The and Nearby Monuments in : A Topographical Study Author(s): Jonathan Bardill Reviewed work(s): Source: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 101, No. 1 (Jan., 1997), pp. 67-95 Published by: Archaeological Institute of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/506250 . Accessed: 15/02/2013 15:45

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This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 15:45:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Palace of Lausus and Nearby Monuments in Constantinople: A Topographical Study JONATHAN BARDILL

Abstract tumn of 1942, he revealed a hexagonal hall preceded The Palace of Lausus in Constantinople is generally by a semicircular portico (fig. 1).1 During later ex- identified with the rotunda and hall excavated adjoining cavations by Duyuran in 1951-1952, a column base to the northwestof the Hippodrome by Duyuran in 1951 bearing the inscription "Of Antiochus the praeposi- and Naumann in 1964. An examination of the literary tus" was found in situ in the This discov- sources and of neglected archaeological evidence, how- portico.2 ever,suggests that Lausus'spalace remainsundiscovered, ery securely identified the monument as the Palace closer to the of Constantine and on the opposite of Antiochus, in which a church of St. Euphemia was side of the . This relocation necessitates a recon- later established, probably when relics of the saint sideration of the positions of monuments known to have were transferred to Constantinople from Chalcedon been close to the palace. We cannot be certain that the in The construction of the can be rotunda was built at the same time as the hexagon of 680.3 palace safely the Palace of Antiochus, despite the fact that both struc- assigned to about 402-439, when the eunuch Anti- tures contain similar cramped blocks of ashlar. The ochus is known to have served in the Great Palace. church of St. in the cannot have been John Diippion Using the stamped bricks recovered during the ex- founded in the rotunda or adjoining hall, and it prob- cavations in conjunction with the literary sources, ably stood closer to the and St. Sophia. The "Pal- we that it was built after atio ritondo di Costantino" of the Braun and Hogen- may suggest probably 429.4 berg panorama does not seem to relate to the structures A number of literary sources, which are examined northwest of the Hippodrome.* in detail below, suggest that the Palace of Lausus stood no great distance from the Palace of Antiochus. When Palladius dedicated his Lausiac History to him LOCATIONOF THE PALACE OF LAUSUS in 420, Lausus was the Grand Chamberlain (praepo- In 1939, frescoes depicting the life and martyr- situs sacri cubiculi) of Theodosius II. By 422, he had dom of St. Euphemia were discovered to the north- been replaced in the post by one Macrobius, but he west of the Hippodrome in . When Schneider possibly held the position again in 431, when he was conducted excavations there in the summer and au- at least recommended for it by Cyril of Alexandria,

* I wish to thank the British Academy,Linacre College, et memoires du Centre de recherche and the Institute of Archaeology in Oxford for their sup- d'histoire et civilisation de Byzance, port; Albrecht Berger, Cyril Mango, and AJA'sanonymous Collkge de France Monographies 2, reviewersfor reading and commenting on earlier versions 1990). of this paper; and Michael Vickers, Dimitris Plantzos, and Mango 1993 C. Mango, Studies on Constantinople (Var- IdaJohansen for advice. I am also grateful to Nubar Ham- iorum Collected Studies, Aldershot partumian and LizJames for permission to reproduce figs. 1993). 7 and 8, to the Deutsches Archaologisches Institut in Is- 'See A.M. Schneider, "Grabung im Bereich des Eu- tanbul for figs. 3, 9, and 13, to the Master and Fellows of phemia-Martyrionszu Konstantinopel,"AA58 (1943)255-89 Trinity College, Cambridge, for fig. 14, to Alison Wilkins for the first discoveries. for drawing figs. 1 and 9, and to Robert Wilkins and Susan 2 R. Duyuran, "Second Report on Excavations on the for Hurst preparing the photographs. Site of the New Palace ofJustice at Istanbul,"IstArkMiizYzll The following abbreviations are used: 6 (1953) 75. Guilland R. Guilland, Etudes de topographiede Con- 3 The church of St. Euphemia is said to have been in stantinople byzantine I-II (Berliner by- -d 'Avt6rtou according to the Synaxarion of Constantinople zantinistische Arbeiten 37, Berlin (ed. H. Delehaye, 47-49, 811-13). On the date of the trans- 1969). lation of the relics, see A. Berger,"Die Reliquien der Hei- Mango 1959 C. Mango, The Brazen House: A Study ligen Euphemia und ihre erste Translationnach Konstan- of the Vestibuleof the Imperial Palace of tinopel," Hellenika 39 (1988) 311-22. Constantinople(Arkaeologisk-kunsthis- 4The evidence for the length of Antiochus'scareer and toriske Meddelelser 4.4, Copenhagen the dating of his palace is discussed by G. Greatrex and 1959). J. Bardill, "Antiochus the Praepositus, a Persian Eunuch Mango 1990 C. Mango, Le developpementurbain de Con- at the Court of Theodosius II,"DOP 50 (1996,forthcoming). stantinople (IVe-VIIe siecles)2 (Travaux 67 American Journal of Archaeology 101 (1997) 67-95

This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 15:45:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 68 JONATHAN BARDILL [AJA 101 ? " ?a...c;- Mese " ...... - --- it , """2 " j , ..!. /.?? ,s' :.s? . IvkL //,

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Fig. 1. Plan of the discoveries made at the northwest corner of the Hippodrome in Istanbul between 1939 and 1964. (A. Wilkins, after W. Muiller-Wiener,Bildlexikon zur TopographieIstanbuls [Tiibingen 1977] pl. 109)

and perhaps also in 436. A letter from Firmus, bish- porticoes flanking the Mese (or "Middle Street"),6 op of Caesarea, which was probably sent to the Lau- that Lausus displayed the collection of antique stat- sus with whom we are concerned, refers to his great uary for which he is best known. The assemblage wealth and large mansion.5 It was here, and near the included an from Lindos by Skyllis and Di-

5 On Lausus, see J.R. Martindale, The Prosopography of Mango, "The LiteraryEvidence," in C. Mango,M. Vickers, the Later 2: AD 395-527 (Cambridge 1980) and E.D.Francis, "The Palace of Lausus at Constantinople s.v.Lausus, LAVSVS2, and Lausus 3. and Its Collection of Ancient Statues,"Journal of the History 6 Cedrenus (Historiarumcompendium, ed. I. Bekker, I, 616) of Collections4 [1992] 91 [Cedrenus B]). A variant text of indicates that statues were displayed in the porticoes along the Patria (II, 36 [G], ed. T. Preger, Scriptores originum con- the Mese:"[The fire] also destroyed the porticoes on either stantinopolitanarumII) describes the statues as in the pal- side of the street Mese and the excellent offerings of Lau- ace and facing the thoroughfare. sus: for many ancient statues were set up there"(trans. C.

This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 15:45:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 1997] THE PALACE OF LAUSUS AND NEARBY MONUMENTS IN CONSTANTINOPLE 69

poinos, the Knidian Aphrodite of Praxiteles, the Sa- Lausus's palace.Just as Lausus's composition implied mian Hera of Boupalos, Lysippos's Eros, Pheidias's the victory of Virtue over Love and Chance, so in Olympian , Lysippos's Kairos, and numerous the manuscript illustration, Juliana's magnanimity beasts. Pheidias's statue sculptured 12.5-m-high of and prudence govern her desire for building.'0 Olympian Zeus was presumably under cover, which There is a consensus among scholars of Constan- suggests that Lausus's palace was extremely large.7 tinopolitan topography that Lausus's palace is to be Vickers and Francis have suggested that Lausus ar- identified with the structures discovered between ranged his statues in a meaningful program: Lysip- Antiochus's hexagonal hall and Divan Yolu (which pos's tiny figures of Eros and Kairos were positioned follows the course of the ancient Mese). Here, Duy- to Zeus's right and left, respectively, his colossal statue uran uncovered a rotunda with a semicircular en- towering above them. The message, they suggest, was trance portico," and when Naumann excavated the the power of Virtue over Love and Chance.8 area in 1964, an adjoining great hall, 52.5 m long and In support of this interpretation, we may refer 12.4 m wide, was revealed (fig. 1).12 In fact, Naumann to the illustration on folio 6v of the early sixth- was reluctant to conclude that the rotunda and ad- codex of Dioscorides in century Vienna.9 Here, Ani- joining hall were part of the Palace of Lausus,13 and cia is Juliana depicted, like the Olympian Zeus, in Janin was also cautious, suggesting that his residence a rigid, frontal pose, seated on the sella curulis. The might have been further to the west.14 Nevertheless, that flank figures her are identified as personifica- this identification has gained acceptance in the works tions of her virtues: on her hand sits right Magna- of Krautheimer, Mfiller-Wiener, and Berger.15 In a who holds nimity (Myakotwuxita), a large pile of recent study of Lausus's collection of antique statu- coins to her and on her gold chest, left sits Prudence ary, Mango has stated, "Though not absolutely cer- These three figures dwarf a tain, identification (4p6vroitq). tiny winged this is extremely likely on the ba- cupid, who stands toJuliana's right and presents her sis of such topographical information as is available with the codex. a facet of her He, too, represents per- to us"'6 The topographical information is slight, but Desire of the Lover of sonality: Building (160oq [T]fj; what little there is, when considered in conjunction the DthoKrioOu), Lover of Building being Juliana with two neglected archaeological discoveries, would herself. Juliana, inspired by Prudence, takes just a suggest that the Palace of Lausus was elsewhere, and handful of coins from Magnanimity and scatters them is yet to be discovered. onto the codex to satisfy her Desire. A female figure representing the Gratitude of Art ([E6]xa[p]totia teX- Cistern of Philoxenus and St. Aquilina herself vyv) prostrates atJuliana's feet. The position- The first clue to the location of the palace is pro- of the ing tiny cupid on the right hand of the large, vided by the 11th-century chronicler Cedrenus (His- seated, forward-facing, rigid figure is clearly part of toriarum compendium,ed. I. Bekker, I, 564),7 who as- the same tradition as the composition of statues in serts that the Cistern of Philoxenus got its name,

7 M. Vickers and "The E.D. Francis, Arrangement of the Court: A Literary Approach to the David Plates," Byzantion Statues," in Mango et al. (supra n. 6) 93. 48 (1978) 253. 8 Vickers and Francis (supra n. 7) 95-96. 11Duyuran (supra n. 2) 78-80. 9 The codex was made for Anicia to commem- Juliana 12See R. Naumann, "Vorbericht iiber die Ausgrabung- orate the dedication of her church of the Theotokos at en zwischen Mese und Antiochus-Palast 1964 in Istanbul"' Honoratoi. Folio 6v is conveniently reproduced in color IstMitt 15 (1965) 135-48. in R.M. Harrison, A The and Templefor : Discovery 13N. Dolunay and R. Naumann, "Untersuchungen zwi- Excavation Palace-church in of Anicia Juliana's Istanbul (Lon- schen Divan Yolu und Adalet Sarayi 1954," IstArkMiizYzll don 173. 1989) pl. 11-12 (1964) 137: "Die Annahme, es 1 ursprfingliche k6nnte 10EAA ( 1958) 394-96, s.v. Anicia Giuliana (C. sich um einen Teil des hier vermuteten Lausos-Palast han- The is Bertelli). figural arrangement standard, and the deln, der zwischen Philoxenos-Zisterne (Binbirdirek) und frame of two consisting large, interlaced squares (inscribed Mese (Divan Yolu) gelegen zu haben scheint, ist kaum zu within a creates an effect similar to circle) traditional archi- begriinden." Cf. Naumann (supra n. 12) 143. tectural settings. the most similar scene Perhaps strikingly 14R. Janin, "Notes de topographie et d'histoire," REByz appears on the famous silver missorium of Theodosius 23 (1965) 256-57. I, which Theodosius enthroned between Valentin- 15 depicts R. Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architec- ian II and , beneath a structure of consisting four ture4 (Harmondsworth 1986) 71, fig. 30; W. Miller-Wiener, columns an arcuated see the discus- supporting pediment; Bildlexikonzur TopographieIstanbuls (Tiibingen 1977) 238-39; sion in S.G. MacCormack, Art and in Late Ceremony Antiquity A. Berger, Untersuchungenzu den Patria Konstantinupoleos(Poi- 214-21. The (Berkeley 1981) missorium and the manuscript kila Byzantina 8, Bonn 1988) 286. illustration have been discussed 16 together by P.C. Berger, Mango (supra n. 6) 89. The the Notitia 17 Insignia of Dignitatum (New York 1981) 175-83. Translation in Mango n. 6) 91 (Cedrenus See (supra A). also J. Trilling, "Myth and Metaphor at the Byzantine

