Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae
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The Nika Riot Author(S): J
The Nika Riot Author(s): J. B. Bury Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 17 (1897), pp. 92-119 Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/623820 . Accessed: 31/07/2013 12:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Hellenic Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.248.155.225 on Wed, 31 Jul 2013 12:43:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 92 THE NIKA RIOT. THE NIKA RIOT. THE great popular insurrection which shook the throne of Justinian in the fifth year of his reign and laid in ashes the imperial quarter of Constan- tinople has been treated again and again by historians, but never in a com- pletely satisfactory way.' Its import has not been quite clearly grasped, owing to an imperfect apprehension of the meaning of the circus factions; the sources have not been systematically correlated; the chronology has not been finally fixed; and the topographical questions have caused much perplexity. -
Χρονολόγηση Γεωγραφικός Εντοπισμός Great Palace In
IΔΡΥΜA ΜΕΙΖΟΝΟΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ Συγγραφή : Westbrook Nigel (21/12/2007) Για παραπομπή : Westbrook Nigel , "Great Palace in Constantinople", 2007, Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Κωνσταντινούπολη URL: <http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=12205> Great Palace in Constantinople Περίληψη : The Great Palace of the byzantine emperors was the first imperial palace in Constantinople. It was founded as such, supposedly by Constantine the Great, in his newly founded capital. It remained the primary imperial palace in Constantinople up to and beyond the reign of emperor Constantine VII (913-959), in whose Book of Ceremonies its halls are named. Χρονολόγηση 4th-10th c. Γεωγραφικός εντοπισμός Constantinople, Istanbul 1. Introduction The Great Palace of the Byzantine Emperors in Constantinople was the ceremonial heart of the Byzantine Empire for a millennium, and occupied a site that is now recognized as a World Heritage precinct [Fig. 1].1 The Great Palace has a high cultural and historical significance, exerting a significant influence on both Western European and Levantine palatine architecture, and forming a link between Imperial Roman and medieval palaces. It is, nonetheless, only partially understood. Its remains are largely buried under later structures, notably the Sultan Ahmet Mosque, and can only be interpreted through texts and old representations. 2. The Upper Palace, including the Daphne Palace The oldest portion of the Great Palace, the Palace of Daphne, built by Constantine the Great and his successors in the 4th and 5th centuries, was a complex that is thought to have occupied the site upon which the Sultan Ahmet, or Blue, Mosque now stands. Its immediate context comprised: the Hippodrome and adjacent palaces; the Baths of Zeuxippos; the Imperial forum or Augustaion, where Justinian I erected his equestrian statue on a monumental column in the 6th century; the churches of St. -
Graham Jones
Ni{ i Vizantija XIV 629 Graham Jones SEEDS OF SANCTITY: CONSTANTINE’S CITY AND CIVIC HONOURING OF HIS MOTHER HELENA Of cities and citizens in the Byzantine world, Constantinople and its people stand preeminent. A recent remark that the latter ‘strove in everything to be worthy of the Mother of God, to Whom the city was dedicated by St Constantine the Great in 330’ follows a deeply embedded pious narrative in which state and church intertwine in the city’s foundation as well as its subse- quent fortunes. Sadly, it perpetuates a flawed reading of the emperor’s place in the political and religious landscape. For a more nuanced and considered view we have only to turn to Vasiliki Limberis’ masterly account of politico-religious civic transformation from the reign of Constantine to that of Justinian. In the concluding passage of Divine Heiress: The Virgin Mary and the Creation of Christianity, Limberis reaffirms that ‘Constantinople had no strong sectarian Christian tradition. Christianity was new to the city, and it was introduced at the behest of the emperor.’ Not only did the civic ceremonies of the imperial cult remain ‘an integral part of life in the city, breaking up the monotony of everyday existence’. Hecate, Athena, Demeter and Persephone, and Isis had also enjoyed strong presences in the city, some of their duties and functions merging into those of two protector deities, Tyche Constantinopolis, tutelary guardian of the city and its fortune, and Rhea, Mother of the Gods. These two continued to be ‘deeply ingrained in the religious cultural fabric of Byzantium.. -
