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Heraldry and Sir Thomas Malory’s Le Morte d’Arthur Thesis for the degree Master of Arts

Lani Visaisouk Utrecht University 2006

Supervised by Dr. Erik Kooper and Dr. Martine Meuwese

1 Introduction

Overview

In 1136, makes his in the English literary tradition: Geoffrey of Monmouth’s History of the Kings of Britain contains a lengthy section on Arthur. As in other early sources on Arthur,1 he is both a warrior and a king. As the centuries progress, the Arthur stories undergo a shift from the chronicle to the romance; the king himself transforms from warrior king to roi fainéant, a “benevolent and passive king of Fairyland.”2 Despite this change in Arthur’s own character, remain central to Arthurian legends and Arthurian traditions everywhere. As such, it should not come as a surprise that Arthurian legends contain all the trappings of knighthood: tournaments, jousts, horses, lances, spears, swords, and shields. Following the trail of shields can lead one to the topic of , namely the study of “pictured signs and appertaining to shield, , banner.”3 If, then, one decides to follow up on heraldry in Arthurian literature and looks up the term in The Arthurian Encyclopedia, one is confronted with the following statement: “Surprisingly, Sir Thomas Malory’s monumental work [Le Morte d’Arthur] contains only a handful of heraldic descriptions.”4 Perhaps the author of this entry, in the interest of brevity and clarity, opted for an oversimplification, since an initial reading of Le Morte d’Arthur suggests that it certainly contains more than a handful of heraldic descriptions and that they occur frequently enough to warrant further investigation. This thesis is thus concerned with the heraldry of Le Morte d’Arthur.

Research Question

The primary question that this thesis seeks to answer is whether the author of Le Morte d’Arthur, Sir Thomas Malory, was up to scratch with his heraldry. In other words: given the heraldry that can be found in Le Morte d’Arthur, what can be deduced concerning Malory’s (and, to a lesser extent, his audience’s) knowledge of heraldry? The answer to this question may also help to illuminate the truth of The Arthurian Encyclopedia’s entry regarding heraldry.

W hy Le Morte d’Arthur?

Thomas Malory’s Le Morte d’Arthur is the last major English Arthurian romance of the medieval period. W ritten during the W ars of the Roses in in the fifteenth century (it was completed in 1469), it has since inspired countless retellings, among them T.H. W hite’s trilogy of The Once and Future King, the Broadway musical , and the film . Hence Malory’s influence on the perpetuation of Arthurian legend should not be underestimated. One would also expect that since Malory’s work is one of the last of the medieval romances, he had a whole wealth of sources and traditions at his

1 See for example The Mabinogion and the tale of and from the tenth century. 2 Vinaver, Eugene. Introduction. The W orks of Sir Thomas Malory. 2nd ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967, pp. xxxiii. 3 A.C. Fox-Davies. A Complete Guide to Heraldry. New York: Bonanza Books, 1978. pp. 1 4 The Arthurian Encyclopedia. “Heraldry.” Ed. Norris J. Lacy. New York and : Garland Publishing, Inc., 1986, pp. 283.

2 disposal. Malory’s place on the timeline of Arthurian literature does not mean that his work should by default be considered the epitome of medieval Arthurian romance, but it is interesting because of his own admission that he drew on French sources. Scholarly research that has confirmed that he had a wide variety of sources to draw upon in the writing of his own book. It also remains to be seen what kind of heraldry Le Morte d’Arthur has to offer, since such a study has not been previously undertaken.

Approach/Methodology

There are many editions of Malory’s Le Morte d’Arthur. Two were chosen for this thesis: the Penguin version that has been adapted into modern English spelling, edited by Janet Cowen, and Eugene Vinaver’s edition in Middle English. Using the Penguin modern English edition made it easier to gain a clear understanding of the plot, however it should be noted that this edition is based on W. Caxton’s edition. Caxton edited Malory’s original, and this version differs slightly from the only extant manuscript copy upon which Vinaver’s edition is based. Eugene Vinaver’s second edition of The W orks of Sir Thomas Malory was chosen because of its status as the definitive editorial edition. Although the third edition was available, only the paging of the second edition is compatible with Tomomi Kato’s Concordance to The W orks of Sir Thomas Malory. Given the need to verify each instance of heraldry, it was preferable to use Vinaver’s second edition. Using Microsoft Excel, a spreadsheet was drawn up in to record the shields that appear in Le Morte d’Arthur. It provides details of every instance in which a shield is mentioned in conjunction with colour or as a means of identification. Other shields without heraldic uses in the text – such as in the phrase “they dressed their shields” – have been omitted. To make the index, I first read Le Morte d’Arthur and noted each situation in which I noticed a . After going through the Vinaver edition, Kato’s concordance proved indispensable for double-checking each entry as well as providing leads to shields that might have been missed in the first reading. I used the concordance’s entries for sheld, shelde, sheldis, sheldys, shild, shildis, shyld, shylde, shyldes, and shyldis to look up every instance of these words. The resulting index (Appendix I) may therefore be said to contain a high degree of accuracy. Upon completion, the index could be organized according to various categories. These included disguises, covered shields, shields of a single colour, charged shields, etc. Secondary sources such as Michel Pastoureau’s Figures et Couleurs and Armorial des Chevaliers de la Table Ronde, as well as P.J.C. ’s books Malory’s Life and Times and Malory: Texts and Sources, came into play here as well. On the basis of both the index and secondary sources as well as my own analysis, conclusions were drawn concerning the detail and depth of heraldic knowledge that Malory and his audience may have possessed. Citations in the text and in Appendix I from Vinaver’s Le Morte d’Arthur have been listed by book, , and page number.

Secondary Literature

There is very little secondary literature that deals with the heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur. The mention in The Arthurian Encyclopedia may be the most extensive on the subject. Heraldry on a more general level, while not a particularly popular subject, has

3 nevertheless seen some books written by and others on the topic. The ones used in this thesis are surveyed briefly below. Heralds and Heraldry by England’s then top A.R. W agner was published in 1960. It may be the first book that readers turn to, due to its title, which suggests a general overview. This impression is incorrect. Wagner appears to be writing for his heralds or serious amateurs with knowledge of the subject. Many of the topics that he chooses to address can be best understood in a larger context, which he does not provide. However, scholars still turn today to his definition of heraldry and the book is obviously the product of someone well-versed in heraldry. The Heraldic Imagination by the herald Rodney Dennys is more suited to beginners and provides a much more logically-ordered overview of heraldic basics, literature written by heralds (much of it from the Middle Ages), as well as detailed discussions of heraldic figures and animals. Dennys covers the medieval period, to which the bulk of the book is devoted, but he also includes some references up to about 1800. His writing is clear and easily understood by non-experts – despite the fact that he has dedicated his book to his “brother heralds.” The black and pen drawings and colour plates are relevant and useful. A.C. Fox-Davies’s book A Complete Guide to Heraldry is probably the best of this group. Some may think he concerns himself too much with specificities, but this gives his book an encyclopedic quality. It contains a profusion of illustrations (alas, only in black and white) and detailed discussions of all manner of beasts and humans to be found on shields. The study of specifically Arthurian heraldry has produced two major names: Gerard Brault and Michel Pastoureau. Brault has focused on early Arthurian heraldry and his work is therefore less prominently used in this thesis than Pastoureau’s. Pastoureau is the author of Armorial des Chevaliers de la Table Ronde, a study of manuscripts that contained descriptions and illustrations of the shields of Arthur’s knights. Pastoureau gives the ’s name and the shield that he is said to , along with the manuscripts in which this information can be found. Differences between manuscripts are duly noted, but they are few. Some of Pastoureau’s other books include Couleurs, Images, Symboles, Une histoire symbolique du Moyen-Age, and Figures et Couleurs, the latter of which was the most relevant and useful for this thesis. It is a collection of essays dealing with shapes, animals, and colours in a heraldic context. As in his other work, he tends to pay most attention to French manuscripts of the late Middle Ages. For more general literature on the fifteenth century, Maurice Keen and Peter Coss’s Heraldry, Pageantry and Social Display in Medieval England is self-explanatory. Keen’s introduction may be the most relevant to our purposes. Coss’s book The Knight in Medieval England traces the development and change in the purpose of the knight in England. He has included a chapter on heraldry. Malcolm Vale’s The Princely Court is of less use on a heraldic level; its value for us lies in his study of court culture, especially a subchapter on colour and fashion. A more specific source for the study of Le Morte d’Arthur can be found in the Arthurian Studies imprints. For this thesis I consulted P.J.C. Field’s The Life and Times of Sir Thomas Malory and A Companion to Malory edited by Elizabeth Archibald and A.S.G. Edwards.

Chapter outline

Chapter I covers the essentials of heraldry. This chapter is intended as a guide to understanding the core of this thesis. Heraldry’s development and transformation, the

4 formalities of heraldic language, and heraldry’s role and uses that it came to fulfill by the fifteenth century are discussed here. Chapter II deals with Le Morte d’Arthur and its author. It looks briefly at the state of affairs in England during the 1460s and 1470s in order to provide a context in which to better understand Le Morte d’Arthur and Malory himself. The subject of Malory’s audience is treated here, in which an analysis of Malory’s own social situation and some textual clues are used in order to determine his contemporary readership. The role of heraldry among the fifteenth-century English upper class is also discussed to prepare for the analyses in Chapters III through VI. Chapter III looks at colours and selected charges in the context of symbolic meaning. Malory’s lack of a true heraldic vocabulary is discussed here. Chapter IV deals with shields used in the book for identification and for disguise. In addition, Malory’s quirk of reducing shields with two colours to a shield of a single colour is examined. Chapter V is concerned with an analysis of specific shields. The shields made by and Le Chevalier Mal Fait, as well as that borne by La Cote Mal Tayle, are analyzed here. Attention then turns to the situation of the Orkney knights and their lack of heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur. An attempt to gain a clearer understanding of the ambiguous “arms of Cornwall” follows. A discussion of the Roman shields that are found in Malory concludes the chapter. Chapter VI deals with Malory and his audience, hypothesizing that the heraldry of Le Morte d’Arthur may be indicative of Malory’s social status and intended audience. Malory’s own coat of arms is examined as an indication of his knowledge of heraldry. The question of a heraldic “textual community” is also addressed. Chapter VII provides a summary of the conclusions that have been reached in Chapters III through VI. Possibilities for further research are also mentioned here. Appendix I contains the heraldry index. Appendix II contains an index of selected illuminated manuscripts from the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. These manuscripts were commissioned by the French herald Jacques d’Armagnac. Some scholars theorize that Malory was held captive by d’Armagnac and that he found many of his sources for Le Morte d’Arthur in d’Armagnac’s library. The appendix is meant as a source of comparison between contemporary sources: Malory, the knight and political activist, in England and Jacques d’Armagnac, an Arthurian and herald, in France. Appendix III contains a timeline of heraldry developments in the Middle Ages.

5 Chapter I: Heraldry

Overview

Films like A Knight’s Tale and theme parks like Medieval W orld in Toronto as well as medieval re-enactment festivals such as those sponsored by the Society for Creative Anachronism have helped to establish among the masses the notion of the shield as a major accessory of the medieval armed warrior. Shields were indeed an essential part of a knight’s wardrobe. Yet the shield was much more than merely a mechanism of defense or decoration, as this chapter will show. This chapter is intended to provide an introduction to medieval heraldry as it is relevant to a discussion of the topic in Le Morte d’Arthur. It begins with a definition of heraldry and moves on to a short history of heraldry in the medieval period, examining its functions and roles in medieval life. The heraldic method of describing coats of arms, a practice known as , which involves specialized vocabulary, is also outlined here.

Definition of heraldry

Heraldry could be said to consist of a coat of arms, a symbol on a banner borne into battle, or, quite simply, . W hile these understandings are all well and good, none of them, however, take into account the defining aspect of true heraldry: heredity, specifically the passing of a coat of arms from father to son (or other heir). Indeed, the late herald A.R. W agner described true heraldry as “the systematic use of hereditary devices centred on the shield.”5 Some authors distinguish between armory and heraldry. A.C. Fox-Davies explains:

Armory is that science of which the rules and the laws govern the use, display, meaning, and knowledge of the pictured signs and emblems appertaining to shield, helmet, or banner. Heraldry has a wider meaning, for it comprises everything within the duties of a herald; and whilst Armory undoubtedly is Heraldry, the regulation of ceremonials and matters of pedigree, which are really also within the scope of Heraldry, most decidedly are not Armory.6

Along with the concept of heraldry being hereditary and thereby linked with , also important here is the qualification of systematic use. A coat of arms must be inherited and then borne methodically and regularly.

A very short history of heraldry: its development and uses

The first known depiction of shields used in order to identify men comes from the Bayeux Tapestry (ca. 1070). The shields, however, are not used in a consistent manner, that is, the same man may reappear throughout the tapestry with different shields. In this sense, the Bayeux Tapestry portrays only proto-heraldry. Yet heraldry’s development was hastening; it can be said that “[t]rue heraldry was coming into being in

5 A.R. W agner. Heralds and Heraldry in the Middle Ages. 2nd ed. London: Oxford University Press, 1960, pp. 12. 6 Fox-Davies 1.

6 the first half of the twelfth century.”7 Approximately a hundred years later, ca. 1200, the language of heraldry, known as blazon, was beginning to approach technical precision.

Scene from the Bayeux Tapestry showing warriors with painted shields. http://www.angelfire.com/rnb/bayeux_tapestry/sect46_48.html

In the words of Maurice Keen, heraldry is “clearly connected with the fully mailed warrior’s need for a mark of recognition on the field of battle and at tournaments.”8 It is on the battlefield that heraldry’s origins can be found; literary evidence, in conjunction with the Bayeux Tapestry, indicates as much. The first certain mention of a herald in literature is made by Chrétien de Troyes in the late twelfth century. Launcelot desires to withhold his identity by using arms not his own. However, a herald discovers his identity. begs him not to tell the public about his disguise.9 This romance, Le Chevalier de la Charette, indirectly suggests that heralds had been in existence for some time and that they were familiar to the upper classes because Chrétien deals with them in a familiar fashion, making no attempt to explain them further. Glover’s Roll is an English manuscript that can be described as a kind of illustrated index of coats of arms. It dates to 1254 and “affords the clearest proof that the practice of heraldry was by that date both widespread and systematic.”10 1356 was also an important year for heraldry: the Italian Bartolo di Sassoferrato wrote the heraldic treatise De Insigniis et Armis. It experienced extreme popularity at the time of its writing and was often quoted in the course of the next three centuries. In England, formal organization of the heralds took place in 1417: Nicholas Upton included two books on heraldry in his study De Studio Militari, written in 1446. John’s Treatise, an English treatise on heraldry, was circulated during this time as well. From extant copies, it appears to have been used as a teaching device, suggesting an audience desirous of knowing more on the topic.11 Eventually, from its role as an “integral part of warfare” and as a “means of decoration”,12 the bearing of arms came to denote rank and ancestry. In that sense, arms could be used to “proclaim the distinction of the connections in blood of a family”13 as

7 W agner 17. 8 Maurice Keen. “Introduction.” Heraldry, Pageantry and Social Display in Medieval England. Eds. Peter Coss and Maurice Keen. Cambridge: The Boydell Press, 2002, pp. 8. 9 This occurs in the romance Le Chevalier de la Charette, written between 1164 and 1172. In 1098, a character named Mala Corona appeared in the Gesta Francorum. He is possibly, but not certainly, the first herald to be mentioned in writing. Chrétien’s romance, however, contains the first certain reference to a herald. 10 Wagner 18. 11 Rodney Dennys. The Heraldic Imagination. London: Barrie and Jenkins, Ltd., 1975. See his chapter “Heralds and their libraries.” 12 Fox-Davies 24. 13 Keen 9.

7 well as status, possession, patronage and personal authorization. It may be useful to note here that although all arms are theoretically equal, a coat that was granted at an earlier date may well be considered more prestigious than a newer one. Thus simple arms, which are generally thought to be older, are often accorded more prestige. In addition to being a mark of identity, coats of arms came to be used to assert a claim to lands or lordship, “proclaim the distinction of the connections in blood of a family,” express status, possession, and patronage, as a sign of personal authorization, and to “emphasise, enhance, and decorate the significance of ceremony and celebration.”14

W ho could bear arms?

Nowadays, popular culture has tended to associate knights and arms, but in fact knights were at the very bottom of the social King scale when it came to bearing arms. Coats of arms were used to identify noble lineages. In Baronage England, the King might have granted arms in acts that carried political implications, signaling favourites and close kin. However, “[g]rants of Knights arms by the English are at all periods very rare”15 and coats were more usually granted by the king’s deputies, heralds known as the Simplified feudal hierarchy of the late Kings of Arms. Middle Ages. All parties allowed to bear Originally, it seems that all the landed arms are represented here. gentry bore arms;16 while merchants and lower classes could obtain grants of arms and thereby climb the social ladder, a person could not simply adopt arms at his own leisure or will. Although Bartolo di Sassoferato does write in his treatise that anyone may adopt arms as long as these arms are not borne by another, he goes on to qualify the social rank of “anyone.” Indeed, by the late twelfth century, “lesser freemen and the burghers” were excluded from knighthood in most countries.17 Nevertheless, the illegal use and adoption of arms continued to plague the . To correct the misuse of arms in the late Middle Ages and early modern period, the Kings of Arms would circulate the country ensuring that all arms were borne legally. It is worth mentioning here that young, unproven knights often bore a plain white shield known as the vergescu. W hen they had done knightly deeds and otherwise proven themselves, the vergescu was ostensibly replaced with a charged shield.

Blazon

Blazon is the art of describing a coat of arms in standardized heraldic terms.18 Early descriptions of heraldry are plagued by non-standardized language, which can cause confounding vagueness, but by the thirteenth century the blazon vocabulary had been established firmly. Blazon’s beauty lies in the fact that it allows an absolutely accurate

14 Keen 9. 15 Wagner 67. 16 Wagner 21. 17 Dennys 39. For a summary of Bartolo di Sassoferrato’s treatise, see Dennys 63. 18 Dennys 36.

8 description of any shield that will be understood by anyone familiar with the heraldic vocabulary. It will be useful to remember the following four terms. The field is the ground of the shield, upon which everything else is imposed. The is the symbol, animate or inanimate, upon the field. Dexter means the knight’s right side of the shield and the viewer’s left, while sinister means the knight’s left side of the shield and the viewer’s right. The next several sections deal with aspects of blazon: tinctures, lines of partition, ordinaries, and charges.

Tinctures

In heraldry, there are nine tinctures. They are divided into three subsets: metals, colours, and furs. The metals used in heraldry are and silver. The five basic colours are , , black, , and purple. This leaves us with two furs, and .19 It should be noted that shades of tinctures (e.g. light purple, dark blue, forest green, , etc.) are not specified in heraldry. In blazon, each colour and metal has a special name that is not commonly used in modern English. They will not be completely foreign to French speakers, however. This list of modern English colours and metals with their heraldic equivalents uses the same order Above: ermine. as Bartolo di Sassoferrato gave for the hierarchy of colours and metals Below: vair. in his treatise. As Bartolo did not include green, purple, or the two furs in his list, I have simply added them last. Gold is blazoned as or. Dennys notes, however, that it may appear simply as “gold” in English sources. Red is , sometimes spelled goules. Blue is called . Silver is blazoned as . Black is . Green is . Purple is . Dennys writes that purple and red were considered the same colour in the early Middle Ages.20 By the late Middle Ages a distinction was apparently made between them. Ermine is the fur of a weasel whose white tail is tipped with black in the winter, while vair is squirrel fur with a bluish grey or white colour. The representations of furs in heraldry can be seen at the right. According to the laws of , the charge should not be of the same tincture subset as the field. Although it may occur – the King of Jerusalem was said to bear a silver shield charged with gold crosses – it does so only infrequently and is often considered improper or in bad taste. Michel Pastoureau has gone so far as to say that medieval writers of romance used colour-on-colour or metal-on-metal shields in order to create a sense of the pejorative.21 Thus when such a shield makes an appearance, it is often worth a closer look.

19 Dennys 46. 20 Ibid. 21 Michel Pastoureau. “Figures et couleurs péjoratives en héraldique médiévale.” Figures et Couleurs. : Le d’Or, 1986. pp. 206.

9 Lines of Partition

The lines of partition allow the armigerous man to divide his shield so that he may use several tinctures at once in an orderly fashion. The seven main ways to partition a shield are displayed below.

Per Per b end Per sinister

Per Per Quarterly Per

10 Principal Ordinaries

The ordinaries consist of several charges that have been arbitrarily selected;22 therefore there has been widespread disagreement on the subject, as some writers either broaden or contract the list of ordinaries, depending on their own personal views and tastes. According to the herald Rodney Dennys, the Principal Ordinaries are Pale, Fess, Cross, Bend, Bend Sinister, Saltire, Chevron, and Gyronny.23 They are similar to the lines of partition in terms of shape, but as can be seen below, they are charges rather than simply divisions.

Pale Fess Cross Bend

Be nd sinister Saltire Chevron Gyronny

Other charges

Creatures, plants, inanimate objects, and the human body can also be used to charge a shield. The charge of a creature requires that its position be specified. Be it a , a , a boar, a centaur, a or another creature, there are a finite number of positions that it can take on the shield. The most common ones are described here.

Lion rampant Lion guardant Lion passant guardant http://home.sprintmail.com/~cfitzgerald/heraldry/hindex.html

Charges could be symbolic. “[T]he qualities and attributes of the real creatures gave the early heralds plenty of scope for an imaginative use of symbolism… .The influence on the

22 Fox-Davies 106. 23 Dennys 44.

11 heralds of the bestiaries, those splendid natural-history books of the Middle Ages, which drew a moral from the characteristics of every , bird and reptile, was profound”.24 and were frequently associated with kings, and eagles with the (Holy) . Swans often featured on the shields of musical men, while partridges indicated the bearer as a sodomite. As Dennys says, “[M]edieval heralds were given to rather donnish ‘in-jokes’, the allusions being readily appreciated by other heralds though not necessarily by the less-educated knights and .”25

How to blazon a shield

Now that a simple vocabulary of blazon has been laid out, it is possible to explain how one should blazon, or formally describe, a shield. A rule of thumb is to work from the knight’s right to left, from top to bottom, and from the most underlying charges to the topmost charges. One begins with the tincture of the field. The principle charge must then be mentioned. Nothing can take precedence over a bend, fess, pale, , chevron, cross, or saltire. One then the non- charges and, lastly, takes into account other charges upon charges.

Left: La ncelot bears argent, three bends gules. London, BL, Royal 14 E. III, f. 156v.

Right: Lancelot’s kin Bohort l’Essilié bears ermine, three bends gules. Paris, BNF, Richelieu Mss. Français 115, f. 383v.

Below: Lionel bears argent, a semy of etoiles sable, three bends gules. Ector de Maris bears argent, three bends gules, a sun azure. Blanor (and his brother Blioberis) bears argent, a semy of sable, three bends gules. Paris, BNF, Richelieu Mss. Français 112 (1), f. 184.

24 Dennys 49-50. 25 Dennys 50.

12 Other heraldic notables

This section outlines some aspects of heraldry that do not fit in the above categories. Here the heraldic , canting or punning arms, marks of , the marshalling of arms, and shields for war and peace are explained.

The badge

The gained widespread use during the reign of Edward III and the Hundred Years’ W ar. The badge was not actually a badge in the modern sense of the word, that is, it was not a piece of cloth that could be sewn onto garments or bags. Instead, were often cast out of lead and by the middle of the fifteenth century they were “used on the of retainers and army contingents.”26 The family’s dog badge is probably the most famous of the extant badges. The badge probably came about, as Dennys says, due to Talbot dog badge. “the greater professionalism of warfare and the mustering of www.sca.org.au. men… previously unknown to one another.”27 Men who did not have their own coat of arms, or armigerous men in the service of someone else, could wear the badge in order to identify each other as a member of the same faction. Like a coat of arms, a badge communicated a message. Rather than a message about ancestry, however, a badge was interpreted as “a brief sermon, a shorthand way of saying something.”28 The wearing of it implied that the wearer was in the service of the person who had issued it and/or agreed with that person.

Canting arms

The term “,” or “punning arms,” refers to arms that contain a literal reference to the bearer’s name or title. An example from the Netherlands comes from the town of Hensbroeck in the province of North Holland. The town’s name literally means “hen’s breeches” and the town’s coat of arms consists of a hen nesting atop a pair of pants. In Arthurian literature, the seneschal Kay bears canting arms. His shield features two keys.

Marks of Cadency

A man might have multiple sons, all of whom would be worthy to bear arms. In this case, the eldest son inherited his father’s arms upon his death, while the younger sons usually bore the same coat with slight changes. These changes were called differences or marks of cadency. W hile the father was still alive, the eldest son would bear a shield with a difference too.

26 Dennys 50. 27 Ibid. 28 T.H. W hite, quoted in Dennys 51.

13 And if it were so that this foresaide man had any children, then thei shuld bere the same mark that their fadir did with dyuers differences, that is to say, the eldest son shuld haue a labell, the second son a cressent, the third son a molet, the fourt son a merlet, the .v. son an anlet, the vj. son a floure delyse. And if ther wer any moo bredren then vj. then the fadir shuld giffe them what difference that shuld plese hym best.29

To marshal arms

The marshalling of arms involves combining two coats to produce a new, single coat. Impaling and are the most common ways to marshal arms. Impaling means that half of each shield, divided per pale, is combined into the new coat. Quartering shrinks both shields to fit into quarters numbered 1 through 4; the images on 1 and 4 are the same, as are 2 and 3. The most famous medieval marshalling of arms was probably done by Edward III. In 1340 he quartered the fleurs-de-lis of France with the lions of England to reflect his claim to the French throne.

Arms of England. Arms of France. Quartered arms.30

Shields for war and peace; shields of parade

The Black Prince (eldest son of Edward III; d. 1376) used two different shields: one for war and one for peace. The latter was probably used in tournaments. Because the Black Prince’s actions were closely followed by his associates, it may be possible that they also began using two separate shields with different blazons for war and peace. The use of shields of parade is not unknown either. These shields were made for ceremonial purposes only. The shield at the right is a parade shield from Florence. It is painted and gilt gesso over wood and was made “for display rather than protection… it Italian shield of parade. Victoria and Albert would have been carried by family retainers at processions and Museum, London. pageants staged in the city at the time.”31 W hile this example is of the Villani family’s arms, shields of parade often contained paintings or symbolic scenes rather than true arms.

29 John’s Treatise. London, British Library MS Add. 34648. Transcribed by Dr. Erik Kooper. A discussion and summary can also be found in Dennys. 30 Arms of England prior to 1340 can be found at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_II_of_England. Arms of France can be found at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/English_Kings_of_France. The marshalled arms can be found at http://www.baronage.co.uk/bphtm-02/moa-15.html. All these sites were accessed on 14 August 2006. 31 http://www.vam.ac.uk/collections/periods_styles/medieval/med_ren_va/1400-1500/index.html. Accessed on 15 August 2006.

14

Conclusion

Heraldry, “the systematic use of devices centred on a shield,” had achieved prominence and popularity by the late Middle Ages. Although painted shields may have originated in the need for identification on the battlefield, heraldry soon came to signify lineage and rank. Only royalty, the baronage, and knights bore arms; heraldry was typically limited to this particular class of people, although the merchant classes could nevertheless apply for a . A special heraldic vocabulary known as “blazon” was developed in order to precisely communicate the appearance of a coat of arms. In the later Middle Ages, this development was important given that arms were growing more fanciful and complex. However, charges merely consisting of ordinaries retained their popularity; the simplicity of these arms can also indicate an older family whose arms were granted very early on. As heraldry flourished, so did heraldic “offshoots” such as the badge. W hen the shield became useless in war against the longspear and crossbow, it remained nonetheless used in tournaments and jousts. For these activities, participants came to bear a “shield of peace” or “shield of parade” that was distinctive from their “shield of war.” Despite all these new developments, however, heraldry’s basic use as a method of identification remained constant.

15 Chapter II: Malory’s life and times, and Le Morte d’Arthur

Overview

This chapter is concerned with the author of Le Morte d’Arthur, Sir Thomas Malory. Information concerning his person is scarce. Nevertheless, while little may be known about Malory in particular, a general knowledge of England during his lifetime and contemporary attitudes about heraldry will allow one a more nuanced understanding of his work. The chapter begins with a biographical sketch of Malory and moves on to a discussion of the contemporary value of a coat of arms, using the claims of the Paston family as an example. A brief outline of the W ars of the Roses includes a short look at heraldry during the wars (indeed, the wars’ name refers to the two factions’ heraldic devices). The following section addresses Malory and his familiarity with Arthurian literature, as well as his possible sources for Le Morte d’Arthur. A plot summary of the book rounds off the chapter.

Thomas Malory and the social scene

W hile the name of King Arthur is still recognized even today, very little is known about Sir Thomas Malory, the author of one of the medieval period’s greatest Arthurian romances. P.J.C. Field has, in his book The Life and Times of Sir Thomas Malory, provided a study of one of several men bearing the name Thomas Malory. The author of Le Morte d’Arthur is argued by Field to have been Thomas Malleore of Newbold Revel in W arwickshire. The language in which he wrote places him in the late 1460s; the clues in his text confirm as much, and while the dates of his birth and death are both uncertain, Field makes the argument that Malory’s earthly demise probably came in 1470 around the age of fifty (rather than seventy, as other scholars have argued). In making his case for the author of Le Morte d’Arthur, Field attempts to show that many of the other men bearing the same name could not plausibly have written that book. While debate may rage on nevertheless, a further discussion of whom Malory may or may not have been does not fit within the scope of this thesis. It serves us best to take Field’s conclusions as both plausible and useful. Assuming that the Malory family identified by Field is indeed that of Sir Thomas Malory, of particular importance is his placement of Malory during the W ars of the Roses, Malory’s active participation in the wars, and the fact that the Malory family not only had been granted a coat of arms but expressed more than just a mild interest in heraldry. Also relevant is Malory’s age at the time of his death. For Malory as a seventy-year-old, living memory of Edward III’s Arthurian tournaments may have still been present in his youth, a possibility that could have influenced his take on heraldry and Arthurian legend; as a fifty-year-old, this is much less likely. The factors highlighted here can all be useful later in understanding the role and uses of heraldry in Malory’s book. Malory has left his readers several clues as to his identity in his book’s closing paragraph. In the very least his hints allow us to ascribe dates to the writing of Le Morte d’Arthur and to ascertain that he was alive at a certain time:

I praye you all jentylmen and jentylwymmen that redeth this book of Arthur and his knyghtes from the begynnyng to the endynge praye for me whyle I am on lyve that God sende me good delyveraunce and whan I am deed I praye you all praye for my soule for this book was ended the ix

16 yere of the reygne of kyng Edward the fourth by syr Thomas Maleore knight as Jesu helpe hym for hys grete might as he is the servaunt of Jesu bothe day and nyght.32

Malory’s dating of his work in the “ninth year of the reign” of Edward IV suggests that his book was completed between 1469 and 1470. Malory is thought to have died barely a year later and probably in prison; certainty on the matter is lacking, as Field has pointed out. It is relevant to our understanding of the heraldic content of Le Morte d’Arthur that Malory made his supplications to “gentlemen and gentlewomen,” a class of which he was a member. His description of himself as “Sir Thomas Malory, knight” indicates this to be the case. His appeal for prayers to “gentlemen and gentlewomen” suggests that he considered his audience would have come from the ranks of the upper class because such a request would not have been made otherwise to these specific people. Lastly, as a member of the gentry, Malory was familiar with the world of knights and nobility about which he was writing; a greater credibility concerning the uses and descriptions of heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur may be hypothesized from this fact.