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meaning "hospitable," because it supplied water to The location of the Forum of Constantine is not hostels (4evoSocsia) in tr" Aa6oou, that is, in the im- in doubt, for the battered remains of the emperor's mediate vicinity of the Palace of Lausus. The roughly column still stand (fig. 2).18 The forum'is contemporary Patria Constantinoupoleos(I, 63, 67, ed. known to have been circular or oval, but its exact T Preger, Scriptores originum Constantinopolitanarum dimensions are unfortunately unknown. During the II) asserts that the Cistern of Philoxenus was built laying of drains in Divan Yolu in 1931, some large by a magister of that name who was one of the 12 sen- foundations were discovered about 75 m east of the ators that brought from Rome column. Their identification is open to question, when he founded Constantinople. In recension C since Mamboury provided no details of their con- of the Patria, the Cistern of Philoxenus is placed near struction, although he himself believed that they re- the Forum of Constantine (ed. T Preger, 300), and lated to a gate in the pre-Constantinian city walls.19 the Synaxarion of Constantinople refers to a church of The location of the discovery is shown on a plan St. Aquilinacv Toigq iXoevou rriloiov toO(p6pou, that made by Mamboury, which I publish here for the is, in the vicinity of the Cistern of Philoxenus, close first time (fig. 3).2o0If these foundations do indeed to the Forum of Constantine (ed. H. Delehaye, 429, relate to a gate in the ancient walls, the Forum of 465 [Sa], 748). The texts therefore suggest that both Constantine can have extended no more than 75 m the Cistern of Philoxenus and the church of St. Aqui- on either side of the column. lina were close to the Forum of Constantine,although Numerous scholars- e.g.,Janin, Naumann, Mfiller- it is unclear on which side of the Mese they lay. The Wiener, Berger, and Mango2- have followed the Palace of Lausus, to which the cistern provided water, French zoologist and classicist Pierre Gilles (d. was probablynot very far away. 1555)22 in identifying the Cistern of Philoxenus with

18 On Constantine's column, see Mango 1993, chs. 2 (= Barber Institute, Birmingham University, describe the dis- C. Mango, "Constantinopolitana,"Jd180 [1965] 305-36, but covery of part of this colonnade in January 1928. It is re- lacking addendum), 3, and 4 (= C. Mango, "Constantine's corded there that the column bases were identical to some Porphyry Column and the Chapel of St. Constantine," reused in the nearby Atik Ali Camii. The identifica- Papa Aaer'ov rtlq Xpoanav1K'jq Ap azo)aoy1KjqEraipeia; ser. 4, tion of this portico poses some problems. At first sight it 10 [1981] 103-10). On Constantine's forum, see Mango 1990, would appear to form part of the colonnade that flanked 25-26. the Mese on the south side. It is unlikely, however, that 19See E. Mamboury, Istanbul touristique (Istanbul 1951) the colonnades bordering the Mese would have continued 61. Mango has argued that the walls often attributed to through the middle of the forum. Mamboury's plan sug- Severus had in fact been built much earlier- perhaps before gests that the interaxial span of the columns was about 400 B.C.-- and that they were demolished by Severus in A.D. 2.5 m, whereas WE. Betsch, The History, Production and Dis- 193-195/6 and rebuilt along the same course between 240 tribution of the Late Antique in Constantinople (Diss. and 250 (Mango 1990, 13-15). Univ. of Pennsylvania 1977) 174 has suggested that the col- 20 Other remains shown on Mamboury's plan may be umns of the Mese were as much as 5 m apart. In this con- briefly mentioned. The hypogeum was found in 1940 dur- text, note also the remains of sixth-century shops discov- ing the construction of a hotel, and four stamped bricks ered by Naumann (supra n. 12) 145-46 beside the Mese, of the sixth century were found in situ (E. Mamboury, brick- and two short sections of wall found near the fountain stamp notes [property of Cyril Mango], "Parages du Pr6toire. of Atik Ali Camii that may also be associated with Other remains were found at Papa Mese"). funerary the Forum such shops: Mamboury, "La nouvelle citerne byzantine de in 1929-1930 (Mamboury, "Les mystires de la Colonne Tchifte Serail," Byzantion 11 (1936) pl. 17. Brul6e," HlsEpayu'va roy 0' AzEOvoqSBvUavrIVoAoY)Ko6V 21Janin (supra n. 14) 257; and R. Janin, Constantinople 2vve6piov 1 [Thessaloniki, 12-19 April 1953 (1955)] 275-80) byzantine: Developpement urbain et repertoire topographique2 and in 1963-1964 (N. Firatli, "Short Report on Finds and (Paris 1964) 207-208 (although rightly noting another can- Archaeological Activities outside the Museum," IstArkMiiz- didate, the first alternative discussed infra); Miiller-Wiener Yzll 11-12 and [1964] 207-209; W. Kleiss, Topographisch- (supra n. 15) 280, pl. 263; Dolunay and Naumann (supra Plan von Istanbul: Verzeichnis der archdologischer Denkmdler n. 13) 137; Naumann (supra n. 12) fig. 5; Berger (supra n. und Fundorte no. [Tiibingen 1965] 9, 45). See also Mango 15) 617; Mango (supra n. 6) 90; and C. Mango, "The Water 15. The columns to the southwest of 1990, Constantine's Supply of Constantinople," in C. Mango, G. Dagron, and column are labeled as erroneously "Arcades chalinariques." G. Greatrex eds., Constantinople and Its Hinterland (Society They are evidently the same as those mentioned in Mam- for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies Publications 3, boury, "Les fouilles byzantines A Istanbul et dans sa ban- Aldershot 1995) 16. lieue imm6diate aux XIXe et XXe siecles," Byzantion 11 22 P. Gilles, De topographiaConstantinopoleos et de illius an- where are (1936) 254, they wrongly described as "sur la tiquitatibus libri quatuor (Lyons 1561) 131-32 (trans. J. Ball, droite de la rue." Mango, misled by this description, con- The Antiquities of Constantinople [London 1729] 162-63). cluded that the columns extended westward from the base Gilles's identification was not based on any superior knowl- of Constantine's column itself (Mango 1993, ch. 4 [see supra edge. Gilles also knew a smaller cistern to the west discussed n. 18] 106, 108, fig. 1). Notes of David Talbot Rice in the infra.

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This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 15:45:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 1997] THE PALACE OF LAUSUS AND NEARBY MONUMENTS IN CONSTANTINOPLE 73 the subterranean Cistern of One Thousand and One The second cistern was apparently open to the Columns (Binbirdirek), which measures 64.0 x 56.4 air, and located to the northwest of Binbirdirek, on m and is located about 200 m east of the Column the northern side of the Mese (fig. 2).27 Part of its of Constantine, on the south side of the Mese, and eastern wall can still be seen on the west side of Ba- immediately to the west of the Palace of Antiochus biali Caddesi (fig. 4). It was first published by J.B. (fig. 2). The undecorated basket capitals and the ma- Ward-Perkins in a well-known study of Early Byzan- sons' marks in this cistern suggest a sixth-century tine masonry styles, where it was suggested that it date (although the few brickstamps that have so far might be a section of the fortifications of Severus.28 been published appear to date to the fifth cen- Later excavations showed it to be the eastern wall tury).23 For this reason, it has been suggested that of a huge cistern.29 This wall was traced for 90 m, the man after whom the cistern was named was per- and the interior was excavated to a depth of 14 m haps Flavius Theodorus Philoxenus, consul of 525.24 from the top of the surviving walls, without the bot- The Binbirdirek cistern is generally identified with tom being reached. The cistern was therefore sub- the Cistern of Philoxenus simply because it is the stantially larger than Binbirdirek. The bricks best-known cistern beside the Mese. It is a signifi- (340-370 mm square x 40-50 mm thick) are ar- cant, though neglected, fact that there are at least ranged in bands of about five courses (ca. 0.35 m high) two other cisterns in this region. that alternate with bands of mortared rubble (ca. The first is a subterranean cistern located west of 1.04 m high) faced with around seven courses of Binbirdirek, between Boyaci Ahmet Sokagi and Pi- small, squared, limestone blocks (ca. 200-250 mm yerloti Caddesi (fig. 3).25 It is substantially smaller long x 120-150 mm high).30 Alternating bands of than the Binbirdirek, measuring 42.5 x 25 m inter- brick and stone were probably in use in Constantin- nally. It contains 32 columns with Corinthian capitals ople in the late fourth century, for parts of the ter- and high impost blocks. The capitals do not appear race walls near the Forum of , which to have been reused, and both they and the cistern was inaugurated in 393 (ed. L. Dindorf, Chron.Pasch. have been dated to the first quarter of the fifth cen- 565), were of stone-faced, mortared rubble with brick tury.26 This cistern does not seem to be mentioned bands five courses high.31 But it is the masonry of in the literary sources. the Land Walls (completed by April 413)32 that ap-

23The earliest firmly dated basket capitals are the dale (supra n. 5) s.v. Philoxenus 8. highly decorated ones from the church of St. Polyeuktos 25 It appears in Miiller-Wiener(supra n. 15) pl. 321, cis- of 518-527 (R.M. Harrison, Excavations at Saraphane in Is- tern F713;and in Kleiss (supra n. 20) 10, no. 73. For descrip- tanbul1 [Washington,D.C. 1986] 417). For the masons'marks, tions, see P. Forchheimer and J. Strzygowski, Die byzanti- see K. Wulzinger,"Die Steinmetzzeichen der Bin-bir-direk," nischen Wasserbehdltervon Konstantinopel.Beitrdge zur Geschichte BZ 22 (1913) 459-73. Six identical or similar marks have der byzantinischenBaukunst und zur Topographievon Konstan- been noted in sixth-century monuments: EW.Deichmann, tinopel (Byzantinische Denkmaler 2, Vienna 1893) 60-61, Ravenna: Hauptstadt des spdtantiken Abendlandes.Kommentar 210; and K. Wulzinger, "Byzantinische Substruktionsbauten 2 (Wiesbaden 1976) 206-30. Konstantinopels," AA 28 (1913) 388-90 (the brickstamp in For the brickstamps,see K. Wulzinger,Byzantinische Bau- fig. 15 appears to date to the fifth century). This cistern denkmaler zu Konstantinopel: Auf der Seraispitze, die Nea, das was known to Gilles (supra n. 22) 131-32 (= trans. Ball Tekfur-Seraiund das Zisternenproblem(Mittelmeer-Linder und 162-63). 26 Orient, SammlungKunstwissenschaftlicher Studien 1, Han- Betsch (supra n. 20) 50-59, figs. 2-6. 27 over 1925) 38. Mamboury(supra n. 19) 256 once mentioned Miller-Wiener (supra n. 15) 283, pl. 321, cistern F7/7 brickstamps dating between the mid-fifth and the early but omitted on 232, pl. 263. sixth century and suggested that these could be used for 28J.B. Ward-Perkins, "Notes on the Structure and Build- dating the cistern. From his notes, however, it seems that ing Methods of Early Byzantine Architecture," in D. Talbot all the bricks were associated with remains outside the cis- Rice ed., The Great Palace of the Byzantine Emperors:Second tern in the area bounded by Divan Yolu, Klodfarer Cad- Report (Edinburgh 1958) 62-63. desi, Piyerloti Caddesi, and Dostluk Yurdu Sokagi. The 29 N. Firatli, "Recent Important Finds in Istanbul," Ist- same remains were apparentlynoted by C. Emereau,"Notes ArkMiizYzll 15-16 (1969) 192-93, figs. 4-6. sur les origines et la formation de Constantinople: Les 30 The measurements were taken by Ernest Mamboury grands centres historiques de la ville,"RA 1925, 1-25 (as on 21 August 1936 and are recorded in a notebook in the indicated by Kleiss [supra n. 20] 7, no. 10,but not by Milller- Deutsches Archiologisches Institut in Istanbul. Wiener [supra n. 15] 283, pl. 321). Emereau, who was fol- 31See Miiller-Wiener (supra n. 15) 260-61 with area D lowed byJanin (supra n. 21) 19 and plan II (= Mango 1990, (label omitted) on pl. 294. fig. 3), wrongly identified these walls with part of the Sev- 32The completion of the Land Walls is indicated by the eran fortifications (on which, supra n. 19). words extructus est and completoopere in Codex Theodosianus 24 Berger (supra n. 15) 617; Mango (supra n. 6) 90; 15.1.5. C. Pharr's translation is inaccurate, suggesting that Mango (supra n. 21) 16. On this personality, see Martin- the wall had not been completed when the decree was made.

