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Intellectual Classes, Technological Progress and Economic Development: the Rise of Cognitive Capitalism ⇑ Heiner Rindermann

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Intellectual Classes, Technological Progress and Economic Development: the Rise of Cognitive Capitalism ⇑ Heiner Rindermann Personality and Individual Differences 53 (2012) 108–113 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Personality and Individual Differences journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/paid Intellectual classes, technological progress and economic development: The rise of cognitive capitalism ⇑ Heiner Rindermann Department of Psychology, Chemnitz University of Technology, Wilhelm-Raabe-Str. 43, D-09107 Chemnitz, Germany article info abstract Article history: Cognitive ability theory claims that peoples’ competences are decisive for economic wealth. For a large Available online 23 July 2011 number of countries Lynn and Vanhanen (2002) have published data on mean intelligence levels and compared them to wealth and productivity indicators. The correlation between intelligence and wealth Keywords: was supported by studies done by different authors using different countries and controls. Based on their Intelligence pioneering research two research questions were developed: does intelligence lead to wealth or does Economic growth wealth lead to intelligence or are other determinants involved? If a nation’s intelligence increases wealth, Wealth how does intelligence achieve this? To answer them we need longitudinal studies and theoretical GDP attempts, investigating cognitive ability effects at the levels of individuals, institutions and societies Technology Smart fraction theory and examining factors which lie between intelligence and growth. Two studies, using a cross-lagged panel design or latent variables and measuring economic liberty, shares of intellectual classes and indi- cators of scientific-technological accomplishment, show that cognitive ability leads to higher wealth and that for this process the achievement of high ability groups is important, stimulating growth through sci- entific-technological progress and by influencing the quality of economic institutions. In modernity, wealth depends on cognitive resources enabling the evolution of cognitive capitalism. Ó 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. 1. Introduction: The wealth of nations cultural orientations supporting hard and systematic work, educa- tion towards useful knowledge and thinking, meritoric principles, Since Adam Smith many scholars have tried to explain why and efficiency. Such orientations are stressed in religious traditions some nations are richer than others. Two principal paradigms (Protestantism, Confucianism, Judaism), in enlightenment and in a could be distinguished: in the first the causes are found in a nation burgher culture (Weber, 2001/1905; Mokyr, 2010). Nevertheless, itself, e.g. in the behavior of the people or the quality of institutions. cultural theories have rarely been tested with adequate statistical In the second paradigm, factors outside a nation are decisive, like models. terms of trade or colonialism. Dependency theories – belonging to the second paradigm of fac- In the important libertarian approach going back to Smith (1994/ tors outside a nation – try to explain wealth differences as a result 1776) and the Austrian school (Hayek, 1994/1944) economic free- of asymmetric power structures. This theory with roots in the dom – an internal attribute – is the essential prerequisite for works of Marx (1992/1867) has a descriptive value, but cannot ex- growth. Economic freedom should allow a nearly optimal alloca- plain large differences in economic development within (formerly) tion of labor and capital and result in a system of peaceful trade developing countries, like between Southern Korea and Ghana. (instead of suppression and violence). Empirical–statistical Some countries after the end of colonialism even suffered a decline research is supportive: economically free countries are richer in development in the form of a decay in infrastructure (Landes, (r = .76, N = 88 nations; Rindermann, 2008a) and economic free- 1998). Second, advantages of backwardness are not considered, dom increases wealth: moving from a closed to an open economy meaning the possibility of faster growth for poorer countries by adds about 1.5% to annual growth rates (Jamison, Jamison, & adopting and copying advanced technological countries. Hanushek, 2007). But the success of East Asian countries with large Geographic theories which stress the relevance of mineral re- governmental influences on the economy contradicts the sources or of other advantages (like having access to overseas libertarian theory. trade; the possibility of cross-continental exchange of goods and A second approach assumes that behind economic liberty, but ideas along similar latitudes; few