The value of a coat of arms

As a member of the upper classes and a man who may have rubbed shoulders with the Duke of W arwick, Malory would have been circulating in a world where coats of arms were a highly valued status symbol. People were acutely aware of their importance, and even at this point in time older coats seem to have been of greater worth than newer arms, as this excerpt of a letter from the fifteenth-century Paston family shows:

They showed a lineal descent how their first ancestor W ulstan came out of France, and Sir W illiam Glanville together, his kinsman, that after founded the priory of Bromholm by the town of Paston and the town of Bentley, and how W ulstan had issue W ulstan, who bore arms gold floret azure, and how he had issue Ralf and Robert, which Ralf senior bore arms as his father and Robert the younger bore silver floret azure. And Robert had issue Edmund and W alter, which Edmund the elder bore as his father, and his brother, because he married Glanville’s daughter, a indented gold, the field silver floret azure . . . and how Sir John Paston was heir to all these, for they died without issue.33

Peter Coss remarks that this “account… was a tissue of lies.” He adds that the Pastons expressed this false heritage “in their heraldic devices. These proclaimed not only their proud ancestry and their noble connections, but also their antiquity, as the that separated them from the rest of the populace was held to have ‘come out of France’.”34 The specificity with which the Pastons described their coat of arms and the precision with which they “traced” it back to the Conquest indicate the degree of intimacy with which people were acquainted with their coats of arms as well as the level of respect that an ancient coat should command. From this example one can extrapolate well enough the knowledge an upper class family – or even pretenders to the upper class – had of heraldry. Particularly of interest is the fact that the Pastons appeared to equate a coat of arms with nobility.

32 Vinaver XXI/13/1260. 33 Peter Coss. The Knight in Medieval England. Stroud: Alan Sutton, 1993, pp. 2. 34 Ibid.

17 Chapter I cited Maurice Keen and A.R. W agner’s details concerning the uses of heraldry in late medieval society. While they do not necessarily make any explicit statements about the status of heraldry or what status one derived from bearing a shield during this period, they do indicate that the bearing of coats of arms was limited to the upper classes. As such, it must have carried a social weight. When Malory wrote about knights and their coats of arms, then, he was writing about the same people who were reading his book: it was their world, so to speak. Yet again, as was first seen in Malory’s supplication to his gentle readers, it becomes evident that Malory believed his audience would come from the same social strata as he did – information that is crucial to understanding the heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur. Malory’s family arms should be mentioned for the sake of completeness. Field says that the Malory family had an interest in arms and that Sir Thomas Malory himself “bore what he believed to be an ancient coat of arms and was proud of it.”35 Unfortunately, Field adds, the blazon of Malory’s actual coat is unknown. However, he gives two possible coats of arms that Malory may have borne. The first is or, three lions passant guardant sable. The second is quarterly 1 and 4… ermine a chevron gules and a border engrailed sable; 2 and 3… or three lions passant guardant sable.36 These two coats of arms will later prove valuable in analyzing the shields in Le Morte d’Arthur.

The W ars of the Roses

W hatever his true identity, Malory’s lifespan places him in the English civil wars of the period, better known as the W ars of the Roses. The two factions in this war consisted of the of the and the supporters of the king, who stemmed from the , or the Yorkists and Lancastrians respectively. The war itself has been dubbed after the different roses worn as heraldic badges by the Yorkists and Lancastrians in order to identify themselves: white and red roses. Since 1399, when Henry Bolingbroke, Duke of Lancaster, overthrew Richard II to claim the throne and the title of King Henry IV, the Lancastrian hold on the throne had been at times tenuous. By 1453, King Henry VI, a victim of mental illness, was relieved of his duties during his times of sickness by the Council of Regency. Richard, Duke of York was at the head of this council; his use of his power in this role as caused some minor conflicts with Henry’s supporters, although it is unclear whether Richard himself had any aspirations to the throne at this point in time. Only in 1455 did fighting truly explode between the factions when the Duke of York led an armed force to London to attack Henry VI in what became known as the Battle of St. Albans. Intermittent periods of calm did occur during the next thirty-year span, but Sir Thomas Malory would have been alive when major battles took place such as Blore Heath in 1459, Wakefield in 1460, and in 1461 Mortimer’s Cross, the Second Battle of St. Albans, and Towton. In the latter battle the new Yorkist king, Edward IV, cemented his authority. After suffering heavy losses among their leaders, many Lancastrian supporters switched sides. However, this did not mean an end to the War of the Roses. Lancastrian revolts took place throughout the next decade and the Lancastrians even managed to send Edward IV into exile (although he was restored to power in 1471). Nevertheless hostility and instability do not seem to have ceased completely until Henry Tudor, the later Henry VII, defeated the Yorkists at the Battle of Bosworth Field in 1485. Our Thomas Malory was, by this time, dead; scholars do not dispute this claim.

35 P.J.C. Field. The Life and Times of Sir Thomas Malory. Cambridge: Brewer, 1993, pp. 168. 36 Field 168-169.

18 Malory is thought to have been a of the House of Lancaster; John Lawlor writes that he “came to see in the decline of the Lancastrian fortunes a parallel with the overthrow of King Arthur’s rule.”37 Field adds that Malory may have initially been a member of the Yorkist faction, but later switched sides.38 W hatever the case may be, his politics do not influence the story of Le Morte d’Arthur in an overtly subjective way. Some scholars have seen the enmity between and Arthur as an allusion to the two factions in the Wars, but this interpretation does not necessarily jump out at a reader from the present day. Malory may have been making veiled comments about the current political situation, but he made more explicit his exhortations towards good knightly behaviour and noble conduct.39 The role of heraldry within the W ars of the Roses is quite relevant in relation to Malory. As has been mentioned above, the two houses chose different roses as their symbols. Because Malory was an active participant in the war, it is plausible that he was familiar with the heraldic badge and coats of arms. In order to make a more educated guess about Malory’s level of knowledge of heraldry, it is important to know that the W ars of the Roses and more generally the fifteenth century were replete with heraldic symbols.40

Malory and Arthurian Romance in the Fifteenth Century

Sir Thomas Malory drew on many earlier sources, particularly French texts, to tell his own version of the story of King Arthur. Field states that during Malory’s political imprisonment he was jailed “under circumstances in which he had access to the best collection of vernacular literature in the country, and could use it”41 to write Le Morte d’Arthur. Indeed, Arthurian romances were well known in Malory’s day. In England, the sheer number of extant fifteenth-century manuscripts attests to the stories’ popularity and wide diffusion. French manuscripts were also circulating in England at this time; this should not come as a complete surprise, given that Malory cites a “French book” numerous times in the course of his own writings. Malory’s sources for Le Morte d’Arthur were older than the 1400s by at least a century. Vinaver has addressed Malory’s adaptation of the Arthur story, much of which he drew from French romances from the thirteenth century:

His first work… was based upon the English alliterative Morte Arthur. It was the story of Arthur’s victorious campaign against the Emperor of Rome – an epic inspired by a long tradition of romance. But Malory was soon to discover the attraction of romantic adventures proper. In the French romances of the thirteenth century – those voluminous prose works to which he referred as his ‘French books’ – he found characters who wore the same armour and fought as vigorously as the heroes who

37 John Lawlor. “Introduction.” Le Morte d’Arthur. Ed. Janet Cowen. Vol I. New York: Penguin Books, 1969. 38 “Nevertheless, if in the 1460s Malory deplored the way in which his country had been riven by faction, if he blamed the division on great lords of his time, but above all on the Duke of York… then what drove him to desert York for Lancaster, the winning side for the losing one, may have been a bad conscience” (Field 173). 39 See Field 163. 40 See, for example, numerous heraldic brasses from the period, the coats of arms at Westminster Abbey, and the many treatises on heraldry such as those by Bartolo di Sassoferrato and Nicholas Upton, as well as John’s Treatise. 41 Field 147.

19 had defended Arthur’s kingdom, but had none of their patriotic ambitions. … For many long months, perhaps years, Malory followed their tracks, borrowing his material from such books as he could find – the Suite du , the de Léonois, and the prose Lancelot (which included La Queste del Saint Graal and La Mort le Roi Artu) – and occasionally supplementing these with his own comments on what he called ‘the high order of knighthood’.42

Field has added to Vinaver’s list of Malory’s sources. Along with the alliterative Morte d’Arthur, Prose Lancelot, Prose Tristan, and Merlin, Field identifies the Perlesvaus as well as a host of minor sources in both English and French. Some scholars have thought that Malory was once held captive by the French herald Jacques d’Armagnac. If this is the case, it is possible to argue that d’Armagnac’s collection of Arthurian texts highly influenced Le Morte d’Arthur. Field has made the case against Malory’s captivity by d’Armagnac, but had Malory had access to d’Armagnac’s library, he would have found a treasure trove of literature and illustrations that included the Prose Lancelot, Tristan, and Merlin. A century and a half before Le Morte d’Arthur was finished, Arthurian tournaments had been commonplace during the reign of Edward I. Knights dressed as members of the would joust each other at gatherings that were the rough equivalent of that era’s Society for Creative Anachronism. W hether much of this survived in common memory more than 150 years later, however, is unknown. Edward III had apparently inherited his predecessor’s like of Arthurian tournaments – almost exactly a hundred years before Malory wrote Le Morte d’Arthur. Whether remnants and memories of these tournaments survived into the W ars of the Roses is questionable. Nevertheless, given the profusion of Arthurian romances that survive from this time, we can conclude that the upper classes were at least familiar with the bare basics of Arthurian legend and on a whole were probably quite well acquainted with the subject. Determining Malory’s audience and its familiarity with Arthurian romance is particularly important because their knowledge of this topic can assist in understanding the level of detail of the heraldic content in Le Morte d’Arthur. One should especially note that in the Arthurian tournaments sponsored by the kings, participants were supposed to paint their shields with the coats of arms of the Round Table knights they were portraying, and as such they would have had to be intimately familiar with those coats of arms. In sum, during the fifteenth century the legends of King Arthur and the Round Table were not confined to esoteric knowledge. Undoubtedly, Malory’s audience would have been familiar with the main characters and known the major stories in which they appeared. As members of the upper classes, moreover, his audience would have identified to some degree with the noble society portrayed in Le Morte d’Arthur, a point of interest when taken together with the heraldry in the book. Having established this, we can now move on to a plot summary of the book.

Plot summary of Le Morte d’Arthur

Malory’s publisher Caxton, in his preface to his printed edition, drew up a summary of Le Morte d’Arthur that is worth quoting here for its relative brevity and clarity. More specific information has been added in brackets. It should be noted that

42 Eugene Vinaver. “Introduction.” The W orks of Sir Thomas Malory. 1st ed. London: Oxford UP, 1959, pp. vii-viii.

20 the whole of Le Morte d’Arthur was divided into smaller books, and those books further split into chapters.

The first book shall treat how gat the noble conqueror King Arthur… . The second book treateth of Balin the noble knight [a.k.a. the Knight with Two Swords and how he and his brother died at each other’s hands]… .The third book treateth the marriage of King Arthur to Queen Guenever, with other matters [such as Sir Torre’s adventure]… .The fourth book, how Merlin was assotted, and of war made to King Arthur… .The fifth book treateth of the conquest of Lucius the emperor [of Rome]… .The sixth book treateth of Sir Launcelot and , and marvelous adventures … The seventh book treateth of a noble knight called Sir , and named by , Beaumains… .The eighth book treateth of the birth of Sir Tristram, the noble knight, and of his acts [such as his love for La Belle Isoud and its consequences]… .The ninth book treateth of a knight named by Sir Kay, La Cote Male Taile, and also of Sir Tristram… .The tenth book treateth of Sir Tristram and other marvelous adventures [such as the death of Sir and the at Lonezep]… .The eleventh book treateth of Sir Launcelot and [the conception and birth of] Sir … .The twelfth book treateth of Sir Launcelot and his madness [and his self-imposed exile from the queen as Le Chevalier Mal Fait]… .The thirteenth book treateth how Galahad came first to King Arthur’s court, and the quest how the Sangrail was begun… .The fourteenth book treateth of the quest of the Sangrail [and Sir ’s loss of virginity]… .The fifteenth book treateth of Sir Launcelot [and a warning against his vainglory and sin]… .The sixteenth book treateth of Sir and Sir Lionel his brother… .The seventeenth book treateth of the Sangrail… .The eighteenth book treateth of Sir Launcelot and the queen [and how Launcelot slew Sir Mador who had accused Guenever of treason]… .The nineteenth book treateth of Queen Guenever and Launcelot [who were seemingly caught in adultery by Sir Meleagaunt]… .The twentieth book treateth of the piteous death of Arthur [at the hands of his bastard son Mordred]… .The twenty-first book treateth of his last departing, and how Sir Launcelot came to revenge his death [and of Launcelot’s own death in a monastery].43

Le Morte d’Arthur ends on a not very uplifting note: with the deaths on a Good Friday of Launcelot’s kinsmen Sir Bors, , Sir Blamor, and Sir Blioberis, who were on crusade in the Holy Lands. The story’s conclusion is then followed by Malory’s supplication for prayers from gentlemen and gentlewomen. As can be seen from Caxton’s summary, Malory has elided or omitted altogether some elements that are present in other Arthurian sources. Palomides’ search for the is in Le Morte d’Arthur only a minor incident and , a central figure in the French Vulgate as well as the main character of the English poem Sir Gawain and the , makes far fewer appearances in Malory. As Vinaver mentions, however, these omissions can be said to demonstrate Malory’s authorial skill in picking and choosing his material. In adapting and reworking as he saw fit, his results have experienced much more longevity in popular culture than did many of his French sources.44

43 Thomas Malory. Le Morte d’Arthur, Vol I. Ed. Janet Cowen. London: Penguin Books, 1969, pp. 6-7. 44 Vinaver, “Introduction.” The Works of Sir Thomas Malory, 1st ed., pp. x.

21

Conclusion

This chapter has looked at the life and times of Sir Thomas Malory in an attempt to set the stage for a better understanding of Le Morte d’Arthur. Important aspects delineated here are the importance of possessing a coat of arms (as the Paston case should show), the W ars of the Roses, and Malory’s familiarity with Arthurian literature, particularly French sources from the thirteenth century. These main points, as well as those in Chapter I, can shed some light on the heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur, various aspects of which are the topic of the three subsequent chapters.

22 Chapter III: Symbolic tinctures and charges

Overview

In the late fifteenth century, heraldry had attained a widespread popularity among the upper classes. Numerous treatises on the subject still survive, attesting to this interest and providing a means to standardize the topic’s many complexities. These treatises provided their readers with a codification of heraldic conventions, laying down the ground rules for blazon and the depiction of shields. Some treatises, moreover, also gave information concerning the purported origins of heraldry and praised the men who first bore arms. Others also included depictions of arms of both contemporary nobility and royalty as well as the arms of fictional characters. Malory’s status as a member of the nobility must have given him at least some passing familiarity with heraldry. He bore the title of “Sir,” and as has been seen already P.J.C. Field has provided some evidence that suggests Malory also had a coat of arms or in the very least that the Malory family exhibited an interest in heraldry. Yet the having of a coat of arms may have no bearing on one’s acquaintance with heraldic lore. Given the proliferation of heraldic treatises and coats of arms during Malory’s time it seems that noblemen would possess at least some basic knowledge of heraldry – but what does the evidence from Le Morte d’Arthur suggest that Malory himself knew?

Colour Symbolism

In this section, the term “colour” is used to mean all the heraldic tinctures (i.e. “colour” in the sense that we use the word today).

According to the herald Rodney Dennys, colour symbolism in medieval heraldry is a topic that one ought not dismiss: “Far more weight should be given to the importance of colour symbolism in heraldry in the Middle Ages” than has historically been given.45 Medieval authors of heraldic treatises were obviously concerned with the symbolic role of colours. Beginning with the earliest known treatise De Heraudie around 1341, followed in 1356 by Bartolo di Sassoferrato’s De Insigniis et Armis, and almost every heraldic treatise written thereafter, authors deal with colours and their significance and symbolism. In the late medieval period, tinctures in heraldry were equated with the sun, moon, planets, precious stones, and days of the week. Additionally, Dennys says, “Certain qualities and attributes were assigned to particular colours.”46 It seems that medieval people could “read” the significance of colours much better than we can.47 Therefore, it is important to give due attention to colours because otherwise we cannot fully understand the impact that the seeing of arms might have on a medieval audience.

An initial reading of Le Morte d’Arthur gives one the impression that Malory often assigns tinctures to shields at random. After reading Pastoureau’s analysis of colours in Figures et Couleurs, however, it becomes clear that there is a definite possibility that Malory used tinctures as a form of symbolism. It should further be noted that despite the relatively wide range of tinctures on the heraldic spectrum, Malory appears to make use

45 Dennys 45. 46 Dennys 44. 47 Ibid.

23 primarily of three tinctures: white, red, and black. According to Pastoureau, these colours are particularly significant in an anthropological sense:

Le blanc, le rouge et le noir, c’est-à-dire aux trois couleurs anthropologiques fondamentales, les seules que l’on retrouve dans toutes les civilisations, et qui, au-delà de leur chromacité, traduisent des notions archétypales remontant au plus profond des activités humaines: non teint et propre (blanc), non teint et sale (noir) et teint (rouge).48

These three tinctures of white, black, and red are those that occur in any civilization and those that, moreover, symbolize the most basic human notions regarding colour. It is interesting to examine the shields of Le Morte d’Arthur in this light and given the condensed anthropological messages that these tinctures can be said to display.

W hite/Argent

As Pastoureau writes, “Un seul émail n’a jamais de signification péjorative: l’argent.”49 Argent, or white, is the colour of purity and by extension of goodness, as can be seen in the idea that it is “non teint et propre.” It often appears on shields in Le Morte d’Arthur and although this choice of tincture may seem insignificant at first, that is in actuality very rarely the case. Argent is the tincture of young unproven knights, which is in keeping with the notion of white as a literal depiction of tabula rasa:

And that tyme was such a custom that the quene rode never wythoute a grete felyshyp of men of armys aboute her. And they were many good knyghtes, and the moste party were yonge men that wolde have worshyp, and they were called the Quenys Knyghtes. And never in no batayle, turnement nother justys they bare none of them no maner of knowlecchynge of their owne armys but playne whyght shyldis, and thereby they were called the Quenys Knyghtes.50

The white shield is reminiscent of the vergescu, the blank shield of unproven knights. Thus white as the tincture of the “young men who would have worship” is probably not without significance; hereby Malory shows at least some knowledge of heraldic principles. One of the most famous knights in Arthurian literature is frequently associated with a white shield. Lancelot, as the “chevalier féerique,” sometimes takes a white shield as a disguise. It can be interpreted to symbolize purity and Lancelot’s link to the otherworld. While this idea of the “chevalier féerique” is less emphasized in Le Morte d’Arthur than in other sources, the white shield as disguise remains. In Malory, the fact that Lancelot chooses white shields might be linked, though not explicitly, to his status as “chevalier féerique” – but his disguise also makes a not very subtle reference to his relationship with the queen. Like the Queen’s Knights, his shield is white and so he could be counted among them.

48 Michel Pastoureau. “Les couleurs médiévales: systèmes de valeurs et modes de sensibilité.” Figures et Couleurs, pp. 36. 49 Michel Pastoureau. “Figures et couleurs péjoratives en héraldique médiévale.” Figures et Couleurs, pp. 198. 50 Vinaver XIX/1/1121.

24 Lancelot and the white shield can be seen as irony. Though white may stand for purity or holiness, he is neither pure nor holy; he is denied the Grail. However, this in fact makes sense, because he bears the white shield as a disguise. Just as he is not holy enough for the Grail, neither is the white shield his real arms. The white shield, in other words, which he uses as a disguise, symbolizes the illusion of Lancelot’s purity. W hile he seemed the best knight in the world to many earthly observers such as the queen and king, that distinction, accorded by a higher spirit, was in fact reserved for his son, Galahad. Malory uses the tincture of white/argent to indicate goodness and purity, as well as to indicate a state of the unproven or tabula rasa – as can be seen in the cases of the Queen’s Knights and Galahad. In the case of Lancelot, the irony of a white shield lies in the fact that he is not really pure. One could interpret this use of irony as an indication of Malory’s mastery of heraldry; it should furthermore be noted that Lancelot is not an isolated incident, as shall be seen later. To conclude here, however, let it simply be said that white/argent is not used in a random sense in Le Morte d’Arthur and its uses reflect its anthropological meaning of pure and untinted, as well as untainted.

Red/Gules

In an anthropological sense, red/gules is associated merely with the notion of ‘tinted.’ Knights who bear red shields in Le Morte d’Arthur, however, more often veer towards nastiness than neutrality. The reason for this deviation from the anthropological meaning may lie in the fact that red in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries was the colour of felonious knights. Malory drew primarily from sources of this time, so it may not be surprising that he has retained red as the colour of evil rather than transitioning to black, as was generally the case in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Thus red as a symbolic colour in Le Morte d’Arthur is more associated with the “teint et impure” than it is simply with “teint.” Several examples reflect this .

In two interesting cases, Lamorak de Galles bears a red shield and Brun sans Pitié sports a shield with a case of red over it. W hile Lamorak de Galles is not traditionally felonious, in Le Morte d’Arthur his behaviour as the rampaging is certainly questionable. Brun sans Pitié is not a wonderful example of chivalry.51 So the fact that they are both associated at some point with the colour red is quite telling. As Pastoureau says, red can “play the role of the evil colour, the colour of sin, of hell, of paganism, or of death.”52 Perhaps these connotations are overly strong in the context of Brun sans Pitié, but in any case Sir Epinogrus links Brun’s reputation as a scoundrel and the colour red:

‘Whother ar ye away?’ sayde sir Trystram. ‘My fayre lordis,’ seyde sir Epynogrys, ‘I folow the falsiste knyght that beryth the lyeff, wherefore I requyre you tell me whethyr ye sye hym, for he beryth a shylde with a case of rede over hit.’53

Epinogrus’s verbal condemnation of Brun sans Pitié as “the falsest knight that beareth the life” is paralleled in the colour of Brun’s shield. The W elsh treatise Llyfr Dysgread Arfau restricts the bearing of red to princes (an exhortation often disregarded), but more

51 He is renowned for killing maidens. 52 Pastoureau. “Figures et couleurs péjoratives en héraldique médiévale.” Figures et Couleurs, pp. 198. 53 Vinaver X/65/721.

25 relevantly to Brun sans Pitié, says that red “represents cruelty.”54 As a representation of impurity, feloniousness, and cruelty, the red shield underscores Brun’s character. In another episode involving a red shield and anonymous knight, Lamorak de Galles (his identity is as yet unknown to spectators in the book) is watched by and Palomides as he takes on five knights at a castle. They all ride out to joust with him one at a time and he defeats each and every one:

And stoode the lordis and the ladyes on the castell wallys, cryynge and seynge: ‘Knyght with the rede, ye have mervaylously well done as ever we sawe knyght do.’ And therewith come a knyght oute of the castell unarmed, and seyde, ‘Knyght with the rede shylde, overmuche damage have ye done this same day! And therefore returne wother ye woll, for here ar no mo that woll have ado with the, for we repente sore that ever ye cam here, for by the is fordone all the olde customes of this castell.’ And with that worde he turned agayne into the castell, and shett the yatys. Than the knyght wyth the rede shylde turned and called his squyers, and so paste forth on his way and rode a grete pace.55

It is clear from the knight of the castle’s speech that Lamorak de Galles is no longer welcome because of the damage that he has done. Furthermore, the knight expresses regret that anyone in the castle had anything to do with Lamorak. Because his name is unknown, he is simply dubbed “the knight with the red shield.” In this case, red reflects the fact that he, seen through the eyes of the castle inhabitants, is associated with evil (for he is anonymous and remains so, and is somewhat rude in his challenges) and death (though he does not kill anyone, he unhorses all his opponents in a very painful manner). In these two examples of red shields and the knights who bear them, the association of red is clearly that of impurity, as the anthropological meaning of red suggests; furthermore, their actions fit well with the more specifically medieval interpretation of red, that is, evil and sin.

Black/Sable

Black is the tincture that is “teint et impure.” In a more general and less anthropological sense, black, like red, may also indicate evil, sin, death, etc. However, black shields seem to be less frequently used in this sense than red shields. Tristram, who is not evil, often bears a black shield as a disguise; the many instances in which he does so can be found in Appendix I. A reason for felonious knights’ use of red shields rather than black shields has been discussed above. In fact, black shields in Le Morte d’Arthur appear to take on the anthropological meaning of red, namely simply “teint” without any indications of purity or impurity. An exception lies in shields of two tinctures, where sable is often combined with argent to produce a message. Nevertheless, one may conclude that sable alone does not evoke anything particularly symbolic.

54 Quoted in Dennys 47. 55 Vinaver X/18/600.

26 Symbolic tinctures – symbolic charges?

If colours can symbolize different qualities, then why not charges? Dennys addresses this point on the subject of bestiaries and fabulous creatures, saying: “the qualities and attributes of the real creatures gave the early heralds plenty of scope for an imaginative use of symbolism.”56 W hile the symbolic qualities of birds and animals were undoubtedly relevant in heraldry, there is rather less information about the ordinaries having any symbolic function. This section will examine the possibility of symbolic ordinaries, whose meanings are underscored by symbolic tinctures, with Palomides, Mordred, and Galahad as examples.

Pagan knights

The non-Christian knights of Le Morte d’Arthur are represented most obviously by Palomides. His brother Saphir also makes an appearance. Persant of Inde may possibly be a pagan knight as well, but there is no direct evidence of his belief system. W hile in manuscript illuminations pagan knights may bear shields of a strange shape (circular, heart-shaped) to indicate their non-Christian status, in Malory these knights seem to be associated with tinctures or combinations of tinctures that proclaim their pagan status. There are two main interests in Palomides’ shield. First, the charge. Indented can be interpreted as a shield divided per pile or per chevron. Per pile, like checky, his traditional arms, is a basic blazon. It consists merely of an ordinary. Palomides’ usual checky brings to mind a paradox, or perhaps a checkered character, a knight with both good and bad qualities. Per pile is perhaps even more direct in its message, with the field bisected by the indent, e.g. a good knight with a streak of impurity or evil. Some other possibilities are per fess indented or per chief indented.

Check y Per pile Per chevron Per fess indented Per chief indented

The tinctures bring us to our second point of interest. The tinctures associated with Palomides in Le Morte d’Arthur are also the tinctures ascribed to his shield by Arthurian tradition, namely sable and argent. That Malory has chosen, either coincidentally or fully consciously, to abide by this tradition allows the reader, by virtue of tincture, to make more inferences about the character of Palomides. In conjunction with the indented shield, the tinctures may serve to reinforce Palomides’ dual nature. If the indented shield is depicted with a sable field and argent indent, then a dark, questionable knight with a streak of goodness could be interpreted.57 Palomides is a Muslim, certainly a point against him in the Christian world of Le Morte d’Arthur, yet he is routinely acknowledged as one of the best knights.58 Thus the indented ordinary itself, as

56 Dennys 49. 57 This analysis is purely speculative. 58 “Than kynge Marke asked sir Gaherys what tydynges there was within the realme of Logrys. ‘Sir,’ seyde sir Gaherys, ‘the kynge regnys as a noble knyght, and now but late there was a grete justis and turnemente that ever y saw within thys reallme of , and the most nobelyste knyghtes were at that justis. But

27 well as the more traditional checky, already hints at Palomides’ strengths as a knight and weaknesses as a non-Christian. Although Malory has foregone Palomides’ traditional coat of arms, he manages to preserve the “message” of that coat. The division per pale of Palomides’ shield in Le Morte d’Arthur can be interpreted as a subtle hint as to his character, with the tinctures further underscoring the charge. Seen in this light, one can say that Malory does indeed use ordinaries in a symbolic manner.

The case of Mordred

These observations regarding the tinctures of Palomides’ shield make Mordred’s shield worth our time too. Although in traditional Arthurian heraldry, he would bear a variation of the Orkney arms, namely purpure, a double-headed or, Malory has assigned Mordred completely new arms in Le Morte d’Arthur. Rather than his usual purple and gold, he bears a shield of argent and sable. These tinctures suggest – as with Palomides – a character with both good and bad qualities. However, because of his relatively small role in the story, at least until the final climax, it is difficult to observe Mordred’s double- sidedness and one finishes the book with the impression that he has been almost irredeemably evil in his act of both regicide and patricide. The good, “non-teint et pure” aspect does not, in other words, make a very visible appearance, but it can still be said that his tinctures are symbolic. There is one scene that suggests a good-natured temperament. Mordred is riding in the company of Uwain, Bran de Lis, Ozanna le Cure Hardy, the , and Agravaine. They come across King Mark. In the name of good sport with the king, Mordred lends his shield to Sir Dagonet. Mark, under the mistaken belief that Mordred’s shield is that of Lancelot, flees from Arthur’s jester. This scene is not only important because it demonstrates Mordred’s apparent good nature at joining in the fun, but also because the charges and tinctures of Mordred’s arms are made known.

‘A, Jesu!’ seyde kynge Marke, ‘myght ye knowe sir Launcelot by his shylde?’ ‘Ye,’ seyde sir Dynadan, 'for he beryth a shylde of sylver and blacke bendis.’ All this he seyde to feare kynge Marke, for sir Launcelot was nat in the felyshyp. … ‘A, fayre knyght,’ seyde kynge Marke, ‘lette me passe, for yondir commyth aftir me the beste knyght of the worlde, wyth the blacke beanded shylde.’59

It is again unfortunate that further details are omitted because the direction of the bends could say much about Mordred. Two possibilities for his shield’s appearance are given below.

there was one knyght that ded mervaylously three dayes, and he bare a blacke shylde, and on all the knyghtes that ever y saw he preved the beste knyght.’ ‘That was,’ seyde kynge Marke, ‘sir Lancelot, other ellis sir Palomydes the paynym’” (Vinaver IX/38/545). 59 Vinaver X/12/587-589.