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Fig. 4. Eastern wall of the Cistern of Philoxenus on Bablili Caddesi. (Photo J. Bardill) proximates most closely what can be seen in the wall tially reducing the amount of stone used in the fac- of the cistern. Typical fifth-century work in the for- ing (each stone band consists of three courses, 0.60 tifications consists of bands of stone about 1.5 m high m high).35 The church of the Theotokos in the (10 courses) alternating with bands of brick about Chalkoprateia (Copper Market), which is possibly 0.42 m high (five courses), which penetrate right to be ascribed to Verina (ca. 457-484) rather than through the core.33 The technique continued to be to Pulcheria (ca. 414-453),36 is built wholly of brick used in Constantinople until at least the middle of (10 brick courses to 0.91 m; mortar beds 0.055 m the fifth century. In Stoudios's of St. John thick) upon two courses of greenstone blocks.37 By (ca. 450),34 the brick bands are similar in height (five the sixth century, pure brick masonry with occasional courses 0.43-0.44 m) to those in the Land Walls but courses of greenstone had become the norm in occur more than twice as frequently, thus substan- Constantinople.38 This cistern can therefore be

See P. Speck, "DerMauerbau in 60 Tagen,"in H.-G.Beck was a tendency for the proportion of stone to brick to be ed., Studien zur FriihgeschichteKonstantinopels (Miscellanea reduced as the fifth century progressed. The large pro- Byzantina Monacensia 14, Munich 1973) 135-43. Mango portion of stone in the Land Wallsmay be an exceptional 1990, 49 has recently alleged that the walls were not com- case in the early fifth century, and indeed, already in the finished until about the middle of the fifth pletely3 century. second church of St. Sophia, which was dedicated on 10 Ward-Perkins(supra n. 28) 66; C. Foss, "Constanti- October 415 and was therefore a contemporary of the Land nople," in Foss and D. Winfield, Byzantine Fortifications, an Walls (Chron.Pasch. 572), the proportion of stone to brick Introduction(Pretoria 1986) 52-53, 75 styles [A],[B], and [Cl]. was much less than in the Land Walls and St.John of Stou- 34 For the date of the construction of St. John, see U. dios (stone bands 0.52 m high [three courses], brick bands Peschlow,"DieJohanneskirche des Studios in Istanbul:Be- 0.56 m high [six courses]); see Ward-Perkins (supra n. 28) richt fiber diejiingsten Untersuchungsergebnisse,"Jahrbuch 64. The wall behind the propylaeum of the second church der OsterreichischenByzantinistik 32.4 (1982) 429-34; and of St. Sophia is certainly contemporary with the propy- Mango 1993, Addenda p. 6. Prof. Peschlow generously al- laeum and does not relate to the first church of Constan- lowed me to see drawings of the stamped bricks that he tius. Mathews (supra n. 37) 16 incorrectly states that the recovered from the church. wall is of "pure brick masonry" and is "quite different from 5 Ward-Perkins (supra n. 28) 70-71. the alternation of brick and stone in the Land Walls which 36Mango 1993, Addenda p. 4. we have come to accept as characteristically Theodosian." 7 T.E Mathews, The Early Churchesof Constantinople:Ar- For sixth-century brick with occasional courses of green- chitectureand Liturgy(London 1971) 28, pls. 17, 19-20. For stone, see Harrison (supra n. 23) pls. 30, 39, 71-73 (St. Poly- the greenstone, see E Dirimtekin, "Le Skevophylakionde euktos); Mathews (supra n. 37) pl. 26 (SS. Sergius and Bac- Sainte-Sophie,"REByz 19 (1961) 390-400, pls. 1-4. chus); Ward-Perkins (supra n. 28) 71-72; and R. Mainstone, 38 We have far too few closely dated Constantinopoli- : Architecture,Structure and Liturgy ofJustinian's tan monuments in this period to determine whether there GreatChurch (London 1988)67-70, esp. 68, pl. 84 (St.Sophia);

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placed with a degree of certainty in the first half therefore, better candidates for the Cistern of Phi- of the fifth century. It is possible that it is to be iden- loxenus. For memory of it to have been preserved tified with the Cisterna Theodosiana,which, according in our texts, Philoxenus's cistern must have been a to the Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanae (VI, 8, ed. O. large and, probably, highly visible structure, which Seeck, Notitia Dignitatum) compiled ca. 423-427, ex- suggests that it should be identified with the cistern isted in Region Five (north of the Mese and east of west of Babiili Caddesi. Since the structural tech- the Forum of Constantine).39 If so, our cistern would nique suggests a construction date in the first half have to have been constructed before 427. In the of the fifth century, and since the Notitia may indi- woodcut of ca. 1530-1550 ascribed to the Venetian cate a date before 427, it cannot have been built by cartographer Giovanni Andrea Vavassore (fig. 5), and Flavius Theodorus Philoxenus, consul of 525. The in that published in G. Braun and E Hogenberg's individual who ordered its construction may rather Civitates orbis terrarum of 1572 (fig. 6), both derived have been the magister officorumnamed Philoxenus from a lost original of ca. 1480, the overgrown cis- who is attested in the first half of the fifth century.43 tern can perhaps be seen immediately below (or east This would agree nicely with the assertion of the of) Constantine's column, on the right hand (or Patria (I, 63) that the cistern was built by a magister north) side of the Mese.40 named Philoxenus, even though the same text places Despite current scholarly opinion, the Binbirdi- him in the fourth century rather than the fifth. The rek Cistern, which is about 200 m east of the Col- Cistern of Philoxenus was therefore located north umn of Constantine, can hardly be identified with of the Mese, and west of Babiili Caddesi, and the the Cistern of Philoxenus, which is said to have been church of St. Aquilina, which is known to have stood near the Forum. For this reason, Strzygowski and close to both the cistern and the Forum of Constan- Guilland rightly rejected the identification,41 al- tine, may have been located between the two of though the latter provided no justification for his them.44 suggestion that the Cistern of Philoxenus was in fact to the north of the Mese, nor for his assertion that Street Leading from the Mese to the Copper Market the Palace of Lausus was to the south.42 Both of the The second clue to the location of the Palace of cisterns we have mentioned are closer to the Forum Lausus is provided by Constantine Porphyrogenitus's of Constantine than the Binbirdirek cistern and are, 10th-century Book of Ceremonies.It is recorded there

U. Peschlow,Die Irenenkirchein Istanbul:Untersuchungen zur 68). More recently, Betsch (supra n. 20) 134, 233-34 has Architektur(IstMitt-BH 18, Tiibingen 1977) 215-23 with fold- suggested that the capitals are in fact Justinianic. ers (St. Eirene); S. Casson, PreliminaryReport upon the Ex- 40 On the Vavassorewoodcut, see Mango 1990, 9; C.L. cavationsCarried Out in the Hippodromeof Constantinoplein Striker,"The 'Coliseo de Spiriti' in Constantinople,"in O. 1927 on behalfof the BritishAcademy (London 1928) 20-21, Feld and U. Peschlow eds., Studienzur spdtantikenund byzan- with figs. 30-31; and Casson, SecondReport upon the Exca- tinischen Kunst (EW Deichmanngewidmet) 1 (Rbmisch- vations CarriedOut in and near the Hippodromeof Constanti- Germanisches ZentralmuseumForschungsinstitut ffir Vor- noplein 1928 on behalfof the BritishAcademy (London 1929) und FruihgeschichteMonographien 10.1,Bonn 1986) 14-15; 6-7 (Baths of Zeuxippos). This technique is attested under and for a systematicdiscussion of the monuments depicted, Justinian by (ed. H.B. Dewing, Aed. 1.2). A. Berger, "Zursogenannten Stadtansicht des Vavassore," 39For the date of the Notitia, see Speck (supra n. 32) IstMitt44 (1994) 329-55 (where this cistern is not noted). 144-50. Marcellinus Comes (ed. T Mommsen, in trans. B. 41 Forchheimer and Strzygowski (supra n. 25) 170-71; Croke) states that in 407 a very large cistern was built next and R. Guilland, "LePalais de Lausus,"Hellenika 17 (1962) to the porphyrycolumn in the Forum of Constantine.Since (reprinted in Guilland II, 32-35) 99. it was clearly in Region Six and subterranean (subplateae 42Berger (supra n. 15) 617-18 retains the generally ac- transitumor "under the street-crossing"),it cannot be iden- cepted identification of the Binbirdirek with the Cistern tified with the cistern beside Babiali Caddesi, which was of Philoxenus, but realizes that rtd

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Fig. 5. Detail of G.A. Vavassore's panorama of Constantinople (ca. 1530-1550), looking west from the Hippodrome and St. Sophia, down the Mese toward the Column of Constantine. Arrow indicates cistern on Babiali Caddesi.

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Fig. 6. Detail of G. Braun and E Hogenberg's panorama of Constantinople (Civitates orbis terrarum, 1572), looking west from the Hippodrome and St. Sophia, down the Mese toward the Column of Constantine. Arrow indicates cistern on Babiali Caddesi.

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(I, 39 [30], ed. A. Vogt) that during the Feast of the per Market. This conclusion was reached long ago Annunciation, the imperial procession made its way by Bieliaev, and the merits of his case were seen by from St. Sophia to the Forum of Constantine by Bury.47 Guilland, however, inferred from this text way of the Milion45 and the Mese. Returning from that the Palace was on the south side of the Mese, the Forum, the cortege passed down the Mese as far opposite the street leading to the Copper Market.48 as zrI Aaaoou and then turned left into the nearby One piece of topographical evidence, however, led portico that led to the narthex of the church of the Bury to doubt that the Palace of Lausus might be Theotokos in the Chalkoprateia (Copper Market). to the north of the Mese. According to the Synaxa- Fortunately, the ruins of this church have been found rion, the church of St. Euphemia was ?v ToiS'Avt6bXou immediately to the northwest of St. Sophia (fig. 2).46 Kai ntjaoiov t Ov Aa6aoou, that is, in Antiochus's pal- In bad weather, the cortege went to and from the ace or its vicinity, close to Lausus's palace or its vi- Forum of Constantine under cover of the portico cinity (47-49, 811-13). This evidence constitutes flanking the Mese, and the ceremony was conducted one of the chief reasons for accepting the identifica- inside the Senate House. Since Cedrenus (I, 565) tells tion of the ruins immediately north of the hexagonal us that the Senate House was on the north side of hall of Antiochus's palace as the Palace of Lausus. the Forum, it is likely that the company used the But the degree of proximity that can be deduced portico on the north side of the Mese. On the return from these words is uncertain. It must be pointed journey, we are told that the emperor and his reti- out that two areas of the city are referred to as rtd nue passed down the same portico as far as rdt 'AvTt6Xou.The first, which is mentioned here, was Aaaoou, where they turned toward the Copper Mar- beside the Hippodrome, and the second was on the ket. The most natural deduction from the Book of . The second is also referred to in Ceremoniesis that the Palace of Lausus was located the Synaxarion (ed. Delehaye, 191), since the church to the east of the Forum of Constantine, on the north of St. Elissaios was located there.49 It seems likely, side of the Mese, beside the turn leading to the Cop- then, that the words zhiraiov 0roi Aaaoou were re-

45 On the Milion, see Mango 1959, 47-48, 174-79. The area in 1926 are noted by E Dirimtekin, "The Milion (Mi- colossal columns in the discussed by Mango liurum, Aureum) [sic]," Ayasofya Miizesi Yzllz4z8 (1969) 47. are depicted in a Turkish illustration of 1586. See G. Ne- 46 See Kleiss (supra n. 45); W. Kleiss, "Grabungen im Be- cipoglu, "TheLife of an Imperial Monument:Hagia Sophia reich der Chalkopratenkirche in Istanbul 1965," IstMitt 16 after Byzantium,"in R. Mark and A. Qakmak eds., Hagia (1966) 217-40; and Mathews (supra n. 37) 28-33. The iden- Sophiafrom theAge ofJustinian to the Present (Cambridge 1992) tification of the ruins cannot be doubted, since we know fig. 115 (black-and-white);and M. And, Istanbulin the 16th that the relics of Zacharias were kept in the crypt of the Century: The City, the Palace, Daily Life (Istanbul 1994) 42 chapel of St. James near the church's atrium, and since (color). The tall stone structure west of the four columns C. Mango, "Notes on Byzantine Monuments," DOP 23-24 is, I presume, the water tower built on the site ofJustinian's (1970) 369-72 (reprinted in Mango 1993, ch. 16, with ad- equestrian statue that is described by Gilles. The illustra- dendum) reports a fresco showing the slaying of Zacharias tion suggests that the columns did not relate to the Milion, in the octagonal substructures north of the atrium of the since the Milion stood to the west of the Augustaion. I am church. Mango 1993, Addenda p. 4 rejects the sources at- grateful to Cyril Mango for bringing this illustration to tributing the church to Pulcheria, and ascribes it to Ve- my attention. Remains in the vicinity of the Milion are rina. The remains of the terrace wall between the church shown on the plans in E. Mamboury, "Un nouvel element and Yerebatan Sarayi were discovered during the construc- la de pour topographie l'antique Byzance," AA 49 (1934) tion of a house on the upper terrace beside Salkims6giit 57-58; A.M. Schneider, Byzanz: Vorarbeitenzur Topographie Sokagi in August 1934. Part of the retaining wall and a und Archiologie der Stadt (IstForsch8, 1936) pl. 10 (by Mam- barrel vault were destroyed. The vault was divided into boury); C. Mango, "Le Diippion. Etude historique et top- rooms lit by windows that overlooked the church (Mam- ographique,"REByz 8 (1950) folder opposite p. 160;Mango boury, brickstamp notes, "Edifice entourant la citerne bas- 1959, figs. 36-38 (and described on pp. 184-88 by Mam- ilique." See also Mamboury 1936 [supra n. 20] 274). boury); W. Kleiss, "Neue Befunde zur Chalkopratenkirche 47J.B. Bury, "The Nika Riot,"JHS 17 (1897) 112-13. in Istanbul," IstMitt 15 (1965) 150, fig. 1; and N. Firatli and 48 Guilland (supra n. 41) 33. T Ergil, "The 'Milion' Sounding," IstArkMiizYzll15-16 (1969) 49 See Janin (supra n. 21) 310-11; and Janin (supra n. 199-212. These remains are not shown in Milller-Wiener 44) 110-11. It has been suggested that Seyh Murad Mes- (supra n. 15) pl. 263, although the sounding by Firatli and cidi may be St. Elissaios (E.A. Ivison, "The Seyh Murad Ergil is noted on p. 216 and some walls are shown on pl. Mescidi at Constantinople," BSA 85 [1990] 87). St. Elias was 323. Some unpublished photographs of Firatli's sounding also in this area, however: seeJanin (supra n. 44) 137-38; are to be found in the Sarachane archive of R. Martin and K.N. Ciggaar, "Une description de Constantinople tra- Harrison, which is now stored in the Institute of Archaeol- duite par un pelerin anglais," REByz 34 (1976) 211-67 (an ogy, Oxford (neg. nos. 4/2/7-23). Further finds made in the earlier version of the anonymous description of Constan-

