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Home , Celilo Falls, Chelan Mountains, Chelan people, Chelan River, Copper Peak (Washington), Entiat River

CULTURAL RESOURCES OVERVIEW AND RESEARCH DESIGN

Final

LAKE CHELAN HYDROELECTRIC PROJECT FERC Project No. 637

March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002)

Prepared by: Hemisphere Field Services Bainbridge Island,

Prepared for: Public Utility District No. 1 of Chelan County Wenatchee, Washington

Table of Contents

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1.0 INTRODUCTION...... 1-1 1.1 Structure of this Document...... 1-1 1.2 The Cultural Resources Working Group...... 1-3 1.3 Definition of the project area and the area of potential effect for project operations ...... 1-4 2.0 ENVIRONMENTAL BACKGROUND ...... 2-1 2.1 Introduction ...... 2-1 2.2 The Modern Landscape...... 2-1 2.2.1 Geomorphology...... 2-1 2.2.2 Geology...... 2-6 2.2.3 Climate and Ecology...... 2-7 2.3 Paleoenvironmental History...... 2-7 2.4 Prehistoric Resources ...... 2-8 2.4.1 Flora ...... 2-9 2.4.2 Fauna...... 2-13 2.4.3 Fish...... 2-13 2.4.4 Lithic Resources...... 2-14 2.5 Environmental and Cultural Impacts on Archaeological Resources ...... 2-15 2.5.1 Erosion ...... 2-15 2.5.2 Residential and Recreational Development...... 2-16 2.5.3 Flooding ...... 2-16 2.6 Summary discussion...... 2-17 3.0 ARCHAEOLOGICAL OVERVIEW OF THE BASIN...... 3-1 3.1 Introduction ...... 3-1 3.2 Regional Research...... 3-3 3.2.1 Regional Chronologies...... 3-4 3.3 Previous Chelan Area Studies ...... 3-11 3.3.1 Ethnography of the (1988) ...... 3-11 3.3.2 Ethnographic Overview and Assessment (1996) ...... 3-12 3.3.3 Chelan County Overview (1978) ...... 3-13 3.3.4 Archaeological Reconnaissance of the North Cascades (1978) ...... 3-13 3.3.5 People of the North Cascades (1986)...... 3-13 3.3.6 Local CRM Studies...... 3-14 3.4 Local Orientation...... 3-17 3.4.1 Subsistence Gradient...... 3-17 3.4.2 Land Use Patterns ...... 3-18 3.4.3 Seasonal Land Use ...... 3-20 3.5 Discussion ...... 3-22 3.6 Culture History Synthesis...... 3-24 3.6.1 Period IA (11,500-11,000 BP) ...... 3-25 3.6.2 Period IB (11,000-7000/6400 BP) ...... 3-26 3.6.3 Period II (7000/6400-3900 BP)...... 3-27 3.6.4 Period III (3900-ca. 200 BP)...... 3-29 3.7 Research Design...... 3-31 3.7.1 Cultural Chronology...... 3-32 3.7.2 Social and Cultural Reconstruction of Subsistence and Settlement Patterns ...... 3-32 3.7.3 Paleoenvironments and Ecology...... 3-33 3.7.4 Future research...... 3-34 4.0 ETHNOGRAPHIC AND ETHNOHISTORIC OVERVIEW ...... 4-1

Final Lake Chelan Project No. 637 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Page i SS/6910 Table of Contents

4.1 Cultural And Physical Environment...... 4-1 4.1.1 Water and Fish ...... 4-6 4.1.2 Flora and Fauna...... 4-7 4.2 Cultural Overview of the ...... 4-14 4.2.1 Limitations on Ethnographic Data from the Project Area...... 4-20 4.2.2 The Protohistoric Period (AD 1600-1750)...... 4-20 4.2.3 US American Indian Policy of the Trade and Intercourse Acts Period: 1789 to 1887...... 4-23 4.2.4 Initial Euro-American Settling of the Columbia and Lake Chelan Regions: 1853 to 1887 ...... 4-23 4.2.5 US American Indian Policy of the General Allotment Act Period: 1887 to 1934...... 4-28 4.2.6 The Allotment Era in the Project Area...... 4-28 4.3 Allotment Properties on Lake Chelan ...... 4-32 5.0 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF THE LAKE CHELAN BASIN ...... 5-1 5.1 Introduction ...... 5-1 5.2 Previous Chelan Area History Studies ...... 5-2 5.3 Exploration and ...... 5-4 5.4 Settlement...... 5-8 5.4.1 Early Settlement...... 5-8 5.4.2 Homesteading...... 5-12 5.5 Transportation ...... 5-13 5.5.1 Trails and Wagon Roads ...... 5-13 5.5.2 Railroads ...... 5-15 5.5.3 Waterways...... 5-16 5.5.4 Highways ...... 5-19 5.6 Economic Development ...... 5-21 5.6.1 Mining...... 5-21 5.6.2 Logging ...... 5-26 5.6.3 Agriculture ...... 5-29 5.6.4 Recreation and Tourism ...... 5-33 5.7 Town Building...... 5-40 5.7.1 Chelan ...... 5-40 5.7.2 Lakeside ...... 5-41 5.7.3 Chelan Falls...... 5-42 5.7.4 Stehekin...... 5-43 5.7.5 Manson...... 5-44 5.8 Water and Power Development...... 5-46 5.8.1 Irrigation...... 5-46 5.8.2 Hydroelectric...... 5-49 5.9 CCC...... 5-54 5.9.1 Purpose and Structure ...... 5-54 5.9.2 Camps and Activities ...... 5-55 5.10 Government In The Lake Chelan Basin ...... 5-57 5.10.1 Forest Reserves ...... 5-57 5.10.2 Forest Service (USFS) ...... 5-57 5.10.3 (NPS)...... 5-60 5.10.4 Washington State Fish and Game Department (WSFGD) ...... 5-62 5.11 Research Design ...... 5-63 5.11.1 Exploration and Fur Trade ...... 5-63 5.11.2 Settlement...... 5-64 5.11.3 Transportation ...... 5-65 5.11.4 Economic Development ...... 5-67 5.11.5 Town Building ...... 5-73 5.11.6 Water and Power Development...... 5-74 5.11.7 CCC...... 5-77 5.11.8 USFS, NPS, WSFGD...... 5-79