Ward Et Al JRA 2017 Post-Print
Northumbria Research Link Citation: Ward, Kate, Crow, James and Crapper, Martin Water supply infrastructure of Byzantine Constantinople. Journal of Roman Archaeology, 30. pp. 175-195. ISSN 1047-7594 Published by: UNSPECIFIED URL: This version was downloaded from Northumbria Research Link: http://northumbria-test.eprints- hosting.org/id/eprint/49486/ Northumbria University has developed Northumbria Research Link (NRL) to enable users to access the University’s research output. Copyright © and moral rights for items on NRL are retained by the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. Single copies of full items can be reproduced, displayed or performed, and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided the authors, title and full bibliographic details are given, as well as a hyperlink and/or URL to the original metadata page. The content must not be changed in any way. Full items must not be sold commercially in any format or medium without formal permission of the copyright holder. The full policy is available online: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/pol i cies.html This document may differ from the final, published version of the research and has been made available online in accordance with publisher policies. To read and/or cite from the published version of the research, please visit the publisher’s website (a subscription may be required.) Citation: Ward, Kate, Crow, James and Crapper, Martin (2017) Water supply infrastructure of Byzantine Constantinople. Journal of Roman Archaeology. ISSN 1063-4304 (In Press) Published by: Journal of Roman Archaeology LLC URL: This version was downloaded from Northumbria Research Link: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/31340/ Northumbria University has developed Northumbria Research Link (NRL) to enable users to access the University’s research output. -
Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman
Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman emperors had always been conscious of the political power of the military establishment. In his well-known assessment of the secrets of Augustus’ success, Tacitus observed that he had “won over the soldiers with gifts”,1 while Septimius Severus is famously reported to have advised his sons to “be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and despise the rest”.2 Since both men had gained power after fiercely contested periods of civil war, it is hardly surprising that they were mindful of the importance of conciliating this particular constituency. Emperors’ awareness of this can only have been intensified by the prolonged and repeated incidence of civil war during the mid third century, as well as by emperors themselves increasingly coming from military backgrounds during this period. At the same time, the sheer frequency with which armies were able to make and unmake emperors in the mid third century must have served to reinforce soldiers’ sense of their potential to influence the empire’s affairs and extract concessions from emperors. The stage was thus set for a fourth century in which the stakes were high in relations between emperors and the military, with a distinct risk that, if those relations were not handled judiciously, the empire might fragment, as it almost did in the 260s and 270s. 1 Tac. Ann. 1.2. 2 Cass. Dio 76.15.2. Just as emperors of earlier centuries had taken care to conciliate the rank and file by various means,3 so too fourth-century emperors deployed a range of measures designed to win and retain the loyalties of the soldiery. -