This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 15:45:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 1997] THE PALACE OF LAUSUS AND NEARBY MONUMENTS IN CONSTANTINOPLE 79 to the quired to differentiate "t 'Avrt6Xou beside the Hip- street linking the Mese Copper Market, and podrome from rat 'Avrt6Xou on the Golden Horn. to the east of the Forum of Constantine. Guilland, The Synaxarion therefore indicates little about the however, attempted to argue from these accounts that precise location of the Palace of Lausus, except that the Palace of Lausus was close to the Basilica and it was much closer to the Palace of Antiochus beside its library, and on the south side of the Mese.53 the Hippodrome than it was to r•i 'Avrit6ou on the It should by now be clear that if the position of Golden Horn. One is certainly not justified in infer- the street leading from the Mese to the Copper Mar- ring from this indication that the Palace of Lausus ket can be established, this will have important im- was right beside the Palace of Antiochus, although plications for the location of the Palace of Lausus. it must have been very close. Berger once attempted to reconstruct the early street Further evidence, the interpretation of which is system of Constantinople on a grid of rectangles mea- more problematic, may corroborate what I have de- suring about 130 x 120 m aligned with the axis of duced above. According to Cedrenus (I, 616) and Zo- the Hippodrome. He assumed that the street men- naras (Epitomaehistoriarum, ed. T. Biittner-Wobst, III, tioned in the Book of Ceremoniesthat linked the Cop- 130-31),50 the fire of 475 started in the Copper Mar- per Market and the Mese (his street E) would have ket, consumed two porticoes, the Basilica with its passed right next to the atrium of the church of library, the porticoes on either side of the Mese, the the Theotokos and close to the northwest flank of the Palace of Lausus with its collection of statues, and Yerebatan Sarayi, thus intersecting the Mese oppo- the Forum of Constantine. Clearly the fire spread site the great hall discovered by Naumann (assumed southwest from the Copper Market, consuming both by Berger to be the Palace of Lausus).54 However, the Basilica, which can be located with certainty two modern streets-Alay Ko6kii Caddesi and the above the Yerebatan Sarayi cistern (fig. 2),51 and, ap- more easterly section of Qatalgegme Sokagi - are al- parently, the portico-lined street linking the Copper most perpendicular to the axis of the Yerebatan Sa- Market to the Mese.52 When the flames had reached rayi, of the church of the Theotokos in the Copper the Mese, they were fanned westward to the Forum Market, and roughly parallel to the axis of the Hippo- of Constantine, and in the process destroyed Lausus's drome and the ancient streets that must have flanked collection of statues. If this interpretation is correct, it (fig. 2).55 These roads may therefore still follow the Palace of Lausus was located to the west of the the original line of the Byzantine street linking the

tinople than that published by Mercati in 1936). We read 52 R. Guilland, "LaBasilique, la Bibliotheque et I'Octo- (43): In loco Antiochi in via Blachernes est aecclesia sancti Heliae gone"' Melanges d'histoire litteraire et de bibliographie offertsci prophetae, et est in ipsa de melote eius. Jean Bonnerot (Paris 1954) (reprinted in Guilland II, 3-13) 50 Mango (supra n. 6) has shown that Cedrenus and Zo- n. 35 plausibly suggested that the two porticoes belonged naras were here drawing ultimately on Malchus. to the street linking the Mese to the Copper Market. North- 51Mango 1959, 48-51 and A. Cameron, "Theodorus east winds are common in Constantinople (cf. Mango 1959, Tptaonapxor,"GRBS 17 (1976) 269-86 (reprinted with ad- 56, n. 128). ditional note in A. Cameron, Literature and Society in the 53 Guilland (supra n. 41) 98-99. Early Byzantine World [Variorum Collected Studies, Lon- 54 A. Berger, "Die Altstadt von Byzanz in der vorjustin- don 1985] ch. 16). The Basilica Stoa already existed in Re- ianischer Zeit," Poikila Byzantina 6 (1987) 18. gion Four by ca. 425 (Notitia V, 8, p. 176.24-27). Just two 55A street running down the western flank of the cir- years after the fire of 475, the Basilica Stoa was restored cus was discovered during the excavations northwest of by one Illos (John of Antioch fr. 211 = FHG 618). For the the Hippodrome. See Naumann (supra n. 12) 135; and construction of the cistern below "the central court of Berger (supra n. 54) 29, street D. The street that was dis- the basilica of Illos" in 528, which required the destruction covered by Schneider in front of the atrium of the Theodo- of the southwest portico of the Basilica, see Procop. Aed. sian St. Sophia (A.M. Schneider, Die Grabung im Westhof 1.11.12-15; Malalas, Chronographia,ed. L. Dindorf, 435-36; der Sophienkirchezu Istanbul [IstForsch 12, 1941] 4 and plan Theophanes, Chronographia,ed. C. de Boor, anno mundi 6020, 1) is perhaps part of the same one found behind the Is- 176.24-27; Chron. Pasch. 619; and Cedrenus, I, 645. Illos is tanbul Archaeological Museum (Miller-Wiener [supra n. also mentioned at Chron. Pasch. 622, where a reference to 15] 50). Albrecht Berger has suggested to me that the ruins the Basilica Stoa must have dropped out (judging by com- behind the museum may relate to the Baths of Alexander. parison with Theophanes, A.M. 6024, 181.27-30 and Ced- The street may have continued along the eastern flank of renus, I, 647, on which see Mango 1993, Addenda p. 1). the Hippodrome; see Berger (supra n. 54) 29, street A. The He is also known to have built a church of St. John the substructures on Cemal Nadir Sokagi, which probably date Baptist close to the Palace of Antiochus (Patria III, 33, 211; to the sixth century in their earliest phase, also share the and Ciggaar [supra n. 49] 257 [16]). It appears to have been same axis. Since the Binbirdirek and the two lesser-known on the south side of the Mese. cisterns close to it share the same alignment, it is possible

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Mese and the Copper Market. If so, Berger's street acanthus (which Betsch believes to have been pro- E would have to be shifted about 50 m further west duced only between ca. 400 and 425), and the other and would have intersected the Mese about 30 m of which has mask acanthus-are similar to those west of the apse of the great hall discovered by from St. Sophia.59 The former, at least, is clearly too Naumann. small to have been associated with the bases, which Some important archaeological finds made in Qa- must have supported massive columns about 0.70 m talgegme Sokagi during the laying of Istanbul's drain- in diameter at the foot. age system in April 1929 help to support this sug- According to Macridy, the discoveries in Qa- gestion. Macridy reports the discovery of three talgegme Sokagi were made near former prisons, and aligned column bases, apparently in situ, on a marble it was possible to enlarge the trench cut for the drains stylobate, with an interaxial span of about 2.38 m. only because there was a small square at a road junc- The stylobate was about 2.50 m below modern tion. Schneider's archaeological plan of the city in- ground level, and it and the bases rose to a combined dicates that the discovery was made at the junction height of 1.20 m.56 The bases are shown clearly in of Qatalgegme Sokagi and Ba? Musahip Sokagi,60 a photograph taken by W. Sender (fig. 7). Many whereas Kleiss's revised version puts the findspot fur- marble architectural fragments were also found: ther to the northeast, at the junction of Qatalgegme cornices, architraves, and capitals. One section of Sokagi and Molla Fenari Sokagi.61 Berger, who lo- cornice was sketched in Macridy's brief report. It has cated the column bases according to Schneider's plan, recently been illustrated in a catalogue of figured believed that they related to an otherwise unattested Byzantine sculpture in the Istanbul Archaeological street (his street F) to the west of, and parallel to, Museum, where its provenance and date of entry into the street leading to the Copper Market (his street the museum are said to be unknown.57 The cornice E).62 It is surprising that the discoveries were omit- was dated by Macridy to the end of the fifth century ted from the plans in the standard topographical and by Firatli to the second half of the fifth or the dictionary of the city by Mfiller-Wiener,63 since his first half of the sixth century. A date at the begin- copy of a sketch made by Mamboury at the time of ning of the fifth century should not, perhaps, be ruled the excavation is in the Deutsches Archiiologisches out, for blocks from the monumental entrance to Institut in Istanbul, and this confirms that Kleiss's the atrium of the second St. Sophia, which was ded- topographical plan shows the correct location of icated in 415 under Theodosius II (Chron.Pasch. 572), the column bases (fig. 9).64 The three bases have display similar sharply cut acanthus, designs between roughly the same northeast-southwest orientation modillions, and palmette chains.58 One of Sender's as Alay K6okii Caddesi and the more easterly half photographs shows two fragmentary capitals among of Qatalgegme Sokagi, which provides strong sup- the debris (fig. 8). Both- one of which displays soft port for the suggestion that these modern streets

that BabiAli Caddesi indicates the position of an ancient 61Kleiss (supra n. 20) 7, no. 9. street running in the same direction. Such a street would 62Berger (supra n. 54) 18, n. 42. replace Berger (supra n. 54) 29, street E 63The discoveries should appear in Miiller-Wiener 56 T. Macridy in M. Schede, "Archiologische Funde: (supra n. 15) pl. 263 (p. 232) and in pl. 321 (p. 283). Tiirkei,"AA 44 (1929) 357-58. 64 In response to my query about the location of the 57 See N. Firatll, La sculpture byzantinefigurie au Musie prisons mentioned by Macridy,Cyril Mango kindly exam- archiologiqued'Istanbul (Paris 1990) 133-34, pl. 83 (no. 263). ined the detailed street map of ca. 1920 made for insur- 58sFor comparative material, see Schneider (supra n. 55) ance companies by one Pervitich, where they are shown pls. 2.1, 14.1, 21.1-2, 22.1-3, and 27.1. near the junction with Molla FenariSokagl. A sketchamong 59The upturned capital on the right shows soft acan- Mamboury's papers on brickstamps ("TerrainVague en thus. Cf. Schneider (supra n. 55) pls. 12.2 and 25.2-3. In face du Bilyiik Zaptiye")shows a shaded area in this loca- the opinion of Betsch (supra n. 20) 189-93, this type (which tion but does not indicate the nature of the remains dis- he calls crowded acanthus) was produced only between covered. On the same plan, Mamboury recorded two par- 400 and 425. The fragmentary capital lying upon the cor- allel walls on the west side of Ticarethane Sokagi in which nice block displays mask acanthus. Cf. Schneider (supra he found two bricks bearing fifth-centurystamps. The walls n. 55) pls. 14.2 and 15-16. The Deutsches Archiologisches are described, and the brickstampsrecorded on two sheets Institut in Istanbul has a number of photographs by Sender in the archiveheaded "Edificede la Rue Ticarethane."Mam- of these discoveries (negs. 2243-2253, 2680, and two other boury also suggested that the nearby Turkishbath (Aci ha- prints). mam) was built on Byzantine remains. 60Schneider (supra n. 45) 92, no. 9.

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Fig. 8. Capitals and cornice in the excavation in Gatalgegme Sokagl in 1929. (Photo W. Sender, David Talbot Rice Archive, Barber Institute, Birmingham University)

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Fig. 9. Plan of the discoveries made in Qatalgegme Sokagi in 1929. (W. Miiller-Wiener,after E. Mamboury, redrawn by A. Wilkins, courtesy Deutsches Archiologisches Institut, Istanbul)

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still follow the path of the Byzantine colonnaded way PALACE OF LAUSUS IN RELATION leading from the Mese to the Copper Market. Indeed, TO NEARBY MONUMENTS Schneider, and Kleiss all associated the Mamboury, Only a very few of the monuments known to have remains with the street to portico-lined leading existed in Constantinople can be placed on the the Market or with the facade of a monu- Copper map with absolute certainty, and as a result the re- mental that onto that street.65 A building opened mainder can be located only in general terms, ac- very tentative proposal for the identification of the cording to their proximity to these known points. building to which this facade is made be- belonged The relocation of a single monument whose position low. If, leaving the Copper Market, the street con- was formerly considered fixed inevitably necessitates tinued the same course downhill toward the Golden a reconsideration of the distribution of nearby mon- Horn, it would have close to the passed Strategion uments. In a number of accounts, the Palace of Lau- and would have reached the shore at the east end sus is mentioned in association with monuments the of the Neorion and harbors.66 Prosphorion exact locations of which elude us. Before consider- ing these accounts, however, it is convenient to dis- Conclusion cuss the location of the Octagon. I therefore propose that the open cistern west of Speck has argued that the Octagon should be iden- Babi^ili Caddesi, which is probably depicted in the tified with the Temple of Tyche and also with the panoramas of Vavassore and Braun and Hogenberg, gate erected by Theodore in the Basilica, and that is the Cistern of Philoxenus, and that it was built the Octagon cum temple cum gate was located along by the magister officorumPhiloxenus in the fifth cen- the southeast side of the Basilica, close to the Au- tury. It is probably also the Cisterna Theodosiana of gustaion and the Milion.67 Cameron, however, has the Notitia, and, if so, must have been built before shown that these were three distinct monuments, and 427, under Theodosius II (408-450). I also suggest that Speck's argument for locating them all south- that Alay K6okii Caddesi and the more easterly half east of the Basilica is unacceptable.68 Where, then, of atalgegme Sokagi indicate the approximate align- was the Octagon? The Patria tells us that the Octa- ment of the ancient colonnaded street linking the gon was "near the Basilica" (III, 31), and Theodore Mese and the Copper Market. The indications in Lector indicates that it was beside the Mese (ed. G.C. sources as to the location of our literary the Palace Hansen, Epitome 404).69 Bury, unfortunately, did not of Lausus would be best satisfied by placing it on realize that the Octagon was beside the Mese, and the north side of the between the Mese, cistern and placed it west of the Basilica, along the road leading the colonnaded street. The church of St. Aquilina to the Copper Market.70 The Octagon is not men- also be located on may the north side of the street, tioned among the buildings destroyed in the fire of between the cistern and the Forum of Constantine. 475, which spread southwestward from the Copper