Lake Chelan Project No. 637 Final SS/6910 Page ii March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Table of Contents

6.0 SITE SIGNIFICANCE EVALUATION AND SUMMARY ...... 6-1 6.1 Prehistoric Properties ...... 6-1 6.1.1 Cultural Material Scatter Property Type ...... 6-1 6.1.2 Lithic Scatter Property Type ...... 6-1 6.1.3 Rock Art...... 6-2 6.1.4 Houses and House Pits...... 6-2 6.1.5 Burials...... 6-3 6.1.6 Rock Features...... 6-3 6.1.7 Traditional Cultural Properties...... 6-3 6.2 Historic Properties...... 6-5 6.2.1 Farmstead/Agriculture...... 6-5 6.2.2 Timber...... 6-7 6.2.3 Historic Debris Scatters and/or Dumps...... 6-7 6.2.4 Mining...... 6-8 6.2.5 Tourism/ Recreation...... 6-9 6.2.6 Power Development...... 6-10 6.2.7 Transportation ...... 6-10 6.2.8 Rural Historic Landscapes ...... 6-11 6.3 Summary ...... 6-12 7.0 REFERENCES CITED ...... 7-1

Final Lake Chelan Project No. 637 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Page iii SS/6910 Table of Contents

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1-1: Map of the Project Area showing the APE and streams entering the lake...... 1-2 Figure 2-1: The Lake Chelan Landscape...... 2-2 Figure 2-2: Physiographic Regions of Washington State (Adapted from Chatters 1998)...... 2-3 Figure 2-3: The extent of the Cordilleran Ice Sheet in Washington State ...... 2-5 Figure 3-1: A comparison of plateau cultural chronologies...... 3-6 Figure 4-1: Map showing areas of importance to the Chelan people including Badger Mountain east of the ...... 4-34 Figure 5-1: Explorer's Routes Through the Lake Chelan Basin, 1814-1879...... 5-83 Figure 5-2: Some Early Explorer's Routes through Lake Chelan Basin, 1882-1887...... 5-86 Figure 5-3: Early Homesteads along Lake Chelan 1886-1900...... 5-89 Figure 5-4: Weaver Homestead at Stehekin, c.1927...... 5-92 Figure 5-5: "Cockeye" Wilson's Cabin at Domke Creek, c. 1927...... 5-95 Figure 5-6: The Ed Christie Homestead as depicted on an 1896 GLO (top) and 1914 Great Northern Railway map (bottom) indicating improvements...... 5-96 Figure 5-7: Abandoned Homestead on Stehekin Flats, c.1927...... 5-98 Figure 5-8: Lt. Thomas Symons surveyed the White Bluffs to Camp Chelan Wagon Road in 1879 (Symons 1882, Map 14) ...... 5-99 Figure 5-9: The Lake Chelan Stage Road linked the Columbia River to Lake Chelan (Lindsley photo #445, 1909: North Museum)...... 5-100 Figure 5-10: The Great Northern Railroad Bridge crossed the mouth of the by 1914 (1926, Chelan PUD)...... 5-101 Figure 5-11: The Coast published a somewhat fanciful map of transportation features in the Lake Chelan area in 1902. The electric railway from the Columbia to Chelan, was never built (The Coast 1902, Vol. 4, no.1: 121)...... 5-102 Figure 5-12: Long Jim in dugout canoe, date unknown (Hackenmiller 1995)...... 5-103 Figure 5-13: Lady of the Lake near Twenty Five Mile Creek, 1907 (Hackenmiller 1998)...... 5-104 Figure 5-14: A 1928-1930 Highway Map of State of Washington shows vehicular routes in and around Lake Chelan in approximately today’s configuration. State Highway 10 spanned the mouth of the Chelan Gorge. .... 5-105 Figure 5-15: 1887 GLO Map Depicting Chinese “Store” at Mouth of Chelan River...... 5-106 Figure 5-16: Mining Claims in the Chelan Mining District, c. 1896 (from Hodges 1897) ...... 5-107 Figure 5-17: Mining Claims in the Stehekin Mining District and Cascade Foothills, c.1897 (from Hodges 1896)5- 108 Figure 5-18: Black Warrior Mine Portal at Horseshoe Basin (date unknown)...... 5-109 Figure 5-19: Mining in Upper Stehekin, Horshoe Basin (date unknown) ...... 5-110 Figure 5-20: Aurelia Crown Mines, Timbering at the Mouth of Molybdenite Tunnel, 1907...... 5-111 Figure 5-21: Deer Fly Mine Blacksmith Shop and No. 5 Tunnel, c. 1907...... 5-114 Figure 5-22: Oscar Getty’s Pack Train along Railroad Creek (date unknown)...... 5-115 Figure 5-23: Horses Pulling Logs in Snow, c. 1909...... 5-118 Figure 5-24: Tug and Raft of Logs Heading Downlake from Stehekin (date unknown)...... 5-119 Figure 5-25: Sawmill at Antillon Lake, c. 1909...... 5-122 Figure 5-26: Double-decker barges hauled sheep uplake to summer range lands in the 1910s (Christopher Long Collection #83-84-108, n.d.: North Central Washington Museum)...... 5-125 Figure 5-27: Boys harvesting walnuts at J. Shephard’s Springdale Ranch on Lake Chelan (Lindsley photo #653, n.d.: North Central Washington Museum)...... 5-128 Figure 5-28: The "Lady of the Lake” transported apples harvested at uplake orchards to Chelan. Here apples are loaded at Rosedale Ranch, Twenty-five Mile Creek, in 1907 (Christopher Long Collection #83-84-12, 1907: North Central Washington Museum)...... 5-129 Figure 5-29: The Lake Chelan Fruit Growers packed and shipped local fruit at Chelan Station (Skockum Collection #90, n.d.: North Central Washington Museum)...... 5-130 Figure 5-30: Field Hotel at Stehekin, c. 1911...... 5-131 Figure 5-31: Photo of Steamer “Dexter” with Passengers at Purple’s Landing, (date unknown)...... 5-132 Figure 5-32: Lake Survey Crew at Rainbow Lodge, c. 1927 ...... 5-134 Figure 5-33: Lakeview House in Lakeside, 1907...... 5-136

