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Judge Jonathan Langham and the Use of the Labor Injunction in Indiana County, 1919-1931
Judge Jonathan Langham and the Use of the Labor Injunction in Indiana County, 1919-1931 ONATHAN LANGHAM, WHO SERVED AS JUDGE of the Court of Common Pleas of Indiana County, Pennsylvania, from 1916 to 1936, shaped political and economic developments locally and mirrored Jimportant elements on the national scene. His career on the bench was molded by his conservative Republican politics and his intimate connec- tions with the local political and business elite. Langham was born August 4, 1861, in Grant Township, Indiana County. He attended public school and graduated from Indiana Normal School in 1882. After teaching school for awhile he read law and was admitted to the bar in 1888. Langham held numerous political positions, including postmaster of Indiana and corporation deputy in the office of the auditor general of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Most impressive, however, was his congressional service. He represented the twenty-seventh District in the 61st, 62d, and 63d sessions of the U.S. House of Representatives. In 1915 he was elected judge of the Court of Common Pleas of Indiana County and won reelection to a second ten-year term in 1925.1 During the 1920s Langham used his judicial power to aid coal compa- nies in their battles against striking miners and the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA). His blanket injunction during the Rossiter Coal Strike of 1927-28 brought him national attention and further polarized the responses to his rulings. Judge Langham's activities had national parallels as the federal judiciary joined with other branches of the govern- ment in supporting the reign of big business. -
The Progressive Miners of America: Roots of Dissent and Foundational Years, 1932-1940
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2019 The Progressive Miners of America: Roots of Dissent and Foundational Years, 1932-1940 Ian Stewart Cook [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Cook, Ian Stewart, "The Progressive Miners of America: Roots of Dissent and Foundational Years, 1932-1940" (2019). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 4082. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/4082 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Progressive Miners of America: Roots of Dissent and Foundational Years, 1932-1940 Ian Cook Thesis submitted to the College of Eberly Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of History in American Twentieth Century Ken Fones-Wolf, Ph.D., Chair Elizabeth Fones-Wolf, Ph.D. William Gorby, Ph.D. Department of History Morgantown, West Virginia 2019 Keywords: Progressive Miners of America, Illinois, Coal Mining, United Mine Workers, John L. -
How Labor Won and Lost the Public in Postwar America, 1947-1959
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 6-2014 The Fight Over John Q: How Labor Won and Lost the Public in Postwar America, 1947-1959 Rachel Burstein Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/179 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] The Fight Over John Q: How Labor Won and Lost the Public in Postwar America, 1947-1959 by Rachel Burstein A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2014 © 2014 Rachel Burstein All Rights Reserved ii This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in History in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. __________________ _______________________________________ Date Joshua Freeman, Chair of Examining Committee __________________ _______________________________________ Date Helena Rosenblatt, Executive Officer Joshua Brown Thomas Kessner David Nasaw Clarence Taylor Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract The Fight Over John Q: How Labor Won and Lost the Public in Postwar America, 1947-1959 by Rachel Burstein Adviser: Joshua Freeman This study examines the infancy of large-scale, coordinated public relations by organized labor in the postwar period. Labor leaders’ outreach to diverse publics became a key feature of unions’ growing political involvement and marked a departure from the past when unions used organized workers – not the larger public – to pressure legislators. -
The AFL-CIO Approaches the Vietnam War, 1947-64