65 Mamboury 1936 (supra n. 20) 254; Schneider (supra Augusteum," AyasofyaMiizesi Yzlliz 8 (1969) 32-33, 80 (dis- n. 45) 92, no. 9; Kleiss (supra n. 45) 167. covery in 1962 of a colonnade 4.75 m inside the southern 66 See n. Mdiller-Wiener (supra 15) pl. 600. Albrecht wall of the enclosure of St. Sophia, terminating 1.80 m from Berger has suggested to me that the street may have desig- the western wall of the enclosure; on attested columns in nated the border between Four and Five. It Regions was this area, see supra n. 45); and S. Eyice, "Sur l'archeologie the presumably street that led to the Strategion. Mango de l'edifice dit 'Arslanhane' et de ses environs," IstArkMiiz- has that the suggested Strategion may have been located Yzll 11-12 (1964) 141-46, pls. 4-6 (walls toward east end near the main office in Sirkeci post (Mango 1990, 70). If of Augustaion discovered in 1937; cf. Mango 1959, 42 with this is correct, there would have presumably been a street n. 36). During the laying of drains south of St. Sophia in westward from the leading colonnaded way to the Strat- November 1935, a mass of masonry was discovered stand- not to egion (Mango 1990, 71, alluding the Qatalgegme re- ing to about 1 m above the ancient ground level. This was mains, but nevertheless his retracting hypothetical street located on the immediate right upon leaving the precinct on has plan II). Berger, however, suggested to me that the of St. Sophia by the south gate, not far from an iron in- now be Strategion (in Region Five) might shifted further spection cover over the drains. Mamboury identified the east, closer to the colonnaded street and the Sa- Topkapi remains with the base of the equestrian statue ofJustinian walls. a street ray Alternatively, following the alignment (Mamboury, brickstamp notes, "Le Forum Augusteon. La of Caddesi n. Babidli (see above, 55) may have passed close Colonne de Justinien" and "Augusteon"). to Mango's proposed location for the Strategion. 68 Cameron (supra n. 51) 271-73. 67 P. Die kaiserliche Universitdt von 69 Speck, Konstantinopel Cf Theophanes A.M. 5967, 121.8-11. The significance 14, Munich 92-107. The (ByzArch 1974) limits of the Au- of Theodore Lector is noted in Mango 1959, 49, n. 69. have been gustaion discussed by Mango 1959, 42-47, whose 70 Bury (supra n. 47) 117-18. account must now be supplemented: see E Dirimtekin, "The

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Market, in the process damaging the Basilica and, the burning of St. Sophia with the fire of Friday, 16 apparently, the colonnaded street leading to the Mese January, but this may result from the author's desire (Cedrenus, I, 616; Zonaras, III, 130-31).71 This omis- to resolve such topographical inconsistencies by re- sion may not be significant, but if it is, it follows that organizing the order of events.76 If the porch of the the Octagon should be sought to the south of the Basilica was indeed ignited by a fire spreading from Basilica, where it would have been protected from the Hospice of Samson, then we would have to con- the flames by the large, open courtyard of the Ba- clude that the porch was on the northeast or south- silica itself. east side of the Basilica, and that the Octagon was, There is some further evidence that may support as it had been in 475, protected from the flames to this conclusion. According to the ChroniconPaschale the south of the Basilica, since it was not destroyed (622), the fire of Friday, 16 January 532, began at until 17January (Chron.Pasch. 622-23). As far as we the Praetorium of the Praetorian Prefect72 and was know, the Basilica was not damaged further on 17 spread by a north wind to the Baths of Alexander, January, when the fire spread from the Octagon west- the Hospice of Eubulus, St. Eirene, the Hospice of ward down the Mese (Chron. Pasch. 622-23), which Samson, and the porch of the Basilica.73 It does not may also indicate that the Octagon was on the south seem to have been appreciated that the fire could side of the Basilica.77 not have spread to the Basilica directly from the Hos- We may now turn to the accounts that mention pice of Samson, which can be located with certainty the Palace of Lausus in relation to nearby monu- between St. Sophia and St. Eirene (fig. 2).74 But St. ments. It is recorded that in a riot during the reign Sophia, which we would expect to have provided the of Phocas (602-610), "the Mese was burnt from the bridge, had already burned on the night of 14 Jan- palace of Lausus, and the praetorium of the city pre- uary or on 15 January (Chron. Pasch. 621-22), when fect, as far as the Treasury opposite the Forum of the Chalke, the portico of the scholarii, protectores, Constantine of blessed memory" (Chron. Pasch. and candidati, the Augustaion, and the nearby Sen- 695).78 This passage led Mango and Janin to write ate House had also been destroyed.75 Theophanes that the Praetorium was between and almost equi- (Chronographia, ed. C. de Boor, anno mundi 6024, distant from the Palace of Lausus and the Forum 184.24-27) is the only author who apparently links of Constantine.79 But the text might equally suggest

71 The possible significance of the omission of the Oc- at the Hippodrome, which he links with events that Chron. in accounts of this fire was noted Guilland Pasch. on tagon by (supra 621 places 14January(where the day ends at fipt; n. 52) 106-107. This Senate House was east of the Augustaion, 72 &ca~tpac). For the Praetorium of the Praetorian Prefect, see and to be distinguished from that north of the Forum of Mango 1993,Addenda pp. 1-2. There were three Praetoria Constantine (Mango 1959, 56-60). in Constantinople (Mango 1990, 71). Unfortunately, Bury 76Theophanes' information that 5 years, 11 months, and (supra n. 47) 113-14, 116 confuses them. We are perhaps 10 days had passed when Justinian's new church was ded- to conclude from Theophanes' failure to mention the burn- icated on 27 December 537 (A.M. 6030) would suggest a ing of the Praetorian Prefecture north of St. Eirene that date of Friday or Saturday,16-17 January,for the destruc- he did not know of it and that this ignorance in part ex- tion of St. Sophia (depending on whether the day of de- plains his reorganization of the order of the burning of struction itself was being counted). But we cannot be cer- the various buildings. On the Praetorium near the Portico tain that this time span was not calculated on the basis of Domninus, which is attested in 395 but was shortly after- of an erroneous date for the destruction. The date of the wardreplaced by the churchof the FortyMartyrs, see Berger dedication seems to be reliable (cf. MarcellinusComes A.D. (supra n. 15) 310, 319-21, 442-44. 537). 73On the Baths of Alexander, see supra n. 55. There is 77The ChroniconPaschale (622-23) states that the Octa- no doubt that a reference to the porch of the Basilica must gon "is between the Basilica of the Skindressers and the be restored to the text of the ChroniconPaschale, judging public portico of the Regia"(the Regia being the section by comparison with Theophanes, A.M. 6024, 181.27-30 of the Mese between the Chalke and the Forum of Con- and Cedrenus, I, 647. See Mango 1993, Addenda p. 1. Guil- stantine), but unfortunately the interpretation of this is land (supra n. 52) 101 incorrectly states that Cedrenus is uncertain. Guilland (supra n. 52) 105-106 has suggested the author only who mentions the porch of the Basilica, that we should understand "betweenthe Basilica, the quar- and unnecessarily suggests that the reference is in fact to ter of the Skindressers and the public portico of the Re- the Senate House in the Augustaion. gia."If so, this too would indicate that the Octagon was 74Procop. Aed. 1.2.14-15. For remains in this area pos- to the south of the Basilica. to the sibly relating hospice, see Peschlow (supra n. 38) 78Translation of M. Whitby and M. Whitby, Chronicon 140-205. Paschale284-628 AD (Translated Texts for Historians 7, 75Malalas (474-75), who wrongly mentions these build- Liverpool 1989). on ings 13January (when only the Praetorium of the City 79Mango (supra n. 45) 156;Janin (supra n. 21) 168. Prefect burned), is, however, reliable concerning the fire

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that the Palace of Lausus and the Praetorium were The ChroniconPaschale (622-23) describes the dev- either beside one another or on opposite sides of astation during the Nika riots on Saturday, 17 Jan- the Mese, and that the fire spread from these two uary. Soldiers "set alight the Octagon, and as a result buildings westward to the Treasury.80Unfortunately, of this fire the region around St. Theodore near the Theophanes (A.M. 6055, 239.6-10) does not clarify house of Sphoracius was burnt, except for the vaulted the situation. His chronicle states that as the new building of the holy church. But the entire Portico city prefect, Andrew the ex-logothete, approached of the Silversmiths, and the house of Symmachus, the Praetorium from the Chalke, he was met by the the former consul ordinarius, and St. Aquilina, as far Green faction at the Palace of Lausus. This seems as the arch of the other portico of the Forum of Con- to indicate that the Praetorium was further west than stantine, was burnt." Evidently referring to the same the Palace of Lausus, but equally it would not contra- fire, Theophanes (A.M. 6024, 184.14-17) mentions dict the suggestion that the two were beside or op- the destruction of the Palace of Lausus: "The por- posite one another. We shall see later that there is ticoes from the arch of the Forum to the Chalke were some evidence that a monument other than the Prae- burned, and also the shops of the silversmiths and torium may have stood immediately to the west of the whole palace of Lausus were destroyed by fire." Naumann's great hall. If the Praetorium was south The ChroniconPaschale clearly indicates that the fire of the Mese, this may mean that the preferred lo- spread from the Octagon westward down the Mese cation is close to the Forum of Constantine.81 toward the Forum of Constantine. It seems likely, Two pieces of evidence may suggest that the Prae- then, that the burned buildings are listed in a rough torium was on the south side of the Mese. We know order from east to west along the Mese: Octagon, from Malalas (Chronographia,ed. L. Dindorf, 474) that St. Theodore of Sphoracius, Portico of the Silver- it was set alight during the Nika riots on Tuesday, smiths, the house of Symmachus, St. Aquilina, Fo- 13January 532. Many nearby monuments, however, rum of Constantine. Indeed, we have seen that the including the Octagon, St. Aquilina, and the Palace Synaxarion refers to the church of St. Aquilina as be- of were not until Lausus, destroyed Saturday, 17Jan- ing v Toiq aDtkoEvou nkjloaiov ToO(p6pou (429, 465 uary (Chron.Pasch. 622-23; Theophanes A.M. 6024). [Sa], 748), and the proximity of St. Theodore of Since all three were to the north of the Mese, their Sphoracius and the Octagon is also suggested by the survival would be explained if the Praetorium was Patria (II, 93). In recension C of the Patria (ed. Preger, on the opposite side of the street.82 The fire of 475 292-93), the buildings west of the Milion are listed spread southward from the Copper Market toward in the following order: St. John the Theologian, St. the Mese, damaged the Basilica, and then spread west- Theodore of Sphoracius, the Octagon, the Palace ward along the Mese, destroying Lausus's collection of Lausus, the Forum of Constantine, and the Sen- of statues and stopping only having reached the Fo- ate House. Unfortunately, there is no indication in rum of Constantine (Cedrenus, I, 616; Zonaras, III, either the ChroniconPaschale or the Patria as to which 130-31). The Praetorium is not listed among the buildings were to the north of the Mese and which to damaged buildings, which may indicate that it was the south, although, given that both texts associate on the south side of the Mese.83 The accounts of this the Octagon and St. Theodore of Sphoracius, it seems fire, however, are possibly not detailed enough for highly likely that the latter, like the former, was on us to be certain that the omission is significant. the north side of the Mese.84 Lydus (Mag. III, 70, ed.