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Figure 5-34: Havarene Lodge on Lake Chelan, 1927...... 5-138 Figure 5-35: Shreve’s Cabin (private summer residence) on Lake Chelan near Stehekin, date unknown...... 5-140 Figure 5-36: Tourists Recreating on Beach at Lake Chelan, date unknown...... 5-144 Figure 5-37: Two Hours Fishing on , c. 1920s...... 5-146 Figure 5-38: Steamers Transporting Passengers To and From Uplake Resorts, date unknown...... 5-148 Figure 5-39: Figure Skating on Lake Chelan, c. 1900...... 5-151 Figure 5-40: Tourists enjoying the lake by automobile, date unknown...... 5-153 Figure 5-41: An early view of Chelan from the south in 1901 shows numerous braided trails in outlying areas (Christopher Long Collection #83-84-137, 1901: North Central Washington Museum)...... 5-154 Figure 5-42: St. Andrew’s Episcopal Church in Chelan was designed by Kirtland Cutter and completed in 1898 (Christopher Long Collection # 83-84-19, n.d.: North Central Washington Museum)...... 5-155 Figure 5-43: A Sanborn Fire Insurance Company map of downtown Chelan in 1945 shows the impact of the automobile on business and the built environment...... 5-156 Figure 5-44: Lakeside in 1907 was a bustling waterfront community (Lindsley photo # 515, ca.1907: North Central Washington Museum)...... 5-159 Figure 5-45: A Sanborn Fire Insurance Company Map of 1929 illustrates the relationship of Chelan Falls to the power plant, the State Highway, the railroad, and Chelan Station...... 5-160 Figure 5-46: Photographer Lindsley captioned this 1910 image "Where Sky and Lake Reconcile" (Lindsley photo #457, 1910: Wenatchee National Forest) ...... 5-161 Figure 5-47: The Stehekin School, built in 1921, serves younger valley children (n.d., Wenatchee National Forest)...... 5-162 Figure 5-48: The Stehekin post office and dock, just prior to the raising of the lake (June 11, 1927: Chelan PUD)...... 5-165 Figure 5-49: Early Manson perched on the waterfront, just uplake from the present-day business district (n.d.: Chelan PUD)...... 5-166 Figure 5-50: The Wapato Irrigation Project was commonly known as "the Manson Project" (Gurr photo, n.d.: Chelan PUD) ...... 5-168 Figure 5-51: The 1903 Chelan River dam remained in service for nearly twenty-five years (October 22, 1925: Chelan PUD)...... 5-171 Figure 5-52: The "Kingman Powerhouse" of the Chelan Water Power Company stood less than a mile below the present dam on the Chelan River (Christopher Long Collection #83-84-102, n.d.: North Central Washington Museum)...... 5-172 Figure 5-53: Washington Water Power established a survey office at Twenty-five Mile Creek in preparation for filling of the reservoir (September 25, 1926: Chelan PUD)...... 5-173 Figure 5-54: A Sanborn Fire Insurance Company map for 1929 shows the extent of Camp #1 at the dam...... 5-174 Figure 5-55: A longitudinal section of the Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Power Plant illustrates the relationships between intake, tunnel-penstock, and powerhouse (n.d.: Chelan PUD)...... 5-176 Figure 5-56: The powerhouse was built much as shown in this schematic elevation (n.d.: Chelan PUD)...... 5-178 Figure 5-57: The Chelan Powerhouse operators’ cottages (#4, 5, and 6) were built to house local employees of the plant (October 29, 1927: Chelan PUD)...... 5-181 Figure 5-58: Raised lake levels inundated residences on the south shore of Lake Chelan (June 24, 1928: Chelan PUD)...... 5-182 Figure 5-59: 25 Mile Camp on Lake Chelan, c. 1930...... 5-184 Figure 5-60: High Bridge on Cascade Wagon Road, Lake Chelan, date unknown...... 5-185 Figure 5-61: USFS Boat “Ranger” Used to Transport Employees and Supplies, (date unknown)...... 5-186 Figure 5-62: Chelan Ranger Station, 1989...... 5-187 Figure 5-63: The Golden West Lodge at Stehekin, date unknown...... 5-190

