DOCSLIB.ORG

Download File

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Download File Party Variation in Religiosity & Women’s Leadership Lebanon in Comparative Perspective Fatima Sbaity Kassem Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2011 © 2011 Fatima Sbaity Kassem All rights reserved Party Variation in Religiosity &Women’s Leadership Lebanon in Comparative Perspective Abstract Gender inequality is a pervasive global phenomenon, particularly in parliamentary representation and the political realm as a whole. Previous scholarship looked for explanations in the countries’ national development levels, political regimes and electoral systems. Some scholars searched for answers at the domestic level within societies’ religious and cultural value systems. This dissertation departs from prior research by looking beyond the national domestic level into individual party-level explanations for women’s political leadership, broadly defined to include their station within parties’ decision-making inner structures. A core assumption in this thesis is that political institutions, mainly political parties, are the main vehicles – forklifts -- for women’s ascendance to political leadership. This dissertation attempts to identify what party-level characteristics enhance or impede women’s leadership in political parties, and how these characteristics vary across different parties. The theory advanced in this dissertation is that party-level characteristics, especially their religiosities and secularisms, influence women’s chances in assuming leadership positions within parties’ inner structures. I argue that the root of the problematic of women’s leadership lies in party variation in religiosity, which can explain variation in women’s shares in parties’ executive and legislative bodies. This is premised on a multivocal understanding of religions implying that there is a continuum of multiple religiosities and secularisms. Religiosity of political parties refers to the religious components on their political platforms or the extent to which religion penetrates their political agendas. The core argument in this dissertation is that as religiosity in party platforms increases women’s leadership is more likely to fall. This implies that in parties with more extensive religious goals women’s leadership is likely to prove stunted. It is my contention that parties with extremist religiosity are less accommodating to women’s demands for leadership than parties with more secular and civil platforms. The theory of party variation in religiosity and women’s leadership is explored in- depth and tested in Lebanon as a single country case-study. Political parties are the unit of analysis and women’s leadership in political parties is the main dependent variable. Female nominations for national parliamentary and local municipal councils are other dependent variables. Other party-level characteristics are explored as explanatory variables besides religiosity, notably, institutionalization as indicated by democratic procedures in leadership transitions and decentralized decision-making, pluralism in religious affiliation of members, and the size of female membership. Party Variation in Religiosity & Women’s Leadership Lebanon in Comparative Perspective Table of Contents Abstract Page Table of Contents i Acknowledgments & Dedication iii Chapter One INTRODUCTION 1 Two Lebanon in Comparative Perspective 46 A. Research design and data collection B. Political parties: An overview C. A socio-economic & political profile of women D. The case for Lebanon: Multiparty system & religious cleavages Three Party Variation in Religiosity & the Civil War 74 A. Party variation in religiosity & women’s leadership B. The civil war, religious cleavages & attitudinal shifts towards women C. Classifying, labeling & coding parties by religiosity Four Party Variation in Pluralism & Democratic Practices 115 A. Democratic practices in operating procedures B. Pluralism in composition of membership Five Female Membership & Mobilization Strategies 142 A. Motivations: Pre-war and post-war parties B. Modalities: Religious mobilization, in-kind & financial incentives C. Mechanisms: Are special women’s wings effective? Six Does Party Religiosity Explain Women’s Leadership? 184 A. Women in leadership bodies of political parties i B. Does female membership matter for party Leadership? C. A regression model for women’s leadership in Lebanon EPILOGUE: Can Women Break Through? 230 A. Female parliamentary nominations by party religiosity B. Female municipal nominations by party religiosity C. Interpreting findings: Models for female nominations to public office Concluding Remarks 271 Selected Bibliography 279 Annex 1. Questionnaires 292 Annex 2. List of Interviewees 296 Annex 3. Lebanon: Data on Women in Political Parties 301 Appendix 1 Party variation in religiosity & women’s leadership: A Cross-national perspective 302 Appendix 2 Data on Women in Political Parties in 25 countries 343 Appendix 3 List of National Consultants 354 ii Acknowledgments & Dedication This dissertation would not have been possible without the constant support of Professor Alfred Stepan and Professor Lucy Goodhart, whom I was privileged to have as my dissertation advisers. The time, patience, and energy they expended to share insights and invaluable suggestions, in spite of very heavy workloads, attest to their generosity and dedication to the discipline and to their students. For their guidance and encouragement to always strive for more rigor, I am deeply grateful and forever