28

Argent, two bends sable. Sable, three bends sinister argent.

As Malory does not give precise information regarding the actual number of bends, two and three bends have been used here. A bend sinister was often used to indicate bastardy. W hile Malory does not specify the direction of the bands on Mordred’s shield, it is possible that in giving him a shield with bends he has chosen to emphasize Mordred as a bastard. Although one would not expect his father Arthur to acknowledge him, similar tinctures in their arms could have suggested a connection. Yet Arthur’s traditional arms consist of a red or blue field charged with gold ; Malory does not include Arthur’s arms in Le Morte d’Arthur. Mordred’s sable and argent do not even hint at a link and Malory’s emphasis seems to be on Mordred’s duality and on his status as a bastard. Perhaps the argument for symbolic ordinaries is weakened here by the lack of distinction between bend and bend sinister. Nevertheless, Malory has left open the possibility for the latter. Given the subtlety with which he has made use of colour symbolism, one could allow him the benefit of the doubt in this case and conclude that he has indeed given Mordred a shield with symbolic ordinaries.

Galahad: “the whyght shylde with the rede crosse”

The symbolic nature of Galahad’s shield cannot go unnoticed, but because Malory describes Galahad’s traditional shield, the symbolism is less his own creation than it is simply a continuation of Arthurian tradition. As such, Galahad’s shield will be treated only cursorily here. Malory furnishes a lengthy explanation of the making of Galahad’s shield, saying that it was made by Joseph of Arimathea who painted the white field with his own blood. That Galahad was allowed to take this shield from the monastery suggests that he is without peer; the cross in the shield denotes most prominently his uncorruptedness. He is later allowed to achieve the quest of the , which is yet another an indication of his knightly and godly virtues. Perhaps Galahad, more so than Palomides or Mordred, offers the best indication that ordinaries are used for symbolic purposes in much the same way that a creature charge may be used symbolically.

Conclusion

Just as charges consisting of creatures may have symbolic purposes, so too can charges consisting of ordinaries. Palomides’ indented shield alludes to the conflicting nature of his religion with the fact that he is routinely thought of as one of the best knights in the world. Mordred’s shield of bends may hint at his bastard status. Finally, Galahad’s cross is in keeping with the view of him as the ultimate Christian knight. The division per pile, the bends (or bends sinister), and the cross are all ordinaries, yet they all make a statement about the knight who bears them on his shield. Their messages are

29 subtle, but effective. One may thus conclude that while ordinaries would seem to be overly simple, they can be used symbolically as well.

Breaking the laws of tincture and Malory’s unheraldic tincture vocabulary

A further discovery concerns the use of colours and metals in Malory’s descriptions of shields. The discussion above has already dealt with colours, metals and their proper uses, namely that colour-on-colour and metal-on-metal arms are considered to give a sense of the pejorative. Yet Malory describes a knight whose shield consists of a colour-on-colour charge and field:

And anon Sir Palomides saw Sir Persides, and then he sent a unto him and said, ‘Go thou to the yonder knight with the green shield and therein a lion of gules, and say him I require him to joust with me, and tell him that my name is Sir Palomides.’60

This incident – a shield of colour-on-colour – is an isolated one in Le Morte d’Arthur, so it does not definitively show that Malory was unfamiliar with heraldic norms; all his other descriptions, despite their vagueness, follow the general tincture guidelines. Moreover, as Dennys goes on to state, exceptions can and have been made for shields with colour-on- colour and metal-on-metal charges,61 so in fact vert, a lion gules may not be as extraordinary as it seemed initially. Pastoureau has identified several mechanisms by which medieval authors created a sense of the pejorative. Among them:

a) Emploi de figures ou de couleurs ordinairement (voire banalement) prises en mauvaise part par la symbolique médiévale.

b) Infraction aux règles propres du blazon (essentiellement la règle d’association des couleurs). …

e) Utilisation de champs birchomres (échiqueté, losangé) connotant rythmiquement quelquechose de sale ou de reux.62

As can be seen, breaking the rules of tincture can serve to attract “l’attention ou pour ‘fabriquer du sens’ péjoratif.”63 Unfortunately, Sir Persides does not occur in Pastoureau’s armorial and his appearances in Le Morte d’Arthur are minor, so it is impossible to determine why he should be given a pejorative shield. An explanation for his shield may be found in the heraldric norms of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. During this period, it was apparently not uncommon to find shields that featured colour-on-colour and metal-on-metal.64 Because many of Malory’s sources dated from these centuries, it is not implausible to think that Persides’ shield reflects the heraldic attitudes of that time rather than implying a sense of the pejorative.

60 Malory 433. 61 The shield of Jerusalem, argent, a cross or, is one such example. 62 Pastoureau, Michel. “Figures et couleurs péjoratives en héraldique médiévale.” Figures et Couleurs, pp. 206. 63 Ibid. 64 Conversation with Dr. Martine Meuwese, 16 August 2006.

30 In blazoning a shield, one must use the heraldic terms for tinctures. Doing so assures the audience of a complete understanding of the shield’s appearance. Although the language of blazon has given each tincture a specific name, Dennys points out two key variants in . “Or” may be blazoned as “gold,” and “argent” as “silver.”65 It may be of interest that Malory does not always abide by the terms of blazon. He frequently interchanges “” with or. Furthermore, he substitutes “white” for argent. W hile it is true that yellow and white are often used in paintings to depict or and argent, they are, of course, not quite the same. It remains to be seen why he did not consistently use the same word to indicate the same tincture. Another vocabulary difficulty comes in the forms of green and silver. In Le Morte d’Arthur, the French and heraldic word vert for green is never used;66 nor is argent for silver. The latter can perhaps be due to the tendency, as Dennys noted, for the English to blazon argent as silver in the later Middle Ages. Yet it does not explain Malory’s distinction between silver and white. To explain this discrepancy between the language of blazon and Malory’s own lexicon, further investigation may be needed in order to discover the influence of French on Middle English at the time. W hile it does not seem likely that the importance French had declined within the aristocracy,67 more specific evidence of the degree of influence of French within the vernacular of the English upper class could prove interesting. If this information were known, Malory’s choice to use the words green over vert could potentially shed light on his intended audience. It may also help explain his consistent use of the terms yellow and white rather than or and argent. Another aspect that further confounds the discussion of Malory’s heraldic knowledge is the fact that he claims to have adapted much of Le Morte d’Arthur from a French book. The names of tinctures would have appeared in French, corresponding with the proper blazon names in English. Is it therefore possible that Malory, in translating the language of the stories, also translated the language of blazon? Vinaver believes that Le Morte d’Arthur shows a decided deliberateness in how the author adapted the pre-existing material to suit his own purposes. One would hope that Malory also extended this care to the details of the stories. If so, the use of English terms would be intentional and aimed, perhaps, at bettering his audience’s understanding of the Arthurian stories. Another curious incident of diction occurs in a description of the shield belonging to the knight Priamus. It is said to contain “gryffons in sabyll and charbuckkle.”68 The Middle English Dictionary defines charbuckkle, along with variations such as carboncle, charbocle, and charbouncle, as “a precious stone, any of the gems called carbuncles.”69 Specifically speaking, it is a term for a convex, unfaceted garnet gemstone.70 In this case, then, the are sable and gules. W hile Malory actually

65 “Gold. Usually blazoned as ‘or’, but in English heraldry it is also often blazoned as ‘gold’. … Silver. Normally blazoned as ‘argent’, although several of the later medieval English rolls of arms use the term ‘silver’” (Dennys 46). 66 According to Dennys, green is “always blazoned as ‘vert,’ and in the later Middle Ages also as ‘emerald’ or ‘’” (47). There is no mention of green being blazoned as “green.” 67 “French had to be learned, however, if entry into the international court milieu of the fourteenth century was to be achieved and sustained. This was a fact of cultural life which long outlived the later Middle Ages.” Vale, Malcolm. The Princely Court. New York: Oxford UP, 2001, pp. 294. 68 Vinaver V/9/229. 69 Middle English Dictionary. ed. Hans Kurath. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959. Volume “C,” pp. 49-50. 70 An ‘escarbuncle’ is a heraldic charge that resembles a ship’s wheel. A carbuncle is, furthermore, in the words of the MED, “a malignant pustule,” but for obvious reasons I find the gemstone definition the most plausible. It seems unlikely that the shield would contain both a wheel and griffins. Additionally unfaceted

31 makes use of the heraldic term gules in other descriptions, he also uses the word red. This begs the question of why would he make the specification of charbuckkle. In this case, an explanation may be more straightforward than the dilemma of argent/silver and or/gold. A carbuncle is a deep-red garnet. Gules, on the other hand, could span a wide range of . Ironically, in favour of clarity and precision, Malory has abandoned the heraldic term; as Dennys writes, gules should mean “a clear unambiguous red,”71 where as deep red or carbuncle may verge on purple or , thereby rendering it dark and ambiguous. Another reason for Malory’s use of “charbuckle” may be linked to medieval lapidaries, that is, treatises on the properties of precious stones. They were common among authors of medieval treatises on heraldry, as Dennys has explained. The Peterborough Lapidary, an extensive and detailed medieval lapidary written in England, explains that carbuncle is “a precios stone, & he shine[th] as feyre whose schynyng is not ouercom by ny[gh]t. It shine[th] in derk places, & it seme[th] as it were a feyr… .”72 Perhaps Malory meant to link these qualities of carbuncle with Priamus’s knightly virtues: later in the story, Arthur makes Priamus the duke of Lorraine, an example to his countrymen. Although Malory’s use of English words rather than the French equivalents does not usually cause any confusion, his deviation from the standard nevertheless raises questions as to his competency in the realm of heraldry. Perhaps the best conclusion to draw is one of ambivalence: Malory’s heraldic terminology does not conform to the language of blazon, but he demonstrates enough to suggest more than merely haphazard knowledge. At least he was familiar with the terms or and argent, even if he did not always use them.

The colour of Inde

The “colour of Inde” appears in Le Morte d’Arthur in connection with heraldry.

‘Lo!’ seyde she, ‘syeste thou yonder pavylyon that is all the coloure of inde?’ And all manner of thing that there is aboute, men and women and horsis, trapped shyldis and sperys, was all of the coloure of inde. ‘And his name is sir Parsaunte of Inde, the most lordlyest knight that ever thou lokyd on.’73

The Middle English Dictionary defines the “colour of Inde” as indigo. King Bors at one point moves so swiftly that “his felyship semed as blak as inde,”74 but the MED points out that the phrase “blak as inde” merely means “as dark as indigo.” Indeed, Sir Persant’s arms are later said to be blue.75 It is difficult to say whether blue/indigo is used symbolically in the case of Persant. In the late Middle Ages, blue had become “une couleur christologique et mariale.”76 Heraldically, the colour can symbolize piety and sincerity.77 Pastoureau gems were the norm in the Middle Ages, as faceted gemstone cutting had not been discovered at the time, so from this perspective the association makes sense. 71 Dennys 46. 72 Joan Evans and Mary Serjeantson. English Medieval Lapidaries. London: Early English Text Society, 1960, pp.82. 73 Vinaver VII/11/311. 74 Vinaver I/15/31. 75 “And the Grene Knyghtes name was sir Partholype, and the Rede Knyghtes name was sir Perymones, and the Blew Knyghtes name was sir Persaunte of Inde” (Vinaver VII/23/336). 76 Michel Pastoureau. Une histoire symbolique du Moyen-Age occidental. Paris: Editions du Seuil, 2004, pp. 131.

32 describes dyed with indigo: “les robes paonacées (bleu foncé profound), teintes avec un extrait d’indigo particulièrement coûteux.”78 In this example, blue, particularly indigo, suggests wealth. The description of Persant as “the most lordliest knight” could point to his riches as well as his deeds. However, Persant’s small role in the story presents difficulties in determining whether or not his arms are meant to symbolize piety or sincerity or a devotion to the Virgin. Perhaps Persant’s arms are indigo simply because he comes from Inde. W e could then say that he bears canting arms. There is the additional problem of equating blue with indigo. Dennys quotes a herald who says that blue should not be too dark because it is meant to represent the sky.79 From this specification, one could argue that indigo, the “colour of Inde,” does not fall on the heraldic tincture spectrum and that Malory has deviated yet again from heraldic norms. Generally speaking, however, in terms of Malory using a heraldic vocabulary, the “colour of Inde” is less of a sticking point than his omission of the proper terms for tinctures. Given its use as a simile it could be considered a stock phrase. Despite the fact that indigo might not be considered heraldic blue, I do not think that Malory’s description of Persant’s arms as “the colour of Inde” indicates that he did not know the names of tinctures, rather it shows a kind of poetic or heraldic license. If he intended Persant’s indigo arms as canting arms, then perhaps his heraldic punning ability can offset some of his confusion regarding indigo and blue. In short, given the debate between argent/silver and or/gold/yellow as well as the dilemma of “the colour of Inde,” Malory can be said to have a decent knowledge of heraldry even if he does not choose to demonstrate it very regularly.

The Browne Knyght wythoute Pyté

The Knight appears in Sir Gareth’s quest. W hen Gareth approaches the Brown Knight’s castle, a page comes out to tell him that “here is a knight that waytyth dayly upon this castell, and he is callyd the Browne Knyght wythoute Pyté, and he is the perelust knight that now lyvyth.”80 The Brown Knight, given his nickname “wythoute Pyté,” can probably be identified as Brun, or Brunor, sans Pitié. The MED defines brown as “1. (a) Dark, dull; … (b) cheerless, frowning, gloomy; (c) with names of colors: dark, deep; ?also, mixed with brown, brownish… . 2. (a) Of a brown color, brown; … (e) ?of a purple color, ?brownish purple. 5. Of steel, weapons, armor, glass, etc.: shining, polished, bright.”81 All these definitions could make sense in relation to Brun sans Pitié. For our purposes, we will use the second definition of brown as simply a “brown color.” Throughout Le Morte d’Arthur, Brun does not come across as a cheerless or gloomy person – rather as one who delights in mischief-making. His armour could very well be shining or polished, but, for the purposes of this thesis, this possibility is distinctly less interesting than the use of brown for symbolic purposes. Pastoureau notes a link between brown and the unholy:

Satan et son bestiaire ont des rapports privilégiés avec la gamme des tons sombres; ce sont des créatures appartenant au monde des ténèbres et leurs couleurs doivent l’exprimer. D’où tous ces diables sombres de

77 Dennys 47. 78 Michel Pastoureau. Couleurs, Images, Symboles. Paris: Le Léopard d’Or, 1989, pp. 34. 79 Quoted in Dennys 47. 80 Vinaver VII/33/355. 81 Middle English Dictionary. Vol. “B,” pp. 1206-07.

33 l’imagerie médiévale, non pas tant noirs que bruns, gris, bleus foncés, verts foncés.82

Canting, or punning, arms refer to the bearer’s name. Brun sans Pitié bears an arms tincture that makes his identity explicit. Brown may be used symbolically to indicate Brun sans Pitié as a member of the Devil’s , as his arms are the same colour as demons in bestiaries.83 The MED’s link between purple and brown is also relevant; as Dennys has stated, purple and red were often equated in the early Middle Ages, so one could draw a link between brown and red. Red in Le Morte d’Arthur is, of course, the primary colour of felonious knights and Brun sans Pitié is one of the foremost felonious knights. Obviously, Malory has given Brun very conspicuous arms, for brown does not feature among the traditional heraldic tinctures. So we find ourselves in a double bind: Malory appears to demonstrate familiarity with the heraldic practice of canting arms, yet in assigning such arms to Brun sans Pitié he has stepped away from the rules of heraldry. W hat to make of Malory then? As we have postulated heretofore that he possessed an adequate, but not remarkable, knowledge of heraldry, what does the case of Brun sans Pitié suggest to us? It could be said to exemplify the ambiguity surrounding Malory and heraldry: he is obviously familiar with some aspects of the science, but concurrently shows some deficiencies. On the other hand, he may have been fully aware of the fact that heraldic tinctures do not include brown but chosen to subordinate heraldry to make the story more effective and the knight more memorable. After all, who would easily forget a brown-clad knight? Brun sans Pitié in this incarnation could be mistaken for no one else. Malory’s apparent misstep in labelling the Brown Knight as such, however, may not be as severe as it seems. In his chapter on colour, Dennys explains that “[b]y the fifteenth century we find… some extremely rare and curious colours such as cendree or ash, and brunatre or brown.”84 The colour of the Brown Knight’s arms might not number among the “principal tinctures,” but neither is it completely foreign. Yet again, the question of Malory’s audience comes back into play. To what degree were they familiar with brown as a heraldic colour? W ould they have cried askance at the Brown Knight or suspended their belief and appreciated the cleverness of the canting arms? W ould they have evinced a similar appreciation or derision of the same way that Malory’s liberties with Mordred’s arms – assuming bends sinister – would have made a sly statement about his bastardy and the tinctures alluding to his duplicity?

Conclusion

Malory’s deviation from the traditional heraldic vocabulary of tinctures seems at first a red flag. Particularly when faced with Persides’ colour-on-colour shield and the brown arms of Brun sans Pitié, one is tempted to assume that he must have had at best a spotty knowledge of heraldry. His consistent failure to truly blazon any shield does not necessarily mean that he did not know how; this omission could be due to the overly technical nature of blazon that is inconsistent with the flow of the story.

82 Pastoureau, Couleurs, Images, Symboles, pp. 96. Could Persant of Inde’s indigo arms (dark blue) be indicative of unholiness? 83 Brown is also associated with monks and modesty. Pastoureau says that Saint Louis wore grey, brown, and black as a sign of modesty after returning from crusade in 1254. Pastoureau, Une histoire symbolique du Moyen-Age occidental, pp. 156. 84 Dennys 46.

34 The situations of both Mordred and Brun sans Pitié strongly suggest that Malory possessed at least basic heraldic knowledge. The way in which he chose to present these two characters – Mordred’s arms deviating from established tradition and Brun sans Pitié with a rare colour on the heraldic spectrum – suggests that he may in fact have been so well-acquainted with heraldic tenets that he could exploit and bend the rules to make pointed allusions with coats of arms. Furthermore, if one accepts that Malory intended the arms of both Persant and Brun sans Pitié as canting arms, then it seems even more likely that he was well-versed in heraldry.

Conclusion

Through an analysis of tinctures and language, this chapter has attempted to discern the level of Sir Thomas Malory’s knowledge of heraldry. Although he often appears inconsistent or ignorant, as in his lack of specific detail when it comes to arms, there are also numerous incidents in which he may be said to show sensitivity and awareness of various heraldic elements, particularly of their symbolic properties. His use of symbolic tinctures and ordinaries are examples of such instances. In the very least, Malory possessed knowledge of essential heraldry and he used it to the best of his advantage.

35 Chapter IV: The particularities of knights and their shields

Overview

Like Chapter III, Chapter IV concerns itself with Malory’s knowledge of heraldry. It is analyzed in relation to the heraldic information in his descriptions of selected shields. Using this same information, attempts to determine his audience’s level of knowledge are also made possible. However, in contrast to Chapter III, this chapter is concerned with more specific shields, whose charges and bearers allow for more in-depth investigation than merely tincture and terminology. W e begin with an analysis of all the shield-bearing knights in Le Morte d’Arthur. Then we move on to the shields of Morgan le Fay, Le Chevalier Mal Fait, and La Cote Mal Tayle. The discussion of the arms (or lack thereof in Le Morte d’Arthur) of the Orkney knights Gawain, , , Gareth, and Mordred will try to shed some light on the discrepancy between these knights’ traditional shields and Malory’s version. Then the mystery of Malory’s “shields of Cornwall” will be addressed in an attempt to deduce what these shields may have looked like and why they were chosen as disguises. Malory’s turn of speech “a fair shield and rich” is analyzed here as well. Lastly, scrutiny falls on the Roman shields as described in Arthur’s battle against the Roman Empire.

A knight’s fame and his shield

As has been discussed already, the great number of fifteenth-century manuscripts indicates the popularity of stories surrounding Arthur and his court; thus one can assume that the deeds and names of the knights of the Round Table were not unknown. One could even go further and hypothesize that just as the names of knights were commonly known, so too were their blazons. In an attempt to verify this hypothesis, here follows a table with the knights whose names appear in the book. They have been separated into two categories and then put in alphabetic order: those who bear shields with a tincture or charge or both, and those who bear shields whose tinctures and charges are left unspecified. Unknown knights/anonymous knights have been omitted.

Knights whose shields have at least a Knights whose shields have no tincture tincture OR charge OR both (not incl. OR charge OR neither (not incl. disguises) disguises)

Abellus Agravaine Ban Alyduke (kinsman of Lancelot) Arthur Bliant Balan Brown Knight Balin Bryan of North W ales Blioberis Epinogrus Bran de Lis Galahad Brian de Listenois Green Knight Dinadan Helior Ector de Maris King of W ales Gaheris Le Chevalier Mal Fait Galehaut

36 La Cote Mal Tayle Gareth Lamorak de Galles Kay Lavaine Lancelot Marhaus Lionel Mordred Ozanna le Cure Hardy Morgan le Fay’s shield given to Tristram Torre Palomides Tristram (not incl. Morgan le Fay’s shield) Persant of Inde Uwain Persides Uwain les Aventures Priamus Red Knight

24 total 22 total

From this table one can see that the shields of the greatest knights in Arthurian legend as a whole – not necessarily in Le Morte d’Arthur – have been left unspecified. Arthur, Tristram, and Lancelot as well as Uwain and several of the Orkney brothers proceed through the story without any mention of their proper shields. On the other end of the spectrum, Malory introduces us to knights such as Priamus, Epinogrus, and Bryan of North W ales, none of whom were present in any of the armorials that feature in Pastoureau’s compilation. In Le Morte d’Arthur, these knights do not feature prominently and are mentioned only in passing. I put forth here the theory that the greater a knight’s fame in Arthurian tradition, the less likely his shield is to be specified in Le Morte d’Arthur. Perhaps one explanation for the inverse relation lies in the relationship between arms and knighthood. As we have discussed previously, a coat of arms indicated the bearer’s status as a knight. Arthur, Lancelot and Tristram, as some of the greatest Arthurian heroes, need practically no introduction: their deeds speak for themselves, and if an audience is already familiar, however vaguely, with Arthurian literature, these three will be almost instantly recognizable be it by name, shield or deed. On the other hand, men such as Epinogrus and Priamus, both quite minor characters, may have needed some legitimization as knights. The fact that they do not seem to exist in the French sources (otherwise one would expect to find them in Pastoureau’s study) might suggest that Malory invented them or drew them from lesser-known sources. A coat of arms, however, gives them legitimacy as knights, because only knights bear coats of arms. W here their deeds and names cannot distinguish them, a coat of arms does. The argument of legitimization cannot, of course, be applied to characters such as Palomides or Galahad. In their cases I would say that their shields are central to the story itself (though Palomides’ shield serves more to underscore his character traits than to advance the plot). The importance of shields in furthering the plot can also be seen in the shields made by Morgan le Fay, La Cote Mal Tayle and Lancelot as Le Chevalier Mal Fait.

The story shields

My term “story shields” is used here to describe the coats that contain a charge that in turn appears to tell a story. They also have in common the fact that they are not

37 shields borne hereditarily and neither will they be passed on to the descendents of those knights. As such they are not true heraldry. These shields are not used in the traditional ways outlined by Keen and W agner. However, they are certainly notable for their charges, which despite their lack of blazon are described very precisely. For this reason, it seems useful to undertake a more detailed examination of their roles in the story. There are three so-called “story shields” in Le Morte d’Arthur that will all be analysed here: the shield made by Morgan le Fay and given to Tristram; the shield made by Lancelot during his time as Le Chevalier Mal Fait; and the black shield of La Cote Mal Tayle.

Morgan le Fay and Tristram

In the first instance of a story shield in Le Morte d’Arthur, Morgan le Fay fashions a shield and asks Sir Tristram to bear it at a tournament where Queen Guenever and King Arthur will be present.

‘Madame,’ seyde sir Trystram, ‘let me se the shylde that I shall bear.’ Than the shylde was brought forth, and the fylde was gouldes with a kynge and a quene therein paynted, and a knyght stondynge aboven them with hys one foote standynge uppon the kynges hede and the othir uppon the quenys hede. ‘Madame,’ seyde sir Trystram, ‘thys is a fayre shylde and a myghty, but what signyfyeth this kynge and this quene and that knyght stondynge uppon bothe their hedis?’ Morgan gives Tristram the shield. ‘I shall tell you,’ seyde Morgan le Fay. ‘Hit signyfieth Paris, BNF, Richelieu Mss. kynge Arthure and quene Gwenyver, and a knyght that Français 97, f. 215v. holdith them bothe in bondage and in servage.’85

At the tournament where Tristram takes this shield, its charge is unusual enough that King Arthur comments on it. Interestingly, although the shield will not be used in a hereditary manner, it is nevertheless invoked to distinguish Tristram from the other knights. In this sense one could think of it as a primitive form of heraldry, similar to the shields of the Bayeux Tapestry, which distinguish knights from each other but do not identify them. Unlike the shields of proto-heraldry, Morgan’s shield contains a charge that expresses a message and the people for whom it is intended should, in theory, be able to “read” it. It is not, however, a charge that would be likely to occur in any other situation, unlike a lion or dragon, for instance. Rather, Morgan has created it specifically for the purpose of informing Arthur about Guenever and Lancelot’s love affair. This shield may be an allusion to the “garden scene” of Tristram, Isolde, and King . The lovers Tristram and Isolde, Mark’s wife, have planned a rendez-vous at night in the garden. King Mark has discovered their plans and concealed himself in a tree in order to spy on them. Given the well-known configuration of the characters in this illumination, it is particularly interesting that Morgan should choose Tristram to bear her shield to court. On the surface, it would appear to have nothing to do with Tristram himself, yet the arrangement of the figures was no doubt familiar to

85 Vinaver IX/41/554.

38 medieval audiences. Although Morgan makes it explicit that the shield signifies Arthur and Guenever, it can also be interpreted as a reflection of Tristram’s own situation. He does not appear to question Morgan’s explanation and at the tournament, the shield is understood exclusively as a reference to Arthur, Guenever, and Lancelot. The shield may have more significance to Malory’s audience than anyone within the story, but nevertheless it makes a statement about its bearer even as it delivers a more obvious message to the books’ king and queen. It is worthwhile to note that Morgan’s shield does Mark spies on Tristram and Isolde. Paris, BNF, not occur uniquely in Malory, so we are talking perhaps Richelieu Mss. Français 97, less of heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur and more generally of f. 279. the topic of heraldry in Arthurian literature. However, even if this is the case, Malory’s audience was probably at least vaguely familiar with this shield and it is important enough to the story that he did not omit it. It is important to remember that if one knows how to “read” its charge, then one can gain insight into the relationship between Lancelot, Arthur, and Guenever. This shield both advances the story of Le Morte d’Arthur and tells its own story at the same time; its message here is more valuable than that of a shield containing only true heraldry. The shield made by Morgan le Fay is thus, in short, an excellent example of a story shield.

Le Chevalier Mal Fait

Lancelot as Le Chevalier Mal Fait bears a shield different from his regular arms. It is “a shylde all of sable, and a quene crowned in the myddis of sylver, and a knyght clene armed knelynge afore her. And every day onys, for ony myrthis that all the ladyes myght make hym, he wolde onys every day loke towarde the realme of Logrys, where kynge Arthure and quene Gwenyver was, and than wolde he falle uppon a wepyng as hys harte shulde to-braste.”86 The intended audience of this shield is not clear, nor is it evident whether or not Lancelot uses the shield as a kind of mnemonic device to remind him of his love for Guenever despite the merriness of the ladies around him. It should furthermore be noted Lancelot is at this time living with , the daughter of King Pelles. Because he does not venture forth from the castle where he and Elaine are ensconced, it is unlikely that anyone else would see this shield except people at their court. The shield’s heraldic purpose of identification, a main use of shields in Le Morte d’Arthur, could be The shield of Le Chevalier Mal Fait hangs from the tree in the considered therefore null and void in this situation. However, background. Manchester, John upon closer inspection, it is still possible to say that while no one Rylands University Library, Ryl. else identifies Lancelot with this new shield, he identifies his alter Fr. 1, f. 179. ego with it. Lancelot as himself would have had his usual argent, three bends gules. Le Chevalier Mal Fait, his alter ego, is firmly bound up with this new shield. W hile he bears the shield with the queen, he is Le Chevalier Mal Fait. Until he

86 Vinaver XII/6/827.

39 relinquishes it, he cannot return to his usual self. The shield, like a , represents his actual self, and whichever shield he chooses to bear at that moment he takes on the persona associated with it. Like the shield made by Morgan le Fay, the shield of Le Chevalier Mal Fait contains a message that is not heraldic. It does not make any allusions to Lancelot’s lineage and his son Galahad will not inherit it. Yet it communicates a clear message, that of Lancelot’s devotion and service to Guenever. As such, it can be said to tell a kind of story and for this reason it can be considered a story shield.

La Cote Mal Tayle

The shield borne by La Cote Mal Tayle differs from those of Morgan and Le Chevalier Mal Fait on several counts. Firstly, La Cote Mal Tayle does not engineer it himself and it is not intended specifically for him; rather, a damsel brings it to court and offers the adventure to any knight who will take it. Secondly, the charge constitutes no explicit message. The shield comes as an exhortation from a dead knight to continue his quest, but in itself the hand and the sword do not explicitly signify anything, unlike the shields made by Morgan le Fay and Le Chevalier Mal Fait. Nevertheless, the unusual charge and provenance still allow this shield to be considered a “story shield.” The fact that its charge is central to the story of La Cote Mal Tayle also puts the shield in that category. As in the case of the other story shields, we must ask ourselves what message the shield of La Cote Mal Tayle intends to communicate. It seems to be that this shield’s charge is perhaps secondary to the shield’s being carried by someone who means to fulfil the dead knight’s quest. In other words, the bearing of the shield itself constitutes the message that the quest will be fulfilled. The charge contains the shield’s secondary and subordinate meaning. The hand grasping the sword suggests, among other things, strength, determination, and prowess in battle. The hand holds the sword in a firm grip, hinting at an unwillingness to relinquish the quest, that is, it symbolizes that the quest will eventually be completed. A last interpretation of the shield’s message may lie in its tinctures. In some manuscript illuminations, this shield is green. In Malory, however, the field is black. This change may be significant in that it may be intended to demonstrate the goodness of the white hand and sword prevailing against the darkness and evil of the sable background, that is, the triumph of the shield’s bearer over nastier elements. In sum, the shield of La Cote Mal Tayle, while less obviously a “story shield” than the two discussed A strange pictorial coincidence : Girflet throws Excalibur back into previously, shows itself to nevertheless fit into this the lake. King Arthur is in the category upon closer scrutiny. Its message lies in the foreground. London, BL, Add. fact that it is being carried again, suggesting the 1c0o2n94ti,n f.u 9a4t.i o n and eventual success in the quest that accompanies it. Secondly, the charge itself indicates the tenacity and eventual fulfilment of the quest. Lastly, Malory’s tincture change also gives the shield another meaning, namely the triumph of good. All these aspects allude to the success of the continued quest and thus together they allow the shield to fit into the category of “story shield.”

