ADBI E-Newsline Archive- 2015
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The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat
ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 12 March 2021 Thailand’s Elected Junta: The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat Paul Chambers* Left: Deputy Prime Minister and Phalang Pracharat Party Leader General Prawit Wongsuwan Source:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prawit_Wongsuwan_Thailand%27s_Minister_of_D efense.jpg. Right: Prime Minister and Defense Minister General Prayut Chan-ocha Source:https://th.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%9F%E0%B8%A5%E0%B9%8C:Prayu th_2018_cropped.jpg. * Paul Chambers is Lecturer and Special Advisor for International Affairs, Center of ASEAN Community Studies, Naresuan University, Phitsanulok, Thailand, and, in March-May 2021, Visiting Fellow with the Thailand Studies Programme at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Thailand’s Phalang Pracharat Party is a “junta party” established as a proxy for the 2014-2019 junta and the military, and specifically designed to sustain the power of the generals Prawit Wongsuwan, Prayut Chan-ocha and Anupong Paochinda. • Phalang Pracharat was created by the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), and although it is extremely factionalized, having 20 cliques, it is nevertheless dominated by an Army faction headed by General Prawit Wongsuwan. • The party is financed by powerful corporations and by its intra-party faction leaders. • In 2021, Phalang Pracharat has become a model for other militaries in Southeast Asia intent on institutionalising their power. In Thailand itself, the party has become so well- entrenched that it will be a difficult task removing it from office. 2 ISSUE: 2021 No. -
Pre-Feasibility Study on Yangon Circular Railway Modernization Project
32mm Republic of the Union of Myanmar Yangon Regional Government PROJECT FOR COMPREHENSIVE URBAN TRANSPORT PLAN OF THE GREATER YANGON (YUTRA) Pre-Feasibility Study on Yangon Circular Railway Modernization Project Final Report January 2015 Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) ALMEC Corporation Oriental Consultants Co., Ltd Nippon Koei Co., Ltd EI JR 14-208 The exchange rate used in the report is: US$ 1.00 = MMK 1,000.00 Project for Comprehensive Urban Transport Plan of the Greater Yangon (YUTRA) Pre-Feasibility Study on Yangon Circular Railway Modernization Project FINAL REPORT TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 UPPER PLANNING, COMPREHENSION OF THE CURRENT ISSUE 1.1 CURRENT SITUATION AND ISSUE OF TRANSPORT SECTOR IN THE GREATER YANGON .................. 1-1 1.1.1 GENERAL ............................................................................................................ 1-1 1.1.2 MAIN TRANSPORT COMPONENTS ......................................................................... 1-2 1.1.3 TRANSPORT DEMAND CHARACTERISTICS ............................................................. 1-9 1.2 CURRENT SITUATION AND ISSUE OF RAILWAY SECTOR IN THE GREATER YANGON ...................... 1-11 1.2.1 RAILWAY IN GREATER YANGON ........................................................................... 1-11 1.2.2 CURRENT SITUATION AND ISSUES ........................................................................ 1-13 1.3 COMPREHENSION OF THE CURRENT UPPER PLANNING AND POLICY OF RAILWAY SECTOR IN YANGON REGION .................................................................................................................... -
ORF Issue Brief 102 Jayshree Sengupta
ORF ISSUE BRIEF AUGUST 2015 ISSUE BRIEF # 102 SAARC: The Way Ahead Jayshree Sengupta Introduction he South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)—comprising India, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Nepal, Afghanistan and Pakistan—has been in Texistence as a regional grouping for almost 30 years (with Afghanistan joining in 2007). It has yet, however, to succeed in bringing about closer integration between the member countries. The idea behind SAARC—whose seed was sown by the late Bangladesh President Ziaur Rahman—was to promote regional cooperation and foster economic development and prosperity throughout the region. While the objectives enunciated in the SAARC charter signed in Dhaka in 1985 were to accelerate economic growth in the region and build mutual trust among member states, serious problems of cohesion remain and South Asia now stands as one of the least integrated regions in the world. After three decades of existence, intra-regional trade in South Asia is lower than that of other regional groupings. Intra-regional trade as a share of South Asia's total foreign trade was only 5 percent in 2014, against 25.8 percent for Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member countries.1 The outcome of the 18th summit of SAARC, held in Kathmandu, Nepal, in November 2014, was not exceptional in any way. No concrete action was taken on the issues of terrorism, trade and foreign investment to validate the theme of the conference, 'Deeper Integration for Peace and Prosperity.' It was, as always, full of fanfare and rhetoric, and plenty of handshakes and promises were exchanged. -