The Developmentof Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrachs to The
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. The Development of Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrarchs to the Herakleian Dynasty General Introduction The emperor, as head of state, was the most important and powerful individual in the land; his official portraits and to a lesser extent those of the empress were depicted throughout the realm. His image occurred most frequently on small items issued by government officials such as coins, market weights, seals, imperial standards, medallions displayed beside new consuls, and even on the inkwells of public officials. As a sign of their loyalty, his portrait sometimes appeared on the patches sown on his supporters’ garments, embossed on their shields and armour or even embellishing their jewelry. Among more expensive forms of art, the emperor’s portrait appeared in illuminated manuscripts, mosaics, and wall paintings such as murals and donor portraits. Several types of statues bore his likeness, including those worshiped as part of the imperial cult, examples erected by public 1 officials, and individual or family groupings placed in buildings, gardens and even harbours at the emperor’s personal expense. -
Arcadius 8; (Column
index INDEX 319 Arcadius 8; (column of) 184 Balat 213–14 Archaeological Museum 93ff Baldwin, Count of Flanders 15 Argonauts, myth of 259, 263, 276 Balıklı Kilisesi 197–98 Major references, in cases where many are listed, are given in bold. Numbers in italics Armenian, Armenians 25, 189, 192, Balkapanı Han 132 are picture references. 193, 241–42, 258, 278; (Cemetery) Baltalimanı 258 268; (Patriarchate) 192 Balyan family of architects 34, 161, 193; Arnavutköy 255 (burial place of) 268 A Alexander, emperor 67 Arsenal (see Tersane) Balyan, Karabet 34, 247 Abdülaziz, sultan 23, 72, 215, 251; Alexander the Great 7; (sculptures of) 96 Ashkenazi Synagogue 228 Balyan, Kirkor 34, 234 (burial place of) 117 Alexander Sarcophagus 94, 95 Astronomer, office of 42 Balyan, Nikoğos 34, 246, 247, 249, Abdülhamit I, sultan 23, 118; (burial Alexius I, emperor 13, 282 At Meydanı (see Hippodrome) 252, 255, 274, 275 place of) 43 Alexius II, emperor 14 Atatürk 24, 42, 146, 237, 248; Balyan, Sarkis 34, 83, 247, 258, 272, Abdülhamit II, sultan 23, 251, 252, Alexius III, emperor 14 (Cultural Centre) 242; (Museum) 243; 267 278; (burial place of) 117 Alexius IV, emperor 15 (statue of) 103 Bank, Ottoman 227 Abdülmecit I, sultan 71, 93, 161, 164, Alexius V, emperor 15 Atik Ali Pasha 171; (mosque of) 119 Barbarossa, pirate and admiral 152, 247; (burial place of) 162 Ali Pasha of Çorlu, külliye of 119–20 Atik Mustafa Paşa Camii 216 250, 250; (burial place of) 250; Abdülmecit II, last caliph 24 Ali Sufi, calligrapher 157, 158 Atik Sinan, architect 130, 155, 212; (ensign -
The Hagia Sophia in Its Urban Context: an Interpretation of the Transformations of an Architectural Monument with Its Changing Physical and Cultural Environment
THE HAGIA SOPHIA IN ITS URBAN CONTEXT: AN INTERPRETATION OF THE TRANSFORMATIONS OF AN ARCHITECTURAL MONUMENT WITH ITS CHANGING PHYSICAL AND CULTURAL ENVIRONMENT A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate School of Engineering and Sciences of İzmir Institute of Technology in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE in Architecture by Nazlı TARAZ August 2014 İZMİR We approve the thesis of Nazlı TARAZ Examining Committee Members: ___________________________ Assist. Prof. Dr. Zeynep AKTÜRE Department of Architecture, İzmir Institute of Technology _____________________________ Assist. Prof. Dr. Ela ÇİL SAPSAĞLAM Department of Architecture, İzmir Institute of Technology ___________________________ Dr. Çiğdem ALAS 25 August 2014 ___________________________ Assist. Prof. Dr. Zeynep AKTÜRE Supervisor, Department of Architecture, İzmir Institute of Technology ____ ___________________________ ______________________________ Assoc. Prof. Dr. Şeniz ÇIKIŞ Prof. Dr. R. Tuğrul SENGER Head of the Department of Architecture Dean of the Graduate