indebted. It was their unwavering belief in my ability to complete this dissertation after 35 years of service in the United Nations and outside academia that ultimately brought this work to fruition. I also benefited greatly from sitting in on Professor Stepan’s classes on democracy and tolerance and Professor Robert Shapiro’s lectures on quantitative research methods, in addition to the less formal guidance in econometrics, modeling, and ‘stata’ programming dispensed on a regular basis by Professor Goodhart. More specifically, Professor Shapiro’s support buoyed the field research necessary to test the theory posited in this dissertation. His comments on the use quantitative analytical tools were immensely helpful. Another member of the Columbia community I would be remiss not to mention is Mark Schneider, for prompting me to focus, clarify my ideas, and lay out my arguments. His friendship, wisdom and scholarship helped me in more ways than one. Last, but by no means least, I owe much to my three children for their encouragement and loving support. I am grateful to my son, Ramzi, who despite his heavy workload and extensive travels was my second reader of critical parts of the dissertation and prospectus. His excellent editorial skills and cogent arguments offer some proof that my husband and I did an excellent job in parenting and Columbia iii University took care of the rest. I am grateful to my daughters, Hana and May, for their tolerance in enduring the inevitable mood swings attendant to dissertation writing, and for their encouragement every step of the way. This facilitated the progress of my work, which -- at times -- was at the expense of exercising my role as a grandmother to Yasmeen and Ferris. I dedicate this dissertation to my late husband, Ziad Kassem, who inspired my return to school, twenty years after earning my first Masters degree in 1970. He believed in me and was my source of intellectual motivation. He would have been proud that finally I made it: Better late than never. iv 1 Chapter One I N T R O D U C T I O N Gender inequality is a pervasive global phenomenon, particularly inequality in political representation. In the last few decades, and, despite attention to women‘s participation in public office the gains in female political participation have lagged behind women‘ advancement in educational attainment and professional status in the private sector.1 These gender gaps are most pronounced in developing countries, where socio-cultural, demographic and political characteristics are said to impede women‘s advancement and political empowerment.2 However, the extent of gender gaps varies widely across and within countries in the same region and also across different types of political parties within the same country. This dissertation aims to identify and explore the factors driving these observed phenomena particularly in developing countries such as Lebanon, where women have 1 The year 1975 marked the beginning of the Decade for Women declared in the first of four world conferences on women organized by the United Nations and held in New Mexico (1975), Copenhagen (1980), Nairobi (1985) and Beijing (1995). One indicator is that female participation in non-agricultural labor increased from 36% in 1990 to 40% in 2005 (ILO. Women in labour markets: Measuring progress and identifying challenges, March 2010, 72). Also, in 32 countries worldwide more women than men are now enrolled at the tertiary level. Overall, the rate of female to male enrolment was less than half in 1970 and now it is nearly 70%. See: UNDP, Human Development Report 1995 (New York: United Nations). 2 It has been established that equal access to education and economic resources are prerequisites not only for improving women‘s socio-economic status but also for their political empowerment, notably for improved representation in public office (Georgia Duerst-Lahti 2006). Studies suggest that women‘s attainment of higher education
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
    University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable.
    [Show full text]
  • Status of Arab Women Report Access to Justice for Women And
    Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia Status of Arab Women Report Access to Justice for Women and Girls in the Arab Region: From Ratification to Implementation of International Instruments E/ESCWA/ECW/2015/1 Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia Status of Arab Women Report Access to Justice for Women and Girls in the Arab Region: From Ratification to Implementation of International Instruments UNITED NATIONS Beirut © 2014 United Nations All rights reserved worldwide Requests to reproduce excerpts or to photocopy should be addressed to the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA). All other queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to: ESCWA, United Nations House, Riad El Solh Square, P.O. Box: 11-8575, Beirut, Lebanon. E-mail: [email protected]; website: www.escwa.un.org United Nations’ publication issued by ESCWA. The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Mention of commercial names and products does not imply the endorsement of the United Nations. Symbols of the United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with figures. Mention of such a symbol indicates a reference to a United Nations document. 15-00071 3 Acknowledgements This publication was prepared at the ESCWA Centre for Women (ECW) by Ms. Lana Baydas, First Social Affairs Officer, under the substantive guidance and overall supervision of Ms.