40 Conclusion

In conclusion, this section has shown that the story shields all contain messages. As a means of communication, these shields can be said to have had various degrees of success, with Morgan’s the most successful and that of La Cote Mal Tayle the most obscure. This context of a shield as communication is important. W hile initially it may seem that the story shields, not being proper heraldry, have no place in a discussion of the subject in Le Morte d’Arthur, the opposite is true. Besides telling their own stories, the story shields also advance the plot. Morgan’s shield lays bare Guenever’s infidelity to Lancelot. The shield of Le Chevalier Mal Fait hints at his return to the queen. Lastly, the shield of La Cote Mal Tayle sends that knight on his quest. Although the story shields do not contain traditional charges, the very fact that they are used to communicate a message – be it infidelity, lovesickness, identity, or lineage – makes it possible to consider them in a heraldic sense.

The case of the Orkney knights

The knights of Orkney comprise ’s sons: Gawain, Agravain, Gaheris, and Gareth, while Mordred, the youngest, is a bastard and half-brother. Thirteenth- century French romances, in their depictions of the Orkney arms, show the family relationship between the brothers. The younger brothers difference their shields after Gawain, the eldest. This tradition of differenced shields among the Orkney brothers continues in the fourteenth century, though by then they have come to bear different colours and charges than their thirteenth-century counterparts.

Left: Gawain bears purpure, a double-headed eagle or. Paris, BNF, Richelieu Mss. Français 115, f. 361v.

Right: Gaheris bears purpure, a double-headed eagle or, a fess vert. Agravaine bears purpure, a double-headed eagle or, a bend gules. Français 112 (1), f. 48.

41 Left: Gareth bears purpure, a double-headed e a gle or, a argent. Franç ais 115, f. 428.

Right: Mordred bears p u r pure, a double -headed eagle or, a c hief argent. Français 115, f. 519v.

Despite Mordred’s status as a bastard and half-brother, he bears the double-headed eagle along with full brothers Gawain and Gareth. The implications of Mordred’s traditional blazon are beyond the scope of this paper. The arms given to him by Malory were analyzed in Chapter III. Alas, information concerning his brothers’ shields is lacking. At a tournament, Gareth appears in disguise: he has been given a that changes the colour of his arms and armour, a phenomenon that is not very useful in a discussion of heraldry (as heraldry should be consistent!). Gareth also wears yellow as a disguise; later in the company of Tristram at the tournament of Lonezep, he wears green. Malory does not specify Gareth’s true arms nor the arms of Gawain, Agravain or Gaheris. Those three’s lack may perhaps be due to the fact that they make only minor appearances throughout. W ith Mordred’s arms, however, Malory may have been making a heraldic statement about Mordred’s parentage. In his portrayal of the coats of arms of the Orkney knights, Malory foregoes all traditions concerning colour, charges, and differencing. No similarities can be found between the Orkney shields described by Malory and the ones catalogued by Pastoureau; and Mordred’s arms appear to have been invented by Malory or else based on an obscure source that is not known today. I would not say, however, that the lack of correlation between Pastoureau’s sources and Malory indicates that Malory’s knowledge of heraldry was deficient. This could be the case. On the other hand, the possibility remains that he could have been unfamiliar with the traditions of Arthurian heraldry while maintaining a fair knowledge of general heraldry. This point will be discussed further below, in the case of the heraldically vague “shields of Cornwall.”

The mystery of “the shields of Cornwall”

The ambiguity surrounding the debate of Malory’s familiarity with contemporary heraldry is furthered by his use of the phrase “shield of the arms of Cornwall” or “shield of Cornwall,” borne by Tristram and by Lancelot as a disguise. The Arthurian Encyclopedia gives examples of the shields of the Orkney knights, Gawain, Agravain, Gaheris, and Gareth. In later Arthurian heraldic traditions, these shields are clearly related (see figure above). One wonders thus whether the shields of the Orkney knights may have become associated or perhaps even equated with the idea of “shields of Orkney,” which would hypothetically feature similar tinctures and charges. Though Malory never makes clear the tinctures and charges of a “shield of Cornwall,” the terminology suggests a strong likelihood that shields of Cornish knights display some commonalities or particularities that are found only in that region. The Cornish shield first appears as borne by Tristram in an encounter with Sir Dinadan:

42

‘Fy for shame!’ seyde sir Trystram, ‘do but youre parte!’ ‘Nay,’ seyde sir Dynadan, ‘I woll not thereoff but iff ye woll lende me your shylde. For ye bere a shylde of Cornwayle, and for the cowardyse that ys named to the knyghtes of Cornwayle by youre shyldys ye bene ever forborne.’87

King Mark, the ruler of Cornwall, is famous for his cowardice.88 Dinadan’s accusation raises a multitude of questions. Does Tristram bear the same shield as Mark, his uncle, thus prompting Dinadan to charge him and all other Cornish knights of cowardice? Have the shields been differenced? W hat makes them so identifiable as shields from Cornwall?

Charges and tinctures of shields of Cornwall

Although Malory states that Tristram and Lancelot, as well as others of Lancelot’s entourage, at one point bear shields of Cornwall, he gives absolutely no further indication of how a shield of Cornwall might look. Tinctures and charges rate no mention at all and the modern reader is left wondering whether Malory’s medieval contemporaries perhaps possessed a better understanding of shields from Cornwall. Despite the lack of information concerning Cornish shields, it is still noteworthy that Malory links Cornish knights by their coats of arms, as Dinadan did when he met Tristram. Sir Dinadin’s accusation suggests that the shields of Cornish knights, who are not necessarily related, bear similar charges or tinctures whose provenance can be identified immediately. As has been seen above, Dinadan accuses Tristram of cowardice based on his Cornish shield, but ironically Tristram proves his worthiness as a knight and inverts the link between Cornwall and cowardice:

But anone as sir Launcelot harde of the shylde of Cornwayle, he wyste well hit was sir Trystram that had fought with hys enemyes, and than sir Launcelot praysed sir Trystram and called hym the man of moste worshyp in the worlde.89

Later when Lancelot uses a Cornish shield as a disguise, he defeats everyone, thereby distinguishing himself at a tournament. Nevertheless, because Dinadan refuses to joust with Tristram based on the cowardice that he believes is communicated by the latter’s Cornish shield, we can assume that some specific aspect of Tristram’s shield must have informed Dinadan that Tristam comes from Cornwall. The phrase “a shield of the arms of Cornwall” is of interest here. Malory distinguishes it from “a shield of Cornwall.” “The arms of Cornwall” imply a royal or ducal coat because of its connotations of singularity: the sole arms of Cornwall, rather than merely Cornish arms or arms with colours and charges (as well as, perhaps, being

87 Vinaver IX/23/505. 88 “So all thes knyghtes rode to a woodis side and abode tyll kynge Marke cam by the way. Than they put forth sir Dagonet, and he cam on all the whyle his horse might renne upon kynge Marke. And whan he cam nye to kynge Marke he cryed as he were woode, and sayde, ‘Kepe the, knight of Cornwayle, for I woll sle the!’ And anone as kynge Marke behylde his shylde, he seyde to himself, ‘Yondyr is sir Lancelot. Alas, now am I destroyed!’ And therewithal he made his horse to ren and fledde as faste as he might thorow thycke and thorow thynne” (Vinaver X/12/588). 89 Vinaver IX/25/509.

43 differenced) unique to Cornwall. Alternatively, one could interpret “the arms of Cornwall” to mean the coat of arms of the ruler of Cornwall. “A shield of Cornwall” could also indicate as much, yet could also be applied to non-royal shields with Cornish features. W ith the scenario of royal arms in mind, there is a possibility that Tristram or Lancelot have borrowed King Mark’s shield. Yet such an occurrence seems implausible, particularly in the case of Lancelot. At the tournament where Tristram meets Lancelot, who is disguised with a Cornish shield, he praises him effusively much in the vein that Lancelot had formerly praised him:

And there com in sir Launcelot de Lake with a shylde of the armys of Cornwayle, and he sente a squyer unto sir Bryaunte and requyred hym to juste with hym. … And there sir Launcelot smote downe sir Bryaunte frome hys horse a grete falle. And than sir Trystram mervayled what knyght he was that the shylde of Cornwayle. ‘Sir, whatsoever he be,’ seyde sir Dyandan, ‘I warraunte he ys of kyng Bannys blode, whych bene knyghtes of the nobelyst proues in the worlde, for to accompte so many for so many.’ … ‘By the good Lorde,’ seyde sir Trystram, ‘he ys a good knyght that beryth the shylde of Cornwayle, and mesemyth he rydith on the best maner that ever I saw knyght ryde.’90

If Lancelot had borrowed Mark’s royal arms, Tristram would surely have recognized his uncle’s coat. Instead he refers to Lancelot only as “a good knight that beareth the shield of Cornwall.” One is also not inclined to believe that Tristram would describe Mark as “a good knight” given Mark’s propensity to cowardice. Tristram had fought for his uncle against the Irish king’s demand for the truage of Cornwall. So such praise for Mark’s knightly skills on Tristram’s part is further unlikely if Mark himself could not muster the skills to fight for his own kingdom. Because of these developments, it seems implausible that the idea of a “shield of Cornwall” is actually any different from “the arms of Cornwall.” In all probability, neither reference is intended to refer to the coat of arms of the or King Mark’s arms and the description is merely meant for variation.

Blazoning the shields of Cornwall

The appearance of a so-called “shield of Cornwall” has not yet been clarified, with no thanks to Malory. W e therefore turn to Michel Pastoureau for help in this dilemma of “shields of Cornwall.” His compilation of Arthurian arms provides some insight regarding tinctures and charges that may have featured in Cornish arms:

90 Vinaver IX/28/516-517.

44 Mark of Cornwall: argent. Mark’s son Meraugis de Port-les-Guez: argent a gules.

Meliadus: vert. Tristram: vert, a lion or. Alixandre l’Orphelin: vert, a lion argent. Français 112 (1), f. 73 Français 112 (1), f. 206v

Meliadus and Mark were brothers, yet their shields, vert and argent respectively, bear no relationship but for the omission of charges. No blazon has been recorded for their brother Pervehan, but Pervehan’s son Alixandre l’Orphelin bears vert, a lion argent – similar to his cousin Tristram, Meliadus’s son, who carries vert, a lion or. According to Pastoureau, one can interpret the lions as a difference to the father’s coat. Then both Meliadus and Pervehan must have borne shields that featured vert, yet Mark, the eldest, bears plain argent. Given this variety of tinctures and the absence of charges, the lions and the bordure notwithstanding, no overarching feature instantly recognizable as Cornish is forthcoming. While Pastoureau is undoubtedly helpful in any attempt to determine the details concerning “shields of Cornwall,” analysis based on his Arthurian armorial does not offer any more certitude about the appearance of typically Cornish arms than Malory does. Leaving behind Pastoureau and “l’heraldique imaginaire,” we now turn to a purely historical source for the arms of Cornwall. An investigation into the traditional arms of the duchy of Cornwall indeed yields some noteworthy heraldic data. The arms of Cornwall are listed as sable, fifteen bezants 5-4-3-2-1, as can be seen to the right. The bezants obviously provide the arms’ main feature and were furthermore present in a shield given by Henry II to his brother Richard upon Richard’s appointment as Duke of Cornwall. They can be seen today in the arms of Charles, Prince of . Gerard Brault’s research supports the idea of bezants as a Arms of Cornwall. particularly Cornish charge. In his catalogue of thirteenth-century rolls http://www.crwflags.com/f of arms, Brault has indicated the arms of the duke of Cornwall to be gules, otw/images/g/gb)corn.gif a lion rampant or, a bordure bezanty sable. This shield appears consistently throughout the rolls of arms in Brault’s study, suggesting that it had been well-established at the time. Malory, then, may have assumed his readers’ familiarity with the sable and bezants of Cornwall. W hether he may have intended the bezants as the primary charge or in a bordure remains a mystery. However, the long tradition of bezants in Cornwall, which had been established for at least a century by the time Malory wrote Le Morte d’Arthur, may well have featured on the “shields of Cornwall.” Perhaps indeed it is bezants that Dinadan recognizes on Tristram’s shield and bezants that feature on the shields of Lancelot and his fellowship in disguise. In the face of no other evidence from

45 Malory’s text, and given the historical presence of bezants in Cornish arms, one should not discount this possibility.

Conclusion

The mystery of the shields of Cornwall can be accorded some conclusions, however ambiguous. Tristram and Mark probably do not bear an identical shield. I would hypothesize that the shields have not been differenced either and that rather than identical shields, the use of bezants as a charge is the most likely link between shields of Cornwall. It would be unfair to say that because Malory does not blazon the shields of Cornwall or even bother to give the tincture of their fields that his heraldic knowledge is deficient. As has been discussed earlier, it Personal arms of Charles, may be that the fame of a knight and hence familiarity Prince of W ales. The Cornish with his shield is inversely proportional to the number of coat is at the very bottom. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki times in which Malory describes the tinctures and charges /Charles,_Prince_of_W ales of that knight’s arms. As perhaps with the proper arms of Lancelot, Arthur, and Tristram, the shields of Cornwall may be so well known to Malory’s audience that he needed not concern himself with their tinctures or blazons. Additionally, Malory may again be using heraldry as an ironic gesture. The shields of Cornwall are said to denote cowardice, but the knights who bear them, Lancelot and Tristram, are thought to be the flower of knighthood. In sum, like much of the heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur, the Cornish shields can be said to show a conflicting picture of Malory’s heraldic knowledge.

“Shyldys turned up-so-downe”

W hen Lancelot arrives at the , he sees “many fayre ryche shyldys turned up-so- downe.”91 Assuming that Malory did not copy this detail from his sources,92 these upside-down shields can shed light on his familiarity with heraldry. It is very rare to see shields depicted upside- down. The heraldic brasses, stained glass, statues, and illuminated manuscripts that I encountered while researching this thesis did not have any shield in such a position. These informal observations are obviously not exhaustive, but they are instructive, because they cover a wide range of sources. It should be noted that they usually depict a knight together with a shield. Knights would be unlikely to hold their shields upside-down in real life and perhaps because by Matthew Paris. London, BL Cotton Nero D. I, f. 171v.

91 Vinaver VI/15/280. 92 Both Vinaver and R.H. Wilson argued that Malory’s Chapel Perilous episode was highly influenced by the Old French Perlesvaus. Field, however, disagrees. For more details, see Malory: Text and Sources, pp. 224.

46 they were depicted in generally true-to-life positions in these sources, the shields are never upside-down. Rolls of arms, however, were intended not to preserve for posterity an individual’s accomplishments and/or wealth, but as catalogues of armigerous men.93 They typically consist of rows upon rows of shields. Upside-down shields were used – and not only in rolls of arms – to indicate that the bearer was dead. Malory is ambiguous as to whether the knights at the Chapel Perilous are deceased or not. However, it seems possible that the thirty black knights who guard the chapel may have killed those who preceded Lancelot. If that is so, then Malory appears to have known that dead knights’ shields were inverted in armorials. Perhaps he gleaned this information from rolls of arms; perhaps not. That he gave the same treatment to the shields of these dead knights in Le Morte d’Arthur suggests merely that he was familiar with heraldic details. Although examples such as the “shields of Cornwall” are vague, details like “shields turned upside-down” can help us to form a more precise picture of the level of Malory’s heraldic knowledge.

Matthew Paris drew the English royal arms upside down to indicate the death of King John, while on the opposing page the arms right side up denote the beginning of Henry III’s reign. London, British Library, Royal 14 C VII.

The battle against Rome

So far, no real, unambiguous conclusion has been reached on the question of Malory’s knowledge of heraldry: he may or may not have known more than basic heraldry. Arthur’s battle against the Romans, however, provides evidence that may help us to disambiguate the situation. In particular, it is in Malory’s descriptions of the banners and shields borne during and after the battle that we can see hints of blazon and awareness of heraldic details that would suggest a solid basis of heraldic knowledge. The first instance here concerns a Roman banner rather than a shield. Lucius, the Roman general, sets up “a dragon with eglys many one enewed with sabyl.”94 Here Malory has adhered to tradition in which the eagle “s’exprime d’abord dans les pays d’Empire [romain]. L’aigle est l’animal de l’empereur, de ses partisans, de ses fonctionnaires… ”95 The dragon may be a symbol of the pagan past, or else Satan. Later, during the quest for the Grail, Percival underscores this negative link with the dragon, or , when he comes to aid a lion in its battle against just such a creature.96

93 Glover’s Roll is one of the most famous English rolls of arms. The Caerlaverock Poem, the Galloway Roll, and the Stirling Roll are also examples from England. The shields drawn by Matthew Paris are also well known. 94 Vinaver V/8/219. 95 Pastoureau, Michel. “Quel est le roi des animaux?” Figures et Couleurs, pp. 167. 96 “And than sir Percivale thought to helpe the lyon, for he was the more naturall beste of the two...” (Vinaver XIV/6/912).

47 Although in the Middle Ages the dragon was “widely regarded as the very embodiment of evil, it was also conceived in and Rome as beneficient.”97 The ancient Britons also used in art and “all the earliest W elsh references associate the Dragon with war-leaders and with fighting.”98 Thus, despite the connotations of evil, one can indeed manage to reconcile the dragon’s negative connotations with the dragon shield borne by the W elsh king in this same battle. The King of W ales answers Lucius’s cry, albeit for Arthur’s side:

Than anone the W elshe kyng was so nygh that he herde sir Lucyus. Than he dressed hym to the vycounte his avow for to holde. His armys were full clene and therein was a dolefull dragon… 99

Notably, W ales is identified with a dragon even today. Arthur has also been said to traditionally bear a dragon banner and his arms have been associated with the dragon. In these contexts, the dragon seems to lose its pejorative and pagan connotations. Llyfr Dysgread Arfau makes no mention of the dragon’s negative aspects and says merely, “A Dragon borne in arms signifies a strong, mighty and fierce man, eager Arthur with a dragon for battle.”100 In the example above, the W elsh king shield and trappings. exemplifies this ideal. Paris, BNF, Richelieu Mss. Français 105, f. 192v. After the battle, Sir Gawain rides out “wondyrs for to seke,” and meets a knight with a shield “of golde glystrande three gryffons in sabyll and charbuckkle, the cheff of sylver.”101 This shield is by far the most complex in Le Morte d’Arthur. Malory gives the field tincture, the charges, and even goes so far as to mention the chief. The griffins’ “sabyll and charbuckkle” present the only problem: a multitude of possibilities exists and they might have been checky, barry, or gyronny, for example. This shield belongs to a knight named Priamus, who does not appear in any of the armorials researched by Pastoureau. His name suggests that he may be Roman or Greek; Priam is of course the name of the Trojan king during the Trojan W ar. This knight explains to Gawain that his “fadir is com of Alysaundirs bloode… and many mo were of my kynrede, bothe Judas Macabeus and deuke Josué.”102 In the Middle Ages, English heraldric treatises sometimes claimed that heraldry came to the British Isles via the Greeks and that the Trojans were the forefathers of the British; indeed, the descent of the British from the Trojans was considered common knowledge.103 The charges in these three examples should be noted: dragons and griffins. Pastoureau’s research has revealed that griffins never appeared as a charge in French Arthurian armorials; dragons were also rare. The only other beasts used as charges in Le Morte d’Arthur are lions (and lions’ heads) and the questing beast, both of which make only single appearances. Only the position of the griffins on Priamus’s shield is left undetermined, as is the case for all the beasts that appear on shields in Le Morte d’Arthur. Yet it is the griffins that would seem to make it clear that Malory did not necessarily

97 Dennys 188. 98 Ibid. 99 Vinaver V/8/220. 100 Quoted in Dennys 191. 101 Vinaver V/9/229. 102 Vinaver V/9/231. 103 John’s Treatise.

48 abide by any traditional source of Arthurian heraldry; given the specificity of the entire blazon itself, it may, however, indicate his familiarity with heraldry at large. The analysis of tinctures in the previous chapter has concluded that many were not assigned at random. Here, the Roman charges are anomalies where Malory seems to prefer either ordinaries or plain shields. There is plausibly some significance in the Roman banner and Priamus’s shield. One possible reason for the details of Roman heraldry is given in the following section. At this point, however, we can conclude by saying that while Priamus’s shield does not prove beyond all doubt that Malory possessed a great deal of knowledge about heraldry, it does suggest a greater knowledge than we could previously demonstrate.

Real arms?

The possibility that Malory may have included some real coats of arms in Le Morte d’Arthur is quite tempting. It is not unknown in manuscript illuminations that patrons or a patron’s enemies were depicted and made identifiable by their shields; the Luttrell Psalter is one example where this occurs. Although Le Morte d’Arthur is not extant as an illuminated manuscript – given Malory’s circumstance as a prisoner at the time of writing, he may never have expected his manuscript to be illuminated in the first place – one may wonder whether Malory instead included verbal descriptions of real arms. The Roman arms in particular beg the question of whether Malory drew these precise descriptions from real life and whether Priamus’s shield especially is meant to refer to a contemporary or patron. As was mentioned above, it contains an extraordinary amount of detail in relation to other shields in Le Morte d’Arthur. It moreover displays charges that are not traditionally Arthurian and therefore not ones that Malory could have found in any of the Arthurian manuscripts that he consulted for his own book. The name of Priamus may also be significant. Did Malory find parallels of the Trojan king in fifteenth-century England? Field suggests that Malory and Edward IV, though the latter imprisoned the former, thought highly of each other. But like all English kings between 1340 and 1603, Edward bore as his arms the French fleurs-de-lis quartered with the English lions. He might have borne griffins in his shield of peace or shield of parade, but this does not appear to have been recorded anywhere. W ithout any hard evidence, it is natural to speculate that this shield may indicate something more profound. The griffins, a charge that does not occur in Pastoureau’s armorial, are significant for another reason than their rarity. Dennys quotes Sir Thomas Browne’s Pseudodoxia Epidemica from 1645, where Browne wrote that the “is an of valour and magnanimity, as being compounded of the Eagle and Lion, the noblest animals of their kind; and so it is applicable unto Princes, Presidents, Generals, and all heroick Commanders… .”104 If Malory had decided to refer to some noble patron, be it Edward IV or someone else, in a secretive manner, he could have chosen to give this person symbolic arms. The griffins would have indicated the “valour and magnanimity” of this person while not betraying his true identity. Since so little is known about Malory’s personal life, however, it is difficult to determine whether this might truly have been the case. To conclude this section, one can say that Priamus’s shield may well refer to a real person. Malory may have described this person’s real coat of arms – a distinct possibility, given the precision and detail – or he may have assigned this person a symbolic blazon. If either of these options are true, one necessarily wonders about this

104 Sir Thomas Browne, Pseudodoxia Epidemica, quoted in Dennys 175.

49 person’s identity. Determining it, however, is not possible within the scope of this thesis, and perhaps not at all. Conclusion

The extent of Malory’s heraldic knowledge may never be known with any certainty. His omission of well-known arms could simply mean that he, like his audience, were sufficiently familiar not to need a description. Conversely, this deficiency might also suggest that Malory was clueless when it came to Arthurian arms. The story shields of Morgan le Fay, Le Chevalier Mal Fait, and La Cote Mal Tayle seem to be less indicative of Malory’s own heraldic knowledge than a mere preservation of textual tradition. The shields of Cornwall give only an ambiguous impression of his heraldic capabilities. On the other hand, his use of the eagles in the Roman banner and griffins in Priamus’s shield suggests knowledge of symbolic charges. One can give Malory the benefit of the doubt when it comes to assessing his level of heraldic proficiency, for although his omissions say much, his inclusions say more. The next chapter will build on this premise to examine how the heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur can provide hints as to his intended audience.

50 Chapter V: Recognition and Disguise

Overview

The use of coats of arms as a means of identification is a historical fact, as has been discussed above in the general introduction. In Le Morte d’Arthur, Malory also follows this convention of using arms for recognition and writes about knights who recognize each other with the help of their coats of arms. He also describes numerous situations in which knights have taken steps to obscure their actual coat of arms and taken on a heraldic disguise. This chapter deals with various aspects of arms used for recognition and disguise, including shields of a single tincture, covered shields, and disguises that betray the identity of the disguised knight.

The hereditary aspect of heraldry

The hereditary aspect of heraldry – the passing of arms from father to son – allows a person to identify a knight, his father, and his siblings. Obscuring the heraldic link between family members means that they are no longer visibly identifiable as kin. A discussion of recognition and disguise can thus begin here with this violation of a principal point of heraldry. In Le Morte d’Arthur, father-son relationships are usually left ambiguous. W e are not informed, for example, of the relationship between Ban and Lancelot nor of Lot and the Orkney knights. While Lancelot does say that Sir Lionel and Sir Ector de Maris are his kin, their shields are of no use in making this connection, as their arms never make an appearance. W ith the exception of Ban, Malory, does not bother to describe the shields of any of these men listed above, so one cannot determine on this basis whether he knew the hereditary principle of heraldry. Mordred’s parentage is the only one made explicit, but such an exposition is necessary for the development of the story. Otherwise, Malory leaves the reader to his own devices when it comes to blood and kin. Thus one cannot really argue that Malory does not respect the hereditary rule of heraldry because no evidence exists in the text to support or dispute such a claim. Lancelot’s father is described as having “bondis of grene and golde,”105 whereas Lancelot himself traditionally bears argent, three bends gules. Pastoureau’s research has shown that Ban and Lancelot bear the same arms. In Le Morte d’Arthur, however, Lancelot’s true arms are never mentioned – throughout he appears solely in disguise. Therefore it is impossible to say whether Malory knew Lancelot should have borne Ban’s arms (or differenced them, while Ban was still alive) or whether he even knew Lancelot’s true blazon. The same occurs with the Orkney knights Gawain, Agravain, Gaheris, and Gareth, whose relationship to one another and to their father King Lot is not made heraldically clear. The case of Lancelot and his father is not an isolated one and because the heraldic rule of heredity is simply not apparent in Le Morte d’Arthur, one cannot say with any certainty whether Malory knew it or not. The question of Malory’s audience will be addressed in Chapter VI. However, here it is worthwhile to note here that had the audience maintained any familiarity with the Arthurian heraldic tradition, been aware of Lancelot’s proper arms, and understood the heraldic principle of heredity, they might have been surprised to read that the relationship between Ban and his son was not made heraldically clear. For if Malory assumes that his audience knows Lancelot’s proper arms even though he does not

105 Vinaver I/15/515.

51 mention them, Ban’s arms would have come as a surprise – assuming too that they knew Ban was Lancelot’s father. It is unfortunate that Malory does not go into detail regarding the arms of the Orkney knights, Gawain and his brothers. Only Mordred’s shield is mentioned, so a comparison of arms cannot take place. On the other hand, one could say that Mordred, as Arthur’s secret and illegitimate son, ought to bear Arthur’s shield differenced. Arthur’s shield is never described; Mordred bears a black and silver shield with bends. Nevertheless, if the shields of all the Orkney knights did appear here, one would expect, as in Pastoureau, that the arms display differences. In sum, it can be said that although the ambiguous heraldic relationships between fathers, sons, and siblings on Malory’s part may cast doubt on his knowledge of heraldry, his later use of the phrases “shields of Cornwall” and “Cornish shields” (to be discussed later) suggests his awareness of similar arms among kin and the possibility of related, perhaps differenced, coats.

Recognizing each other

It is a curious point that when knights recognize each other by their shields in Le Morte d’Arthur, these shields are never described. W hile the knights are granted the privilege of seeing each other’s arms and thereby recognizing each other, the readers must go without and content themselves with the fact that Sir Dinadan thinks he recognizes Sir Torre by his shield.106 On the other hand, a description of the shield could have allowed the reader to see exactly why Dinadan believed he saw Sir Torre: similarities of charge or tincture might explain mistaken identity or immediately identify the bearer positively. If Malory’s readers were already intimately familiar with Torre’s arms, however, a description would naturally be superfluous. The same omission of description occurs when Gaheris and Uwain meet:

So sir Gaherys made hym redy [to joust], and whan he was armed he rode into the fylde. And whan sir Uwayne saw sir Gaherys shylde he rode to hym and seyde, ‘Sir, ye do nat youre parte, for the first tyme that ever ye were made knyght of the Rounde Table ye sware that ye shuld nat have ado with none of youre felyship wyttyngly. And, pardé, sir Gaherys, ye know me well inow by my shylde, and so do I know you by youre shylde… .’107

Although no coats of arms are described in such scenes, they are nevertheless interesting because they show arms being used for identification. That this is a primary purpose of carrying a coat of arms is heartening – since it occurs more than once, it can be said that Malory was obviously familiar with it, thereby allowing us to gauge more accurately the extent of his heraldic knowledge. W hile a coat of arms allows knights to recognize each other, foregoing one’s own coat of arms can prove fatal, as in the case of the brothers Balin, the knight with the two swords, and Balan:

‘Syr,’ said a knyght to Balyn, ‘methynketh your sheld is not good; I wille lene yow a byggar, thereof I pray yow.’ And so he took the shelde that was unknowen and left his owne, and so rode unto the iland and put hym

106 Vinaver X/10/584. 107 Vinaver IX/38/546.

52 and his hors in a grete boote. And whan he came on the other syde he met with a damoysel, and she said, ‘O knyght Balyn, why have ye lefte your owne sheld? Allas! ye have put yourself in grete daunger, for by your sheld ye shold have ben knowen...’