Final Lake Chelan Project No. 637 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Page v SS/6910 Table of Contents

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2-1. Native plants and their economic uses in the Lake Chelan area...... 2-9 Table 3-1. Previous Cultural Resource Studies in the Chelan Area...... 3-15 Table 4-1. Chiefs of living things...... 4-7 Table 4-2. Traditional cultural uses of Chelan-area animals as documented in ethnographic literature...... 4-8 Table 4-3. Identified allotment properties within the APE...... 4-32 Table 5-1. Examples of boats that ran Lake Chelan, adapted from Hackenmiller (1998)...... 5-18

Lake Chelan Project No. 637 Final SS/6910 Page vi March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Principal Investigator Glenn D. Hartmann

Prepared by: James Schumacher Lara C. Rooke Glenn D. Hartmann Michelle M. Hannum

Hemisphere Field Services Day Road Industrial Park 8001 Day Road West Bainbridge Island, Washington 98110

With contributions by: Flo Lentz Amy Dugas Sherri Deaver Lynn M. Peterson John Boughton Lynelle Peterson Luc Litwinionek

Edited and revised by: Vera Morgan Morgan Consulting Services, Inc.

Introduction

1.0 INTRODUCTION

By Glenn Hartmann, Hemisphere Field Services

Chelan Public Utilities District No. 1 (hereafter Chelan PUD) owns and operates the Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Project near Chelan, Washington (Figure 1-1). Chelan PUD operates this facility under the terms and conditions contained in an existing Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) license issued May 12, 1981. The present license expires in 2004 and Chelan PUD has initiated the relicensing process. Relicensing authority derives from Part 1 of the Federal Power Act, 16 USC 791 (a) through 825(r), as amended in 1986 by the Electric Consumers Protection Act. The 1986 amendment requires equal consideration be given to water quality, recreation, and other non-generating benefits of various resources (fish, wildlife, cultural resources, etc.) as well as to the value of power production.

Properties included in, or eligible for, the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) could be affected by continued operations of the Lake Chelan Project. The FERC licensing process includes consideration of cultural resources as mandated by a variety of Federal laws and regulations. These include: The National Act (NHPA); the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA); the Archaeological Resources Protection Act (ARPA); the American Indian Religious Freedom Act (AIRFA); and the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA); Interior Secretarial Order No. 3175; and the Federal Land Policy and Management Act. Guidelines for implementing these authorities for federal undertakings have been published as 36 CFR Part 800, and the Secretary of Interior’s Standards and Guidelines for and Historic Preservation.

A cultural resources overview for the project area is a first step in identifying sites that could be affected by the project, in developing an evaluative framework for assessing site significance and potential impacts, and in formulating a comprehensive plan for managing cultural resources for the life of the license. In 1999, Ethnoscience conducted an inventory and prepared a draft manuscript (Ethnoscience 2000). In June 2000 Chelan PUD contracted with Hemisphere Field Services, Inc. (HFS) for preparation of this overview and inventory results.

1.1 STRUCTURE OF THIS DOCUMENT

This document is divided into eight chapters. Chapter 1 provides a brief introduction to the Lake Chelan project, identifies participating members of the Cultural Resources Working Group (CRWG), and presents the APE Chelan PUD has defined for cultural resources. Chapter 2 presents a general description of the project area physical environment with an emphasis upon those elements which would have affected human settlement and land use in the Lake Chelan basin. Chapters 3–5 provide background information on the archaeology, ethnography, and history of the basin with the goal of providing an evaluative framework to assist in determining NRHP eligibility of sites within the APE. Research designs are presented at the conclusion of each of these chapters. Chapter 6 presents a discussion of NRHP site significance and how NRHP criteria of significance might be applied to sites within the project area.

Final Lake Chelan Project No. 637 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Page 1-1 SS/6910 Introduction

Figure 1-1: Map of the Project Area showing the APE and streams entering the lake.

Lake Chelan Project No. 637 Final SS/6910 Page 1-2 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Environmental Background

This document incorporates complete portions of the Ethnoscience draft manuscript in some chapters; other sections have been completely rewritten, yet utilize some of the data generated by Ethnoscience. In all instances every effort has been made to provide full attribution for previous research/writing.

Preparation of this overview has been a collaborative effort between HFS and sub-consultant Cultural Resource Consulting (CRC). In general, HFS staff were responsible for overall project management, as well as environmental and archaeological components; CRC prepared the history sections. Individual authors are identified by chapter along with Ethnoscience contributors, as appropriate.

1.2 THE CULTURAL RESOURCES WORKING GROUP

As one element of the relicensing process, Chelan PUD is consulting with various parties interested in the cultural resources of the region. These parties have been invited to participate in a technical working group, the Cultural Resources Working Group (CRWG). The purpose of the CRWG is to provide Chelan PUD with guidance concerning the management of cultural resources within the project area over the term of the license. The working group includes representatives of state and federal agencies with administrative responsibilities for the management of cultural resources, as well as groups who have a cultural affiliation with the project area: the Washington State Office of Archaeology and Historic Preservation (OAHP), Washington State Parks and Recreation (WSP), Chelan PUD, the North Cascades National Park Service Complex (NPS), the Wenatchee National Forest (WNF), the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Office (BIA), the Confederated Tribes and Bands of the Nation (YN), and the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation (CCT).