Aalborg Universitet the Military Coup and Its Implications for the Thai
Aalborg Universitet The Military Coup and its Implications for the Thai Economy Schmidt, Johannes Dragsbæk Publication date: 2007 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication from Aalborg University Citation for published version (APA): Schmidt, J. D. (2007). The Military Coup and its Implications for the Thai Economy. Paper presented at Seminar on "The September-Coup and Its Political and Economic Implications for the Future of Thailand", Copenhagen, Denmark. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. ? Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. ? You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain ? You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us at [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from vbn.aau.dk on: September 30, 2021 The Military Coup and its Implications for the Thai Economy1 Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt2 In this presentation I will try to make a few points related to the September 19 coup and its implications for the political economy of Thailand. First I will attempt to discuss a few untraditional explanations for the re-insertion of the military dictatorship in Thailand. -
REGIONAL CONSULTATION DEEPENING REGIONAL COOPERATION in SOUTH ASIA Expectations from the 18Th SAARC Summit Kathmandu, Nepal, November 23-24, 2014
REGIONAL CONSULTATION DEEPENING REGIONAL COOPERATION IN SOUTH ASIA Expectations from the 18th SAARC Summit Kathmandu, Nepal, November 23-24, 2014 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The annual consumption of energy of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) region is currently close to 700 million tonnes of oil equivalents (mtoe). It is projected to rise to 2000 mtoe by 2030. As the countries in South Asia move towards greater development, the energy needs are also certain to go up exponentially and energy security is therefore bound to be a priority for most of the countries. Many countries in the region do not have sufficient resources or technology to explore the available resources to meet their energy needs and thus, rely on imports which additionally need to be affordable in order to sustain the economic growth. Currently, energy trade and regional cooperation between the countries are minimal due to several reasons such as political, economic and security concerns. To give impetus to regional cooperation, there is a need for strong and robust political and social mandate. The existence of well-defined, coherent & harmonious energy policies, predictable legal and regulatory frameworks are essential principles for regional energy trade and investment. There is an urgent need to put in place related mechanism that would not only facilitate but also encourage energy trade in South Asia. Hence, collective efforts should be initiated to harmonise the prevailing legal and regulatory mechanisms that have been put in place among SAARC nations. Further, there is a need to establish infrastructure to facilitate and/or impede regional energy and synchronisation of all existing regulatory agencies in the manner that it will be convenient for them to coordinate electricity trade. -
South Asia Satellite
South Asia Satellite Why in news? \n\n India launched ‘South Asia satellite’ on May 5 2017. This sends a positive signal to the neighbourhood. \n\n What are the facts about the satellite? \n\n \n The South Asia Satellite (GSAT-9) is a geosynchronous communications and meteorology satellite by the Indian Space Research Organisation. \n It is launched for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) region. \n This idea was mooted by India in 18th SAARC summit. \n Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Maldives and Sri Lanka are the users of the multi-dimensional facilities provided by the satellite. \n By launching the GSAT-9 ‘South Asia satellite’, India has reaffirmed the Indian Space Research Organisation’s scientific prowess, but the messaging is perhaps more geopolitical than geospatial. \n \n\n What are the benefits of the launch? \n\n \n The benefits the countries would receive in communication, telemedicine, meteorological forecasting and broadcasting. \n China is planning to launch a cloud for the countries in the south east region, but India wisely took the lead by lunching the SAARC satellite. \n It is prove once again that India is the only country in South Asia that has independently launched satellites on indigenously developed launch vehicles. \n More than scientific endeavour, this geopolitically strengthens India’s Strong neighbour’s policy. \n \n\n What is the hassle with Pakistan? \n\n \n In recent years Pakistan and Sri Lanka have launched satellites with assistance from China. \n Pakistan denied the trade permission between Afghanistan and India via the land route, this created distress mong the SAARC countries. -