    [Show full text]
  • Hosni Mubarak and the Future of Democracy in Egypt
    Hosni Mubarak and the Future of Democracy in Egypt Hosni Mubarak and the Future of Democracy in Egypt Alaa Al-Din Arafat HOSNI MUBARAK AND THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY IN EGYPT Copyright © Alaa Al-Din Arafat, 2009. All rights reserved. First published in hardcover as The Mubarak Leadership and Future of Democracy in Egypt in 2009 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the United States—a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above compa- nies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978-0-230-33813-5 ISBN 978-1-137-06753-1 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9781137067531 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data ‘Arafat, ‘Ala’ al-Din. Hosni Mubarak and the future of democracy in Egypt / Alaa Al-Din Arafat. p. cm. Pbk. ed. of: The Mubarak leadership and future of democracy in Egypt. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. With a new preface. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978–0–230–33813–5 (alk. paper) 1. Mubarak, Muhammad Husni, 1928– 2. Mubarak, Gamal. 3. Egypt—Politics and government—1981– 4. Egypt—Politics and government—1970–1981. 5. Hizb al-Watani al-Dimuqrati (Egypt)— History. 6. Political leadership—Egypt—History.
    [Show full text]
  • Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe
    This page intentionally left blank Populist radical right parties in Europe As Europe enters a significant phase of re-integration of East and West, it faces an increasing problem with the rise of far-right political par- ties. Cas Mudde offers the first comprehensive and truly pan-European study of populist radical right parties in Europe. He focuses on the par- ties themselves, discussing them both as dependent and independent variables. Based upon a wealth of primary and secondary literature, this book offers critical and original insights into three major aspects of European populist radical right parties: concepts and classifications; themes and issues; and explanations for electoral failures and successes. It concludes with a discussion of the impact of radical right parties on European democracies, and vice versa, and offers suggestions for future research. cas mudde is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of Antwerp. He is the author of The Ideology of the Extreme Right (2000) and the editor of Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe (2005). Populist radical right parties in Europe Cas Mudde University of Antwerp CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521850810 © Cas Mudde 2007 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in Lebanon: Implications for Washington, Beirut, and Damascus | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / Policy Forum Elections in Lebanon: Implications for Washington, Beirut, and Damascus by David Schenker Nov 27, 2007 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Schenker David Schenker is the Taube Senior Fellow at The Washington Institute and former Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs. Brief Analysis n the months leading up to the November 23 end of Lebanese president Emile Lahoud's term in office, political I factions have been vying to choose the country's next chief executive. These elections pit candidates affiliated with the pro-West March 14 majority bloc against the Syrian-Iranian allied opposition led by Hizbballah. For both Washington and the March 14 majority, the outcome of the elections is critical. At stake is the future of UN Security Council Resolution 1559, the disarmament of Lebanese militias, and Resolution 1757, the international tribunal investigating the assassination of former Lebanese premiere Rafiq Hariri. In a larger sense, the election of a compromise candidate could effectively end the momentum of the Cedar Revolution and bring Syria back to Lebanon. To discuss the Lebanese elections, The Washington Institute invited Ambassador Jeffrey Feltman, Tony Badran, and David Schenker to address a special policy forum on November 27, 2007. Due to a technical failure, David Schenker's remarks are not included here. Jeffrey Feltman has been the U.S. ambassador to Lebanon since July 2004. Prior to his appointment in Beirut, he served as the Coalition Provisional Authority office in Irbil, Iraq, and as acting principal officer at the U.S. Consulate in Jerusalem. He joined the Foreign Service in 1986, and has also served in Tel Aviv, Tunisia, and Haiti.