LaborHistory, Vol. 42, No. 3, 2001 “NoMore Pressing Task than Organization in Southeast Asia”: TheAFL– CIO Approaches the VietnamWar, 1947– 64 EDMUNDF. WEHRLE* The Vietnam War standsas the most controversial episodein theAFL– CIO’ s four decadesof existence.The federation’s supportfor thewar dividedits membership and drovea wedgebetween organized labor andits liberal allies. By theearly 1970s, the AFL–CIO wasa weakenedand divided force, ill-prepared for adecadeof economic decline.Few, however, recognize thecomplex rootsof the federation’ s Vietnam policy. American organized labor, in fact,was involved deeplyin Vietnam well beforethe American interventionin 1965. In SoutheastAsia, it pursuedits ownseparate agenda, centeredon support for asubstantial SouthVietnamese trade unionmovement under theleadership ofnationalist Tran QuocBuu. 1 Yet,as proved tobe the case for labor throughout thepost-World War IIperiod,its plans for SouthVietnam remained very muchcontingent on its relationship with the U.S.state. This oftenstrained but necessary partnership circumscribedand ultimately crippled thefederation’ s independentplans for Vietnameselabor. Trade unionistsin SouthVietnam foundthemselves in asimilar, although more fatal, bind,seeking to act independently,yet boundto the Americans anda repressiveSouth Vietnamese state. Scholars today oftenportray post-warAmerican organized labor asa partner (usually acompliant juniorpartner) in an accordor corporate arrangement with other “functionalgroups” including thestate and business. 2 While thereis undeniabletruth -
The Automobile Workers Unions and the Fight for Labor Parties in the 1930S
The Automobile Workers Unions and the Fight for Labor Parties in the 1930s Hugh T. Louin* Despite the New Dealers’ innovative social and economic programs during the 1930s, discontented agrarians and labor unionists judged the New Deal’s shortcomings so severe that they began to nurture third party movements. Scrappy auto- mobile industry unionists in Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana at first ignored the new third party efforts of impatient New Deal critics. Instead, with many other organized and unorganized workers, they expected New Dealers to provide better times after the “lean years” of the 1920s. During the post-World War I decade union rolls had declined, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) had lost prestige, and unions had exercised little influence with lawmakers and other elected officials. Conse- quently, employers easily avoided collective bargaining with unions, strikes often were ineffective, and unionists charged that public officials consistently deployed police forces and the National Guard to tilt the balance in industry’s favor during labor-management conflicts.’ The New Dealers of the 1930s, although clearly pro-labor, failed to effect many of the changes which automobile industry workers anticipated. In response, disgruntled automobile union- ists in the Great Lakes states attempted to build labor parties. That they failed to create viable labor parties calls attention to the remarkable resiliency of America’s two party system even during the nation’s most severe depression. More important, the unionists’ failures to establish labor parties reflect the New Deal’s hold on so many industrial workers and AFL craft un- * Hugh T. hvin is professor of history at Boise State University, Boise, Idaho. -
John Brophy Manuscript Group 40
Special Collections and University Archives John Brophy Manuscript Group 40 For Scholarly Use Only Last Modified October 2, 2014 Indiana University of Pennsylvania 302 Stapleton Library Indiana, PA 15705-1096 Voice: (724) 357-3039 Fax: (724) 357-4891 Manuscript Group 40 2 John Brophy, Manuscript Group 40 Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Special Collections and University Archives 1 box; 0.5 linear feet Biographical Note Throughout his life, John Brophy (November 6, 1883 – February 19, 1963) supported organized labor as a miner, union activist, and union official. He was born in Lancashire in northwest England to a family of coal miners. As a youngster in 1892, he emigrated from England to the United States with his parents. The Brophy family immediately found work in the central Pennsylvania coal mines. Before he turned 12, young John Brophy began working in the mines. Raised by a union supporting coal miner, John Brophy entered the mines with his father in 1894, and joined the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) in 1899. An activist in the union, he was elected president of UMWA District 2, representing Central Pennsylvania, in 1916. As a member of the Nationalization Research Committee in the early 1920s he vigorously supported the nationalization of the mining industry. As a checkweighman, local officer, and finally as president of District 2 of the UMWA, he served the miners of Pennsylvania. During the 1920s, John Brophy became the leader of the opposition movement in the UMWA. Brophy maintained his position as President of UMWA District 2 until 1926 when he challenged John L. -