81In their commentary on the ChroniconPaschale, day, he was hailed first by the Blue faction at the Milion, and n. Whitby Whitby (supra 78) recognize that this pas- then by the Greens at St.John, and then again by the Blues sage may indicate that the Palace of Lausus was opposite at the Praetorium. the Praetorium, but assume that the former they was on 82 Theophanes (A.M. 6024, 184.14-17), apparently be- the south side of the Mese (n. 327). They point out that lieving that the other monuments on the Mese to adduced no ought Mango evidence for placing the Praetorium have been destroyed during the fire at the Praetorium, on the south side of the Mese (n. 407). They also place conflated the details of the of 13 and 17 the conflagrations Praetorium at the east end of the Mese (ns. 210, 353, January. and without 3 407), though providing any evidence. Albrecht Berger, however, has suggested to me that 81 We know from Constantine Book the Porphyrogenitus's prytaneum that is listed in the Notitia (VI, 9) as being Ceremonies 88 that the Praetorium of of (I, [79]) the City in Region Five (north of the Mese) may be the same as Prefect was closer to the Forum of Constantine than to the Praetorium of the City Prefect. of the we shall was near St.John Diippion (which, see, the 84 Berger (supra n. 15) 282 also places St. Theodore of starting gates of the Hippodrome), for when the emperor Sphoracius on the north side of the Mese. proceeded down the Mese to St. Romanus on Palm Sun-

This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 15:45:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 86 JONATHAN BARDILL [AJA 101

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Fig. 10. Alternatingbrick and stone in the firstphase of the greathall (exteriorof the east end of the south wall).(PhotoJ. Bardill)

R. Wuensch, trans. A.C. Bandy) states that buildings sibility that the fifth-century monumental facade on both sides of the Mese were destroyed during the found in Qatalge?me Sokagi relates to the mansion Nika riots, but has apparently conflated details of of Sphoracius or to the atrium of his church of St. the various fires. Theodore, which is known to have been magnifi- We have seen that St. Aquilina was near both the cently rebuilt after a fire, possibly that of 465.86 The Forum of Constantine and the Cistern of Philoxenus. Patria (II, 93) places the Octagon near the bazaar Since the ChroniconPaschale mentions the destruction of spices and St. Theodore of Sphoracius. Perhaps of the house of Symmachus before the burning of this bazaar, too, was located in the street leading to St. Aquilina, we may suggest that the former was be- the Copper Market.87 side or opposite the Palace of Lausus or possibly that, by the sixth century, the Palace of Lausus had DATE AND IDENTITY OF THE ROTUNDA passed into the ownership of Symmachus.85 It may AND GREAT HALL also be suggested that the Portico of the Silversmiths, which was apparently destroyed before the house We may now return to consider the date and iden- of Symmachus, and was therefore further to the east, tification of the rotunda and great hall to the north- was located in the colonnaded way leading from the west of the Hippodrome, which can no longer be Mese to the Copper Market (although it could, of identified with the Palace of Lausus. The longitu- course, equally have been beside the Mese itself). dinal axis of the great hall is misaligned with that If so, St. Theodore of Sphoracius and the Octagon of the rotunda (fig. 1),88which may indicate that the may be placed east of the street leading from the rotunda and hall were squeezed into a plot that was Mese to the Copper Market. This presents the pos- too small (perhaps after the hexagon had been built),

85Mango (supra n. 6) 90 suggested that Lausus'spalace 87Janin (supra n. 21) 95 asserts that the Portico of the might have passed into the hands of Flavius Theodorus Silversmiths was between the Forum of Constantine and Philoxenus. the Palace of Lausus. But this cannot be deduced from 86See C. Mango, "Epigrammeshonorifiques, statues et Chron.Pasch. 622-23 and Theophanes, A.M. 6024. 88 portraitsA Byzance," A(~pptolpa orovNirco ffJopdvo 1 (1986) Naumann (supra n. 12) 138-39. (reprinted in Mango 1993, ch. 9) 25-28.

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Fig. 11. View of the exterior of the north niche of the hexagonal hall of the Palace of Antiochus. (Photo J. Bardill)

or that the hall was a later addition to the rotunda.89 or 10 courses) (fig. 11).92 This evidence might be Consideringthe misalignment,and the absence from taken to suggest that the hall is not contemporary the great hall of the cramped ashlar that occurs in with the hexagon. the survivinglower parts of the rotunda, Torelli Lan- Considering that the rotunda and hexagon are dini has suggested that the hall was a later addi- both constructed in their lower parts of cramped tion.90The earliest construction phase of the great blocks of limestone, Torelli Landini has suggested hall displays bands of brick about five courses high that they are contemporary and both the work of alternatingwith bands of mortared rubble faced with Antiochus. The hall, it is argued, was added after about six courses of small, squared blocks. The stone Antiochus's property came into imperial hands ca. bands are about twice as high as the brick bands (fig. 439.93 This is an attractive hypothesis, but the struc- 10).91The technique, which is similar to that used tural similarities of the hexagon and rotunda do not in the Cistern of Philoxenus (fig. 4) and the Land allow us to be certain about their contemporaneity. Walls, may be ascribed to the fifth century. In Large, carefully cut blocks of gray limestone 0.35-0.50 Antiochus's hexagon, however, the small stone fac- m in height are used for the lower parts of the walls ing blocks are arranged in bands 0.90 m high (four of the hexagon (fig. 11). These blocks are bound to- courses), and the brick bands are 0.80 m high (nine gether with iron cramps encased in lead,94 a tech-

92 89Dolunay and Naumann (supra n. 13) 137:"spiiter, als R. Naumann and H. Belting, Die Euphemia-Kircheam der grosse Saal angefiigt wurde,"Ward-Perkins (supra n. Hippodrom zu Istanbul und ihre Fresken (IstForsch25, Berlin 28) 69 observed that the hall related to "a different and 1966) 35-36; Torelli Landini (supra n. 90) 18-19. almost certainly later phase." 93Torelli Landini (supra n. 90) 19. For the date at which 90oE. Torelli Landini, "Note sugli scavi a nord-ovest Antiochus entered the clergy, see Greatrex and Bardill dell'Ippodromo di Istambul (193911964)e loro identifica- (supra n. 4). zione," Storia dell'arte 68 (1990) 19. 94Naumann and Belting (supra n. 92) 35-36. Ward- 91Naumann (supra n. 12) 139, pl. 39.2. Perkins (supra n. 28) 69 does not mention the cramps.

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Fig. 12. Crampedlimestone blocks of the rotunda to the north of the hexagonalhall of the Palaceof Antiochus.(PhotoJ. Bardill) nique that was also employed in the adjacent rotunda sius I at the Forum Tauri (modern Beyazit).6 An- excavated by Duyuran (fig. 12).95 The similarity in other early use is at the so-called Aqueduct of the technique does not prove that the two structures Valens,97 which Mango has suggested may in fact be are contemporary, for Byzantine builders were ex- the Aqueduct of Hadrian.98 The technique con- tremely conservative. In Constantinople, the use of tinued to be used in the fifth century, when it was cramped blocks can be traced back to the fourth cen- employed for the construction of the rotunda near tury in the bases of the monumental arch of Theodo- the Myrelaion (Bodrum Camii).99 In the sixth cen-

95 See Duyuran (supra n. 2) 79: "The straight wall [at 97Ward-Perkins (supra n. 28) 65. the back of the portico] was built with blocks of pale grey 98Mango 1990, 20; Mango (supra n. 21) 12. limestone containing shells. The blocks were well cut and 99R. Naumann, "Der antike Rundbau beim Myrelaion carefully united with iron clamps as in the Martyrion[i.e., und der Palast Romanos I. Lekapenos,' IstMitt 16 (1966) the Palace of Antiochus]. The height of the blocks varies 203 and pl. 39.1. Seven courses of ashlar (ca. 0.40-0.55 m between 40 and 42 cms. and the length between 80 and high x ca. 1.20-1.50 m long, forming a wall up to 6.10 m 120 cms."Ward-Perkins (supra n. 28) 69 gives a smaller thick) rose to a height of 3.3-3.4 m above the sill of the height for the blocks: "The circular hall is built of good north door (and hence above the interior floor level).Both limestone masonry, claw-dressed and laid in mortar in D. Talbot Rice, "Excavationsat Bodrum Camii 1930. The courses averaging 32 cm. high." MesselExpedition," Byzantion 8 (1933)167 and Ward-Perkins 96R. Naumann, "NeueBeobachtungen am Theodosius- (supra n. 28) 70 assigned the ashlar to a first phase and bogen und Forum Tauriin Istanbul,"IstMitt 26 (1976) 127; the alternating brick and stone to a second. This is un- Milller-Wiener(supra n. 15) 263, pl. 298. necessary, since the Land Walls and the hexagon of An-

This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 15:45:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 1997] THE PALACE OF LAUSUS AND NEARBY MONUMENTS IN CONSTANTINOPLE 89 tury,100as a result of the reduction in the employ- differences in the thicknesses of these bands, how- ment of stone after the fifth century, the technique ever, need not necessarily be indicative of different was necessarily restricted to load-bearing piers,101 periods of construction: different thicknesses of brick foundation courses,'02 and cornices.103 Given that bands were in use during the same period.105 In the cramped blocks were in continuous use in Constan- absence of published brickstamps from the rotunda, tinople in the Early Byzantine period, the technique its portico, and the great hall, the dates of these struc- tells us nothing definite about the relative dates of tures relative to the hexagon of Antiochus remain the rotunda and the hexagonal hall: the rotunda may uncertain, and their identification as another part have been built as part of Antiochus's palace or it of Antiochus's palace, although plausible, cannot be may not, and it may even have been constructed in proved. the fourth century rather than the fifth. It should ST. IN THE DIIPPION AND THE MENAGERIES be noted that in one respect the structures of the JOHN hexagon and rotunda are distinct. Duyuran writes In his booklet on the urban development of Con- that the sigma-plan portico of the rotunda "was built stantinople, and in a short paper summarizing some with courses of yellowish rubble stone and bricks. of its conclusions, Mango has asserted that the church There were five rows of bricks, and each course was of St. John in the Diippion was founded in the ro- 42 cms. thick."'04 This is quite different from the tunda discovered by Duyuran (which he wrongly high brick and stone bands used in the upper parts identified as part of the Palace of Lausus).'06 Mango of the walls of Antiochus's hexagon (fig. 11). The noted that Pierre Gilles, who explored Constanti-

tiochus show the two techniques in use simultaneously. n. 99) 76, n. 100; C. Mango, "Byzantine Writers on the Fab- The identity of this rotunda is uncertain. C.L. Striker, The ric of Hagia Sophia," in Mark and Qakmak (supra n. 45) Myrelaion (Bodrum Camii) in Istanbul (Princeton 1986) 7-11 44; and L.E. Butler, "Hagia Sophia's Nave Cornices as Ele- and supra n. 40, 14-15 objects to Naumann's suggestions. ments of Its Design and Structure," in Mark and Qakmak C. Mango, TheArt of the ,312-1453 (Sources (supra n. 45) 69, n. 37 have seen it as a muddled descrip- and Documents in the History of Art, Englewood Cliffs tion of the sheets of lead discovered at the springing of 1972) 46-47 and Mango 1990, 59 suggests that the rotunda arches (Emerson and Van Nice [supra] 100-101, fig. 10; L. may be the Museum of Muselius, known from the Greek Butler, The Nave Cornices of Hagia Sophia in Istanbul [Diss. Anthology 9.799-801 to have been near the , Univ. of Pennsylvania 1989] 36) that are described by Paul a square that in Naumann's opinion (209-11) was located the Silentiary, Description of St. Sophia, lines 476-80 (ed. P. near the Myrelaion. Also known to have been at the My- Friedliinder, trans. Mango [supra n. 99] 83). In support of relaion is the Chrysokamaron (Patria III, 112), not to be the suggestion that Procopius is, in fact, referring to lead- confused with the Christokamaron at the house of Mousele set cramps is the account of the Diegesis (13, ed. T. Preger, (Patria III, 112a). See Berger (supra n. 15) 517, 597. Note Scriptoresoriginum Constantinopolitanarum I), a largely fictional also the foundations of St.John of Stoudios (ca. 450) (Pesch- account of the building of St. Sophia of the seventh to ninth low [supra n. 34] 430) and of the pre-Justinianic mauso- centuries, which describes the use of iron cramps to link leum at Ephesos (H. H6rmann, DieJohanneskirche [Ephesos the blocks of the piers. 4.3, Vienna 1951] 194, pls. 39.2, 39.3, and 42.1-4). 102 St. Polyeuktos: Harrison (supra n. 23) 21-22, 412-13 100G. Hellenkemper Salies, "Die Datierung der Mo- (where it is suggested that the cramps were of wood in saiken im Palast zu GroBen Konstantinopel," BJb 187 (1987) this case), pls. 30, 32, and 55; Harrison (supra n. 9) 55, pls. 282-83 has wrongly asserted that it is in the Palace of An- 52 and 59. Basilica beside Kalenderhane Camii: C.L. Striker tiochus that the technique makes its last appearance in and Y.D. Kuban, "Work at Kalenderhane Camii in Istan- Constantinople, and that therefore the courses of cramped bul: Third and Fourth Preliminary Reports," DOP 25 (1971) blocks in the Peristyle and Apsed Hall of the Great Palace 255. should also be to assigned the fifth century. 103 Butler, in Mark and Qakmak (supra n. 101) 61-69. 101St. Sophia: W. Emerson and R.L. Van Nice, "Hagia It is possible, although not to my knowledge demonstrable, The of the First Sophia: Collapse Dome," Archaeology4 (1951) that cramps were used to join the blocks of the infrequent 101 with fig. 10; M. Ramazanoglu, "Die Baugeschichte der leveling courses of stone in sixth-century brickwork. For Studi bizantini e Sophien-KircheJustinians," neoellenici 8 (Atti cramping in the sixth century, note also John of Ephesos, dello VIII Congresso internazionale di studi bizantini 2, Church History 3.24 (trans. Mango [supra n. 99] 125). 104 1953) figs. 11, and 23-24; Mainstone (supra n. 38) 67, 186, See Duyuran (supra n. 2) 79. and pl. 84. Procopius's assertion (Aed. 1.1.51-53; trans. 105See supra n. 38. n. that these blocks were 106 Mango [supra 99] 76) joined to- Mango 1990, 59, n. 46: "EIglise, dedice d'abord A molten lead into gether by pouring the interstices must saint Phocas et ensuite A saint Jean, rnparie, semble-t-il, be a misunderstanding of the use of lead to seal iron cramps par Romain ler, aurait pu se trouver dans la rotonde con- the blocks. H.B. linking However, Dewing (Procopius, vol. vertie, avec acces du c6te de la Mese' C. Mango, "The De- 7 [London 1940] 24-25, n. 1); G. Dagron, Constantinopleimag- velopment of Constantinople as an Urban Centre" The 17th inaire: sur le des "Patria" Etudes recueil (Bibliotheque byzan- International Byzantine Congress.Main Papers (New York 1986, tine 8, 1984) 237; Mainstone (supra n. 38) 186; Mango (supra reprinted in Mango 1993, ch. 1 with addenda) 127-28. There