The damsel’s words hint at a shield’s paramount importance when it comes to identification. There is apparently very little to nothing else that will suffice: neither horse trappings nor helmet (the latter of which, when it occurs in armorials, is always very precisely and specifically depicted) or even a person’s posture and carriage will lead to recognition. Balin then meets his brother in battle, to the doom of both:

‘O, Balan, my broder! Thow hast slayne me and I the, wherfore all the wyde world shalle speke of us bothe.’ ‘Allas!’ sayd Balan, ‘that I ever saw this day that thorow mishap I might not knowe yow! For I aspyed wel your two swerdys, but bycause ye had another shild I demed ye had ben another knyght.’108

As the damsel said to Balin, by his shield he should have been known; in other words, by discarding one’s shield or taking on another, one’s identity will no longer be clear. Not even Balin’s nickname of “the knight with the two swords” and the fact that he appears as such in the duel against his brother provides Balan with enough information to determine his true identity. The curious example of Tristram’s black shield has been discussed above. In contrast to the situation with Balin, in which a specific shield is necessary to determine his identity, Tristram’s generic black shield is cause enough for recognition. Thus one is prompted to think that perhaps it is indeed something else – his walk, posture, helmet, and so on – that allows the damsel to point him out with such accuracy to Sir Darras. If this is indeed the case, then it would be odd that Balan does not recognize his own brother. This is not the only situation in which knights fail to recognize someone with whom they interact on a regular basis, as shall be seen below. On one occasion, Lancelot disguises himself with a covered shield. He jousts with several of his fellow knights of the Round Table and later dines with them at table. In conversation he insults the name of Queen Guenever. Later when Gawain, Kay, and Tristram return to Arthur’s court, they tell the king about the deeds done by the knight with the covered shield. All of them are mystified as to his identity:

‘Be my hede,’ seyde sir Gawayne, ‘that same knyghte smote me downe and sir Bleoberys and hurte us sore bothe, he wyth the coverde shylde.’ ‘A!’ seyde sir Kay, ‘that same knyght smote me downe and hurte me passynge sore.’ ‘Jesu mercy!’ seyde kynge Arthure, ‘what knyght was that wyth the coverde shylde?’ ‘We knew hym not,’ seyde sir Trystram, and so seyde they all. ‘No?’ seyde kynge Arthure. ‘Than wote I, for hit is sir Launcelot.’109

108 Vinaver II/17/90. 109 Vinaver X/6/570.

53 It is curious that Lancelot remains unknown to Tristram, Gawain and Kay despite the fact that they are frequently in each other’s company. Furthermore, the fact that they dined together is confusing if only because it is difficult to see how Lancelot could have maintained his disguise (which apparently included his helmet, as they probably would have recognized him upon seeing his face) at table. As in the case of Balan and Balin, Lancelot’s comrades are confounded by the fact that he bears a different shield. This notion of another identity that is the result of different arms (as opposed to anonymity when bearing plain arms) occurs several other times throughout Le Morte d’Arthur. The bearing of another coat of arms can allow knights to pass in peace or force them to join more battles than they normally would, and against opponents whom they would rather not fight. For example, when Kay is injured, he and Lancelot exchange arms. This switch allows Kay to ride back to court without fear of being challenged, for everyone is too afraid of Lancelot to joust with him. Lancelot, on the other hand, bearing Kay’s shield, is frequently mistaken for the seneschal and forced into jousts with knights who impugn Kay’s knightly prowess. Some opponents do recognize him for who he is: they notice that he is too tall to be Kay. Just as in the case of Balin and Balan, one may say that the shield is not everything when it comes to identity; degrees of recognition based on physical appearance also occur. These paradoxical examples together demonstrate one clear thing: that Malory knew that one used coats of arms to identify others. Indeed, despite the common sense assumption that personal familiarity with a knight would allow one to identify him in close quarters, recognition by arms prevails. Although this method seems odd and even counter-intuitive, at least it can reassure us that Malory was familiar with this use of heraldry.

Disguises that are not disguises

If we were to place bets on the identity of anonymous knights, we would have good odds in guessing that the knight with the white shield is Lancelot, the knight with the black shield is Tristram, the knights with the red shields are felonious, and the knight who bears the shield with the questing beast is Palomides. As the discussion above has indicated, it is very rarely the case that these disguises are truly disguises. In all these cases, something about the disguise hints at the knight’s true identity. It should be noted that this ability to identify is not always the case for the characters within the story, since in many instances they have never before encountered, for example, Lancelot as the white knight. A reader, by contrast, has seen the pattern established in which Lancelot tends to take a white shield. Nevertheless, one can still conclude that in many circumstances disguises relate to the people who bear them – in other words they are not necessarily chosen at random, and may even be used to guess the identity of disguised knights. The identification of disguised knights may signal two distinct possibilities. The first is that Malory, lacking a good knowledge of heraldry, mistakenly gave the knights obvious disguises; in other words, he may not have known any better. Secondly, and in opposition to the first, the disguises may in fact showcase Malory’s mastery of heraldry. He can be said to link characteristics of various knights with different tinctures and charges, giving them a disguise that hints at their true identity. Barring coincidence, only an author with a knowledge of heraldry could have achieved this much. Thus one may well conclude that Malory was not as deficient in heraldry as it may have seemed at first.

54 Shields of a single tincture

As has been discussed above, the heraldry index in Appendix I raises questions as to Malory’s familiarity with heraldry. A specific query arises when one examines the abundant number of shields with only one tincture. Such a proliferation of uncharged shields is not in keeping with the historical evidence, which suggests that shields of one tincture were particularly rare.110 (A major exception can be found in the case of the dukes of Brittany, who bore plain ermine.) Malory, we can assume, would have been surrounded by heraldry during the late fifteenth century, particularly during the W ars of the Roses. Perhaps he was supremely unobservant of trends around him, which would have eschewed plain shields. In the face of the historical evidence that suggests plain shields were a rarity, can we find any explanation for the proliferation of shields with only one tincture in Le Morte d’Arthur? “The black shield,” “the silver shield,” “yellow arms” – the images conjured by these descriptions are stark and simple. Many knights who bear these shields have taken them on as disguises. A plain shield would, in theory, seem simple to make as it requires only one colour and no thought for a charge: a coat of paint will suffice. Perhaps for this reason they are used so frequently as disguises. Indeed, the bearing of a plain shield implies that the knight is in disguise. Thus, if at any given point a knight appears with a plain shield, we can frequently assume that this knight is in disguise. This is not to say that plain shields are a knight’s only recourse if he seeks to disguise himself; Palomides takes on numerous disguises, including a shield charged with the questing beast. Colour symbolism is of course another possibility. The most common colours have already been discussed above. The qualities associated with red, black, and white, as well as other tinctures, make it plausible that certain knights bear particular tinctures that convey their role in the story – troublemaker or hero. Arthurian tradition has often portrayed mysterious or felonious knights as decked out in a single colour. As Pastoureau has said, red and later black were the colours of hostile, anonymous opponents to the Round Table knights. In this sense, shields of a single tincture are an easy way to create an opponent for Lancelot, Tristram, and others. It is only important that both the reader and knight identify the challenger or opponent as a knight, but his actual identity is secondary; his charge and tinctures are unimportant because he is not the main character. The fact that he bears a shield is the primary thing that we should notice, because in Le Morte d’Arthur a shield indicates knighthood. Also, one may be forgiven for thinking that the names “Black Knight” and “Red Knight” contain a bit more threat and menace than their Christian names. As Pastoureau says, “la couleur des armes attribués à ce chevalier inconnu est pour l’auteur un moyen d’évoquer ce qui va se passer… .un chevalier noir est un héros, bon ou mauvais, qui cherche à cacher son identité.”111 Malory too uses tinctures as a way to foreshadow events. However, taking Pastoureau further, as it were, Malory also uses single tinctures to indicate any knight wishing to hide his identity. Indeed, only when the Red, Green, and Blue Knights have been defeated and come to Arthur’s court are their real names made known. In conclusion one could say that in the same way that blazoned shields identify knights, it may also be the case that plain shields’ lack of blazon symbolizes the incognito. The use of a plain shield may paradoxically be a way of advertising the fact that a knight wishes to remain anonymous. From the evidence, one can say that shields of a single tincture are primarily used in Le Morte d’Arthur to either indicate an opponent of lesser stature, who remains

110 “Completely plain shields or banners, with no charges upon them… are extremely rare in heraldry, since the possibilities of differentiating he arms of one knight from another are too limited” (Dennys 44). 111 Pastoureau, “Et puis vint le bleu,” Figures et Couleurs, pp. 17.

55 nameless, or else to denote a knight of the Round Table in disguise. When plain shields are used as a disguise, however, it cannot be said that plain shields are particularly effective in Le Morte d’Arthur, as they immediately indicate that the knight in question is in disguise and it only remains to determine his real identity.

“A shield covered close”

The use of covered shields as a disguise has been mentioned in brief above in the example of Lancelot. So, why choose a covered shield rather than a plain shield? W hat were its (dis)advantages? W hat kind of material was used to cover the shield? There are only four instances of covered shields in Le Morte d’Arthur: Lancelot, Lamorak de Galles, Palomides, and Brun Sans Pitié, but they provide a range of information regarding this type of shield. As to why one would take a covered shield rather than a plain shield, a rather self-evident reason comes to King Tholomer with a covered shield. Amsterdam, the fore. A covered shield can probably be made more Bibliotheca Philosophica easily than a plain shield – one does not need paint or Hermetica, 1 vol. 1, fol. 30v. even a new shield altogether assuming one does not wish to paint over one’s usual blazon. Rather, a simple cloth or case will suffice. It seems effortless to disguise oneself in this manner. In a pinch, it will also be quicker than procuring a plain shield.

The central point here seems to be the need to obscure one’s charge, rather than to take on a new identity. It is here that one can find the difference between the plain shields and the covered shields. The plain shield affords another identity even as it makes the knight anonymous in that his true name is not known; Tristram becomes “the Knight with the Black Shield,” and Lamorak de Galles “the Knight with the Red Shield.” The covered shield, on the other hand, results in phrases like “the knight with the covered shield.” It is like identifying a knight without his shield, as it were: there is no tincture or charge so he might as well have no shield at all. A knight who chooses to cover his shield is being even more blatant about his desire for anonymity than a knight who simply uses a plain shield, since anyone could potentially bear a plain shield without any problem. The Green Knight, the Black Knight, the Red Knight are examples. Yet a knight who covers his shield rather than bearing a plain shield draws attention to himself exactly because he has nothing. A knight with a covered shield has neither a new tincture nor his own real one (Brun sans Pitié and his red case notwithstanding). The specification of the case points much more overtly towards its temporal nature as well as the fact of obscuring the real blazon. Even the vergescu is worth more than the covered shield because it says something about the knight’s prowess and status. In a world where coats of arms and heraldic devices are synonymous with knighthood, a covered shield could mean that, lacking arms, the knight lacks knightly virtues. On the other hand, a covered shield does not divest the knight of his knighthood in the same way that not possessing a shield would do. At one point Palomides takes a covered shield to a tournament:

56 And than was sir Trystram ware of a lykly knyght rydyng uppon a grete black horse, and a blacke coverde shylde. ‘W hat knyght ys that,’ seyde sir Trystram, ‘with the blacke shylde and the blacke horse?’ ‘I know hym well,’ seyde sir Persides, ‘he ys one of the best knyghtes of the worlde.’ ‘Than hit ys sir Lancelot,’ seyde Trystramys. ‘Nay,’ seyde sir Persides, ‘hit ys sir Palomydes that ys yett oncrystynde.’112

Besides the reoccurring dichotomy of Palomides’ argent and sable tinctures, here the colour black is associated with Palomides’ pagan state. This link is made clear by Persides’ comment that Palomides is “yet unchristened.” The fact that the shield is covered with a black cloth may hint that Palomides’ status as a pagan obscures his true inner virtuousness. In sum, it could be said that the covered shield says something about the character of the knight who bears it. Brun Sans Pitié is not exactly the flower of knighthood. Lancelot, when he covers his shield, makes rude comments about Queen Guenever. Lamorak de Galles is not particularly courteous either. W hile identifying Palomides to Tristram, Persides underlines Palomides’ unchristened state. Perhaps the covered shield can be linked to subpar knighthood – it is one step away from not being a knight, hence the coarseness and rudeness linked to its use. The cover also hints at duplicity or the covering up of the truth.

Materials used for covering shields

There are some hints regarding the materials used to cover a shield. Brun’s shield is covered with “a case of red” and Lancelot’s with a cloth.113 The case might itself be a cloth as well, in the same sense that a pillowcase is a piece of fabric. Lamorak’s shield is ambiguously described as “a covered shield of leather” – could it be instead “a shield covered with leather”? It seems implausible that Lamorak would joust with a thin leather shield, as it would hardly provide any protection; a wooden shield with a leather cover would make more sense here. Dennys’s description of shield-making would also seem to support this notion: shields, at least in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, “were made of wood covered with boiled leather… the surface of which was painted with the knight’s cognisance.”114 Lamorak’s shield could have been made in a similar fashion but lacking any charge. Thus an apt and literal description would be of a wooden shield covered with leather. Given the scanty information about covered shields, one could guess that Malory believed that further specification of shield coverings were either irrelevant to his story or part of common knowledge. In neither situation would they then be in need of further explanation. For our purposes, it is perhaps best to conclude that they were covered simply in a manner that completely obscured the charges. After all, it is this aspect of disguise that is most important to the knights.

112 Vinaver IX/27/514. King Mark make the same mistake when Gaheris tells him about a black-clad knight. He guesses Lancelot, Tristram, and finally Gaheris informs him that it is Palomides. 113 “Than sir Trystram tolde the kynge how he com thydir to have ado with sir Palomydes. And than he tolde the kynge how he had rescowed hym from the nine knyghtes and sir Breunes Saunze Pité, and how he founde a knyght lyynge by a welle, ‘and that knyghte smote downe bothe sir Palomydes and me, and hys shylde was coverde with a clothe… ’” (Vinaver X/6/570). 114 Dennys 42.

57

Covered shields in the real world?

One of the further questions raised by covered shields in Le Morte Arthur is whether a real life parallel can be found in Malory’s world. Given that Malory lived during the , in which heraldry played a part and factions were identified by heraldic badges, it is perhaps not too much of a stretch to suggest that covered shields were used during this period. Because historically one cannot use the arms of another person (even coincidental usage could be grounds for accusations of impersonation and lawsuits could follow), and because traditionally there was a reticence to use plain shields, covered shields could have actually been used for disguises. Unfortunately, there is nothing in the secondary literature used for this thesis that indicates the use of covered shields in times of war or other instances. This lack does not, of course, mean that it was not done; rather, it would hint that if covered shields did indeed make an appearance in late medieval England they must have been few and far between.

Charged shields and plain shields

Shields in which only one tincture is mentioned may also constitute a kind of shorthand for Malory. If his audience was indeed more than passingly familiar with the arms of Arthurian knights, he would have little need – as we discussed earlier – to provide full blazons of their shields. His readers would have known the charges, thus rendering blazon superfluous. The same logic may be applied to an analysis of plain shields. A scene involving Sir Gareth gives weight to the argument that Malory has only described the colour of the field, choosing to omit the charge in favour of clarity and brevity. Gareth has just disguised himself by borrowing the shield of a W elsh knight: “the booke seythe hit was gryne, with a maydyn which semed in hit.”115 The inclusion of the charge occurs only once, and Malory later reduces the shield to “the gryne shylde” and “the grene shylde” with no mention of the maiden. Once the green shield with the maiden has been established as Gareth’s, the mere mention of green is enough to associate the shield with Gareth. The lack of mention of the maiden – why not say “the shield with the maiden,” for instance? – does not, in my opinion, suggest that the maiden is an unremarkable charge. Another example of a charged shield that Malory later reduces to its field colour will suffice to explain my reasoning. W hen a damsel comes to Arthur’s court, La Cote Mal Tayle accepts the adventure of a shield that she has brought with her. Malory describes it thus: “a grete blacke shylde with a whyght honde in the myddis holdynge a swerde.”116 The charge stands out among the other shields of Le Morte d’Arthur, yet La Cote Mal Tayle is merely said to have “tok uppon hym the adventures of the blacke shylde.”117 Despite the mystery and interest surrounding the shield,118 the charge has been omitted and the tincture of the field prevails.

115 Vinaver XVIII/23/1111. 116 Vinaver IX/2/461. 117 Vinaver IX/5/467. 118 ‘Sir,’ she seyde, ‘I have rydden longe and many a day with this shylde many wayes, and for this cause I am com to youre courte: for there was a good knight that ought this shylde, and this knight had undirtake a grete dede of armys to encheve hit. And so by myssefortune another stronge knight mette with hym by

58 The adventures of La Cote Mal Tayle lead him, in the company of the damsel and Sir Lancelot, to a bridge:

And whan sir Lancelot and they [La Cote Mal Tayle and the damsel] were at the brydge there sterte for the afore them of jantillmen and yomen many that seyde, ‘Fayre lordis! Ye may nat passe thys brydge and thys fortresse because of that blacke shylde that I se one of you beare, and therefore there shall nat passe but one of you at onys. Therefore chose you whych of you shall entir within thys brydge fyrst.’119

Not “the shield with a hand and sword” (admittedly a somewhat unwieldy phrase) or even “the black and white shield” or “the shield with the hand” – simply a “blacke shylde.” Even Sir Galahad’s famous shield, “whyght as ony snowe, but in the myddys was a rede crosse,”120 undergoes this kind of reduction to become “the whyght shylde.” The omission of the charges in all three cases occurs not because the charges are overly ordinary, but because the field is the most visible, easily identifiable part of the shield. Based on this analysis, it seems that the possibility of describing a shield only by its field tincture is solely possible when the colour of the charge does not compete visually with the field. This analysis has implications for other shields as well. Although Malory writes about Gareth’s green shield and the black shield of La Cote Mal Tayle, the mathematical (geometric?) partition of tinctures forces him at times to descriptions such as shields “with bondis of grene and thereupon golde” or “endented with whyght and blacke,”121 in which both colours feature equally on the shield. Mathematical proportions may help to explain the lack of charged shields throughout Le Morte d’Arthur, although certainly in the case of disguises (Lancelot’s white shields and Tristram’s black ones) one is led to think that the shields are often uncharged unless specifically said to be otherwise. In short, only an ambiguous conclusion is possible here: a shield in which only one tincture is given may or may not feature a charge. Because Malory does not specify a charge does not necessarily mean that it does not exist.

Sir Tristram’s black shield presents a paradox. Before a tournament, he asks his servant to procure him “a blacke shylde with none other remembraunce therein.”122 As can be seen here, Malory is quite specific on this point, yet after the tournament has concluded and Tristram takes lodging with Sir Darras, a damsel recognizes Tristram by his shield:

So whan sir Trystram was com to hys lodgynge, there cam a damsell that tolde sir Darras that three of his sunnys were slayne at that turnement, and two grevously wounded so that they were never lyke to helpe themselff: and all thys was done by a noble knyght that bare a blacke shylde, and that was he that bare the pryce. Than cam one and tolde sir Darras that the same knyght was within hys courte that bare the blacke suddeyne aventure, and there they fought longge, and aythir wounded other passynge sore, and they were so wery that they lefft that batayle on evyn honed. So this knyght that ought the shylde sawe none other way but he muste dye, and than he commaunde me to bere this shylde to the courte of kyng Arthure, he requyrynge and prayynge som good knyght to take his shylde, and that he wolde fulfylle the queste that he was in.’ (Vinaver IX/2/461.) 119 Vinaver IX/7/471. 120 Vinaver XII/6/827. 121 Vinaver I/15/515; IX/36/536. 122 Vinaver IX/30/523.

59 shylde. Than sir Darras yode unto sir Trystramys chambir, and there he founde hys shylde and shewed hit to the damesell. ‘A, sir,’ seyde the damesell, ‘thys same ys he that slewe youre three sunnys.’123

Noteworthy is the fact that the damosel appears to recognize Tristram by his black, otherwise uncharged shield. Yet black shields proliferate throughout Le Morte d’Arthur; it seems to be a favourite disguise of knights, including Palomides, Lancelot, Briant of North Wales, and is borne by the so-called the Black Knight as his regular arms. How, then, can one now reconcile this recognition of a plain black shield with the fact that it is so common? Possibilities are the shield’s shape, the quality and shade of paint, distinguishing marks made in battle, or the stature and carriage of the knight himself. Of course, it also remains possible that these knights bore charged shields that Malory has made into plain shields simply by omitting the description of their charges. Yet particularly in the case of Tristram, this seems unlikely at best; again, it can only be said that Malory has found yet another way to confound us.

Conclusion

This chapter has examined some aspects of heraldic recognition and disguise in Le Morte d’Arthur. It has shown that knights used shields to recognize each other; by this token, they also used shields to disguise themselves. Although the shields are not described by Malory, one can assume that they must be particular enough for others to recognize them. The notion that their blazons would be superfluous is not completely wrong in this respect; the importance for Malory lies more in the fact that the knights know each other rather than the specifics of how. This is also apparent in his reduction of charged shields to the tincture of their field. From these examples it is obvious that Malory’s first concern in writing Le Morte d’Arthur was not heraldry; however, given his manipulation of heraldic devices such as have been discussed in this chapter, it can be argued that he actually knew quite a bit more than it seems.

123 Vinaver IX/37/540.

60 Chapter VI: Malory and his audience

Overview

W hatever Malory knew about heraldry, he logically could not have written his book for an audience that would require more heraldic knowledge than he possessed himself, unless, as P.J.C. Field suggests, he copied most of the heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur from his sources.124 Malory’s audience probably would have known the same sources as he did – the English alliterative poem Le mort le roi Artur, English romances such as Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, and perhaps even the French Vulgate. In any case, Arthurian legend had enjoyed immense popularity in England a generation previously, given the interest of Kings Edward I and III in that subject matter and their efforts to propagate the Round Table via tournaments and the creation of knightly orders. Malory’s time was more marked by the profusion of Arthurian manuscripts than royal tournaments in the Arthurian style, but the sheer number of these manuscripts points to widespread familiarity with Arthur. Malory’s intended audience, as Field has pointed out, consisted of “’gentlemen and gentlewomen’, meaning of course the whole of the upper classes, not just those in the lowest rank, below .”125 In other words, he was writing for people from his own social stratum and as his words demonstrate, his intended audience is quite clear. This chapter will seek to answer the following questions. Are there any heraldic clues within the text that indicate Malory had a noble audience in mind? W hat does the text of Le Morte d’Arthur suggest that his readers would have known about heraldry? Does the book give any clues about heraldry’s status in fifteenth-century England that can be correlated with historical evidence? Lastly, can we postulate the existence of a heraldic textual community among readers of Le Morte d’Arthur?

Heraldry in the Fifteenth Century

Heraldic clues of a noble audience

In the fifteenth century, heraldry was primarily a feature of the upper class. W hile and towns were granted coats of arms, true heraldry – the passing of a coat from father to son – was limited more or less to the upper class. One could therefore argue that the very existence of heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur indicates that Malory was concerned with a noble audience. It is this stratum of society that could be expected to understand the subtleties of charges and tinctures of heraldic detail. Although Malory did not put as much effort into heraldry as he could have, there are two examples that stand out that one could point to as evidence that he was concerned with a noble readership: Priamus’s shield and the Roman banner. As we have discussed in the previous chapter, they may have been the shields of Malory’s patrons or contemporaries. The heraldic details, moreover, would not have been lost on such an audience. There would be no particular reason to include such shields if their significance were lost on readers; these shields can therefore be interpreted as heraldic clues that Malory was writing with an upper-class audience in mind. Field has noted that Sir Gareth’s green shield with the maiden may “be an allusion to the association founded by the French Marshal Boucicaut.”126 If this

124 Field 163. 125 Field 162. 126 Field 163 (in a footnote).

61 is the case, then Malory’s nod to this group suggests that he expected to include jousters among his readership. Jousting and tournaments were, of course, limited to the upper classes; Malory’s inclusion of the Boucicaut shield indicates his audience as upper class, since they would have been the ones to identify (with) it. In short, then: although the mere existence of heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur and the more specific cases of the Roman shields and Gareth’s green shield do not provide overwhelmingly much heraldic evidence, they may point to the fact that Malory wrote for a noble audience. Indeed, although the heraldic clues are sparse, the three listed here are nevertheless strong enough to support Field’s independent claim that Malory’s audience was upper class.

Correlations between the book’s heraldry and heraldry in history

As has been discussed previously, by the fifteenth century heraldry had attained quite some importance in England. However, analysis in Chapters III and IV has shown Le Morte d’Arthur to deviate from this norm in that it contains primarily simple heraldry and relatively little knowledge of the subject is required in order to understand the story at face value. A comparison can be made with Chrétien de Troyes. In the romance Le Chevalier de la Charette, this twelfth-century author depicts female (!) onlookers at a tournament identifying different knights on the basis of coats of arms.127 Given the profusion of tournaments in Le Morte d’Arthur, one might expect to see a similar scene (no such one occurs); in the very least, an anticipation of many more shields than have been indexed in Appendix I would not have been out of the question. The shields themselves may not be a great source of enlightenment, but the etiquette that accompanies the bearing of shields certainly can shed light on heraldry in Malory’s England. To recall Chapter I, coats of arms are used among other things as an indication of social rank, personal possession, identification and blood links. In Le Morte d’Arthur, coats of arms indeed reflect these real-world uses. Shields identify knights in full armour, such as Palomides with his indented blazon or Sir Dinadan’s recognition of Sir Torre by his shield. Malory adds the title of “Sir” to the names of knights, indicating their status as knights. As Ban, Lancelot, and Galahad’s shields show, however, family links are not indicated via heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur. One’s behaviour is also linked to the bearing of arms: a shield indicates a knight, and a knight should be synonymous with courtesy. To sum up: in Le Morte d’Arthur, a shield is linked to a knight and therefore to courtesy and nobility. In the real world, as evidenced by the Paston case in the Introduction, the same seemed to be true. In the very least, the Pastons’ invention of their ancient coat of arms and their insistence upon bearing it shows that a coat of arms was strongly attached to one’s status as a noble. As such, we can confidently say that historical evidence supports the heraldic situations that can be found in literature, namely Le Morte d’Arthur.

127 Pointed out by Dennys 39.

62 Malory and his heraldry

Le Morte d’Arthur may not reflect contemporary attitudes towards heraldry, but the heraldic circumstances of Thomas Malory offer relevant, and paradoxical, clues about his heraldic knowledge. Field gave two possible coats of arms that Malory may have borne. Of course, as has been discussed previously, simply because Malory bore a coat of arms does not necessarily mean that he understood its composition or any facts of blazon. However, the second coat in particular is worth another mention. It is quarterly 1 and 4… ermine a chevron gules and a border engrailed sable; 2 and 3… or three lions passant guardant sable. It is noteworthy first of all because it is quartered and cantons 1 and 4 contain complex elements (ermine; a bordure engrailed) that do not occur on any of the shields in Le Morte d’Arthur. Additionally, the lions are also of interest because of the lions passant guardant. W hen lions occur on shields in Le Morte d’Arthur, their position is never specified. One would perhaps have assumed that Malory, if his heraldic knowledge were deficient, would simply have intended the lions in Le Morte d’Arthur to be rampant, since it is probably the most classical heraldic position for a lion. Yet his own coat of arms would certainly have made him familiar with the possibility of lions in another position. His omission of the lions’ position may, however, be due to his assumption that his readers would understand the lions to be the usual rampant. He would then only need to specify the lions if they were in a different position; by this logic, all heraldic lions in Le Morte d’Arthur are rampant. As the previous chapters have shown, Malory often elides more precise descriptions (e.g. Gareth’s shield) so his omission on the lions does not necessarily indicate his lack of knowledge. Indeed, Malory’s family was, by Field’s estimation, “enthusiastic about heraldry, and his remark about ‘olde armys’ implies that he shared that enthusiasm.”128 The meager heraldry of Le Morte d’Arthur is curious when seen from this standpoint of “enthusiasm”; one would have expected, or at least hoped, that Malory’s enthusiasm would have extended to his fictional characters as well. Yet, just as the heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur does not find a counterpart in the real world, neither does Malory’s own standard of heraldry seem to find its counterpart in Le Morte d’Arthur. Since the two appear unrelated, it would therefore seem erroneous to claim that the evidence of Le Morte d’Arthur can allow one to accurately determine Malory’s knowledge of heraldry.

“L’héraldique imaginaire” versus the real world

If the Paston knowledge of arms is at all typical, then Malory’s audience knew more about heraldry than the basic heraldic devices in Le Morte d’Arthur would suggest. W hile the Pastons were quite knowledgeable in the realm of heraldry when it came to the history and appearance of their arms (even if they were fake), the question remains whether the “gentlemen and gentlewomen” would have been familiar with Arthurian heraldry in the tradition that Pastoureau’s compilation has indicated. As the previous chapter has detailed, the lack of traditional Arthurian arms in Le Morte d’Arthur comes as a surprise. Does the omission of traditional Arthurian heraldry then indicate anything in terms of Malory’s audience?

128 Field 163.

63 A first possibility is that the audience may have not been familiar with Arthurian heraldry. Indeed, the best sources for Arthurian arms and the Arthurian armorials are French, as evidenced by Pastoureau’s study. The option of audience unfamiliarity with Arthurian heraldry is quickly quashed, however, by the proliferation and popularity of Arthurian manuscripts, as has been mentioned earlier. So we should assume that Malory’s audience was not completely clueless; the lack of traditional Arthurian heraldry does not necessarily indicate the audience’s unfamiliarity with the subject. A second possibility is that Malory himself did not know about traditional Arthurian arms. Most of the blazons – Le Chevalier Mal Fait, Morgan le Fay, and La Cote Mal Tayle notwithstanding – are not actually mentioned in the French texts, but appear almost exclusively in illuminations (see Appendix II). If Malory had worked from French sources that did not contain illuminations or had focused solely on the text to the exclusion of illustrations, then it stands to reason that he did not include the traditional arms. A third possibility is that neither party – neither Malory nor his audience – cared whether or not the knights of the Round Table bore their traditional arms. The plot and its themes would in this case have been their primary interest. I think that this possibility is the weakest. As Field has pointed out, Malory took great pains to establish for his readers “a code of behaviour that sets standards in matters ranging from morals to fighting ability” – in other words, he made clear his expectations of the upper classes.129 Given his supposed interest in heraldry, one would expect him to have included the bearing of proper arms in his code of behaviour. Instead, as has been argued in Chapter IV, he seems to have simply equated the bearing of a shield with knighthood/nobility. Despite this lack of detail, his apparent interest in heraldry is not quite compatible with the notion that he willfully ignored traditional Arthurian arms. Had Malory known about the traditional arms of Arthurian knights, it seems likely that he would have included them for the sake of his interest in heraldry and of accuracy. It is therefore an unlikely conclusion that he purposely disregarded traditional Arthurian coats of arms. These three possibilities do not, alas, allow us to draw any definite conclusions. The least contentious conclusion would state that the presence or absence of coats of arms does not necessarily correlate with Malory’s or his audience’s knowledge of arms.