Soviet Union
REPORT of the CIO DELEGATION to the SOVIET UNION Submitted by JAMES B. CAREY Secretary-Treasurer, CIO Chairman of the Delegation Other Members of the Delegation: JOSEPH CURRAN REID ROBINSON rice-President, CIO Fice-P resident , CIO President, N at ional M arit ime Union President , Lnt crnational Union of .lIint', J / ill and Smelt er Il'orkers ALBERTJ . FITZGERALD r ice-Pre siden t, CIO LEE PRESSMAN President , Un ited E lect rical, R adio and General Couusrl, c/o JIacliine W orkers 0/ .Inisr ica JOHN GREEN JOHN ABT rice-President, CIO General Cou nsel, Amalgamat ed Clot hing President, Indust rial Union 0/ M an ne and W orku 5 0/ .lmeri ca Sh ipb uilding W orlecrs LEN DE CAUX ALLAN S. HAYWOOD Pu blicit y D irect or, CIO, and E dit or, Tilt' Fice -President, CIO C/O N m 's D irector 0/ Organization, CIO EMIL RIEVE VINCENT SWEENEY r ia-President, CIO Pu blicit y D irect or, United St rrlzcorlerrs President, T ext ile W orkers Union oi A merica 0/ A merica; Editor, St eel Labor Publication No. 128 Price 15c per copy; 100 for $10.00; 500 for $40.00 D epartment of International Affairs Order Literature from Publicity Department CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATIONS 718 JACKSON PLACE, N. W. WASHINGTON 6, D. C. \ -- . ~ 2 rr To Promote Friendship And Understanding... " H E victo ry of the United Nations over the military power of fascism T opened up prospects of a new era of int ern ational understanding, democratic progress, world peace and prosperity. -
Walter Reuther's Affiliation with the Communist Party and Something of Its Meaning — a Document of Party Involvement, 1939 Victor G
Document generated on 09/27/2021 1:40 a.m. Labour/Le Travailleur Reassessing The Historical UAW: Walter Reuther's Affiliation with the Communist Party and Something of Its Meaning — A Document of Party Involvement, 1939 Victor G. Devinatz Volume 49, 2002 URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt49not02 See table of contents Publisher(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History ISSN 0700-3862 (print) 1911-4842 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Devinatz, V. G. (2002). Reassessing The Historical UAW: Walter Reuther's Affiliation with the Communist Party and Something of Its Meaning — A Document of Party Involvement, 1939. Labour/Le Travailleur, 49, 221–244. All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 2002 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ Reassessing The Historical UAW: Walter Reuther's Affiliation with the Communist Party and Something of Its Meaning — A Document of Party Involvement, 1939 Victor G. Devinatz Walter Reuther's close connection to the Communists, including a possible brief member ship, has a meaning and legacy that is of more man sectarian interest To most of his conservative opponents, Reuther's sojourn in the Soviet Union and subsequent alliance with the Communists sustained the accusation that he was simply a red. -
Proquest Dissertations
INFORMATION TO USERS This reproduction was made from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technology has been used to photograph and reproduce this document, the quality of the reproduction is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help clarify markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. l.The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark, it is an indication of either blurred copy because of movement during exposure, duplicate copy, or copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed. For blurred pages, a good image of the page can be found in the adjacent frame. If copyrighted materials were deleted, a target note will appear listing the pages in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photographed, a definite method of "sectioning" the material has been followed. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. -
The C.1.0. Organizing Committee Papers 1946· 1953 Pro Uesf ----- Start Here