The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)
At a glance March 2015 The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) SAARC was founded in 1985, and is an economic and geopolitical organisation of eight countries located in southern Asia. However, the organisation has not advanced much in its three decades of existence, mainly because of the historic rivalry between India and Pakistan. This tension has blocked initiatives on several occasions, including at the November 2014 summit. Goals and structure The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established, following a Bangladeshi initiative, in December 1985 in Dhaka. Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka were the founders, while Afghanistan joined in April 2007, to become the eighth member. The main goals of SAARC, as stated in its Charter, are: increasing the welfare of the peoples of South Asia, and the improvement of the quality of life through accelerated economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the region. The Charter provides for annual, or more frequent, summits between the heads of state or government, but in reality this has often not been the case. The most recent SAARC Summit was held in 2014, three years after the previous one. The Council of Ministers formulates the policies of the Association and decides on new areas of cooperation. Foreign Ministers of the respective countries are members of this Council, which meets twice a year. A Standing Committee, composed of Foreign Secretaries, is in charge of the approval, monitoring and coordination of the SAARC's cooperation programmes. Meetings may also be convened at ministerial level on specific themes. -
Japan-ASEAN Connectivity Initiative(PDF)
November. 2020 Japan-ASEAN Connectivity Initiative MOFA Japan has supported ASEAN's efforts to strengthen connectivity in order to narrow the gaps in the ASEAN region and further facilitate the integration of ASEAN community based on the Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC) 2025 and Ayeyawady-Chao Phraya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy (ACMECS) Masterplan. Japan will continue to provide support in this field. Japan has announced its decision to support strengthening ASEAN connectivity both in hard and soft ware with focus on the ongoing 2 trillion yen worth of land, sea, and air corridor connectivity infrastructure projects as below, together with capacity building projects for 1,000 individuals over the next three years. “Land Corridor” East-West Corridor *The following connectivity projects include projects (Thailand) The road connecting Da Nang, Viet Nam under consideration. (Cambodia) ・Mass Transit System Project and Mawlamyaing, Myanmar ・National Road No. 5 Improvement Project “Sea and Air corridor” in Bangkok (RED LINE) Southern Corridor ( ) (Myanmar) The road connecting Ho Chi Minh, Viet Nam Cambodia ・ ・Bago River Bridge Construction Project and Dawei, Myanmar Sihanoukville Port New Container Terminal Development Project ・East-West Economic Corridor Improvement Project Mandalay Hanoi ・ ・East-West Economic Corridor Highway Development The Project for Port EDI for Port Myanmar Modernization Project (Phase 2)(New Bago-Kyaikto Highway Section) Naypyidaw Laos (Myanmar) ・Infrastructure Development Project in Thilawa Area Phase -
New Economic Team to Turn Economy Around 19 Aug 2015 at 12:22
New economic team to turn economy around 19 Aug 2015 at 12:22 Somkid Jatusripitak, deputy prime minister, finance minister & commerce minister in Thaksin Shinawatra's government, to head new economic team to turn economy around. Possible digital economy setbacks. ECONOMICS & POLITICS New economic team tipped for cabinet Ministers awaiting royal endorsement 19/08/2015 Post Reporters After Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha yesterday submitted a new cabinet list for royal endorsement, it was confirmed that six economic ministers in five ministries are being replaced by a new team led by Somkid Jatusripitak, who will replace MR Pridiyathorn Devakula, say people familiar with the new line-up. Until Gen Prayut declared his intentions last week, speculation had run rife for two months about the possibility of a cabinet reshuffle, ever since the prime minister expressed frustration about slow economic improvement. SOMKID AS DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER It has been widely expected that Mr Somkid, an adviser to the prime minister, would become the new deputy prime minister replacing MR Pridiyathorn. Mr Somkid served as deputy prime minister, finance minister and commerce minister in Thaksin Shinawatra's government. Speculation over Mr Somkid's appointment was strengthened when he resigned as chairman of Saha Pathana Inter- Holding Plc yesterday. The law prohibits ministers from holding positions in any company in order to prevent conflicts of interest. NEW COMMERCE MINISTER A source said Suvit Maesincee, who also resigned yesterday as a board member of Siam Food Products Plc, would replace Deputy Commerce Minister Apiradi Tantraporn, who is now tipped to head the Commerce Ministry. -