Literary heraldry

To fully appreciate Le Morte d’Arthur, Malory’s audience needed not only practical and pragmatic knowledge of heraldry. They must also have been familiar with the heraldry that is found in literature, which, while it closely resembles real heraldry, does differ slightly. Chapter IV discussed, for example, the story shields that feature impossible charges; additionally, plain shields appear in Le Morte d’Arthur with a much higher frequency than in the real world. Such differences, while minor, are nonetheless important because they require readers to adapt their approach to heraldry in the realm of literature. The basic principles of heraldry, however, would have remained the same in literature as in life. In terms of literary heraldry, the upper classes at this time must have come to expect a certain standard. It was not that they demanded a blazon for each knight who made an appearance, but they were accustomed to consistency regarding certain rules. They could deal with the common tinctures for anonymous good and evil knights or the use of symbolic tinctures and ordinaries. In the same way that they

129 Field 162.

64 expected the laws of tinctures and heredity to be respected in real life, they would also expect Lancelot to appear with his traditional shield and Tristram and Gawain and others to do the same. Here Malory appears to have neatly eliminated any objections that could be levied against his portrayal of these characters’ shields simply by not mentioning their arms and having them appear in disguise throughout. In sum, it is difficult to draw any definite conclusions on the topic of Malory’s audience based solely on the shields found in Le Morte d’Arthur. Because of the division between literary and real heraldry, one can best simply say that his audience understood basic heraldry. Literary heraldry contains components and aspects of real heraldry; thus his audience can be said to have possessed basic knowledge. However, it is not possible to determine with any certainty whether they knew more.

Ceremonial shields and suspending belief

Ceremonial shields, or shields of parade, have been discussed previously; they consist of shields made and used for ceremonial occasions and are not taken into battle. Interpreting the so-called “story shields” of Chapter IV in this light can help us understand why the heraldic violations of these shields may not have been as jarring as they at first seem. The shield made by Morgan le Fay would not have been used in real life by a knight in battle, nor could the shield of Le Chevalier Mal Fait; that of La Cote Mal Tayle, while curious, is not wholly unprecedented.130 In the most literal sense, the shields of Morgan and Le Chevalier Mal Fait are indeed “imaginary heraldry.” Yet Malory himself and his audience were prepared to accept these shields. As Chapter III has shown, one can say that the acceptance of these shields indicates a lack of knowledge concerning heraldry. However, since it has also been shown that these shields relate primarily to the story and only have a secondary heraldic use, and furthermore that these shields occurred in Malory’s sources, one could give his audience the benefit of the doubt. They might well have known that shields with these blazons would never occur in battle, but they were willing to suspend their belief in order to go along with the storyline. The shield of Le Chevalier Mal Fait could be explained as a ceremonial or parade shield. Interestingly, its figures are laid out similarly to a fifteenth century ceremonial shield from Flanders (see figure), although this is more likely coincidental than anything else. However, the existence of shields of parade indicates that people in the later Middle Ages were accustomed to some degree to seeing shields that were not necessarily heraldically correct in terms of charges and tincture combinations. The shield from Flanders also suggests that parade shields could contain symbolic or narrative charges. Lancelot’s shield of the knight and queen, although it does not make sense within the limitations of strict blazon, is not so peculiar in this light. In the case of Morgan le Fay’s shield, a shield of parade has been transformed into a shield of war. It is difficult to imagine the reaction of a medieval audience. W ould it have upset their sensibilities, being a shield of parade functioning as a shield of war? Perhaps they understood it completely differently: as a representation of the Lancelot- -Arthur triangle as well as that of Tristram-Isolde-Mark. The fact that it is conveyed on a shield is secondary. In this case, the existence of shields of parade has perhaps accustomed them to shields that do not conform to the laws of heraldry, while the use of Morgan’s shield at a tournament has more symbolic than actual heraldic purposes. (Indeed, it has no value in terms of communicating lineage or Tristram’s

130 Toscan le Romain bore “d’or à la main de sable armée d’une épée de gueules.” Pastoureau, Armorial des Chevaliers de la Table Ronde, pp. 103.

65 identity.) Malory writes, “And whan kynge Arthure saw that shylde he mervayled gretly in what entent hit was made.”131 The king, then, understands the shield primarily as symbolic, as he wonders about the reason for which it was made or rather what message it was meant to communicate. This message happens to be displayed on a shield, but it could have been just as well on a banner or notice or sheet. Perhaps Malory is using Arthur to signal to his audience that they ought not to concern themselves with the medium of the shield so much as with Morgan’s message. From this discussion one may conclude that, since it is clear that Malory copied these shield components of the story from his sources, his audience may have already been accustomed to them and thus accepted Malory’s version. The reception of Morgan’s shield, as well as that of Le Chevalier Mal Fait, may therefore not have had anything to do with shields of parade, rather with the pre-established Arthurian literature that was circulating in England at the time.

A textual community?

Brian Stock was the first to propagate the idea of textual communities. A textual community is a group of people who are intimately familiar with a set of texts or symbols and for whom these texts or symbols all mean the same thing. The question for this thesis is whether a “textual community” existed among the nobility at this time regarding the use of heraldry. One should keep in mind that, in the Middle Ages, “literacy [e.g. the ability to read and write] was much more thinly spread in the lay world, [and] visible rituals and ceremonies had often to carry the force and convey the messages that later would be expressed in writing.”132 These rituals and ceremonies could and did include heraldry. The language of heraldic symbols could be considered a text; as Maurice Keen says, heraldry consisted of an “alternative language of signs.”133 The textual community in terms of heraldry consisted in the first instance of heralds, their texts being the various blazons that they were required to know. Each blazon identified an individual and each herald ought to know that person’s identity. Thus each blazon contained a single meaning. The heralds were able to read this “text,” thereby forming a community of similar-minded “readers.” This community had existed for quite some time before the late fifteenth century, but the question is whether the heralds’ textual community later came to encompass non-heralds as well. This extension of the community certainly took place in France, where the exclusivity of the heralds’ community was later expanded to include a greater part of the upper classes. By the fifteenth century the making of Arthurian armorials had become relatively widespread and the knights’ blazons standardized. W hether the same phenomenon occurred in England can perhaps be traced in the Arthurian tournaments sponsored by Edward I and Edward III, as has been discussed in Chapter II. However, although Arthurian literature enjoyed widespread popularity in England, there are few extant armorials that can illuminate the state of heraldic knowledge in Malory’s day. As such, one is hard-pressed to say whether he and his audience may have been members of an Arthurian heraldic textual community.

Lancelot may provide an example of how textual communities function. In several manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France – among them Français 112,

131 Vinaver IX/44/557. 132 Keen 2. 133 Keen 8.

66 114, and 115 – he appears in illuminations with his shield argent, three bends gules. Readers would have known immediately that this knight was Lancelot regardless of whether these illuminations were captioned or not. Other knights also appear in the illuminations. Many of them bear shields that have not (yet) been identified. W hether these blazons were known or not in the fifteenth century cannot be established; if the answer were to be yes, however, then a textual community must have existed in which members of that community could easily identify these characters by their shields. Sadly, we of the twenty-first century are not privy to their textual community. The case of Morgan le Fay’s shield is somewhat paradoxical. If the position of the people on the shield is meant to echo Tristan and Isolde’s garden tryst in which King Mark spies upon them, then the argument for a textual community is strengthened. This community will namely understand the link to Tristan and Isolde without the need for further explanation. As has been mentioned previously, this shield is not unique to Malory. A textual community probably existed although it may not have actually comprised members of the English upper class whom he intended as his audience. However, the popularity of Arthurian legend in the fifteenth century and the early royal initiatives regarding Arthurian revivals suggest at least superficial familiarity. In the very least, the shield was understood to have significance in the story. That Caxton left it intact in his edition can be considered a mark of its importance and of Caxton’s own comprehension of it. Many other shields, particularly those of obscure knights, present difficulties. A textual community must necessarily consist of more than one person. Yet Malory appears to have deviated from the norms of many French texts and much of the heraldry that appears in Le Morte d’Arthur does not appear to be linked to other Arthurian sources. The idea of a community would be suspect if his audience did not understand his intentions regarding tinctures or charges. Furthermore, the fact that he did not incorporate traditional blazons of Arthurian characters into his own book would undermine the notion of a textual community there. While he may have been creating his own textual community or working within an English textual community, the heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur suggests the conclusion that Malory was not a member of the heraldic community of the French texts, as in, for example, the manuscripts of Jacques d’Armagnac.

Conclusion

This chapter has attempted to discern the relationships between Malory, his audience, and the heraldry that appears in Le Morte d’Arthur. Heraldic clues in the text, such as Sir Gareth’s and Priamus’s shields, support the view that Malory was writing for an audience from the upper class. Curiously, though, no correlation can be found between the fact that Malory bore arms and the heraldry in his book; it only seems that Malory must have known far more than he chose to include. It seems to be the case that Malory’s audience may have been much more familiar with heraldry than the examples in Le Morte d’Arthur would suggest; again, Priamus’s shield is the example. Their knowledge of Arthurian arms can only be guessed. Because Malory omits so many of the traditional arms, yet does not assign new arms (only when he invents new knights does he give them new arms) one cannot say with any certainty whether or not he and/or his audience were familiar with the traditional coats. The distinction between literary heraldry and real heraldry could afford an explanation for the story shields and the many shields of a single tincture. Moreover, shields of parade and their ceremonial charges could explain why Malory or his audience

67 may not have considered story shields to be overly odd. A pre-existing textual community that included the story shields may further have made these shields acceptable in the minds of his audience, despite the fact that the shields are not truly heraldic in either charge or use. Overall, however, these conclusions raise more questions than the ones we set out to answer in this chapter.

68 Chapter VII: Conclusions

Overview

This thesis began by asking what the heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur could tell us about Thomas Malory’s knowledge of the subject. Through examinations of his use of tinctures, symbolic charges, vocabulary and descriptions of arms, a varied and often contradictory picture has emerged. This section means to bring together the discussions of the previous chapters in order to form a more comprehensive idea of Malory and heraldry.

Thesis v. The Arthurian Encyclopedia

W as The Arthurian Encyclopedia right to say that Le Morte d’Arthur contains “only a handful of heraldic descriptions”? I must admit that at the outset of my research, I hoped to disprove the writer who made this claim. The answer to this question, however, is much more nuanced than I had anticipated. It is too easy for this debate to degenerate into a discussion of semantics. I think that the author of this entry simply meant that there are not many shields in Le Morte d’Arthur that have a distinctive charge. This is obviously true, as can be seen in Appendix I. However, the heraldry of Le Morte d’Arthur is very rich when considered on a more general level and includes plain shields, story shields, and the “arms of Cornwall.” Additionally, the ways in which knights recognize others by their shields reflects contemporary circumstances. Understood in all these ways rather than just as “heraldic descriptions” where a shield must have a charge, heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur is not as insubstantial as The Arthurian Encyclopedia makes it out to be. On a technical and literal level, I agree with The Arthurian Encyclopedia that Le Morte d’Arthur features few distinctive shields. Yet I think that the encyclopedia does some injustice to the book; in my opinion one should widen the scope to include heraldry as a whole in the spirit of A.C. Fox-Davies’ definition, not just “heraldic descriptions.” Then it is clear that Le Morte d’Arthur is heraldically richer than that statement in The Arthurian Encyclopedia would suggest.

Malory’s knowledge of heraldry

There is no correlation between the number of shields in Le Morte d’Arthur and Malory’s knowledge of heraldry. The numbers can mislead; the details of the shields afford a better possibility to gauge his knowledge than numbers alone. Chapters III and IV have shown that Malory was familiar with the symbolic properties of tinctures and charges. Although he tends to write without the technical vocabulary of blazon, he does not necessarily sacrifice the accuracy of tinctures; sometimes his deviations from the heraldic terms can be said to actually heighten the specificity, such as “charbucckle” rather than merely “gules.” The arms of Brun Sans Pitié suggest a familiarity with the more arcane tinctures in heraldry – brown was a late addition to the family of heraldic tinctures, and a newcomer at the time that Le Morte d’Arthur was written. Malory’s use of this tincture could show acceptance and recognition of a new trend, or, if the heraldic use of brown was not yet widespread, knowledge of the somewhat arcane. The fact that Brun sans Pitié bears canting arms is a yet another indication of Malory’s familiarity with heraldry,

69 as heraldic apparently did not escape him. Neither did symbolic charges or tinctures. Malory does not show much respect for the hereditary aspect of heraldry, but he hardly needs to do so as the arms of fathers, sons, and kin are never described in his book. He mentions Ban’s arms, but not Lancelot’s; Mordred’s, but not Gawain’s. Far more than to denote blood ties, arms fulfill the role of disguises in Le Morte d’Arthur. Knights also recognize each other’s shields, but these shields are rarely granted a description and the emphasis lies much more in the fact that the knights know each other by their arms, whatever they may be. Here Malory appears familiar with the use of shields as a cognitive device. There seems to be an inverse relationship between a knight’s fame and whether or not his shield warrants a description. Unknown knights are far more often given shields with specific charges and tinctures than are the well-known heroes such as Lancelot, Gawain, or Tristram. Malory seems to use shields to legitimize knighthood in the case of lesser-known knights, while the heroes – who would have been familiar to readers from other sources – needed no explanation. Omitting the shields of famous knights could indicate a universal familiarity with their arms on the part of both Malory and his intended audience. W e know from manuscript illuminations that the so-called “story shields” of Morgan le Fay, Lancelot, and La Cote Mal Tayle featured in the French versions of these stories. However, because they are central to the story, it makes sense that Malory has left them unchanged (though he changed the field of La Cote Mal Tayle’s shield to black, rather than maintaining its original green). But what of the shields of Cornwall and the disguises borne by many knights? If they appear in the original sources, then what more can one really say about Malory’s knowledge of heraldry? He might have had none at all and merely copied everything. Yet if one believes that he simply copied stories, despite his adjusting them as he saw fit and his emphasising of different plot points than the French texts, then how can we say that Malory’s heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur is his own? W hat if he only copied the shields and their charges and tinctures along with the plot? There are several points that mitigate the claim that Malory only copied. As Vinaver has pointed out, Malory did not simply translate French books. Rather, he reworked and condensed most of his chosen episodes, providing different links between the stories than the Vulgate did, and creating his own unique version although the core of the stories remained the same. This interpretation could also be applied to the heraldry of Le Morte d’Arthur. The most important parts remain the same: the story shields, Galahad’s shield, and perhaps even the Red, Blue, Black, and Green Knights. However, as evidenced by the fact that Malory appears to have invented some knights – such as Priamus and Epinogrus – one cannot say that he simply copied their heraldry. In fact, one is tempted to believe that Malory made up most of the heraldry that is not directly linked to the stories. In the case of the “shields of Cornwall,” one can argue that Malory assumed that his audience would be familiar with a typical Cornish charge – plausibly bezants. Of course, it is also possible that he knew nothing of Cornish charges and omitted any mention of them for this reason. Yet even if this were to be the case, the aspersions cast by Sir Dinadan on plural shields of Cornwall implies that Malory knew about related shields and charges. Much like the chevrons used by the Clare family and its offshoots, bezants could have featured in various ways on shields borne by Cornish knights. W hile the shields of Cornwall present an ambiguous heraldic situation, the shields that feature in Arthur’s battle against the Roman emperor are much more specific. They also suggest that Malory was not a slave to his source texts when it came to heraldry.

70 However, this apparent originality causes problems when one wishes to determine whether Malory was a member of a textual community. Literature from the Middle Ages suggests that heraldic textual communities did exist but the knights in Le Morte d’Arthur bear shields that deviate from their traditional arms as they appear in Pastoureau’s Armorial des Chevaliers de la Table Ronde. Illuminated manuscripts do exist in which knights do not bear their traditional arms.134 W hile these examples do not serve as proof of the existence of a textual community with a different set of “texts” than the French armorials, they do show that other ideas circulated. Although the arms described in Malory may have been current in that particular textual community, a clearer picture of his audience and Arthurian armorial traditions in England would perhaps have shed more light on the situation. As it now stands, however, it is difficult to ascertain the existence of a heraldic textual community for Le Morte d’Arthur. It may be impossible, impractical or unintelligent to place Malory’s level of knowledge on an arbitrary scale ranging, for example, from 0 (none) to 10 (herald-level knowledge). Rather, as should have been evident throughout this thesis, a more nuanced view is necessary. This thesis takes the position that Malory was not as unfamiliar with heraldry as the “handful of heraldic descriptions” in Le Morte d’Arthur may suggest. In fact, the argument can be made for his mastery of the subject. W hile this thesis is tentative about supporting such a stance, it nevertheless believes that there is enough evidence to confidently say that Malory possessed a good grasp of heraldry. The details of his descriptions, which are not always apparent at first glance, should be accorded due consideration. W hen all has been taken into account, one can see that it is indeed plausible that Malory not only knew basic heraldry but, with several notable exceptions, did not choose to emphasise heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur as much as he could have.

Suggestions for further research

A main deficiency of this thesis as I see it is the lack of correlating work between the French Vulgate and Le Morte d’Arthur. Since Malory claims to have drawn extensively on a so-called “French book,” it would have been beneficial to examine the heraldic links between the Vulgate and Malory. Of interest is whether the heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur can be traced back to the French sources, and, if so, whether Malory borrowed all shields in his own work from French descriptions. W hile informal discussion suggests this is not the case, the shields that can be shown to feature exclusively in Malory could then be subjected to an analysis based on English heraldry. This leads to another suggestion for more research. Further investigation between the heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur and Malory’s English sources, as well as a more general examination of English armorials could help to determine Malory’s level of knowledge. Although some knights, such as Sir Epinogrus, do not appear in French texts, it is presently unclear whether Malory invented them or whether he may have borrowed them from English sources. Priamus’s shield deserves another look as well. W hy does Le Morte d’Arthur lack so many heraldic details if, as Field says, Malory “had access to the best collection of vernacular literature in the country, and could use it”? Again, semantics presents a problem. “The best collection” could mean the most complete, the most expensive, etc. Certainly this description on Field’s part seems to imply a high level of quality both in textual integrity and in the manuscripts themselves.

134 See, for example, Paris, BNF Français 122, fol. 1. This Prose Lancelot manuscript was made in Hainault, Belgium, in the fourteenth century. Lancelot appears to be carrying a shield with three bezants on a fess.

71 If any were illuminated like the BNF manuscripts commissioned by d’Armagnac (graphics have appeared from these manuscripts throughout this thesis), one necessarily wonders why Malory apparently did not consult, or even ignored, the arms while writing his own book. Perhaps Field has erred in his statement. Or perhaps we should attempt to find out more precisely which manuscripts Malory consulted while writing Le Morte d’Arthur.

72 Appendix I: Heraldry of Le Morte d’Arthur

Book/Chapter/Page according to Eugene Vinaver, The W orks of Sir Thomas Malory, 2nd ed.

Pastoureau's Character Armorial des Shield bearing the Chevaliers de la Pastoureau Book/Chapter/Page description Context shield Table Ronde = Malory? Comments/Observations/Theories

bondis of grene Be than com into the felde kynge Ban as fers as and thereuppon a lyon, with bondis of grene and thereuppon argent, 3 bends I/15/515 golde golde. King Ban gules n

And kynge Arthure was so blody that by hys shylde there myght no man know hym, for all was blode and brayne that stake on his swerde azure, 13 crowns Arthur's coat of arms is never I/15/34 by hys shylde and on hys shylde. King Arthur or N/A described in Malory.

Than took Gryfflet hys horse in grete haste and dressed hys shelde and toke a spere in hys honde, and so he rode a grete walop tylle he come to the . And thereby he saw a ryche pavilion, and thereby undir a cloth stood an horse well sadeled and brydyled, and on a tre hynge a shelde of dyvers colours, and a grete spere thereby. Than Gryfflet smote on the a shelde of shylde with the butte of hys spere, that the I/22/47 dyvers coloures shylde fell down. a knight N/A N/A

73

Syr,' said a knyght to Balyn, 'methynketh your sheld is not good; I wille lene yow a byggar, thereof I pray yow.' And so he took the shelde that was unknowen and left his owne, and so rode unto the iland and put hym and his hors in a grete boote. And whan he came on the other syde he met with a damoysel, and she said, 'O Balin le knyght Balyn, why have ye lefte your owne Sauvage Balin usually bears for by your sheld sheld? Allas! ye have put yourself in grete borrows a argent, a boar ye shold have daunger, for by your sheld ye shold have ben shield from sable, in chief 3 II/17/88 ben knowen knowen...' another knight etoiles azure. N/A

O, Balan, my broder! Thow hast slayne me and I the, wherfore all the wyde world shalle speke of us bothe.' 'Allas!' sayd Balan, 'that I ever saw this day that thorow myshap I myght not knowe Balin's brother yow! For I aspyed wel your two swerdys, but fails to bycause ye had bycause ye had another shild I demed ye had recognize his II/17/90 another shild ben another knyght.' shield N/A N/A

one shylde was And so they [Sir Torre and the dwarff] rode enewed with thorowoute a foreste; and at the laste they ware whyght and that of two pavilions evyn by a pryory, with two Abellus and an No such knight as othir shylde was sheldes, and that one shylde was enewed with unknown Abellus in III/9/110 rede whyght and that othir shylde was rede. knight Pastoureau. N/A

74 Than was sir Gawayne ware in a valey by a turrette twelve fayre damesels and two knyghts armed on grete horses, and the damesels wente to and fro by a tre. And than was sir Gawayne ware how there hynge a whyght shelde on that tre, and ever as the damesels com by hit they spette uppon hit and som threw myre uppon the shelde. Than sir Gawayne and sir Uwayne wente and salewed them, and asked why they dud that dispyte to the shelde. 'Sir,' seyde the damesels, 'we shall tell you. There is a knyght in this contrey that owyth this whyght shelde, and he is a passyng good man of his hondis, but he burely argent and hatyth all ladyes and jantylwomen, and therefore Marhaus of azure, over all a IV/16/158 a whyght shelde we do all this dyspyte to that shelde.' lion rampant gules n

And than sir Marhaus rode unto his shylde and sawe how hit was defoyled, and sayde, 'Of this dispyte of parte I am avenged. But yet for hir burely argent and this whyght love that gaff me this whyght shelde I shall were Marhaus of azure, over all a IV/17/159 shelde the and hange myne where that was.' Ireland lion rampant gules n

75 But yet ore they wente and departe, our bushement brake on bothe sydys of the Romaynes, and there the bolde Bedwer and sir Lyonel bare downe the Romaynes on every syde. There oure noble knyghtes of mery Ingelonde bere hem thorow the helmys and bryght sheldis and slew hem downe, and there the hole roughte returned unto the Emperour and tolde hym at one worde his men were destroyed, ten thousand, by batayle of tyred knyghtes, 'for they ar the brymmyst men that V/6/209 bryght sheldis evir we saw in felde.' Roman knights N/A N/A

Dragons are often associated with the Devil. "So with that com a grete lyon cryynge and romyng aftir the serpente. And as fast as sir Percivale saw thys he Now I se well,' seyde sir Lucyus, 'yondir traytour hyghed hym thydir, but the lyon had hath betrayed me.' Than he redressis his overtake the serpente and began a dragon with knyghtes on dyverse partyes, and sette up a Not a shield batayle with hym. And than sir eglys many one dragon with eglys many one enewed with sabyl, rather a banner Percivale thought to helpe the lyon, enewed with and than he lete blow up with trumpettes and of the Roman for he was the more naturall beste of V/8/219 sabyl with tabours, that all the vale dyndled. general. N/A N/A the two..." (XIV/6/912)

76 Than anone the W elshe kyng was so nygh that he herde sir Lucyus. Than he dressed hym to the vycounte his avow for to holde. His armys were full clene and therein was a dolefull dragon, and into the vawarde he prykys hym Galegantin de Norgalles and Lamorak with styff spere in honde, and there he mette de Galles are the only characters in wyth the valyaunte Vyllers hymself that was Pastoureau whose names evoke W ales His armys were vycounte of Rome, and there he smote hym ("Pays de Galles"), but neither of them full clene and thorow the shorte rybbys with a speare, that the seem to be the king of W ales. Cf. the therein was a bloode braste oute on every syde, and so fylle to dragon charge, Arthur bore a dragon V/8/220 dolefull dragon the erthe and never spake mo wordys aftir. King of W ales N/A N/A banner.

The kynge [Arthur] let bawme all thes with many good gummys and setthen lette lappe hem in syxtyfolde of sendell large, and than lete lappe and their shyldys hem in lede that for chauffynge other chongyng turned upwarde, they sholde never savoure, and sytthen let close that eviry man them in chestys full clenly arayed, and their myght knowe of baners abovyn on their bodyes, and their what contray they shyldys turned upwarde, that eviry man myght Arthur's V/8/225 were kjnowe of what contray they were. knights N/A N/A

77 And in the grekynge of the day sir gawayne hente his horse wondyrs for to seke. Than was Priamus's shield, the Roman banner, he ware of a man armed walkynge a paase by a and to a lesser extent the King of of golde woodis ease by a revers syde, and his shelde No such shield or W ales' shield undercuts my theory that glystrande three braced on his sholdir, and he on a stronge horse knight in Malory does not want to waste gryffons in sabyll rydys withoute man wyth hym save a boy alone Pastoureau. No space/words /time describing overly and charbuckkle, that bare a grymme speare. The knyght bare in one bears a griffin complex coats of arms. A carbuncle the cheff of his shelde of golde glystrande three gryffons in as a charge in (charbuckkle?) is a term for a convex, V/9/229 sylver sabyll and charbuckkle, the cheff of sylver. Priamus Pastoureau. N/A unfaceted, deep-red garnet.

78 Fayre felow,' seyde sir Ector, 'doste thou know this contrey or ony adventures that bene nyghe here honde?' 'Sir,' seyde the foster, 'this contrey know I well. And hereby within this myle is a stronge maner and well dyked, and by that maner on the lyffte honde there is a fayre fourde for horse to drynke off, and over that fourde there growys a fayre tre. And thereon hongyth many fayre shyldys that welded somtyme good knyghtes, and at the of the tre hongys a basyn of couper and latyne.' ... 'Gramercy,' seyde sir Ector and departed. And com unto this tre and sawe many fayre shyldys, and amonge them all he sawe hys brothirs shylde, sir Lyonell, and good Lionel bears many mo that he knew that were of his felowys knyghtes,' argent, a semy of many fayre of the Rounde Table, the whyche greved his among them etoiles sable, 3 VI/2/255 shyldys herte, and promysed to revenge his brother. sir Lionel bends gules. N/A

79 Sir,' seyde sir Launcelot, 'as I here sey that turnement shall be here within this three myle of this abbay. But, sir, ye shall sende unto me three knyghtes of youres suche as ye truste, and loke that the three knyghtes have all whyght sheldis and no picture on theier shyldis, and ye shall sende me another of the same sewte; and we four wyll oute of a lytyll wood in myddys of bothe partyes com, and we shall falle on the frunte of oure enemyes and greve hem that we may. And thus shall I not be knowyn what maner a knyght I am.' So they toke their reste Launcelot and that nyght. And this was on the Sonday, and so three other the kynge departed and sente unto sir Launcelot knights in VI/6/262 all whyght sheldis three knyghtes with four whyght shyldys. disguise N/A N/A

80 Kay bears azure, 2 keys argent addorsed in pale. Bran de Lis bears gules, 3 swords ...But, fayre sir,' seyde sir Gaherys, 'I pray you argent. Marhaus tell me your name.' 'Sir, my name is sir bears burely Launcelot du Lake that ought to helpe you of argent and azure, ryght for kynge Arthurs sake, and in especiall over all a lion for my lorde sir Gawayne his sake, youre owne rampant gules. brother. And whan that ye com within yondir Ector de Maris maner, I am sure ye shall fynde there many bears argent, 3 knyghtes of the Rounde Table; for I have sene Kay, Bran de bends gules over many of their shyldys that I know hongys on Lis, all a sun azure. yondir tre. There is sir Kayes shylde, and sir Galyhuddys, Lionel bears Bradeles shylde, and Sir Galyhuddys shylde, and Brian de argent, a semy of sir Bryan de Lystenoyse his shylde, and sir Listenois, etoiles sable, over Alydukis shylde, with many mo that I am nat Alyduke, all 3 bends gules. now avysed of, and sir Marhaus, and also my Marhaus, The others are not many of their too brethirne shyldis, sir Ector de Marys and sir Ector de listed in VI/9/268 shyldys Lyonell....' Maris, Lionel Pastoureau. N/A

81 Than sone aftir arose sir Kay and myssid sir Launcelot, and than he aspyed that he had his armoure and his horse. 'Now, be my fayth, I Kay bears azure, 2 bycause of his know welle that woll greve som of the courte of keys argent armoure and kyng Arthur, for on hym knyghtes woll be bolde Launcelot and addorsed in pale. shylde I am sure and deme that hit is I, and that woll begyle Kay exchange Launcelot bears I shall ryde in them. And bycause of his armoure and shylde I armour and argent, 3 bends Launcelot's coat of arms is never VI/11/275 pease am sure I shall ryde in pease.' shields gules. N/A described in Malory.

Now turne we unto sir Launcelot that had ryddyn longe in a grete foreste. And at the last he com unto a low countrey full of fayre ryvers and fayre meedys; and before hym he sawe a longe brydge, and three pavylyons stood thereon, of sylke and sendell of dyverse hew. And withoute the pavylyons hynge three whyght shyldys on trouncheons of sperys, and grete longe sperys stood upryght by the pavylyons, three whyght and at every pavylyon dore stoode three freysh VI/12/275 shyldys knyghtes. knights N/A N/A

Ryght so sir Launcelot departed, and whan he com to the Chapell Perelus he alyght downe and tyed his horse unto a lytyll gate. And as sone as he was within the chyrche-yerde he sawe on the Launcelot frunte of the chapel many fayre ryche shyldys recognizes the turned up-so-downe, and many of tho shyldis shields of many fayre ryche sir Launcelot had sene knyghtes bere captured Does turning shields upside-down VI/15/280 shyldis byforehande. knights N/A N/A signify anything, i.e. defeat?