    [Show full text]
  • Rural Women Cooperatives Challenge Patriarchal Market Institutions in Lebanon
    CASE STUDIES IN WOMEN’S ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT A case from the Middle East: What’s in a day’s work? Rural women cooperatives challenge patriarchal market institutions in Lebanon 1 Edited by Lina Abu Habib from CRTDA Prelude This case study focuses on rural women’s cooperatives in Lebanon and the gender-based discrimination they face in accessing markets. The case study begins by setting the overall economic and gender equality context before focusing on specific issues related to rural women’s cooperatives and the strategies devised to break gender and other barriers to accessing local markets. Country fact sheet HDI: Lebanon ranks 80th in the 2004 Human Development Report (177 countries). 1 http://www.crtda.org 1 GDI (Gender-related Development Index) rank: 64 (144 countries). In 2002, Lebanon’s total population was 3.6 million, of which 87.2 per cent lived in urban areas; almost one-third (29.6 per cent) were under 15 years of age; 35 per cent of the population lived in poor conditions and 6.3 per cent lived on less than USD 1.3 a day. The annual population growth rate between 1975 and 2002 was 1 per cent. Adult literacy rate (2002): female 81.06 per cent, male 92.4 per cent. The total labour force of the country is estimated at 34 per cent of the total population. The labour market in Lebanon has an imbalanced composition; it is estimated that women constitute only 21.7 per cent of the labour force. The annual GDP growth rate per capita was 3.1 per cent between 1990 and 2002.
    [Show full text]
  • Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations
    Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations Casey L. Addis Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs February 1, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40054 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Lebanon is a religiously diverse country transitioning toward independence and democratic consolidation after a ruinous civil war and the subsequent Syrian and Israeli occupations. The United States and Lebanon have historically enjoyed a good relationship due in part to cultural and religious ties; the democratic character of the state; a large, Lebanese-American community in the United States; and the pro-western orientation of Lebanon, particularly during the cold war. Current policy priorities of the United States include strengthening the weak democratic institutions of the state, limiting the influence of Iran, Syria, and others in Lebanon’s political process, and countering threats from Hezbollah and other militant groups in Lebanon. Following Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon in 2005 and the war between Israel and Hezbollah in the summer of 2006, the Bush Administration requested and Congress appropriated a significant increase in U.S. assistance to Lebanon. Since 2006, U.S. assistance to Lebanon has topped $1 billion total over three years, including for the first time U.S. security assistance for the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal Security Forces (ISF) of Lebanon. Several key issues in U.S.-Lebanon relations could potentially affect future U.S. assistance to Lebanon. The scope and influence of foreign actors, primarily Syria and Iran; unresolved territorial disputes; concerns about extremist groups operating in Lebanon; and potential indictments by the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) are among the challenges facing the Lebanese government and U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions
    Durham E-Theses Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. SMAIRA, DIMA How to cite: SMAIRA, DIMA (2014) Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. , Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10810/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Changing Security: Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. Dima Smaira Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations. School of Government and International Affairs Durham University 2014 i Abstract This study is concerned with security; particularly security in Lebanon. It is also equally concerned with various means to improve security. Building on debates at the heart of world politics and Security Studies, this study first discusses trends in global governance, in the study of security, and in security assistance to post-conflict or developing countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Stable Instability: the Syrian Conflict and the Postponement of the 2013 Lebanese Parliamentary Elections
    This is a repository copy of Stable instability: the Syrian conflict and the postponement of the 2013 Lebanese parliamentary elections. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/88404/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Assi, AF and Worrall, JE orcid.org/0000-0001-5229-5152 (2015) Stable instability: the Syrian conflict and the postponement of the 2013 Lebanese parliamentary elections. Third World Quarterly, 36 (10). pp. 1944-1967. ISSN 0143-6597 https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2015.1071661 Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Stable Instability: The Syrian Conflict and the Postponement of the 2013 Lebanese Parliamentary Elections Dr Abbas Assi Center for Arab and Middle Eastern Studies, American University of Beirut Dr James Worrall School of Politics & International Studies, University of Leeds 1 Stable Instability: The Syrian
    [Show full text]
  • Envisioning and Contesting a New Lebanon? Actors, Issues and Dynamics Following the October Protests About International Alert
    Envisioning and contesting a new Lebanon? Actors, issues and dynamics following the October protests About International Alert International Alert works with people directly affected by conflict to build lasting peace. We focus on solving the root causes of conflict, bringing together people from across divides. From the grassroots to policy level, we come together to build everyday peace. Peace is just as much about communities living together, side by side, and resolving their differences without resorting to violence, as it is about people signing a treaty or laying down their arms. That is why we believe that we all have a role to play in building a more peaceful future. www.international-alert.org © International Alert 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without full attribution. Layout: Marc Rechdane Front cover image: © Ali Hamouch Envisioning and contesting a new Lebanon? Actors, issues and dynamics following the October protests Muzna Al-Masri, Zeina Abla and Rana Hassan August 2020 2 | International Alert Envisioning and contesting a new Lebanon? Acknowledgements International Alert would like to thank the research team: Muzna Al-Masri, Zeina Abla and Rana Hassan, as well as Aseel Naamani, Ruth Simpson and Ilina Slavova from International Alert for their review and input. We are also grateful for the continuing support from our key funding partners: the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency.