The NPS manages approximately 10 miles (16 km) of western Lake Chelan shoreline and the WNF has approximately 30 miles of lake shoreline management responsibility. The remainder of the lake margin is managed by Chelan PUD, WSP (about 1.25 miles, or 2.0 km, of state park land), local governments, or is in private ownership.

There are several American Indian groups having traditional–use associations with the project area. Moses–Columbia, Chelan, Entiat, Methow, and peoples currently reside on both the Colville and Yakama reservations. Although the project area lies within the traditional lands of the Chelan Tribe and is undisputedly within the historical confines of the Moses Columbia Reservation, the land has been utilized by many of the ethnographic people of the region. Consequently, members of these reservation communities maintain an on–going interest in the cultural resources of the project area. Although the lands incorporated into the project area are within the ceded lands of the Yakama Nation, the CCT maintains its position as legal representative of the Chelan Tribe and as such is the entity or affected tribe associated with the project.

Final Lake Chelan Project No. 637 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Page 1-3 SS/6910 Introduction

1.3 DEFINITION OF THE PROJECT AREA AND THE AREA OF POTENTIAL EFFECT FOR PROJECT OPERATIONS

Lake Chelan is a natural body of water that developed in a broad glacial trough on the eastern flanks of the Cascade Mountains. Oriented northwest–southeast, the lake is roughly 50 miles (80.5 km) long and averages a mile (1.6 km) in width. With a maximum depth in excess of 1485 feet (452 m), it is the third deepest lake in the United States; the lake floor is almost 400 feet (122 m) below sea level. The APE for the Lake Chelan hydroelectric project incorporated lands surrounded by Lake Chelan up to the 1100 ft (335.25m) level.

The Lake Chelan basin includes about 925 square miles (2395 km2), almost half of which is above 5,500 feet (1676 m) in elevation. Terrain surrounding the upper lake is a series of rugged, steep ridges with peaks to 9,000 feet (2743 m). Slopes terminate abruptly at the lake margin with relatively few level beaches or other landforms that typically invite extensive settlement. In contrast, topography in the eastern portion of the basin is much less constraining; slopes are not as steep and there are broad, relatively level areas, particularly east of Manson, that have been used extensively for settlement in both ancient and modern times.

The Lake Chelan Project facilities include a 40–foot–high (12.2 m) dam, a 2.2–mile–long (3.54 km) tunnel and penstock, powerhouse, switchyard, and associated transmission structures. The project reservoir operates between a maximum pool elevation of 1,100 feet (335 m) above mean sea level (amsl) and a drawdown minimum of 1,079 feet (328.8 m) amsl. During the past 20 years the average late–winter/early spring drawdown has been to elevation 1,084 feet (330.4) amsl.

The cultural resources Area of Potential Effect (APE) for the Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Project includes lands within the FERC boundary as it is delineated in the current FERC license. The APE may also include lands outside the project boundary where project operation may effect the character or use of Historic Properties and/or Traditional Cultural Properties that are eligible for the National Register during the term of the license.

For cultural resources, Chelan PUD has included two zones in defining the APE: the Lake Chelan shoreline and the bypassed reach area. The Lake Chelan shoreline APE zone includes lands between seasonal low water to an elevation of 1100 feet (335.25 m) amsl; however, on Federal lands, the APE expands an additional 30 meters landward in alluvial fan locales and increases as well on actively eroding landforms with slopes less than 30 degrees.

In the bypassed reach zone, the APE extends southeastward from the into the gorge region of the Chelan River and terminates near the powerhouse. On the east side of the gorge, the APE is delimited by the FERC–defined project boundary. West of the gorge, the APE follows the project boundary from the dam to where it intersects Gorge Road. The eastern edge of Gorge Road is the APE boundary for approximately 2.5 miles (4.0 km) until the road again intersects the project boundary. At this point, the APE follows the edge of the defined project boundary to the confluence of the Columbia River (Figure 1-1). Project–related effects may occur throughout the APE: along lake and river shorelines, in project–associated recreational areas, at hydroelectric facilities, and in associated ancillary facilities such as recreation sites.

Lake Chelan Project No. 637 Final SS/6910 1-4 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Environmental Background

2.0 ENVIRONMENTAL BACKGROUND

By Lara C. Rooke, Hemisphere Field Services

2.1 INTRODUCTION

The physical environment is an important aspect of prehistoric settlement distribution. Access to water, subsistence resources, and the availability of suitable lithic materials for tool manufacture are some of the considerations that influence settlement location. Anthropologists often view culture as a means of adaptation to the environment (Steward 1955). “Physical conditions enter intimately into every cultural development and pattern, not excluding the most abstract and non- material; they enter not as determinants, however, but as one category of the raw material of cultural elaboration” (Forde 1934:463-464). As such, the landscape environment plays an essential part in cultural development and should be considered an integral attribute in the study of past lifeways.

Although not exhaustive, this chapter presents an overview of the geologic landscape, climate, vegetation, and paleoenvironmental history in the vicinity of Lake Chelan, and considers the effects of past geologic events, including glaciations, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, and flooding, which may have shaped cultural occupations in this area.