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nople between 1544 and 1550, visited a menagerie that housed lions near the Hippodrome is known near the Hippodrome that housed lions, and was to have been damaged in an earthquake in 1510. informed by the citizens that it had been established The edifice is identified as Pars Aedificii S. Sophiae,ubi in the church of St. John the Theologian.'07 From nunc leonesservantur ad Hippodromilatus Septentrionale, a Turkish text, we also know that a menagerie was which suggests that it was so close to St. Sophia that located between the Palace of Ibrahim and the artist considered it to have once belonged to the Papa the Firuz Aga Camii. Mango therefore assumed that church. It clearly stands on the circus's east flank, the two menageries were identical and argued that a conclusion that is also suggested by the Turkish the former church of St.John was located along the miniature, where the building is shown some distance west flank of the Hippodrome, just south of Firuz to the east of the Firuz Aga Camii. It follows that Aga Camii, hence on the site of Duyuran's and this menagerie cannot be identified with the menag- Naumann's excavations.08s erie south of Firuz Aga Camii mentioned in the Turk- Mango also suggested that this menagerie is de- ish text, as Mango suggested."2 Despite the inaccu- picted in a Turkish miniature of 1537-1538 by Ma- racies in the two views,"3 the building evidently trakql Nasuh (fig. 13)109and in a view of 1574 in the stood north of the carceres (starting gates) or close Freshfield Album (fig. 14).110 Both depict the Hippo- to the northeast corner of the Hippodrome. Hence, drome from the northwest and show a massive build- there were two menageries in this part of the city ing close to St. Sophia. From the more detailed rep- in the 15th and 16th centuries, one near St. Sophia, resentation in the Freshfield view, it is clear that the other on the opposite side of the Hippodrome, wooden porticoes with single-pitch roofs had been between the Palace of ibrahim Pa?a and the Firuz built up against a marble-reveted brick building that Aga Camii.114The menagerie visited by Gilles could was falling into disrepair."' In fact, a menagerie have been either of these, but given that he describes

is no textual evidence to indicate a link between St. John dam n.d.) 198-99. Blocks 13 and 14 of the woodcut show, and the Palace of Lausus. Although the Patria (II, 35-36) from north to south, a street leading east, a mosque on contains juxtaposed discussions of the Palace of Lausus the far (east) side of the Hippodrome, the Obelisk of and the church of St. John, this indicates nothing more Theodosius, the , the Obelisk of Constan- than that the two buildings were in the same locality. In tine, and the portico of the Sphendone. It should be noted fact, recension C of the Patriamentions the following mon- that in block 12, which depicts a wedding procession, there uments between the Milion and the Forum of Constan- is a wooden house with a tower that looks similar to the tine: St. John the Theologian of Diippion, St. Theodore wooden structures shown lining the street in the Freshfield of Sphoracius, the Octagon, and the Palace of Lausus (ed. view. There is a complete set of van Aelst's woodcuts in T Preger, 292). Why discuss the Palace of Lausus quite in- the Print Room of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. dependently of St.John if the two were in reality the same 114There was another menagerie established in the Tek- building? fur Sarayi, which the Turks referred to as the Palace of 107Gilles (supra n. 22) 124 (= trans. Ball, 153): Constan- Constantine. This housed elephants, giraffes, and other tinopolitani dicunt eam [the church of St. John the Theolo- docile creatures. See, e.g., Belon (supra n. 107) 73 ("Lon gian] esse,ubi iam leones Regis stabulantur,vicinam Hippodromo, veoir les ruines d'un palais moult antique, que le vulguaire &foro Cupedinis sito prope Sophiam, olim Augustaeo appellato. nomme le palais de Constantin. Le Turc y faict nourrir Cf. P. Belon, Les observations de plusieurs singularitez & choses ses Elephants, & autres bestes doulces");J. von Betzek, Ge- memorables,trouvees en Grece,Asie, Iudee, Egypte,Arabie, & au- sandtschaftsreisenach Ungarn und in die TiirkeiimJahre 1564/65 tres pays estranges (Paris 1554) 73 ("I1y a un lieu en Con- (ed. K. Nehring, Munich 1979) 31; H. Dernschwam, Tage- stantinoble, ou le grand Turc fait garder des bestes sauvages, buch einer Reise nach Konstantinopel und Kleinasien (1553/55) qui est une eglise antique, tout ioignant l'Hippodrome"). (ed. F Babinger, Munich 1923) 53. The division of the sav- 108 Mango (supra n. 45) 158-59. age and docile animals is also suggested in the account See the color in And 109 reproduction (supra n. 45) of d'Aramon: "I1 y a encore certain lieu ofi l'on monstre 26-27. plusieurs bestes sauvages qui sont fort bien gardees et en- 110 See the color reproduction in And (supra n. 45) tretenues comme lyons, lyonnes, loups cerviers, loups sauv- 58-59. For discussion of other drawings in the Freshfield ages, chatz sauvages, lyppartz, onces, asnes sauvages, au- Album, see Mango 1993, ch. 2, 305-15. struches en quantite. En un autre endroict, se void une 111The marble revetment is noted by E.H. Freshfield, certain beste que les ungs appelent un porc marin, les au- "Some Sketches Made in in Constantinople 1574," BZ 30 tres boeuf marin .. . En ce lieu mesme, y a deux elephans, (1929-1930) 522; and And (supra n. 45) 59. For the earth- grands merveilleusement." SeeJ. Chesneau, Le voyagede Mon- quake, see Mango (supra n. 45) 159. sieur d'Aramon Ambassadeur pour le Roy en Levant (ed. C. 112Mango 1959, 155 with n. 35; Mango 1990, 59, n. 46. Schefer, Recueil de voyages et de documents pour servir 113There is another view of the Hippodrome from the A l'histoire de la geographie 8, Paris 1887) 35-38. The Tek- west, of the same period, by Pieter Coecke van Aelst fur Sarayi is identified as "Palatio di Costantino" on (1502-1550). See EW.H. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish Etch- Vavassore's panorama. ings and Engravings and Woodcutsca. 1450-1700 4 (Amster-

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Fig. 13. Matrakpl Nasuh's view of the Hippodrome, menagerie, and Firuz Aga Camii from the northwest (1537-1538). (Deut- sches Archiiologisches Institut, Istanbul, neg. KB 02600)

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Fig. 14. View of the Hippodrome, St. Sophia, and menagerie from the northwest (1574). (Freshfield Album, Trinity College, Cambridge MS O.17.2 p. 45 [f. 20], courtesy Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge)

This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 15:45:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 92 JONATHAN BARDILL [AJA 101 it as sito prope Sophiam, olim Augustaeo appellato, it is the Milion and St. Sophia."9 We can at least be sure much more likely that he visited the one depicted that St. John's was not founded in the rotunda ex- in the two views we have discussed. cavated by Duyuran, since the latter seems to have If Gilles was correctly informed that the menag- fallen into ruins at an early date. The mausolea that erie he visited had been founded in the church of were attached to the hexagonal hall of Antiochus's St. John of the Diippion, then the Freshfield and palace (fig. 1) were probably built shortly after 680, Matrakgi Nasuh views depict this church. The name when the relics of St. Euphemia were apparently Diippion was given to the area close to the Diippia, transferred to Constantinople.120 Since one of these or carceres, of the Hippodrome."115 Here, the em- mausolea was built over the ruins of the rotunda, peror Phocas (602-610) is said to have built a church the latter can no longer have been standing at the of St. Phocas, which was completed by Heraclius time. The rotunda was later converted into a cis- (610-641) and renamed St. John the Theologian."116 tern. 121 It therefore seems impossible that the According to the Patria (II, 35 with variant G), the church of St. John, which is known to have been re- church stood "at the Milion" or "beyond (or above) paired as late as 1402, was located in the rotunda. the carceres of the Hippodrome.""'7 Nicetas Chon- It also seems unlikely that the church would have iates (Historia, ed.J.L. van Dieten, 235-38) suggests been founded in the great hall discovered by Nau- that the church overlooked the Milion,"8 and the mann, whose apse faces west and whose sixth-century Synaxarion (ed. Delehaye, 70, 82, 151, 305-306, 437, form has been associated with dining halls, such as 598, 810, 836, 855-56, 866) describes it as "near St. the lost Triclinium of the 19 Couches in the Great Sophia." Unfortunately, these indications are in- Palace and the Consistorium of Leo III in the Lat- sufficient to determine the exact site of the church, eran Palace at Rome.'22 During the Byzantine but it would seem that the location suggested by period, this was converted into a cistern, and an ir- Mango and Guilland, at the western end of the car- regular polygonal cistern was built between the ro- ceres on the south side of the Mese, is too far from tunda and the Mese using the same structural tech-

115Berger (supra n. 15) 279. Both Berger and Guilland who restored the church in 1402, was granted as a reward have suggested that the Hexahippion that is attested un- "all the land opposite stoas of the holy church ... from der Anastasius (Malalas, 394-95 and Chron. Pasch. 608) the ascending street as far as the public stoa" (7ntavra Tv should be identified with the and that therefore TODOOsou vaoO Diippion, 'oto'rov '6ntov 'TOv 7ttVTIKp' TciV GTov the Patria's rate of the name . . . ToO eivxpM6pou KaTa (at any doubtful) etymology 8tatKsJIVOV wRo itU pt KI TfTL Diippion is certainly wrong. See R. Guilland, "La Premiere 87l0oo0ou OToaq).See E Miklosich andJ. Miller, Acta et dip- Porte. To Le lomatagraecamedii aevisacra etprofana 2 (Venice 1862) 495-96. spoT'60upov. Dihippion. Tb AtinnItov, 't LEglise de St.-Jean-le-Theologien du Dihippion. The area of land was apparently delimited to the north Auntiou. Tou EpetByz 20 (1950) 34 (re- or south by the "public stoas" of the Mese, to the east by 6 dyitoq 'IodwVVrjq Aur•iou," printed in Guilland I, 393-410). the entrance hall of the church, and to the west by the "as- 116Thechurch of St.John contained chapels of St. Pho- cending street." One possibility is that the "ascending street" cas and St. Tryphon. See the Synaxarion of Constantinople is the street that led from the Copper Market to the Mese, 70, 836 (St. Phocas) and 150-51, 437 (St. Tryphon). and hence that the church of St. John was located to the 117 T'V vabOV TOD dyiou (kIKai TV T(vOV Mt•i(p or ?v TO north of the Mese and south of the Basilica. This, however, v&OsVT&^OV TOu would us to believe that was an ex- u81rt0i0Ta'vv KayKXXO•V iDrno8poPiou. require John granted 118Choniates' account of the battle of Saturday, 2 May tremely large plot of land. Berger (supra n. 15) 279-80 states, 1182 is translated in Mango 1959, 94-95. Empress Mary's without discussion, that the church was between the car- troops occupied St. Sophia, the Patriarchal Palace, the Au- ceres and the Mese, and just east of Firuz Aga Camii. gustaion, the Milion, and the otherwise unattested church 120On the date of the translation, see Berger (supra of St. Alexius. The emperor's men left the Great Palace n. 3). early on Saturday morning, reached St. John in the Diip- 121Naumann and Belting (supra n. 92) 53, fig. 16. pion apparently without resistance, climbed onto the roof, 122Three exedras were added to either side of the fifth- and fired down on the enemy outposts at the Milion and century apsidal hall using pure brickwork with occasional St. Alexius. Guilland (supra n. 115) 37-39 and Mango (supra leveling courses of stone (Naumann [supra n. 12] 139-42, n. 45) 156-57 concluded from this that St.John must have pl. 38.3). This technique, as we have seen, appears not to been south of the Mese, for, had it been to the north, the have emerged until the sixth century. Such halls with niches imperial troops would have had to have crossed enemy lines have been associated with dining rooms by R. Krautheimer, and could not have taken the church without a struggle. "Die Decanneacubita" in W.M. Schumacher ed., Tortulae: Mamboury (supra n. 45) 56-59, however, referring to the Studien zu altchristlichen und byzantinischen Monumenten same source, placed St. John's north of the Mese. (Romische Quartalschrift fuir christliche Altertumskunde 119Guilland (supra n. 115); Mango (supra n. 45); Mango und Kirchengeschichte, Suppl. 30, Rome 1966) 195-99. Brick 1959, 96, n. 106. Janin (supra n. 44) 266 has questioned vaulting was added at a later stage (Naumann [supra n. the location. Another piece of evidence, which is difficult 12] 143-44, figs. 3-4). Later still, the hall and rotunda were to interpret, should also be mentioned. John Meliodones, converted into cisterns (Duyuran [supra n. 2] 79; Naumann