    [Show full text]
  • Analysis of Platforms in Lebanon's 2018 Parliamentary Election
    ا rلeمtركnزe اCل لبeنsانneي aلbلeدرLا eساThت LCPS for Policy Studies r e p a 9 Analysis of Platforms 1 P 0 2 y a y M in Lebanon's 2018 c i l o Parliamentary Election P Nizar Hassan Founded in 1989, the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies is a Beirut-based independent, non-partisan think tank whose mission is to produce and advocate policies that improve good governance in fields such as oil and gas, economic development, public finance, and decentralization. Copyright© 2019 The Lebanese Center for Policy Studies Designed by Polypod Executed by Dolly Harouny Sadat Tower, Tenth Floor P.O.B 55-215, Leon Street, Ras Beirut, Lebanon T: + 961 1 79 93 01 F: + 961 1 79 93 02 [email protected] www.lcps-lebanon.org Analysis of Platforms in Lebanon's 2018 Parliamentary Election 1 1 Nizar Hassan The author would like to thank Sami Nizar Hassan is a former researcher at the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies. He Atallah, John McCabe, and Georgia Dagher for their contributions to this paper. holds an M.Sc. in Labour, Social Movements and Development from the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. At LCPS, his work focused on Lebanese political parties and movements and their policy platforms. His master’s research examined protest movements in Lebanon and he currently researches political behavior in the districts of Chouf and Aley. Nizar co-hosts ‘The Lebanese Politics Podcast’, and his previous work has included news reporting and non-profit project management. 2 LCPS Policy Paper Introduction Prior to the May 2018 Lebanese Parliamentary Election, a majority of 2 2 political parties and emerging political groups launched electoral Henceforth referred to as 'emerging platforms outlining their political and socioeconomic goals and means groups'.
    [Show full text]
  • Curriculum Vitae Karène SANCHEZ SUMMERER
    Curriculum Vitae Karène SANCHEZ SUMMERER Leiden University March 2021 Faculty of Humanities, LUCL P O Box 9515 2300 RA Leiden The Netherlands [email protected] +31 71 5272175 +31 71 5232040 Office: Reuven 1.28 https://www.universiteitleiden.nl/en/staffmembers/karene-sanchez#tab-1 https://crossroadsproject.net Born: March 22, 1975 (Perpignan, France); French Married, 2 children _______________________________________________________ Current Position June 2018 - Associate Professor (UhD), Leiden University, The Netherlands ___________________________________________________ Previous Positions Sept 09- May 18 Assistant Professor (UD), Leiden University, The Netherlands Sept. 05- Sept 09 Assistant Professor, Leiden University, The Netherlands Nov. 06- Sept 08 Assistant Professor, Utrecht University, The Netherlands Feb. 03 – June 06 Lecturer and Faculty Mentor, Academic cooperation, Consulat Général de France à Jérusalem ______________________________________ Research projects and Grants Research projects Dec. 2017- Dec. 2022: PI VIDI project, NWO (The Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research), ‘European cultural diplomacy and Arab Christians in Palestine. A connected history during the formative years of the Middle East (1918-1948)’ 2020-2021: partner of the Digital Humanities project 2020-2021, Archives of French as a Foreign Language, CollEX-Persée CLIODIFLE 1919-1985, Des institutions des enseignants, des étudiants. Une contribution à l’histoire de la francophonie ; consortium between the universities of Paris 3 Sorbonne, Tours, Rouen, Athens Capodistrian University, Leiden University (LUCL), 1 Kings’ College London (School of Education, Communication and Society), Università del Sacro Cuore Milan, University of Geneva (Maison des langues), SIHFLES and FIPF. 2018: PI Stichting Van Moorsel en Rijnierse project, NWO (The Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research), ‘Between the Holy Land and the World.
    [Show full text]