infectious diseases; good cli- also behind working patterns and the quality of institutions lie mate; domesticable animals; Diamond, 1997) also emphasize external factors. Of course, mineral resources (and the exploitation ⇑ Tel.: +49 371 531 38715; fax: +49 371 531 838715. of people) can increase wealth, but they have not lead to sustain- E-mail address: [email protected] able development, even worse, they have lead to a decline in 0191-8869/$ - see front matter Ó 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2011.07.001 H. Rindermann / Personality and Individual Differences 53 (2012) 108–113 109 development and after the rush of exploitation countries can be depending on different environmental challenges (see also Hart, even poorer than before (Landes, 1969, p. 36). Other disadvantages 2007; Rushton, 2004). There is a strong, somewhat political debate like tropical climates, no access to oceans, mountainous geography on this assumption with many regrettable side effects in relation to or earthquakes could be overcome by intelligent leadership and science (Nyborg, 2003), but also scientific criticisms have been organization (e.g. Singapore, Switzerland, Taiwan, and New raised (e.g. Wicherts, Borsboom, & Dolan, 2010). Extremely high Zealand). correlations of skin-color (precisely: skin brightness as a rough indicator of evolutionary history) with intelligence across nations seem to support an evolutionary theory (Templer & Arikawa, 2. Intelligence and wealth 2006: r = .92; Meisenberg, 2009: r = .90), but the biologically more convincing correlations at the individual level are much lower Lynn and Vanhanen (2002) were the first to develop a theory of (r = .20; Jensen, 2006, p. 130). ‘‘intelligent wealth’’: they propose that cognitive ability is a major However, up to now no genes for intelligence have been found causal component of national wealth. Studies at the level of indi- (Johnson, 2010). So the assumed causal path from genotype to viduals within countries show an important impact of intelligence intelligence, through brain size (Rushton, 2004), neurological on income, which is more important than parents’ socioeconomic- efficiency (Haier et al., 1988), mental speed (Jensen, 2006; status (intelligence vs. SES metaanalysis: rInt = .23 vs. rSES = .15, Rindermann & Neubauer, 2000) or through shaping of environ- Strenze, 2007; sibling comparison within families: one IQ point ment and learning finally leading to fluid and crystallized intelli- higher as a child is equivalent to around 810 US $ higher yearly in- gence, at the level of individuals or nations, is not testable. And come around age 35, Murray, 2002). At the level of countries the of course, if a more or less strong impact of identified genes is correlations are much higher between cognitive competence eventually found further causes are not excluded, like culture stim- (including knowledge) and Gross Domestic Product (per capita; ulating diligence, learning and thinking (Rindermann, 2009; Step- purchasing power parity/ppp: transformed across countries and pan, 2010). The same is true for reciprocal effects (e.g. from currencies in comparable monetary units). GDP measures produc- culture and intelligence to genes by inbreeding; Woodley, 2009). tivity not income, but it is highly correlated with national income Most important, we do not need to know the causes of cognitive per capita (r > .95) and a good indicator of the standard of living. ability differences between countries to know that these differ- Lynn and Vanhanen (2002) reported for 185 countries a correlation ences influence wealth, democracy or even health (Rindermann & of r = .62 between intelligence test results and GDP 1998, Lynn and Meisenberg, 2009). But maybe the effect is converse? Vanhanen (2006) similarly for Gross National Income (2002, r = .60, N = 192). Other researchers have studied international data 3.3. The direction: Does intelligence lead to wealth or wealth to sets using different variables and came to similar conclusions intelligence? Longitudinal analyses (Hanushek & Woessmann, 2008; Ramirez, Luo, Schofer, & Meyer, 2006; Weede, 2004). Hunt and Wittmann (2008) using different samples and mea- sures support the existence of a correlation between ability and 3. Criticisms wealth as found by Lynn and Vanhanen, but they question the direc- tion of causality. Cross-sectional studies can never answer this. 3.1. Data quality Leaving aside unworkable country-wide experiments, it would be best to use a cross-lagged panel design with data for many coun- The most frequent criticism was data quality (e.g. Barnett & tries investigating reciprocal effects (from former intelligence to Williams, 2004; Hunt, 2010). Indeed, there were serious problems wealth, controlled for former wealth and the most important fur- in the intelligence data: for many countries data do not exist, so IQs ther determinant of growth, economic freedom). Unfortunately
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