This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 15:45:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 1997] THE PALACE OF LAUSUS AND NEARBY MONUMENTS IN CONSTANTINOPLE 93

nique (fig. 1).123 Unless the church stood where the of John the Baptist is visible between the Obelisk Firuz Aga Camii was later erected, it was probably of Theodosius I in the Hippodrome and the Col- to the north or east of the carceres, closer to the umn ofJustinian in the Augustaion.126 We need not Milion and St. Sophia, although we cannot be cer- put any faith in the depiction of the architectural tain on which side of the Mese it lay.124 form of the building, for all the churches in the view St. John's must therefore have stood close to the are shown in a very similar fashion.'127The bulk of site of the menagerie visited by Gilles and shown the building identified as St. John the Baptist sug- in the Freshfield view and in the Turkish miniature. gests that it was probably the same building shown It is clearly possible that the menagerie was estab- in the two views we have just discussed.'28 Whether lished inside the church. The menagerie, however, the artist was correct in believing that the building despite being a most imposing structure, does not had originally been a church dedicated to St. John look very much like a church (although it might be is a different matter. It may be noted that St. Eirene argued that the church had been set up in a preex- is misidentified as a church of St. , isting secular building). Furthermore, we cannot take since the Turks misinformed visitors to the church it for granted that the locals were correct when they that it contained his tomb.'129It is conceivable that informed Gilles and other visitors that the menag- Gilles and the artist of the Liber chronicarumwoodcut erie had been established in a former church of St. were similarly misinformed as to the identification John. A woodcut published in Hartmann Schedel's of the Byzantine building that had been turned into Liber chronicarum of 1493 apparently depicts the de- a menagerie. We should therefore be cautious about struction by lightning in 1490 of Basil I's church of using their evidence for locating St. John in the the Nea, which had been converted into a gunpowder Diippion. By the beginning of the 17th century, an- depot by the Turks (fig. 15).125 It shows the view from other menagerie had been established, and Mango the Sea of Marmara across the site of the Great Pal- has shown that this was probably located in the ace and Hippodrome toward St. Sophia. A church church of Christ at the Chalke (the vestibule of

[supra n. 12] 144-45). A thick wall constructed using the Zeuxippos and has recently made further comments on recessed brick technique typical of the 11th or 12th cen- the size of the Hippodrome (Mango 1993, ch. 10, 17-18). was erected across tury the site of the portico. The remains Mfiller-Wiener (supra n. 15) 232, pl. 263 located the car- of this wall have been traced for about 20 m: see Duyuran ceres close to the fountain. Remains of the west flank of (supra n. 2) 78, n. 5 and pl. 2; Naumann and Belting (supra the Hippodrome have been traced no further north than n. 1. The wall is not shown 92) 17, fig. on Naumann's plan the fountain; see R. Duyuran, "First Report on Excava- n. 1. (supra 12) fig. tions on the Site of the New Palace ofJustice at Istanbul," 123Naumann n. 144-45. (supra 12) IstArkMiizYzll5 (1952) 35-36, pls. 1, 6-9; Duyuran (supra n. 2) 124 It is unclear how much open ground there was be- fig. 2; and Mamboury's plan in Mfiller-Wiener (supra n. tween the carceres and the Mese. S. Les des Miranda, palais 15) 69, pl. 47 (on which a curious change of direction is 58-59 has empereurs byzantins (Mexico City 1965) argued shown). Other remains relating to the Hippodrome are that the carceres were close to the since no remains Mese, discussed in E. Mamboury and T Wiegand, Die Kaiserpaldste were found the erection of the fountain of Kaiser during von Konstantinopel: Zwischen Hippodrom und Marmara-Meer Wilhelm in How far north of the foun- II (completed 1898). (Berlin 1934) 39-53. Mamboury's map to accompany this tain the carceres were in fact located is uncertain. The en- work appears in Schneider (supra n. 45) pl. 10. Note also of the graving Hippodrome by Panvinio (possibly a frag- the recent discoveries mentioned in M.-H. Gates, "Archae- ment of the Vavassore panorama [Mango 1990, 9]) shows ology in ,"AJA 99 (1995) 250-251. no open ground between the carceres and the Mese (al- 125See Mango 1959, 180-82. this not be and Miranda made the 126 though may reliable), In 1490, the Column of Justinian, although still that the cochlias found close to the Mese in suggestion standing, no longer carried the equestrian statue that is 1934 n. 45] 52) access to the (Mamboury [supra provided shown in the engraving. See C. Mango, "Justinian's Eques- carceres. access to the means (Concerning Hippodrome by trian Statue," ArtB 41 (1959) 351-56 (reprinted in Mango of the Chalke of the see Hippodrome, Mango 1959, 28.) 1993, ch. 11) and Mango 1993, ch. 10, p. 6. It is clear from Naumann's plan (supra n. 12) 147, however, 127Although it appears to be a rotunda surmounted that the so far to the north creates extending Hippodrome with a dome, we cannot equate it with the rotunda dis- problems. It has been for Naumann to incor- necessary covered by Duyuran and Naumann, since this had prob- porate into the carceres some of the remains discovered ably fallen into ruin by the seventh century (see above, the British excavations in during 1927-1928 (see the two p. 92). Casson, n. and the remains of two cir- reports by supra 38) 128 If it is not the building known from the Freshfield cular structures found in 1952 (Mango 1959, 20, 184-88). Album and the Turkish miniature, then it must be the All of these, however, probably belonged to the Baths of church of Christ at the Chalke. Zeuxippos. Naumann places the in the remain- 129 Diippion See the account of Cosimo Comidas de Carbogano ing wedge-shaped space south of the Mese. 1959, in V. Mango Ruggieri ed., Descrizione topograficadello stato presente 38-39 believed that the cochlias related to the Baths of di Constantinopoliarricchita di figure (Rome 1992) 28-29.

This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 15:45:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 94 JONATHAN BARDILL [AJA 101

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Fig. 15. View of the Hippodrome from the southeast in Hartmann Schedel's Liber chronicarum (1493) the Great Palace). Nevertheless, visitors continued nagerie was founded: the Baths of Zeuxippos13t to be told that it had been founded in a church of (which were located southwest of the Augustaion and St. John.130 ceased to function as early as the eighth century, Two other suggestions have been made as to the when they were converted into a prison)132 and the original function of the building in which the me- Patriarchal Palace133 (apparently located between

130 Mango 1959, 154-69. The Turkish miniature shows to the menagerie in the Freshfield view is wrongly equated the menagerie in the church of Christ at the Chalke to by Miller-Wiener (supra n. 15) 71, pl. 49, and 81 with the the east of St. Sophia and south of the first gate of the menagerie in the church of Christ at the Chalke, which Topkapi palace (Bib-1 Hfimiyfin). The building shown has is shown in the Indjidjian illustration. Another example a dome and two or three semidomes, and therefore cor- of the misidentification of a monument in this period is responds to the menagerie described by Gugas Indjidjian the Tekfur Sarayi (a Palaiologan building), which was be- (Mango 1959, 160). Mango, however, was cautious, and lieved to be the Palace of Constantine (Porphyrogenitus); pointed out (179-82) that the building might also be iden- see supra n. 114. 131 tified with the Nea church of Basil. But the illustration The identification has been proposed by WL. Mac- of the menagerie in the first edition of Indjidjian's work Donald, "Roman Experimental Design and the Great makes the identification with the church of Christ at the Church;' in Mark and Qakmak (supra n. 45) 12, fig. 7 and Chalke practically certain; see Eyice (supra n. 67) 143. accepted by And (supra n. 45) 63. For the location of the Mango has suggested that the church was a quatrefoil: C. Baths of Zeuxippos, see Mango 1959, 37-42, 184-88. For Mango, "A Note on Panagia Kamariotissa and Some Im- the collection of sculpture in the Baths, see most recently perial Foundations of the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries S. Guberti Bassett, "Historiae custos: Sculpture and Tradi- at Constantinople," DOP 27 (1973) 132 (reprinted in Mango tion in the Baths of Zeuxippos," AJA 100 (1996) 491-506. 1993, ch. 20 with addendum); and Mango (supra n. 39) 128. 132Mango 1959, 41; Mango 1990, 60. 133 The building in the Turkish miniature that corresponds The identification has been proposed by Miranda

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St. Sophia and the Augustaion and abandoned by excavated by Schneider, Duyuran, and Naumann) as the Patriarch in 1454).134 Of these two possibilities, the church of St. Euphemia, which was founded in the latter must be considered the more likely because the Palace of Antiochus.36 This, however, is unlikely, of the Patriarchal Palace's proximity to St. Sophia. for Antiochus's domed hexagonal hall with its sigma- Since, however, we cannot judge from the surviving plan portico concave toward the southwest cannot views exactly where the menagerie stood, for the time have looked anything like the ruins shown.137 The being the identification of the massive Byzantine rotunda excavated by Duyuran would have looked building in which it was established remains an more like the ruins depicted, but, as we have seen, enigma. it had probably long disappeared by the 16th cen- tury. If it was located west of the great hall excavated "PALATIO RITONDO DI COSTANTINO by Naumann, it would have stood close to where the It remains to mention another mysterious mon- street leading to the Copper Marketjoined the Mese, ument in the area under consideration. Braun and and close to one of the locations we have proposed Hogenberg's panorama of 1572 shows, at the north- for the Praetorium (which may suggest that the Prae- west corner of the Hippodrome, a structure identified torium was not directly opposite the Palace of Lau- as the "Palatio ritondo di Costantino" (fig. 6). The sus, but to the southwest of it). One possibility is that huge semicircular building, which is concave toward this exedra was an integral part of the colonnaded the Mese, is formed from superimposed arcades shopping mall that flanked the Mese on its southern whose arches are flanked by columns on the facade. side.'38 The arcade at ground level is hidden by a wooden portico with a single-pitch roof that has been built INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY up against it. The same structures can be seen in UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD the panorama of Vavassore (fig. 5, where the anno- 36 BEAUMONT STREET tation is and also in lacking) the manuscript of Lam- OXFORD OX1 2PG bert Wyts in Vienna.'35 Berger has recently iden- ENGLAND tified the ruins (which appear to stand on the site [email protected]

n. and A. (supra 124) 29-30; Pasadaios, O 7rarplapXt1K6 135For a color reproduction of the Wyts manuscript o[KOgrov oycoo1epVlKo6 Op6vov (Thessaloniki 1966) 63-65. illustration, see And (supra n. 45) 57. We also may note the suggestion made by Freshfield (supra 136 Berger (supra n. 40) 340. n. 522 that the is 111) building the church of St. Stephen 137See the reconstruction of Antiochus's palace in Nau- of the on which see Hippodrome, Janin (supra n. 44) 474. mann and Belting (supra n. 92) 39, fig. 7. 134For the location of the Patriarchate between St. 138Another possibility is that the ruins related to a and the see Sophia Augustaion, Mango 1959, 51-56; E Di- theater, amphitheater, or hippodrome. John Sanderson, "Le local du rimtekin, Patriarcata Sainte Sophie,"IstMitt who visited Constantinople in 1594, writes: "Atthe end 13/14 (1963/1964) 113-27; and R. Cormack and E.J.WHaw- of this place [the Hippodrome], towardsthe Sofia, ar also "The Mosaics of St. at kins, Sophia Istanbul: The Rooms to be seene certayne ruins of a great circle of a theator above the Southwest Vestibule and DOP 31 Ramp," (1977) which was ther, where the people satt to see the playes 199-202 (date and identification),247-51 (function). These and pastims that ther weare shewed. Nowe it is a rooms place must represent only a fraction of the Patriarchal wherein the lions and other animalls of the Great Turke Mathews n. n. complex (cf. [supra 37] 101, 53). Dirimtekin ar kept." He goes on immediately afterward to describe n. 67) 33 believed that the views discussed (supra here were the Binbirdirek cistern, giving the impression that it was useless for the determining location of the Patriarchal directly below the "theator."See W. Foster ed., The Travels Palace.When he excavatedthe area southwest of St. Sophia of John Sanderson in the Levant 1584-1602 with His Autobio- in 1963 and found of the Turkish buildings period, but graphy and Selectionsfrom His Correspondence(The no evidence of the Patriarchal Hakluyt Palace, he concluded that Society 67, ser. 2, London 1931). It be, as it must have been may Mango (supra northwest of St. Sophia. The Palace was n. 45) 158 that Sanderson's theater was moved to suggested, simply the church of the Holy Apostles in 1454 (Janin the ruin of the carceres, as shown in n. Panvinio'sengraving. [supra 44] 45). See also R. Janin, "Le palais patriarcal Support for this be reference to de may d'Aramofn's "l'hipo. Constantinople byzantine,"REByz 20 (1962) 131-55; and drome ... avec la forme de theatre et arene" Pasadaios (Chesneau (supra n. 133) 25-75, pls. 1-3. [supra n. 114] 29).

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