The C.1.0. Organizing Committee Papers 1946· 1953 Pro uesf ----- Start here. This volume is a fmding aid to a ProQuest Research Collection in Microform. To learn more visit: www.proquest.com or call (800) 521-0600 About ProQuest: ProQuest connects people with vetted, reliable information. Key to serious research, the company has forged a 70-year reputation as a gateway to the world's knowledge -from dissertations to governmental and cultural archives to news, in all its fonns. Its role is essential to libraries and other organizations whose missions depend on the delivery of complete, trustworthy infonnation. 789 E. Eisenhower Parkway. P.0 Box 1346. Ann Arbor, r.1148106-1346. USA. Tel: 734.461.4700. To\J.free 800-521-0600. WVNlproquest.com Operation Dixie The C.1.0. Organizing Committee Papers 1946·1953 A Guide to the Microfilm Edition Edited by Katherine F. Martin MICROFILMING CORPORATION OF AMERICA A New York Times Company 1980 No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by Photostat, microfilm, xerography, or any other means, or incorporated into any information retrieval system, electronic or mechanical, without the written permission of the copyright owner. Cover design by Janice Fary Typesetting by Julia Palmer Copyright €)1980, Microfilming Corporation of America ISBN 0-667-00584-6 TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE . v NOTE TO THE RESEARCHER . vii HISTORICAL SKETCH • • . 1 DESCRIPTION OF THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE COLLECTION 3 DESCRIPTIONS OF THE SERIES Series I C.I.O. Organizing Committee. North Carolina, 1932-1958 5 Series II C.I.O. Organizing Committee. South Carolina, 1941-1953 . -
John L. Lewis Exposed
University of Central Florida STARS PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements 1-1-1937 John L. Lewis exposed Eric Hass Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Book is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Hass, Eric, "John L. Lewis exposed" (1937). PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements. 486. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism/486 by ERIC HASS John, L. Lewis Exposed ws- !k(i - 3:, I By . - ,B I Eric Hass 1937 NEW YORK LABOR NEWS COMPANY New York, N.Y. I Just as wi* the [Roman] pleb leader, the labor leader is "pract.iq he maka a hat; he nurses no '%mloaqY' he ''che4 no bows." Just as with th pkhador, tty lh hdm scea no way out d thc aoaal w ' tcra. He wilI admit the evlb d ~apitdhm;it prdtable athe hid; but m more tbkn dui fbe plebe leader of old, dw tbe labor hdw of tday ah at !he extinction of *c hnm !bat devour the wage-slaw cb. Just an with the plebs Icadtr, the hrhder accepts &c ddccooomy of the ruIiw chi ''Pov- hap was; always will bc. Just as &a plth Ieader MKL down urn 1Be plebefan proktariat and middle cbm a bDpe belpk elernenr, fit only to be uwd, and . bm* hia rclijon to nanck dx eqloihtian of tbest clwq the lak kadcr pwno faith whteocr ia the capcity af the worklng chto emandpa* itaclf. -
The AFL-CIO Approaches the Vietnam War, 1947-1964 Edmund F
Eastern Illinois University The Keep Faculty Research & Creative Activity History January 2001 ‘No More Pressing Task Than Organization in Southeast Asia’: The AFL-CIO Approaches the Vietnam War, 1947-1964 Edmund F. Wehrle Eastern Illinois University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://thekeep.eiu.edu/history_fac Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Wehrle, Edmund F., "‘No More Pressing Task Than Organization in Southeast Asia’: The AFL-CIO Approaches the Vietnam War, 1947-1964" (2001). Faculty Research & Creative Activity. 22. http://thekeep.eiu.edu/history_fac/22 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History at The Keep. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Research & Creative Activity by an authorized administrator of The Keep. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “No More Pressing Task than Organization in Southeast Asia”: The AFL–CIO Approaches the Vietnam War, 1947–64 EDMUND F. WEHRLE The Vietnam War stands as the most controversial episode in the AFL–CIO’s four decades of existence. The federation’s support for the war divided its membership and drove a wedge between organized labor and its liberal allies. By the early 1970s, the AFL–CIO was a weakened and divided force, ill-prepared for a decade of economic decline. Few, however, recognize the complex roots of the federation’s Vietnam policy. American organized labor, in fact, was involved deeply in Vietnam well before the American intervention in 1965. In Southeast Asia, it pursued its own separate agenda, centered on support for a substantial South Vietnamese trade union movement under the leadership of nationalist Tran Quoc Buu.1 Yet, as proved to be the case for labor throughout the post-World War II period, its plans for South Vietnam remained very much contingent on its relationship with the U.S.