scale international student assessment studies all demonstrate very large transnational differences in cognitive competence. The Programme of International Student Assessment (PISA), the Third International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), and the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS), as well as the older cross- Educational policy and cognitive competences 6 cultural comparisons of cognitive development (e.g., in the Piagetian tradition) and the recent national restandardizations of psychometric intelligence norms all reveal large gaps between nations’ cognitive test scores (for illustrative purposes, see Figure 1 based on analyses by Rindermann, 2007b). For instance, on the TIMSS 2003 8th grade assessment scale (uncorrected average of different content scales) with a mean student assessment score (SAS) of 500 (SD = 100), the results ranged between a national low of 254 for South Africa (IQ scale equivalent = 63) to a high of 592 for Singapore (IQ equivalent = 114). (And as an illustration in the more conventional IQ scale in which M = 100 and SD = 15, both measurement scales are used without any theoretical implications on the causes of cognitive ability differences.) Similarly, in the PISA 2000 assessment, the scores ranged between a national low SAS of 317 for Peru (IQ equivalent = 73) to a high of 543 for Japan (IQ equivalent = 106). And in the recent PISA assessment, Finnish 15-year-olds outperformed their Mexican counterparts on math, science, and reading by approximately 150 points in each category. Lest the reader imagine that we have selected the most dramatic cognitive gaps between nations, these three illustrations are typical of the large between-country
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