9 December 2020 MITSUBISHI CORPORATION SELECTS CAF TO
9 December 2020 MITSUBISHI CORPORATION SELECTS CAF TO SUPPLY TRAINS FOR THE MYANMA RAILWAYS PROJECT Mitsubishi Corporation has subcontracted CAF for design and supply 246 modern Diesel- Electric Multiple Units (DEMU) in the framework of the contract the Ministry of Transport and Communications of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar awarded to Mitsubishi Corporation. The contract comprises of the supply of eleven 6-car units for the Yangon circular railway upgrading project, and the supply of a further thirty 6-car units for the Yangon-Mandalay II railway upgrading project. The volume of the operation with CAF exceeds €500 million and is being funded through an international loan, in yen, pursuant to an agreement between the governments of Japan and Myanmar. This agreement not only covers the supply of the trains, but also the comprehensive upgrading of the infrastructure on both lines, including signalling system modernisation, work on tracks and station improvements. Eleven of the new units will be supplied for the first line, called the circular line, which runs 46 km through the centre of Yangon, Myanmar's largest commercial city. As a result of this project, the plan is to reduce by 60 minutes from the current 170 minutes travel time required to travel along this line. The other 30 units will also run on the 620 km long Yangon-Mandalay line, which connects Yangon city to the country's capital, Naypyidaw, and the second largest commercial city, Mandalay. The journey time will also be significantly reduced, going from approximately 15 hours to around 8 hours once the project is completed. -
CADP 2.0) Infrastructure for Connectivity and Innovation
The Comprehensive Asia Development Plan 2.0 (CADP 2.0) Infrastructure for Connectivity and Innovation November 2015 Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia, its Governing Board, Academic Advisory Council, or the institutions and governments they represent. All rights reserved. Material in this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted with proper acknowledgement. Cover Art by Artmosphere ERIA Research Project Report 2014, No.4 National Library of Indonesia Cataloguing in Publication Data ISBN: 978-602-8660-88-4 Contents Acknowledgement iv List of Tables vi List of Figures and Graphics viii Executive Summary x Chapter 1 Development Strategies and CADP 2.0 1 Chapter 2 Infrastructure for Connectivity and Innovation: The 7 Conceptual Framework Chapter 3 The Quality of Infrastructure and Infrastructure 31 Projects Chapter 4 The Assessment of Industrialisation and Urbanisation 41 Chapter 5 Assessment of Soft and Hard Infrastructure 67 Development Chapter 6 Three Tiers of Soft and Hard Infrastructure 83 Development Chapter 7 Quantitative Assessment on Hard/Soft Infrastructure 117 Development: The Geographical Simulation Analysis for CADP 2.0 Appendix 1 List of Prospective Projects 151 Appendix 2 Non-Tariff Barriers in IDE/ERIA-GSM 183 References 185 iii Acknowledgements The original version of the Comprehensive Asia Development Plan (CADP) presents a grand spatial design of economic infrastructure and industrial placement in ASEAN and East Asia. Since the submission of such first version of the CADP to the East Asia Summit in 2010, ASEAN and East Asia have made significant achievements in developing hard infrastructure, enhancing connectivity, and participating in international production networks. -
A Coup Ordained? Thailand's Prospects for Stability
A Coup Ordained? Thailand’s Prospects for Stability Asia Report N°263 | 3 December 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Thailand in Turmoil ......................................................................................................... 2 A. Power and Legitimacy ................................................................................................ 2 B. Contours of Conflict ................................................................................................... 4 C. Troubled State ............................................................................................................ 6 III. Path to the Coup ............................................................................................................... 9 A. Revival of Anti-Thaksin Coalition ............................................................................. 9 B. Engineering a Political Vacuum ................................................................................ 12 IV. Military in Control ............................................................................................................ 16 A. Seizing Power