82

So this Beawmaynes rode with that lady tyll evynsonge, and ever she chydde hym and wolde nat reste. So at the last they come to a blak launde, and there was a blak hauthorne, and thereon hynge a baner, and on the other syde there hynge a blak shylde, and by hit stoode a blak speare, grete and longe, and a grete blak horse covered wyth sylk, and a blak stone faste by. Also there sate a knyght all armed in blak harneyse, and his name was called the Knyght Knight of the VII/6/303 a blak shylde of the Blak Laundis. Black Lands N/A N/A

Therewythall the Grene Knyght rode unto an horne that was grene, and hit hynge uppon a thorne. And there he blew three dedly motis, and anone there cam two damesels and armed hym lyghtly. And than he toke a grete horse, Meliadus of and a grene shylde, and a grene spere; and than Green Knight they ran togydyrs with all their myghtes and (brother of the (Tristram's father) VII/8/305 a grene shylde brake their sperys unto their hondis. Black Knight) bore vert. n; N/A

83 Damesell,' seyde Bewmaynes, 'who is aferde let hym fle, for hit were shame to turne agayne syth I have ryddyn so longe with you.' 'W ell,' seyde she, 'ye shall sone, whether ye woll or woll not.' So within a whyle they saw a whyght towre as ony snowe, well macchecolde all aboute and double-dyked, and over the towre gate there hynge a fyffty shyldis of dyvers coloures. And undir that towre there was a fayre medow, and therein was many knyghtes and squyres to various knights fyffty shyldis of beholde, scaffoldis and pavylons; for there, at a VII/10/308 dyvers coloures uppon the morne, sholde be a grete turnement. tournament N/A N/A

And the lorde of the towre was within his castell, and loked oute at a wyndow and saw a damesell, a dwarff, and knyght armed at all poyntis. 'So God me helpe,' seyde the lorde, 'with that knyght woll I juste, for I see that he is a knyght arraunte.' And so he armed hym and Red Knight horsed hym hastely. W han he was on horsebak (brother of Pastoureau found with his shylde with his shylde and his spere, hit was all rede, Black and one manuscript in and his spere, hit bothe his horse and his harneyse, and all that to Green which Percival VII/10/309 was all rede him belonged. Knights) bore gules. n; N/A

84 "W han kynge Bors saw tho knyghtes put on bak hit greved hym sore. Than Lo!' seyde she, 'syeste thou yondir pavylyon that he com on so faste that his felyship is all of the coloure of inde?' And all manner of semed as blak as inde" (I/15/31). thyng that there is aboute, men and women and "And the Grene Knyghtes name was shyldis and horsis, trapped shyldis and sperys, was all of the sir Partholype, and the Rede Knyghtes sperys, was all of coloure of inde. 'And his name is sir Parsaunte name was sir Perymones, and the Blew the coloure of of Inde, the most lordlyest knyght that ever Persant of No such knight in Knyghtes name was sir Persaunte of VII/11/311 inde thou lokyd on.' Inde Pastoureau. N/A Inde" (VII/23/336)

And whan they com nere the sege sir Bewmaynes aspyed on grete trees, as he rode, how there hynge full goodly armed knyghtes by These knights the necke, and their shyldis about their neckys were hanged with their swerdis and gylte sporys uppon their by the Red helys. And so there hynge nyghte a fourty Knight of the VII/15/320 full ryche armys knyghtes shamfully with full ryche armys. Red Lands N/A N/A

85 Than the Rede Knyght of the Rede Laundis armed hym hastely and too barouns sette on his all was sporys on his helys, and all was bloodrede: his bloodrede: his armour, spere, and shylde. And an erle buckled armour, spere, his helme on his hede, than they brought hym a Red Knight of VII/15/321 and shylde rede spere and a rede stede. the Red Lands N/A N/A

But at the laste an herrowde rode nyghe sir Gareth as he coude, and there he sawe wryten aboute his helme in golde, seyynge: 'This helme is sir Gareth of Orkeney.' Than the heroude cryed as he were woode, and many herowdys with hym: 'This is sir Gareth of Orkenay in the Gareth in None of the Orkney arms are VII/31/351 yealow armys yealow armys!' disguise N/A N/A described in Malory.

Sir knyght,' seyde the payge, 'there be within this castell thirty ladyes, and all they be wydowys. For here is a knyght that waytyth dayly uppon this castell, and he is callyd the Browne Knyght wythoute Pyté, and he is the perelust knyght that now lyvyth. And therefore, sir,' seyde the the Browne page, 'I rede you fle.' 'Nay,' seyde sir Gareth, 'I Brun sans sable, a dragon Canting arms for Brun sans Pitié. VII/33/355 Knyght woll not fle, thou thou be aferde of him.' Pitié? argent n Brown is not a heraldic colour.

86 So at the day of justys there cam sir Palomydes with a blacke shylde and he ovirthrew many knyghtes, that all people had mervayle; for he put to the warre sir Gawayne, Gaherys, Aggravayne, , Kay, Dodynas le Savyaige, Sagramour le Desyrous, Gunrete le Petyte, and Gryfflet le Fyse de Du - all thes the fyrste day sir Palomydes strake downe to the erthe. And than all maner of knyghtes were Palomides often disguises himself in adrad of sir Palomydes, and many called hym either plain black or plain argent, the Knyght with the Blacke Shylde; so that sir Palomides in which are the colour of his usual arms: VIII/9/386 a blacke shylde Palomydes had grete worship. disguise N/A N/A checky argent and sable.

Than had La Beale Isode ordayned and well arayde sir Tramtryste with whyght horse and whyght armys, and ryght so she lette put hym out at a prevy postren, and he cam so into the Tristram in VIII/10/387 whyghte armys felde as hit had bene a bryght angell. disguise N/A N/A

And than there was a grete noyse of people: som seyde sir Palomydes had a fall, som seyde Palomides in VIII/10/387 blacke shylde the knyght with the blacke shylde hath a fall. disguise N/A N/A

87 So this knyght that ought the shylde And so the same day there cam a damesell into This shield seems sawe none other way but he muste a grete blacke the courte, and she brought wyth hir a grete to be more dye, and than he commaunde me to shylde with a blacke shylde with a whyght honde in the associated with bere this shylde to the courte of kyng whyght honde in myddis holdynge a swerde, and other pyctoure the quest that Arthure, he requyrynge and prayynge the myddis was there none in that shylde. W han kynge accompanies it som good knyght to take his shylde, holdynge a Arthure saw her he asked her from whens she rather than any and that he wolde fulfylle the queste IX/2/461 swerde cam and what she wolde. a damesell person. N/A that he was in' (IX/2/461).

Here this tale overlepyth a whyle unto sir Launcelott, that whan he was com to the courte of kynge Arthur than harde he tell of the yonge knyghte sir La Cote Male tayle, how he slew the lyon and how he tok uppon hym the adventures of the blacke shylde, whych was named at that La Cote Male IX/5/467 blacke shylde tyme the hardyest adventure of the worlde. Tayle N/A N/A

88 And anone the damesell cryed sir Launcelot mercy of hir evyll dede, and seyyng, 'For now I know ye ar the floure of all knyghthode of the worlde, and sir Trystram departe hit even betwene you. For God knowith, be my good wyll,' seyde the damesell, 'that I have sought you, my lorde sir Launcelot, and sir Trystrams longe, and now I thanke God I have mette with thys blacke you. And onys at Camelot I mette with sir shylde with the Trystrams, and there he rescowed thys blacke whyght honde shylde with the whyght honde holdyng a naked holdyng a naked swerde that sir Brewnys Saunz Pité had takyn La Cote Male IX/7/471 swerde frome me.' Tayle N/A N/A

And whan sir Launcelot and they [La Cote Mal Tayle and the damesell] were at the brydge there sterte for the afore them of jantillmen and yomen many that seyde, 'Fayre lordis! Ye may nat passe thys brydge and thys fortresse because La Cote Mal of that blacke shylde that I se one of you beare, Tayle in and therefore there shall nat passe but one of company with you at onys. Therefore chose you whych of you Launcelot and IX/7/471 that blacke shylde shall entir within thys brydge fyrst.' a lady N/A N/A

89 In Pastoureau Tristram bears vert, a lion Than seyde sir Bors de Ganys, 'I wyste never rampant or. In trappours Cornysh knyght of so grete a valure nor so some manuscripts enbrowdred with valyaunte as that knyght that beryth the he bears vert, Tristram's real arms are never IX/23/504 crownys trappours enbrowdred with crownys.' Tristram three crowns or. y described in Malory.

Fy for shame!' seyde sir Trystram, 'do but youre parte!' 'Nay,' seyde sir Dynadan, 'I woll not thereoff but iff ye woll lende me your shylde. Marhaus bore For ye bere a shylde of Cornwayle, and for the burely argent and Does Tristram still have Marhaus's cowardyse that ys named to the knyghtes of azure, over all a shield, which he told Marhaus he Cornwayle by youre shyldys ye bene ever lion rampant would bear with him on all quests and forborne.' 'Nay,' sayde sir Trystram, 'I woll not gules. Tristram before King Arthur? If so, he would a shylde of departe frome my shylde for her sake that gaff bears vert a lion have an Irish shield when he meets IX/23/505 Cornwayle hit me...' Tristram rampant or. N/A Dinadan here.

But anone as sir Launcelot harde of the shylde of Cornwayle, he wyste well hit was sir Trystram that had fought with hys enemyes, and than sir the shylde of Launcelot praysed sir Trystram and called hym vert, a lion IX/25/509 Cornwayle the man of moste worshyp in the worlde. Tristram rampant or N/A

90 Than the quene [Morgan le Fay] spake and all the thirty knyghtes at onys, and seyde, '… And wyte thou well, sir Gawayne, hit is more for his sake than for thyn that we we woll not come oute of this castel, for wete ye well, sir Gawayne, the knyght that beryth the armys of Cornwayle, we know hym and what he ys.' Than sir Gawayne and sir Trystram departed and rode on their wayes a day or two togydirs, and there by adventure they mette with sir Kay the armys of and with sir Sagramour le Desyrous. And than Cornwayle… the they were glad of sir Gawayne and he of them, shylde of but they wyst nat what he was with the shylde of vert, a lion IX/26/512 Cornwayle Cornwayle but by demyng. Tristram rampant or N/A

And than sir Trystram toke hys horse and sought lodgynge, and there he mette with a good aunciaunte knyght and prayde hym to lodge with hym. Ryght so com Governayle unto sir Trystram that was glad of the commyng of the lady. And thys old knyghtes name was sir Pellownes, and he tolde hym of the grete turnement that shulde be at the Castell of Maydens: 'And there sir Launcelot and two and Launcelot and shyldis of twenty knyghtes of hys blood have ordayne his kin in IX/27/513 Cornwayle shyldis of Cornwayle' disguise N/A N/A

91 And than was sir Trystram ware of a lykly knyght rydyng uppon a grete black horse, and a blacke coverde shylde. 'W hat knyght ys that,' seyde sir Trystram, 'with the blacke shylde and the blacke horse?' 'I know hym well,' seyde sir Persides, 'he ys one of the best knyghtes of the worlde.' 'Than hit ys sir Launcelot,' seyde a blacke coverde Trystramys. 'Nay,' seyde sir Persides, 'hit ys sir Palomides in IX/27/514 shylde Palomydes that ys yett oncrystynde.' disguise N/A N/A

And within a whyle aftir there cam a squyer of that castell that tolde sir Pellownes, that was lorde of that castell, that a knyght with a blacke Palomides in IX/28/515 a blacke shylde shylde had smyttyn downe thirtene knyghtes. disguise N/A N/A

And anone sir Palomydes saw sir Persides, and than he sente a squyar unto hym and seyde, 'Go thou to the yondir knyght with the grene shyld the grene shyld and therein a lyon of gooldys, and say hym I Colour on colour is rare and generally and therein a requyre hym to juste with me, and tell hym that argent, a semy of does not occur. Is "gooldys" a IX/28/515 lyon of gooldys my name ys sir Palomydes.' Persides azure n misreading of "gold"?

92 Ryght so as they stoode talkinge, there cam by sir Trystram a lykly knyght, rydyng passyng sobirly and hevyly, with a blacke shylde. 'W hat knyght ys that?" seyde sir Trystram unto sir Is Bryan of North W ales the same as Persides. 'I know hym well,' seyde sir Persides, Bryan of No such knight in Galegantin de Norgalles, who bears IX/28/516 a blacke shylde 'for hys name ys sir Bryaunte of Northe W alis.' North W ales Pastoureau. N/A purpure, a lion argent?

And there com in sir Launcelot de Lake with a shylde of the armys of Cornwayle, and he sente a squyer unto sir Bryaunte and requyred hym to juste with hym. … And there sir Launcelot smote downe sir Bryaunte frome hys horse a grete falle. And than sir Trystram mervayled what knyght he was that bar the shylde of Cornwayle. 'Sir, whatsoever he be,' seyde sir Dyandan, 'I warraunte he ys of kyng Bannys a shylde of the blode, whych bene knyghtes of hte nobelyst armys of proues in the worlde, for to accompte so many Launcelot in IX/28/516 Cornwayle for so many.' disguise N/A N/A

By the good Lorde,' seyde sir Trystram, 'he ys a good knyght that beryth the shylde of the shylde of Cornwayle, and mesemyth he rydith on the best Launcelot in IX/28/517 Cornwayle maner that ever I saw knyght ryde.' disguise N/A N/A

93 Nay,' seyde sir Dynadan, 'ye shall se that sir Palomydes woll quyte hym ryght well.' 'Hyt may be so,' seyde sir Trystram, 'but I undirtake that the shylde of knyght with the shylde of Cornwayle shall gyff Launcelot in IX/29/517 Cornwayle hym a falle.' disguise N/A N/A

Now turne we unto sir Trystramys de Lyones that commaunded Governayle, hys servaunte, to ordayne hym a blacke shylde with none other remembraunce therein, and so sir Persides and a blacke shylde sir Trystramys departed from sir Pellownes. with none other And they rode erly toward the turnemente, and remembraunce than they drew them to kynge Carydos syde of Tristram in IX/30/523 therein Scotlonde. disguise N/A N/A

And kynge Arthure than, and the kyngis uppon bothe partyes, mervayled what knyght that was with the blacke shylde. Many knyghtis seyde their avyse; and som knew hym for sir Trystram and hylde their peace and wolde nat say. So that firste day kynge Arthure and all the kynges and lorids that were judges gaff sir Trystram the pryce, howbehyt they knew hym nat, but named Tristram in IX/30/524 the blacke shylde hym the Knyght with the Blacke Shylde. disguise N/A N/A

94 Than sir Launcelot founde a knyght that was sore wounded uppon the hede. 'Sir,' seyde sir Launcelot, 'who wounded you so sore?' 'Sir,' he seyde, 'a knyght that bearyth a blacke shylde. And I may curse the tyme that ever I mette with hym, for he ys a devyll and no man.' So sir Launcelot departed frome hym, and thought to mete with sir Trystram, and so he rode with hys swerde idrawyn in hys honde to seke sir Tristram in IX/31/525 a blacke shylde Trystram. disguise N/A N/A

And than all the felde was in a noyse, that with the wynde hit myght be harde two myle how the lordys and ladyes cryed: 'The Knyght with the Tristram in IX/32/527 blacke shylde Blacke Shylde hath won the fylde!' disguise N/A N/A

And there the Kynge with the Hondred Knyghtes smote down kyng Carados, and the kynge of North galis smote downe the kynge of Irelonde. So with that cam in sir Palomydes, hys endented and he made grete worke, for by hys endented checky argent and IX/33/530 shylde shylde he was well knowyn. Palomides sable n

95 So with [this] cam in sir Trystram with hys blak shylde, and anone he justed with sir Palomydes, and there by fyne force sir Trystram smote sir Palomydes over hys horse croupe. Than kynge Arthure cryed, 'Knyght with the blacke shylde, Tristram in IX/33/530 blak shylde make the redy to me!' disguise N/A N/A

Than sir Trystram rode here and there and ded hys grete payne, that a twelve of the good knyghtes of the bloode of kynge Ban that were of sir Launcelottis [kyn] that day sir Trystram smote downe, that all the estatis mervayled of their grete dedis, and all people [cryede] uppon the knyght with the blacke shylde. So thys cry was so large that sir Launcelot harde hit, and than he gate a grete spear in hys honde and cam towardis the cry. Than sir Launcelot cryed, 'Knyght with the blacke shylde, make je redy to Tristram in IX/34/531 the blacke shylde juste with me!' disguise N/A N/A

Sir, as for me,' seyde sir Launcelot, 'for all the londys that ever my fadir leffte I wolde nat have Tristram was wounded by Launcelot hurt sir Trystram and I had knowyn hym at that because the latter did not tyme that I hurte hym: for I saw nat hys shylde. see/recognize the former's shield. For and I had seyne hys blacke shylde, I wolde Strangely, Lancelot says he would have nat have medled with hym for many causis,' Tristram in identified Tristram by his black shield IX/35/535 blacke shylde seyde sir Launcelot. disguise N/A N/A (his disguise).

96 And so this damysell cam by sir Palomydes, and he and she had langage togyder, whych pleased neythir of them. And so thys damesell rode her wayes tyll she cam to that olde knyghtes place, and there she tolde that olde knyght how she mette with the woodist knyght by adventure that ever she mette withall. 'W hat bare he in hys shylde?' seyde sir Trystram. 'Sir, hit was endented with whyght and blacke,' seyde the damesell. 'A,' seyde sir Trystram, 'that was hit was endented Palamydes, the good knyght. For well I know with whyght and hym,' seyde sir Trystram, 'for one of hte beste checky argent and IX/36/536 blacke knyghtes lyvyng in thys realme.' Palomides sable n

W han sir Breuse Saunce Pité saw sir Launcelottis shylde he knew hit well, for at that sir Launcelottis tyme he bare nat the shylde of Cornwayle, but argent three bends IX/36/538 shylde he bare hys owne. Launcelot gules N/A

97 So whan sir Trystram was com to hys lodgynge, there cam a damsell that tolde sir Darras that three of his sunnys were slayne at that turnement, and two grevously wounded so that they were never lyke to helpe themselff: and all thys was done by a noble knyght that bare a blacke shylde, and that was he that bare the pryce. Than cam one and tolde sir Darras that the same knyght was within hys courte that bare the blacke shylde. Than sir Darras yode unto sir Trystramys chambir, and there he founde hys shylde and shewed hit to the damesell. 'A, sir,' The damesell recognizes Tristram's seyde the damesell, 'thys same ys he that slewe Tristram in uncharged shield, yet many knights IX/37/540 a blacke shylde youre three sunnys.' disguise N/A N/A seem to bear plain sable.

98 Than kynge Marke asked sir Gaherys what tydynges there was within the realme of Logrys. 'Sir,' seyde sir Gaherys, 'the kynge regnys as a noble knyght, and now but late there was a grete justis and turnemente that ever y saw within thys reallme of Logres, and the most nobelyste knyghtes were at that justis. But there was one knyght that ded mervaylously three dayes, and he bare a blacke shylde, and on all the knyghtes that ever y saw he preved the beste knyght.' 'That was,' seyde kynge Marke, 'sir Launcelot, other ellis sir Palomydes the paynym.' 'Not so,' seyde sir Gaherys, 'for they were both of the contrary party agaynste the knyght with the blacke shylde.' 'Than was hit sir Trystram de Tristram in IX/38/545 a blacke shylde Lyones,' seyde [the] kynge. disguise N/A N/A

99 So sir Gaherys made hym redy [to joust], and whan he was armed he rode into the fylde. And whan sir Uwayne saw sir Gaherys shylde he rode to hym and seyde, 'Sir, ye do nat youre parte, for the first tyme that ever ye were made knyght of the Rounde Table ye sware that ye shuld nat have ado with none of youre felyship wyttyngly. And, pardé, sir Gaherys, ye know me Gaheris bears well inow by my shylde, and so do I know you purpure a double- ye know me well by youre shylde. And thaughe ye wolde breke headed eagle or, a inow by my youre othe, I woll nat breke myne. For there ys bordure of tears Gaheris and Uwain prepare to joust, shylde, and so do nat one here nother ye that shall thynk I am gules. Uwain but then Uwain recognizes Gaheris's I know you by aferde of you, but that I durst ryght well have Gaheris and bears azure, a lion shield and refuses to have ado with a IX/38/546 youre shylde ado with you. And yet we be syster sonnys!' Uwain rampant or. N/A fellow knight of the Round Table.

Than sone after thys sir Trystram fyll syke, that he wente to have dyed. Than sir Dynadan wepte, and so ded sir Palomydes, undir them bothe makynge grete sorow. So a damesell cam in to them and founde them mournynge. Than she wente unto sir Darras and tolde hym how the myghty knyght that bare the blacke shylde Tristram in IX/40/551 the blacke shylde was lykly to dye. disguise N/A N/A

100 Madame,' seyde sir Trystram, 'let me se the shylde that I shall bear.' Than the shylde was brought forth, and the fylde was gouldes with a kynge and a quene therein paynted, and a knyght stondynge aboven them with hys one foote standynge uppon the kynges hede and the othir uppon the quenys hede. 'Madame,' seyde sir Trystram, 'thys is a fayre shylde and a myghty, but what signyfyeth this kynge and this quene and that knyght stondynge uppon bothe the fylde was their hedis?' 'I shall tell you,' seyde Morgan le gouldes with a Fay. 'Hit signyfieth kynge Arthure and quene kynge and a Gwenyver, and a knyght that holdith them quene therein bothe in bondage and in servage.' ... paynted, and a Morgan ordayned that shylde to put sir knyght stondynge Launcelot to a rebuke, to that entente, that aboven them kynge Arthure myght undirstonde the love Tristram takes with hys one betwene them. So sir Trystram toke that shylde a shield from foote standynge and promysed hir to beare hit at the turnemente Morgan le Fay uppon the kynges of the castell of Harde Rooche. But sir to the Like the black shield with the white hede and the Trystram knew nat of that shylde that hit was tournament at hand, Morgan's shield is most othir uppon the ordayned ayenste sir Launcelot, but aftirwarde the Castle of interesting for the story that is linked IX/41/554 quenys hede he knew hit. the Hard Rock N/A N/A to it.

101 So there cam in sir Trystram and ded mervaylous dedis of armys, for he smote downe many knyghtes, and ever he was before kynge Arthure with that shylde [that Morgan had given him]. And whan kynge Arthure saw that shylde he mervayled gretly in what entent hit was made. But quene Gwenyver demed as hit was, wherefore she was hevy. Than was there a Tristram bears damesell of quene Morgan in a chambir by the shield kynge Arthure, and whan she harde kynge given to him Arthure speke of that shylde, than she spake by Morgan le opynly unto kynge Arthure: 'Sir kynge, wyte you Fay at the well thys shylde was ordayned for you, to warn tournament at you of youre shame and dishonoure that longith the Castle of IX/44/557 that shylde to you and youre quene.' the Hard Rock N/A N/A

And yf hit be so ye can dyscryve what ye beare, ye are worthy to beare armys.' 'As for that,' seyde sir Trystram, 'I woll answere you. For this shylde was yevyn me, not desyred, of quene Morgan le Fay. And as for [me], I can nat dyscryve this armys, for hit is no poynte of my Tristram does charge, and yet I truste to God to beare hit with not know the worship.' 'Truly,' seyde kynge Arthure, 'ye explanation for ought nat to bear none armys but yf ye wyste the charge of what ye bare. But I pray you tell me youre Morgan's X/1/559 this shylde name.' shield. N/A N/A

102 Tristram Than sir Trystram had so grete pité of that one believes he knyght that endured so grete payne, and ever recognizes Palomides bears hym thought hit sholde be sir Palomydes, by his Palomides by checky argent and X/1/560 by his shylde shylde. his shield sable. N/A

So departed sir Trystram frome that dolorous lady and had muche evyll lodgynge. Than on the thirde day sir Trystram mette with sir Gawayne and sir Bleoberys in a foreyste at a lodge, and ayther were sore wounded. Than sir Trystram askyd sir Gawayne and sir Bleoberys yf they mette with suche a knyght with suche a Launcelot in X/3/564 a coverde shylde conyssaunce, wyth a converde shylde. disguise N/A N/A

W hat conyssaunce beryth he?' seyde sir Kay. 'He beryth,' seyde sir Trystram, 'a shylde a shylde covyrde covyrde close.' 'Be my hede,' seyde sir Kay, 'that Launcelot in X/3/565 close is the same knyght that mette with us!… ' disguise N/A N/A

So whan sir Trystram come to the towmbe of stone he loked aboute hym aftyr sir Palomydes. Than was he ware where come a semely knyght the coverde rydynge ayenst hym, all in whyght, and the Launcelot in X/5/568 shylde coverde shylde. disguise N/A N/A

103 And whan the kynge herde how sir Launcelot and he had foughtyn, and aythir had wounded other wondirly sore, then the kynge made grete dole. Than sir Trystram tolde the kynge how he com thydir to have ado with sir Palomydes. And than he tolde the kynge how he had rescowed hym from the nine knyghtes and sir Breunes Saunze Pité, and how he founde a knyght lyynge by a welle, 'and that knyghte smote downe bothe sir Palomydes and me, and hys shylde was coverde with a clothe. So sir Palomydes leffte me, and I folowed aftir that knyght, and in many placis I founde where he had slayne knyghtes and forjustyd many.' covere 'Be my hede,' seyde sir Gawayne, 'that same knyghte smote me downe and sir Bleoberys and hurte us sore bothe, he wyth the coverde shylde.' 'A! seyde sir Kay, 'that same knyght smote me downe and hurte me passynge sore.' 'Jesu mercy!' seyde kynge Arthure, 'what knyght was that wyth the coverde shylde?' 'W e knew hys shylde was hym not,' seyde sir Trystram, and so seyde they coverde with a all. 'No?' seyde kynge Arthure. 'Than wote I, Launcelot in X/6/570 clothe for hit is sir Launcelot.' disguise N/A N/A

104 Than was sir Dynadan passynge wrothe that he myght nat be revenged of that knyght, and so he departed. And in no wyse wolde that knyght he sholde know telle hys name, but ever sir Dynadan thought he hym by his sholde know hym by his shylde that he sholde or, a semy of X/10/584 shylde be sir Torre. Sir Torre crosslets sable N/A

So ryght as they stood thus talkynge togydyrs they saw com rydynge by them over a playne seix knyghtes of the courte of knyge Arthure well armyd at all poyntys; and by their shyldys sir Dynadan knew them well. The fyrste was Uwain, Bran the good knyght sir Uwayne, the sonne of kynge de Lis, Ozanna Uryen. The secunde was the noble knyght sir le Cure Hardy, Brandyles. The thirde was Ozanna le Cure Uwain les by their shyldys Hardy. The fourth was sir Uwayne les Adventurys, sir Dynadan Adventurys. The fyfth was sir Agravayne, the Agravaine, X/11/585 knew them well sixth, sir Mordred, to brethirne to sir Gawayne. Mordred

105 A, Jesu!' seyde kynge Marke, 'myght ye knowe sir Launcelot by his shylde?' 'Ye,' seyde sir Dynadan, 'for he beryth a shylde of sylver and blacke bendis.' All this he seyde to feare kynge Marke, for sir Launcelot was nat in the felyshyp. … 'W oll ye than do well?' seyde sir Dynadan. 'I Dinadan tells have tolde the Cornyshe knyght that here is sir Mark that Launcelot, and the Cornyshe knyght asked me Mordred's purpure, a double- a shylde of sylver what shylde he bare, and I tolde hym that he shield is headed eagle or, a X/12/587 and blacke bendis bare the same shylde that sir Mordred beryth.' Launcelot's chief argent n

A, fayre knyght,' seyde kynge Marke, 'lette me Mark mistakes passe, for yondir commyth aftir me the beste Mordred's purpure, a double- the blacke knyght of the worlde, wyth the blacke beanded shield for headed eagle or, a X/13/589 beanded shylde shylde.' Launcelot's chief argent n

Now leve we off, and talke we of sir Dynadan that rode to seke sir Palomydes. And as he cam wythin a foreyste, he mette with a knyght, a chacer of deore. 'Sir,' seyde sir Dynadan, 'mette ye wyth ony knyght wyth as shylde of sylver and lyons hedys?' 'Ye, fayre knyght,' seyde the other, Lamorak de a shylde of sylver 'with such a knyght mette I wyth but a whyle Gales? Or No such shield in Le Roy Ydrier bears gules, three lions' X/14/591 and lyons hedys agone, and streyte yondir way he yeode.' Palomides? Pastoureau. heads or.

106 Now turne we agayne unto sir Palomydes, how sir Dynadan comfortyd hym in all that he myght frome his grete sorowe. 'W hat knyght ar ye?' seyde sir Palomides. 'Sir, I am a knyght arraunte Dinadan seeks Palomides bears sought you longe as ye be, that have sought you longe by your Palomides by checky argent and X/16/595 by your shylde shylde.' his shield sable. N/A

So as they stoode on horsebacke afore the castsell, there cam a knyght wyth a rede shylde and two squyers aftir hym; and he cam strayte unto sir Palomydes and sayde, 'Fayre knyght arraunte, I requyre the for the love thou owyste unto knyghthode, that thou wylt not have ado Purpure, a semy of Purple and red are sometimes (but not here with this men of this castel.' (Thus sir crosslets or, over often) interchanged in illuminations. Lamerok seyde.) 'For I cam hydir to seke this Lamorak de all a leopard Also medieval purple cloth dye can X/17/598 a rede shylde ded, and hit is my rekeyste...' Gales argent. n fade to red.

107 Than anone come furth a knyght of the castell and profyrde to juste with the knyght wyth the rede shylde. And anone they encountyrd togydyrs, and he with the rede shylde smote hym so harde that he bare hym over to the erthe. And therewith anone cam another knyght of the castell, and he was smyttyn so sore that he avoyded hys sadyll. And furthwithall came the thirde knyght, and the knyght with the rede shylde smote hym to the erthe. ... And ever there were uppon the wallys of the castell many lordys that cryed and seyde, 'W ell have ye justed, knyght with the rede purpure, a semy of shylde!' ... Ryght so cam forth of the castell the crosslets or, over fourthe knyght, and freyshly profyrde to juste Lamorak de all a leopard X/17/598 the rede shylde wyth the knyght with the rede shylde. Gales argent n

Than furthwithall cam a knyght oute of the castell with a shydle bended with blak and with whyght. And anone the knyght wyth the rede shylde and he encountyrd so hard that he smote a shylde bended the knyght of the castell thorowoute the bended Mordred bore this shield above. In with blak and shylde and thorow the body, and brake the this scene it belongs to a nameless X/18/599 with whyght horse back. a knight N/A N/A knight.