2.2 THE MODERN LANDSCAPE

Lake Chelan is located in Chelan County in north-central Washington. The lake, which is approximately 50.4 miles long, is oriented in a northwest-southeast direction. Many drainages feed into the lake from the Methow Mountains to the north and the to the south (Figure 2-1); however, the Stehekin River is the main tributary, altogether contributing the highest volume of water (Mierendorf 1986). At the lake’s outlet, near the town of Chelan, the four-mile-long Chelan River flows rapidly southeast across a relatively flat valley, through a narrow gorge, across Chelan Falls, eventually emptying into the Columbia River. As one travels northwards from the mouth of the lake the landscape becomes more steep and rugged. Overall, the basin is characterized by nearly level valley floors, gently sloping to steep terraces, steep to hilly uplands, and steep to very steep mountainous uplands (Beieler 1975:94). Elevation increases rapidly from 700 feet along the Columbia River Basin to 9,000 feet above sea level in the Cascade Mountains.

2.2.1 Geomorphology

Located within a deep, glacial valley, Lake Chelan is situated between two diverse physiographic regions, the and the (Figure 2-2). The Cascade Range, formed in the late Miocene and Pliocene eras, is comprised of a series of north-south oriented tectonic ridges (Chatters 1998:29; Fryxell 1973:3). Towering thousands of feet above sea level, this volcanic mountain range extends southward from the coastal mountains of to the Sierra Nevadas in California (McKee 1972). Erosion of this dynamic landscape is relentless.

Final Lake Chelan Project No. 637 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Page 2-1 SS/6910 Environmental Background

Figure 2-1: The Lake Chelan Landscape.

Lake Chelan Project No. 637 Final SS/6910 Page 2-2 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Environmental Background

Figure 2-2: Physiographic Regions of Washington State (Adapted from Chatters 1998).

Final Lake Chelan Project No. 637 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Page 2-3 SS/6910 Environmental Background

The glaciated Cascades frequently release large amounts of melt water flooding the valleys below.

The character of the Columbia Plateau was formed during the Miocene by a sequence of lava flows that deposited beds of horizontally stratified (McKee 1972). Overlying glacial till that was deposited during the last advance of the Cordilleran ice sheet extends across the Miocene basalts. The main drainage on the Plateau is the Columbia River, which begins in the Rocky Mountains and flows southward eventually turning west toward the sea. As the Cordilleran ice sheet melted, at the end of the Pleistocene, glacial outwash terraces were formed along the river drainages (Waters 1933). When the glacier receded, outwash eroded deep, vertical-walled coulees, and entrenched the Columbia River and its tributaries carving steep- walled canyons through the Plateau.

Lake Chelan was formed during the last glacial period by a valley glacier that extended from the crest of the Cascades all the way to the Columbia River (McKee 1972:104; Waitt and Thorson 1983) (Figure 2-3). Several tributary valleys, which were once glaciated, hang 2,000 feet above the surface of the lake suggesting that the surface of the glacier once exceeded this height: “At its maximum development, the Chelan glacier and its tributaries had a surface area probably exceeding 400 square miles. Its length was nearly 80 miles and its thickness throughout a considerable portion of its length doubtless exceeded 4,000 feet” (Runner 1921:87). After the glacier receded (ca. 15,000 BP), the advance of the Okanogan Lobe across the Columbia Plateau dammed the valley mouth at Chelan raising the level of the lake by several hundred feet (McKee 1972; Smith and Stratton 1976; Waters 1933). Consequently, Navarre and Knapp Coulee were formed on the west side of the lake as outlets for the high volumes of water collecting in the basin (Runner 1921). Eventually, as the glacier on the Plateau receded, the Chelan River eroded a channel through the glacial moraine creating an outlet into the Columbia River.

The massive extent of the Cordilleran glacier has had a direct influence on the geomorphology of the Columbia River valley. The Columbia Plateau was scoured by glacial ice that transported large concentrations of sediments, depositing them as the glacier retreated (Galm and Nials 1994). Meltwater streams emerging from the glacial margins deposited massive loads of outwash sediments and created proglacial lakes. Glacial Lake Missoula developed in Montana when a lobe of the Cordilleran ice sheet blocked a valley outlet damming stunning amounts of water behind the ice (Bretz 1969; McKee 1972). Lake Missoula existed for approximately 3000 years from 15,000 to 12,700 Before Present (BP). When this ice dam broke, catastrophic floods traversed the Columbia Plateau scouring channels through the glacial sediments creating the Channeled Scablands and incising the Columbia River (Baker 1973; Bretz 1969). Similarly, glacial Lake Columbia developed on the Columbia Plateau of Washington at roughly the same time (Gough 1995). Lacustrine sediments that extend across this region attest to the magnitude of this feature. As the Okanogan lobe melted, Lake Columbia floodwaters inundated the Columbia River Valley.

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Figure 2-3: The extent of the Cordilleran Ice Sheet in Washington State

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Step-like terraces along the drainages attest to the continual flooding of the rivers. As the channels incised terraces, floodplains formed at successively lower levels on either side of the valley. Incision of the Lake Columbia lacustrine sediments by the Columbia River created an extensive terrace near Chelan, high above the river that has been referred to as the Great Terrace (Russell 1898). This prevalent landform reaches heights of 1,247 ft near the Chelan River confluence and has an extensive presence along the Columbia River valley (Gough 1995; Russell 1898).