School of Engineering and Sciences ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor Assist.Prof.Dr.Zeynep AKTÜRE for her guidance, patience and sharing her knowledge during the entire study. This thesis could not be completed without her valuable and unique support. I would like to express my sincere thanks to my committee members Assist. Prof. Dr. Ela ÇİL SAPSAĞLAM, Dr. Çiğdem ALAS, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Erdem ERTEN and Assist. Prof. Dr. Zoltan SOMHEGYI for their invaluable comments and recommendations. I owe thanks to my sisters Yelin DEMİR, Merve KILIÇ, Nil Nadire GELİŞKAN and Banu Işıl IŞIK for not leaving me alone and encouraging me all the time. And I also thank to Seçkin YILDIRIMDEMİR who has unabled to sleep for days to help and motivate me in the hardest times of this study. -
Costantino Da Bisanzio a Costantinopoli(*)1
EUGENIO RUSSO Costantino da Bisanzio a Costantinopoli(*)1 Abstract Constantine was a Christian. Of that there can be no doubt. The surviving signs of paganism visible in Constantine are rather the result of his education and culture. They in no way whatsoever constitute evidence for the continu- ing imperial worship of pagan divinities in the Constantinian period. Examination of the literary sources and ar- chaeological remains allows us to conclude that it is possible to recognize traces of the former Byzantium of Sep- timius Severus in the archaeological sites of the Strategion and a building beneath the Baths of Zeuxippos. In AD 324-330, the city on the Bosporus underwent a radical revolution: the city of Constantine went beyond the walls of the third century AD and it expanded to the west along the east-west axis. The previous city within the third- century walls was completely undermined in its north-south and east-west axes; there arose a new diagonal axis running northeast/southwest, which departed from the column of the Goths and arrived at the Augustaion, at the Hippodrome, and at the Palace (all Constantinian constructions, with St. Irene included). The centre of power (Palace-Hippodrome) was intimately linked to the Christian pole (St. Irene as the first cathedral and the pre- Justinianic St. Sophia that lay on the same axis and even closer to the Palace). According to the Chronicon Pas- chale, the church of St. Sophia was founded by Constantine in AD 326. The emperor deliberately abandoned the acropolis of Byzantium, and Byzantium was absorbed by the new city and obliterated by the new diagonal axis. -
Pu1cheria's Crusade A.D. 421-22 and the Ideology of Imperial Victory Kenneth G
Pulcheria's Crusade A.D. 421-22 and the Ideology of Imperial Victory Holum, Kenneth G Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1977; 18, 2; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 153 Pu1cheria's Crusade A.D. 421-22 and the Ideology of Imperial Victory Kenneth G. Holum .. 'EST qu'en effet l'empereur byzantin, comme son ancetre Cl'imperator des derniers siecles de Rome, est essentiellement, aux yeux de son peuple, un maitre victorieux." This pointed definition (from the pen of Jean Gagel) underscores a theme of imperial ideology which receives such insistent emphasis in the offi cial art, ceremonial and panegyric of late antiquity that it must correspond to a chilling reality. The defeat of an emperor threatened not only the integrity of the frontiers but internal stability as well and the ascendancy of the emperor and his friends. Conversely, if a weak emperor could claim a dramatic victory, he might establish a more effective hold on the imperial power. In A.D. 420-22 this inner logic of Roman absolutism led to innovations in imperial ideology and to a crusade against Persia, with implications which have escaped the attention of scholars. The unwarlike Theodosius II made war not to defend the Empire but to become "master of victory," and, as will be seen, to strengthen the dynastic pretensions of his sister Pulcheria Augusta. I The numismatic evidence is crucial. Between 420 and early 422 the mint of Constantinople initiated a strikingly new victory type, the much-discussed 'Long-Cross Solidi' (PLATE 2):2 Obverse AELPVLCH-ERIAAVG Bust right, diademed, crowned by a hand Reverse VOTXX MVLTXXX~ Victory standing left, holding a long jeweled cross, CONOB in the exergue 1 "l:Taupoc VLK01TOLbC: la victoire imperiale dans l'empire chretien," Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses 13 (1933) 372. -