And therefore, and ye were jantyll,' sayde the purpure, a semy of knyght with the red shylde, 'ye wolde nat profyr crosslets or, over me no shame. Therefore I requyre you to juste Lamorak de all a leopard X/18/599 red shylde with me, and ye shall fynde that I am nat wery.' Gales argent n

108

And stoode the lorids and the ladyes on the castell wallys, cryynge and seynge: 'Knyght with the rede [shylde], ye have mervaylously well done as ever we sawe knyght do.' And therewith come a knyght oute of th castell unarmed, and seyde, 'Knyght with the rede shylde, overmuche damage have ye done this same day! And therefore returne wother ye woll, for here ar no mo that woll have ado with the, for we repente sore that ever ye cam here, for by the is fordone all the olde customes of this castell.' And with that worde he turned agayne into the castell, and shett the yatys. purpure, a semy of Than the knyght wyth the rede shylde turned crosslets or, over and called his squyers, and so paste forth on his Lamorak de all a leopard X/18/600 rede shylde way and rode a grete pace. Gales argent n

Be Allmyghty Jesu,' seyde sir Palomydes, 'I shall never be at ease tyll that I have had ado with him.' 'Sir,' seyde sir Dynadan, 'I shall gyff you my beholdynge.' 'W ell,' seyde sir Palomydes, 'than shall ye se how we shall redresse our purpure, a semy of myghtes.' So they toke their horsys of their crosslets or, over varlettis and rode aftir the knyght with the rede Lamorak de all a leopard X/18/601 the rede shylde shylde. Gales argent n

109 Ye shall se what I woll do,' seyde sir Palomydes. And therewith he alyght downe uppon foote, and dressed his shylde afore hym and pulled oute his swerde. Than the knyght with the rede purpure, a semy of shylde descended downe frome his horse and crosslets or, over dressed his shylde afore hym, and so he drewe Lamorak de all a leopard X/19/601 the rede shylde oute his swerde. Gales argent n

Ryght so was kynge Arthure ware of a knyght and two squyers that come oute of a foreystis syde wyth a covyrd shylde of lethir. Than he cam in slyly, and hurled here and there, and anone with one speare he had smyttyn downe two knyghtes of the Rounde Table. And so wyth his hurtelynge he loste the coverynge of his shylde. Than was the kynge and all ware that he bare a rede shylde. 'A, Jesu!' seyde kynge Arthure, 'se where rydyth a strong knyght, he purpure, a semy of a covyrd shylde wyth the rede shylde.' And there was a noyse crosslets or, over of lethir; a rede and a grete cry: 'Beware the knyght with the Lamorak de all a leopard X/21/606 shylde rede shylde!' Gales argent n

110 How now?' seyde the kynge to sir Gawayne. 'Methynketh ye have a falle! W ell were me and I knew what knyght he were with the rede shylde.' 'I know hym well inowghe,' seyde sir Dynadan, 'but as at this tyme ye shall nat know his name.' purpure, a semy of 'Be my hede,' seyde sir Trystram, 'he justyth crosslets or, over better than sir Palomydes, and yf ye lyste to Lamorak de all a leopard X/21/607 the rede shylde know, his name is sir Lameroke de Galys.' Gales argent n

in hys shylde he So than sir Palomydes disgysed hymselff in this bare the maner: in his shylde he bare the questynge Palomides in X/41/656 questynge beste beste, and in all his trapours. disguise N/A N/A

Ryght so as they stood there cam sir Palomydes; and whan he saw the shylde of sir Bleoberys ly on the erthe, than sayde sir Palomydes, 'He that owyth that shylde lette hym dresse hym to me, argent, a semy of for he smote me downe here faste by at a crosslets sable, the shylde of sir fountayne, and therefore I woll fyght wyth hym over all three X/54/687 Bleoberys on foote.' Blioberis bends gules N/A

111 Anone as sir Dynadan behylde hym he seyde, 'Be my fayth! That same is the doted knyght that I saw lye by the welle, nother slepyinge nother wakynge.' 'W ell,' seyde sir Trystram, 'I know that knyght well, wyth the coverde shylde of assure, for he is the kynges sonne of Northumbirlonde. His name is sir Epynogrys, and he is as grete a lover as I know, and he The nameless King of W ales makes the coverde lovyth the kynges doughter of W alys, a full fayre No such knight in another appearance in that Epinogrus X/55/689 shylde of assure lady...' Epinogrus Pastoureau. N/A loves his daughter.

Ryght so cam in a varlette and tolde sir Trystram how there was com an arraunte Tristram wyth suche a knyght into the towne wyth such a coloures recognizes coloures uppon uppon his shylde. 'Be my fayth, that is sir Dinadan by his argent, a lion X/56/693 his shylde Dynadan,' seyde sir Trystram. shield rampant sable N/A

So whan he hadde dyned sir Trystram asked his armys and departed. And so they rode on there wayes, and wythin a myle way sir Dynadan saw where cam a knyght armed and well horsed, X/60/703 a whyghte shylde wyth a whyghte shylde. a knight N/A N/A

W han he wyste what he hyght he toke his horse wyth the spurrys, bycaus they shulde nat aske hym his name, and so he rode faste away thorow thicke and thorow thynne. Than cam there by them a knyght with a bended shylde of a bended shylde assure, his name was sir Epynogrys, and he cam No such knight in X/65/721 of assure a grete walop. Epinogrus Pastoureau. N/A

112

W hother ar ye away?' sayde sir Trystram. 'My fayre lordis,' seyde sir Epynogrys, 'I folow the a shylde with a falsiste knyght that beryth the lyeff, wherefore I case of rede over requyre you tell me whethyr ye sye hym, for he Brun Sans sable, a dragon X/65/721 hit beryth a shylde with a case of rede over hit.' Pitié argent n

So that nyght they were reposed with the beste. Palomides, all in grene And in the morne whan hit was day they were Tristram, and trapurs, bothe arayed all in grene trapurs, bothe shyldis and Gareth in The field of Tristram's shield in shyldis and spearys, and La Beall Isode in the same coloure, disguise at Pastoureau and most of the Francais X/68/732 spearys and her three damesels. Lonezep N/A N/A manuscripts is green.

Than sir Palomydes sawe that sir Trystram was disgysed, and thought to shame hym. And so he rode unto a knyght that was sore wounded, that sate undir a thorne a good way frome the fylde. 'Syr knyght,' seyde sir Palomides, 'I pray you to lende me youre armoure and youre shylde, for myne ys overwell knowyn in thys lende me youre fylde, and that hath done me grete damayge. Palomides armour and And ye shall have myne armour and my shylde disguises X/76/750 youre shylde that ys as sure as youres.' himself N/A N/A

113 So sir Palomydes armed hym hastely in that knyghtes armour and hys shylde that shone lyke ony crystall or sylver, and so he cam rydynge hys shylde that into the fylde. And than there was nothir sir shone lyke ony Trystram nothir none of hys party nothir of Palomides in X/76/750 crystall or sylver kynge Arthurs that knew sir Palomydes. disguise N/A N/A

So there cam in a knyght unto sir Launcelot and seyde, 'Sir, ye muste nedis fyght wyth yondyr knyght in the blak harneyes' - which was sir Trystram - 'for he hath allmoste overcome that good knyghte that fyghtyth wyth hym wyth the Palomides in X/76/751 the sylver shylde sylver shylde' - whyche was sir Palomydes. disguise N/A N/A

Than lat us smyte hym downe,' seyde sir Gareth. 'So hit is beste that we do,' seyde sir Dynadan, 'rathir than sir Trystrams sholde be shamed, for yondir hovyth the straunge knyghte wyth the sylver shylde to falle uppon sir Trystram yf nede Palomides in X/76/752 the sylver shylde be.' disguise N/A N/A

114 So whan the turnement was done sir Trystram, sir Gareth and sir Dynadan rode wyth La Beall Isode to his pavelons, and ever sir Palomydes rode wyth them in there company, disgysed as he was. But whan sir Trystram had aspyed hym that he was the same knyght wyth the shylde of sylver that hylde hym so hote that day, than seyde Trystram, 'Sir knyght, wyte thou well here the shylde of ys none that hath nede of youre felyshyp. And Palomides in X/77/754 sylver therefore I pray you departe frome us.' disguise N/A N/A

Alas,' seyde sir Palomydes, 'ar ye my lorde sir Trystram?' 'Yee, sir, and that know you well inow.' 'Be my knyghthod,' seyde sir Palomydes, 'untyll now I knew you nat, for I wente that ye had been the kynge off Irelonde, for well I wote that ye bare his armys.' 'I bare his armys,' seyde sir Trystram, 'and that woll I abyde bye, for I Tristram bears burely argent and well I wote that wanne them onys in a fylde of a full noble Marhaus's azure over all a X/77/755 ye bare his armys knyght whos name was sir Marhalte...' shield lion rampant gules N/A

115 Than sir Palomydes made sir Epynogrys to take his horse, and so they rode untyll an ermytage, and there sir Epynogrys rested hym. And in the wyth a shylde meanewhyle sir Palomydes walked prevayly oute that he had sene to reste hym under the levis, and there besydes Saphir bears Ector de Maris's shield, sir Ector de he sawe a knyght com rydynge wyth a shylde argent, three or else Ector de Maris once bore Marys beare that he had sene sir Ector de Maris beare bends gules over Saphir's shield, or they both bore the X/83/771 aforehonde aforehonde. Saphir all a sun azure N/A shield of a third party.

No such knight in Pastoureau. Alixandre a grene shylde And anone aftir, there cam a knyght with a l'Orphelin bore and therein a grene shylde and therein a whyght lyon, ledyinge vert, a lion X/83/771 whyght lyon a lady uppon a palfrey. Helior rampant argent. N/A

Saphir bears party per pale, 1) vair; 2) checky or and vert. Sir Ector But ever at the laste the knyght with sir Ectors bears argent, three shylde was far bigger, and at the laste he smote bends gules over X/83/772 sir Ectors shylde downe sir Helyor. Saphir all a sun azure. n

116 And than was sir Palomydes ware of sir Trystram how he cam rydynge. And whan sir Launcelot sy hym he knew hym well; but sir Trystram knew nat hym, because he had on his shuldir a gylden shylde. So sir Launcelot made hym redy to juste wyth sir Trystram, because he Palomides in X/85/778 a gylden shylde sholde nat wene that he were sir Launcelot. disguise N/A N/A

And thus as sir Launcelott wandred here and there, he cam into a fayre medow where he founde a pavelon. And thereby uppon a tre hynge a whyght shylde, and two swerdys hynge thereby, and two spearys lened thereby to a tre. And whan sir Launcelot saw the swerdys, anone he lepte to the tone swerde, and clyched that swerde in hys honde and drew hitte oute. And than he laysshed at the shylde, that all the medow range of the dyntys, that he gaff such a No such knight in XII/1/817 a whyght shylde noyse as ten knyghtes hadde fought togydyrs. Bliant Pastoureau. N/A

117 Than sir Launcelot lete make hym a shylde all of a shylde all of sable, and a quene crowned in the myddis of sable, and a sylver, and a knyght clene armed knelynge afore quene crowned her. And every day onys, for ony myrthis that in the myddis of all the ladyes myght make hym, he wolde onys sylver, and a every day loke towarde the realme of Logrys, knyght clene where kynge Arthure and quene Gwenyver was, Launcelot as armed knelynge and than wolde he falle uppon a wepyng as hys Le Chevalyer XII/6/827 afore her harte shulde to-braste. Mal Fete N/A N/A

So on the morne they arose and herde masse. the shylde hynge Than syr Bagdemagus asked where the as whyght as ony adventures shylde was. Anone a munke ledde snowe, but in the hym behynde an awter where the shylde hynge myddys was a as whyght as ony snowe, but in the myddys was argent, a cross XIII/9/877 rede crosse a rede crosse. Galahad gules y

Now seyth the tale, aftir sir Gawayne departed he rode many journeys both towarde and the whyght forwarde, and at the last [he] com to the abbey argent, a cross XIII/16/890 shylde where sir Galahad had the whyght shylde. Galahad gules y

So on the morne sir Percyvale went to the the whyght recluse and asked her if she knew that knyght argent, a cross XIV/1/905 shylde with the whyght shylde. Galahad gules y

118 Than sir Percivale smote the firste to the erth and hys horse uppon hym, and than seven of the knyghtes smote uppon hys shylde at onys and the remenaunte slew hys horse, that he felle to the erth, and had slayne hym other takyn hym, had nat the good knyght sir Galahad with the rede armys com there by adventure into the partys. And whan he saw all tho knyghtes uppon one knyght he seyde, 'Save me that argent, a cross XIV/4/909 the rede armys knyghtes lyve!' Galahad gules y

But than she seyde, 'Sir Percivale, wote ye what I am?' 'W ho taught you my name?' now seyde sir Percivale. 'I knowe you bettir than ye wene: I com but late oute of the Waste Foreyste where I founde the Rede Knyght with the whyghte the whyghte shylde.' 'A, fayre damesell,' seyde he, 'that argent, a cross XIV/8/916 shylde knyght wolde I fayne meet withall.' Galahad gules y

And so hyt happynde that sir Gawayne and sir Ector de Marys were with the knyghtes withoute. But than they aspyed the whyght shylde with the rede crosse, and anone that one seyde to that othir, 'Yondir ys the good knyght the whyght sir Galahad, the Haute Prynce. Now, forsothe, shylde with the methynkith he shall be a grete foole that shall argent, a cross XVII/1/981 rede crosse mete with hym to fyght.' Galahad gules y

119 And so he ete and slepte a whyle, and this mayde than called hym and armed hym by torchelyght. And whan the mayden was horsed and he bothe, the lady toke sir Galahad a fayre shylde and ryche, and so they departed frome the castell and rode tylle they cam to the see. And there they founde the shippe that sir Bors Galahad (not and sir Percivale weas in, whych seyde on the the white a fayre shylde and shipbourde, 'Sir Galahad, ye be wellcom, for we shield with the XVII/2/983 ryche have abydyn you longe!' cross) n

And than he [Launcelot] departed and cam to the abbey where sir Galahad dud the adventure of the tombis and wan the whyght shylde with the rede crosse. And there had he grete chere the whyght all that nyght, and on the morne he turned to shylde with the Camelot where he founde kynge Arthure and argent, a cross XVII/17/1020 rede crosse the quene. Galahad gules y

And anone sir Madore cam into the fylde with hys shylde on hys shulder and hys speare in hys honde, and so rode aboute the place cryyng unto kyng Arthure, 'Byd youre champyon com for the and he dare!' Than was sir Bors ashamed, and toke hys horse and cam to the lystis ende. And than was he ware where cam frome a woode there fast by a knyght all armed uppon a whyght horse with a straunge shylde of a straunge shylde straunge armys, and he came dryvyng all that Launcelot in XVIII/6/1056 of straunge armys hys horse myght renne. disguise N/A N/A

120

So whan sir Launcelot was in hys lodgyng and unarmed in hys chambir, the olde barown, sir Barnarde, com to hym and wellcomed hym in the beste maner. But he knew nat sir Launcelot. 'Fayre sir,' seyde sir Launcelot tylle hys oste, 'I wolde pray you to lende me a shylde that were nat opynly knowyn, for myne is well knowyn.' 'Sir,' seyde hys oste, 'ye shall have youre desire, a shylde that for mesemyth ye bene one of hte lylyest were nat opynly knyghtest that ever y sawe, and therefore, sir, I Launcelot asks XVIII/9/1067 knowyn shall shew you freynship.' for a disguise N/A N/A

So uppon a day, on the morne, kynge Arthure and all hys knyghtis departed, for there the kyng had tarryed three dayes to abyde hys noble knyghtes. And so whan the kynge was rydden, sir Launcelot and sir Lavayne made them redy to ryde, and aythir of them had whyght shyldis, and the rede sleve sir Launcelot lete cary with Launcelot in XVIII/10/1068 whyght shyldis hym. disguise N/A N/A

And than the kynge blew unto lodgynge, and the pryce was gyvyn by herowdis unto the the whyght knyght with the whyght shylde that bare the Launcelot in XVIII/12/1073 shylde rede slyve. disguise N/A N/A

121 And so as sir Gawayne was in hys chamber to repose hym, sir Barnarde, the olde barowne, cam in to hym, and hys doughtir Elayne, to chere hym and to aske hym what tydyngis, and who ded beste at the turnemente of W ynchester. 'So God me helpe,' seyde sir Gawayne, 'there were two knyghtes that bare two whyght shyldys, but one of them bare a Launcelot and two whyght rede sleve uppon hys hede, and sertaynly he was Lavayne in XVIII/13/1077 shyldys the beste knyght that ever y saw juste in fylde.' disguise N/A N/A

How had ye knowlecch of hym firste?' seyde sir Gawayne. Than she told hym, as ye have harde before, and how hir fadir betoke hym her brother to do hym servyse, and how hir fadir lente hym her brothirs, sir Tyrryes, shylde: 'and here with me leffte hys owne shylde.' 'For what cause ded he so?' seyde sir Gawayne. 'For thys cause,' seyde the damesell, 'for hys shylde was full well knowyn amonge many noble knyghtes.' 'A, fayre damesell,' seyde sir Gawayne, 'please hit you to lette me have a syght of that shylde.' ... So whan the shylde was com sir Gawayne Gawayne toke of the case, and whan he behylde that recognizes shylde [he] knew hyt anone that hit was sir Launcelot's argent three bends XVIII/14/1078 hys owne shylde Launcelottis shylde and hys owne armys. shield gules N/A

122 Alas,' seyde she, 'how may thys be? Ys he slayne?' 'I say nat so,' seyde sir Gawayne, 'but wete you well he ys grevously wounded, by all maner of sygnys, and by meanys of syght more Gawayne lycklyer to be dede than to be on lyve. And recognizes by thys shylde I wyte you well he ys the noble knyght sir Launcelot' argent three bends XVIII/14/1079 know hym Launcelot, for by thys shylde I know hym.' shield gules N/A

… But I mervayle,' seyde sir Launcelot, 'who tolde you my name.' And so thys maydyn tolde Gawayne by youre shylde hym all how sir Gawayne was lodged with hir recognizes he dyscoverde fader, 'and there by youre shylde he dyscoverde Launcelot's argent three bends XVIII/15/1082 youre name youre name.' shield gules N/A

123 Sir, ye shall se me sone disgysed,' seyde sir Gareth. And therewithall he had aspyed a W aylshe knyght where he was to repose hym, for he was sore hurte before of sir Gawayne. And unto hym sir Gareth rode and prayde hym of hys knyghthode to lende hym hys shylde for hys. 'I woll well,' seyde the W aylshe knyght. And whan sir Gareth had hys shylde - the booke seythe hit was gryne, wyth a maydyn whych semed in hit - than sir Gareth cam dryvynge unto sir Launcelot all that ever he myght, and seyde, 'Sir knyght, take kepe to thyselff, for yondir commyth kynge Arthur with nine noble gryne, wyth a knyghtes wyth hym, to put you to a rebuke. maydyn whych And so I am com to beare you felyshyp for hte Gareth in XVIII/23/1111 semed in hit olde love ye have shewed unto me.' disguise N/A N/A

And sir Gareth did such dedys of armys that all men mervayled what knyght he was with the gryne shylde, for he smote downe that day and Gareth in XVIII/23/1112 the gryne shylde pulled downe mo than thirty knyghtes. disguise N/A N/A

124 Hit may well be,' seyde sir Gawayne, 'but I drede me ever of gyle. For on payne of my lyff, that same knyght with the rede slyve of golde ys hymselff sir Launcelot, for I se well by hys rydynge and by hys greate strokis. And the othir knyght in the same colowres ys the good yonge knyght sir Lavayne, and that knyght with the grene shylde ys my brothir sir Gareth, and yet he hath disgysed hymselff, for no man shall make hym be ayenste sir Launcelot, bycause he Gareth in XVIII/24/1113 the grene shylde made hym knyght.' disguise N/A N/A

And that tyme was such a custom that the quene rode never wythoute a grete felyshyp of men of armys aboute her. And they were many good knyghtes, and the moste party were yonge men that wolde have worshyp, and they were called the Quenys Knyghtes. And never in no batayle, turnement nother justys they bare none of them no maner of knowlecchynge of their Vergescu? Is there a link between playne whyght owne armys but playne whyght shyldis, and the Queen's Launcelot's disguise of a white shield XIX/1/1121 shyldis thereby they were called the Quenys Knyghtes. Knights N/A N/A and the Queen's Knights?

125 A! se, madam,' seyde the lady, 'where rydys in a charyot a goodly armed knyght, and we suppose he rydyth unto hangynge.' 'W here?' seyde the quene. Than she aspyed by hys shylde that hit was sir Launcelot, and than was she ware where Guinever cam hys horse after the charyotte, and ever he recognizes trode hys guttis and hys paunche undir hys Launcelot by argent three bends XIX/4/1127 by hys shylde feete. his shield gules N/A

126 Appendix II: Manuscripts from the Bibliothèque Nationale de France

P.J.C. Field has discussed and dismissed the idea of Malory having been a prisoner of Jacques d’Armagnac, as some scholars had previously claimed. These scholars had further supposed that Malory had used d’Armagnac’s extensive Arthurian library for his own book. D’Armagnac had commissioned illuminated manuscripts of the Prose Lancelot and Tristan and every knight’s arms were meticulously painted, most of them in keeping with tradition. (Most mistakes are minor, such as a difference or bend omitted. As the accuracy of all arms is quite stunning, the mistakes are probably due to the illuminator’s carelessness rather than faulty knowledge of arms.) It would be difficult to reconcile why, if Malory had indeed used d’Armagnac’s manuscripts for his own work, he would completely eliminate the heraldic aspect that features so prominently in the illuminations. It seems more likely that Field is correct in saying that Malory had never been held by d’Armagnac. The lack of heraldry in Le Morte d’Arthur may support such a view. Appendix II contains two spreadsheets with data from the manuscripts Français 115 and Français 112 (1) in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. These two manuscripts are known to have been commissioned by d’Armagnac. There is a comparison made between the knight’s arms in the manuscripts and the arms that they are accorded in Pastoureau’s Armorial. The list is not exhaustive and is intended to show the consistency of arms in these manuscripts rather than provide a complete overview.

Paris, BNF, Richelieu Mss. Français 115

Pastoureau’s Armorial des Chevaliers de la Knight Description of shield Folia Table Ronde Agree ? Comments Leopard & lion are purpure, a semy of purpure, semy of close in Middle Ages. crosslets or, a lion passant crosslets or, a leopard Only colour of Aglovale regardant of the same 413v argent almost creature differs. purpure, a double- Same as Mordred on purpure, a double-headed headed eagle or, over all Folio 424. Agravain eagle or, a bend sable 425v a fesse vert n Differenced.

127 372, 383v, 387, 393, Bohort 402, 404, l'Essilie ermine, 3 bends gules 468 ermine 3 bends gules y purpure, a double- headed eagle or, a Same as Gareth on purpure, a double-headed bordure of droplets Folio 428. Gaheris eagle or, a label argent 436v gules n Differenced. purpure, a double- purpure, a double-headed headed eagle or, over all Gareth eagle or, a label argent 428 a bendlet gules y differenced 361v, 372, purpure, a double-headed 411v, 414v, purpure, a double- Gawain eagle or 416 headed eagle or y Hector de argent 3 bends gules, over 415, 420v, argent 3 bends gules, Mares all a sun azure 455v over all a sun azure y

355, 360, 376, 400v, 404, 409, 410, 447, Lancelot argent 3 bends gules etc. argent 3 bends gules y purpure, a double- purpure, a double-headed headed eagle or, a chief Mordred eagle or, a bend sable 424 argent n differenced purpure, a double-headed Mordred eagle or, a chief argent 519v " y Yvain azure a lion or 422v, 468 azure a lion or y

128 Paris, BNF, Richelieu Mss. Français 112 (1)

Pastoureau’s Armorial des Chevaliers de la Knight Description of shield Folia Table Ronde Agree ? Comments purpure, a double- purpure, a double-headed 48, 50, 52v, headed eagle or, over all Agravain eagle or, a fesse vert 56v a fesse vert y Alixandre vert a lion rampant 201, 204v, vert a lion rampant l'Orphelin argent 206v argent y Arthur’s shield can be depicted with a varying Arthur azure 9 crowns or 96v azure 13 crowns or almost number of crowns. Baudon or a lion sable 50 N/A N/A

I would say the illuminator knew Brunor's arms, but it was argent a lion rampant argent a lion checky impossible to paint such Brunor gules 240v sable and gules almost a small lion checky. argent a lion rampant argent semy of etoiles Same problem as with Galehaut gules 96v, 243v azure, a lion gules almost Brunor's arms above? purpure, a double-headed purpure, a double- eagle or, over all a bend 48, 50, 52v, headed eagle or, over all Gareth gules 56v a bendlet gules y Same as Gawain's. purpure, a double-headed Illuminator forgot (?) Gareth eagle or 54v " n the bendlet.

129 or a double-headed eagle purpure, a double- Gawain gules 18v headed eagle or n purpure, a double-headed 34v, 35v, Gawain eagle or 105v, 116v " y 106, 109, Hector de argent 3 bends gules, 121, 128v, argent 3 bends gules, Mares over all a sun azure 143, 145 over all a sun azure y purpure, a semy of purpure, semy of Lamorak de crosslets or, a lion crosslets or, a leopard Gales passant of the same 245v, 246 argent almost Lancelot argent a bend gules 64v argent 3 bends gules almost 68, 69, 71, Lancelot argent 3 bends gules 172, 175v " y 227, 229, Lancelot argent a bend sable 231v " n Same shield as Brunor barry argent and azure, a above. Illuminator Morhaut argent a lion gules 18 lion rampant gules n forgot (?) the barry. Sometimes the lion is rampant to the sinister. barry argent and azure, a 30, 31, 34v, Perhaps because of Morhaut lion rampant gules 57v " y aesthetics? Palomides checky argent and sable 60 checky argent and sable y

130 rampant to the sinister in a fight with Morhaut, vert a lion rampant or to possibly because of Tristan the sinister 73 vert a lion rampant or almost symmetry Tristan vert a lion rampant or 240v " y

131 Appendix III: Heraldry Timeline

A.C. Fox-Davies gives an impressive outline of the development of heraldry in the W estern and Eastern world. Due to constraints of space and time, however, this timeline will focus solely on developments in W estern European heraldry during the Middle Ages, with a special emphasis on England.

ca. 1070 – The Bayeux tapestry depicts warriors with decorated shields. However, the same men often appear with different shields; in true heraldry, such an occurrence would be unknown. As such, the Bayeux tapestry may be said to display “proto-heraldry.”

1100-50 – “True heraldry was coming into being in the first half of the twelfth century.”135

1098 – Mala Corona appears in the Gesta Francorum; he is possibly, but not certainly, the first European herald to be mentioned in writing.

1143-52 – Armorial bearings on seals of Continental rulers bear to the existence of heraldry on the Continent.

1164-72 – Chrétien de Troyes writes Le Chevalier de la Charette, wherein can be found the earliest definite mentions of a herald. ca. 1200 – Blazon begins to approach technical precision.

1254 – W e can assume that heraldry was firmly established in England by this time; Glover’s Roll “affords the clearest proof that the practice of heraldry was by that date both widespread and systematic.”136

1280 – Ramón Lull writes the Book of the , a description of a knight’s duties and character.

1300 – The Caerlaverock Poem describes the arms of men at the Battle of Caerlaverock.

1327-77 – Reign of Edward III. Heralds first appear in English Records.

1340 – Edward quarters the French lilies with the English lions to reflect his claim to the French throne through his mother. ca. 1341-45 – De Heraudie, the earliest known treatise on heraldry, is written. ca. 1356 – Bartolo di Sassoferrato writes the heraldic treatise De Insigniis et Armis, which experiences extreme popularity and is often quoted in the course of the next three centuries.

135 W agner 17. 136 Ibid. 18.

132 by 1394 – The Kings of Arms were informally accepted in English court circles as authorities for designing and assigning arms.137

1417 – The Enactments of 1417 in England formalize the heralds’ roles in the granting of arms as well as heraldic organization.

1420 – W illiam Bruges, the first Garter , is appointed.

1440 – The badge makes its first appearance.

1446 – Nicholas Upton writes De Studio Militari; two of the four books deal with armorial matters.

1530 – The first royal commission for a heraldic visitation in England is issued.

137 Dennys 50.

133 Bibliography

General Heraldry

Dennys, Rodney. The Heraldic Imagination. London: Barrie and Jenkins, Ltd., 1975.

Fox-Davies, A.C. A Complete Guide to Heraldry. New York: Bonanza Books, 1978.

John’s Treatise. London, British Library MS Add. 34648. Transcribed by Dr. Erik Kooper.

W agner, A.R. Heralds and Heraldry in the Middle Ages. 2nd ed. London: Oxford University Press, 1960.

Arthurian Heraldry

The Arthurian Encyclopedia. “Heraldry.” Ed. Norris J. Lacy. New York and London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1986.

Brault, Gerard. Early Blazon. London: Oxford UP, 1972.

Jefferson, Lisa. “Tournaments, Heraldry, and the Knights of the Round Table.” Arthurian Literature XIV. Ed. James P. Carley and Felicity Riddy. Cambridge: Brewer, 1996.

Pastoureau, Michel. Armorial des Chevaliers de la Table Ronde. Paris: Le Léopard d’Or, 1983.

---. Figures et Couleurs. Paris: Le Léopard d’Or, 1986.

Thomas Malory and Le Morte d’Arthur

Archibald, Elizabeth and A.S.G. Edwards, eds. A Companion to Malory. Cambridge: Brewer, 1996.

Field, P.J.C. The Life and Times of Sir Thomas Malory. Cambridge: Brewer, 1993.

---. Malory: Texts and Sources. Cambridge: Brewer, 1998.

Kato, Tomomi. A Concordance to the W orks of Sir Thomas Malory. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1974.

Malory, Thomas. Le Morte d’Arthur. 2 vols. Ed. Janet Cowen. London: Penguin Books, 1969.

Vinaver, Eugene. The W orks of Sir Thomas Malory. 1st ed. London: Oxford UP, 1959.

---. The W orks of Sir Thomas Malory. 2nd ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967.

134

Miscellaneous

Hans Kurath, ed. Middle English Dictionary. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959. Volumes “B,” “C,” and “I.”

Heraldry, Pageantry and Social Display in Medieval England. Eds. Peter Coss and Maurice Keen. Cambridge: The Boydell Press, 2002.

Pastoureau, Michel. Couleurs, images, symboles. Paris: Le Léopard d’Or, 1989.

---. Une histoire symbolique du Moyen-Age occidental. Paris: Seuil, 2004.

Vale, Malcolm. The Princely Court. New York: Oxford UP, 2001.

W eb sources for graphics

Bibliothèque Nationale de France. http://mandragore.bnf.fr/html/accueil.html

British Library. www.imagesonline.bl.uk/britishlibrary

Heraldica. www.heraldica.org.

Heraldic Clip Art. www.heraldicclipart.com http://www.armourarchive.org/essays/broadway_basic_heraldry/ http://www.baronage.co.uk/bphtm-02/moa-15.html http://www.crwflags.com/fotw/images/g/gb)corn.gif http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_II_of_England http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/English_Kings_of_France www.fleurdelis.com/royal.htm http://freepages.family.rootsweb.com/~heraldry/aah-arthurian.html http://medievalwriting.50megs.com/word/heraldry2.htm http://www.sca.org.au/st_florians/university/library/articles- howtos/heraldry/HeraldicBadges.htm http://www.themcs.org/heraldry/

135