Although post-glacial terraces have not been identified and dated within the Lake Chelan Basin, there are several landforms within the Columbia River valley that have been studied extensively. Geomorphic data collected from the Rocky Reach (Mierendorf 1983) and Wells Reservoir (Chatters 1992) regions of the Columbia correlate the aggradation of river terraces with climatic transitions. These investigations have produced relatively disparate results. Three terraces dating to 9000, 4200, and 2400 BP have been identified at the Wells Reservoir location, while 40 miles downstream at the Rocky Reach location four terraces were deposited sequentially around 8200, 3000, 1400, and 500 BP. While the data for the Rocky Reach correlates with the timing of the glacial events in the North Cascades (Mierendorf 1983:640), the Wells Reservoir data is closely tied to Mehringer's (1985) late-Quaternary pollen records for the Northwest coast. The lack of consensus between these studies should be resolved with further geomorphological investigations. The identification of terraces and the establishment of a landform chronology at Lake Chelan would assist future archaeological research.

2.2.2 Geology

Bedrock in the Cascade region consists of Tertiary gneisses and Miocene sedimentary and volcanic strata, with occasional pre-Tertiary granitic intrusions (McKee 1972:86). Along the Columbia Plateau thick strata are overlain by superficial Pleistocene and Holocene deposits of glacial outwash sediments, glacial lacustrine sediments, and alluvium (Gough 1995). The geology within the Chelan basin is variable. At the deepest and narrowest section of the lake the character of the bedrock changes in composition. The section of bedrock to the north consists predominantly of granite and gneiss, while the bedrock composition to the south is composed of fine-grained, igneous intrusives, schists, and slates (Runner 1921:87).

Sediments range from late Pleistocene to Recent in age. Characteristics of glacial till tend to consist of unstratified, poorly consolidated and poorly sorted mixtures of coarse sand, cobbles, or boulders. These sediments are deposited directly by ice, usually in the form of moraines, drumlins, kettles, or hummocks (Allen 1970; Galm and Nials 1994). Glacial outwash or glaciofluvial sediments are characterized by stratified coarse sands and gravels, which are deposited in kames or linear terraces that parallel the drainages (Allen 1970). Finer sediments such as silts and clays are deposited downstream or in proglacial lakes.

The dominant sediment within the research area is loess, a wind-deposited, silt-size particle. Soil development along the margins of Lake Chelan is primarily characterized by well-drained, sandy loams that tend to be deeper on north-facing slopes. Soils have formed in a wide range of sediments including: glacial till, glacial outwash, weathered igneous sedimentary and metamorphic rocks, volcanic ash, pumice, loess, and alluvial and lacustrine sediments.

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2.2.3 Climate and Ecology

In the vicinity of Lake Chelan and the Columbia River, the climatic microenvironments are unique in their influence on vegetation and wildlife. The lake basin extends through several ecological habitats including shrub steppe, and montane and woodland forests (Chatters 1998:35). Vegetation is closely associated with the amount of precipitation, topography, and temperature. During the warm summer months, precipitation is light and temperatures average 80 to 90 °F. As the temperature drops in the winter, usually falling to 10 °F, precipitation increases. In the Lake Chelan basin 10 to 25 inches of precipitation falls annually; mostly in the form of winter snow impeding travel for and game (Chatters 1998:31). The Cascade Mountain range forms a barrier for precipitation causing a effect over areas east of this range. Precipitation in the upland areas ranges from 60-80 inches, while the foothills on the eastside of the Cascades receive less than 12 inches of rain annually (Donaldson and Ruscha 1975).

There are four ecological zones within the Lake Chelan area: Pinus ponderosa (ponderosa pine), Pseudotsuga menziesii (Douglas fir), Abies grandis (grand fir), and Artemisia tridentate/Agropyron spicatum (sagebrush/wheatgrass) (Franklin and Dyrness 1973; Frenkel 1985). The northwestern region of the lake including the Stehekin River valley is situated within the Douglas fir and grand fir vegetation zones. The main tree species within these zones are Douglas fir, ponderosa pine, lodge pole pine, and larch. Understory shrubs and grasses such as snowberry, spirea, rose, wheatgrass, and fescue are also present.

The southeastern area of Lake Chelan is bordered by a mixture of ponderosa pine and shrub- steppe zones. Climate within these zones is characterized by a short growing season, hot summers with light precipitation, and cool winter temperatures with heavy snow accumulations. Vegetation supported within the Ponderosa zone includes Douglas fir, ponderosa pine, aspen, and cottonwood along the drainages and shores of Lake Chelan. Within the shrub-steppe zone, vegetation consists primarily of grasses, lichens, and mosses, including bitterbush, sagebush, rose, ceanothus, serviceberry, arrowleaf, balsamroot, eriogonum, and wheatgrass.

2.3 PALEOENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY

The depositional and erosional history of the Lake Chelan landscape has been catastrophically affected by the Pleistocene glacial events and subsequent flooding episodes of the Columbia River. Hydrological conditions in riverine and lacustrine environments change in response to climatic variables. Changes in shorelines and the depositional or degradational nature of rivers are ultimately affected by long-term changes in precipitation and temperature.

Since the end of the Pleistocene and the retreat of the Cordilleran glaciers, the has endured at least three major episodes of regional climatic change (Mehringer 1985). As changes in vegetation are influenced by climate, particularly temperature and precipitation, analyses of palynological records are useful indicators for understanding the timing and nature of these events. Pollen records of late Quaternary sediments in have been reviewed to convey the following paleoenvironmental history.