New Europe College Yearbook 2015-2016 Yearbook 2015-2016 Yearbook NEW EUROPE COLLEGE NEW EUROPE
New Europe College Yearbook 2015-2016 Yearbook 2015-2016 Yearbook NEW EUROPE COLLEGE NEW EUROPE LORENZO M. CIOLFI ERIN CORBER ÁGNES GAGYI UKU LEMBER JAMES MADAIO CRISTIANA OGHINĂ-PAVIE ISSN 1584-0298 BLAKE SMITH ALIX WINTER CRIS New Europe College Yearbook 2015‑2016 Editor: Irina Vainovski-Mihai EDITORIAL BOARD Dr. Dr. h.c. mult. Andrei PLEŞU, President of the New Europe Foundation, Professor of Philosophy of Religion, Bucharest; former Minister of Culture and former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Romania Dr. Valentina SANDU-DEDIU, Rector, Professor of Musicology, National University of Music, Bucharest Dr. Anca OROVEANU, Academic Coordinator, Professor of Art History, National University of Arts, Bucharest Dr. Irina VAINOVSKI-MIHAI, Publications Coordinator, Professor of Arab Studies, “Dimitrie Cantemir” Christian University, Bucharest Copyright – New Europe College ISSN 1584-0298 New Europe College Str. Plantelor 21 023971 Bucharest Romania www.nec.ro; e-mail: [email protected] Tel. (+4) 021.307.99.10, Fax (+4) 021. 327.07.74 New Europe College Yearbook 2015‑2016 LORENZO M. CIOLFI ERIN CORBER ÁGNES GAGYI UKU LEMBER JAMES MADAIO CRISTIANA OGHINĂ-PAVIE BLAKE SMITH ALIX WINTER CONTENTS NEW EUROPE FOUNDATION NEW EUROPE COLLEGE 7 LORENZO M. CIOLFI NOT ANOTHER CONSTANTINE. RETHINKING IMPERIAL SAINTHOOD THROUGH THE CASE OF JOHN III VATATZES 23 ERIN CORBER LA MARSEILLAISE AND THE MOB : RE/DECONSTRUCTING ANTISEMITISM AND PROTEST AT THE UNIVERSITY OF STRASBOURG, 1937 53 ÁGNES GAGYI HUNGARIAN AND ROMANIAN NEW LEFT GROUPS IN GLOBAL CONTEXT: PERSPECTIVES ON THE RELATION BETWEEN ACADEMIC AND MOVEMENT POLITICS 89 UKU LEMBER FROM ESTONIAN-RUSSIAN INTER-MARRIAGES TO “INTER-REGIONAL” MARRIAGES IN UKRAINE IN THE TIMES OF CRISIS 123 JAMES MADAIO RETHINKING NEO-VEDĀNTA: SWAMI VIVEKANANDA AND THE SELECTIVE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF ADVAITA VEDĀNTA 145 CRISTIANA OGHINĂ-PAVIE BIOLOGIE ET AGRONOMIE EN ROUMANIE SOUS L’EMPRISE DU LYSSENKISME (1945-1965). -
I Ntroduction
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-77257-0 - Byzantine Monuments of Istanbul John Freely and Ahmet S. Cakmak Excerpt More information _ I NTRODUCTION his is the story of the Byzantine monuments of Istanbul, the city known to Tthe Greeks as Constantinople, the ancient Byzantium. Constantinople was, for more than a thousand years, capital of the Byzantine Empire, which in its earlier period, from the fourth to the sixth century,was synonomous with the Roman Empire. During those centuries, the religion of the empire changed from pagan to Christian and its language from Latin to Greek, giving rise to the cul- ture that in later times was called Byzantine, from the ancient name of its capital. As the great churchman Gennadius was to say in the mid-fifteenth century,when the empire had come to an end,“Though I am a Hellene by speech yet I would never say that I was a Hellene, for I do not believe as Hellenes believe. I should like to take my name from my faith, and if anyone asks me what I am, I answer, ‘A Christian.’Though my father dwelt in Thessaly, I do not call myself a Thes- salian, but a Byzantine, for I am of Byzantium.”1 The surviving Byzantine monuments of Istanbul include more than a score of churches, most notably Hagia Sophia. Other extant monuments include the great land walls of the city and fragments of its sea walls; the remains of two or three palaces; a fortified port; three commemorative columns and the base of a fourth; two huge subterranean cisterns and several smaller ones; three enormous reservoirs; an aqueduct; a number of fragmentary ruins; and part of the Hippo- drome, the city’s oldest monument and the only one that can surely be assigned to ancient Byzantium.