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During the post-glacial period (13,000-9000 BP) temperatures increased appreciably. Glaciers and lakes rapidly shrank and catastrophic flooding drastically changes the landscape. Although climatic conditions were much warmer than during the Pleistocene, they were relatively cooler and wetter than they are today. Initially, vegetation was sparse, however by 10,000 BP a diverse range of arboreal species was present (Mehringer 1985).

At the onset of the Holocene (ca. 9000 BP), temperatures became considerably warmer and drier. A significant decrease in effective moisture led to shrinking lakes and reduced stream flows. An abundance of xeric-adapted plant species, including sagebrush and grasses, mark this climatic change in the pollen records (Mehringer 1985). By 4000 BP these plant communities were replaced by mixed coniferous forests and deciduous shrubs. Increased effective moisture and a reduction in temperatures at this time characterize a climatic shift, which by 2500 BP brought about essentially modern climatic conditions.

Studies of mid-Holocene glacial advances in the North Cascades suggest that minor climatic fluctuations occurred after 4000 BP, however the specific effects of these fluctuations in the Lake Chelan region are not documented. During this interglacial period minor glacial advances occurred locally around 2800, 1100, and 450 (Little Ice Age) BP (Claque 1981). These advances and accompanying cooler climatic episodes may have had a minor influence in the Lake Chelan basin, and would certainly have been associated with increased flooding in the Stehekin and Columbia Rivers from meltwaters as the glaciers receded.

These broad periods of climatic change have been used by some as an explanatory framework for cultural change (Swanson 1962). Across North America, the archaeological record for the post-glacial period suggests that subsistence strategies were focused on hunting of mega-fauna. Our normative conception of early North Americans as big game hunters is based on the faunal remains and the abundance of large Clovis and Folsom points that have been recovered from sites during this period (Willig 1991). However as the climate became warmer and drier, the associated archaeological record reflects changes in subsistence strategies. There is an overall decrease in the size of the fauna found in archaeological assemblages, paralleled with a decrease in the size of projectile points. By the third climatic epoch specialized subsistence strategies begin to develop specific to their physiographic regions. In the Columbia Plateau region, Swanson (1962) suggests that the shift to a diversified hunting, fishing and gathering economy and the development of small housepit villages coincides with the new climatic era (4000 BP). An increased resource availability, which would have accompanied this mesic climatic development, would have allowed a more sedentary existence on the Plateau.

2.4 PREHISTORIC RESOURCES

Lake Chelan was a relatively rich environment for resource procurement. Plants, animals, fish, and lithic resources could be procured locally. Nonetheless, resource availability is affected to a large degree by climate. During climatic episodes of reduced precipitation and warmer temperatures, decreased stream flows and surface moisture may have temporarily depleted fish and plant resources in riverine environments. At this time temporary occupation around Lake Chelan may have increased as a response. Non-migratory species of fish available in the lake may have been more intensively procured. Archaeological analysis of faunal and ethnobotanical

Lake Chelan Project No. 637 Final SS/6910 Page 2-8 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Environmental Background remains from archaeological sites may contribute to our understanding of prehistoric adaptive responses. Changes in these assemblages over time may have correlations with climatic fluctuations.

2.4.1 Flora

The traditional utilization of plants has been extensively documented by anthropologists and botanists (Gunther 1945; Lombardi 1996; Turner et al. 1980; Turner 1985). Gathering of flora has always been an important aspect of subsistence and culture. The gathering of plants for subsistence requires an intimate knowledge of seasonality, preparation, cooking and harvesting procedures. The variable topographic relief in the Lake Chelan basin would have provided a diverse environment for plant communities. An abundance of plant species would have been available for exploitation, making this area attractive for both humans and animals.

Various rhizomes, roots, bulbs, leaves, stalks, nuts and berries were eaten raw, cooked or stored for consumption during the winter. Wood and bark, both important sources of fuel, were also used for building houses, containers, and fish weirs. Several plants had known healing properties and were collected for their medicinal and spiritual purposes. Plants were known to treat a variety of aliments including cold symptoms, sores, muscle aches, stomach disorders, constipation, rheumatism, and tuberculosis. Table 2-1 outlines some of the native resources that were available locally, and identifies some of the many economic uses for which these resources were collected.

Table 2-1. Native plants and their economic uses in the Lake Chelan area. COMMON Economical Scientific Name Comments References NAME Uses Alumroot Heuchera Medicinal Used to treat sore throats, sores, cuts, Deaver 2000; cylindrica diarrhea, upset stomach. Gunther 1945; Hunn et al. 1998; Turner et al. 1980 Aspen Populus Subsistence, Cambium was eaten. Used to treat Deaver 2000; tremuloides medicinal, rheumatism, indigestion, syphilis. Hunn et al. 1998; technological Deodorant and anti-perspirant. Used Hunn 1990; Turner as a scraper for deer hides. et al. 1980 Big leaf Acer Subsistence, Young shoots were eaten. Wood Gunther 1945; maple macrophyllum medicine, burned for fuel and made into Hunn et al. 1998; technological paddles, fish clubs, cradleboards and Lombardi 1996; cooking implements. The bark was Turner et al. 1980 made into rope. Used medicinally to treat diarrhea and tuberculosis. Big Artemisia Medicinal, Rope, twine, clothing, basketry, fuel. Deaver 2000; sagebrush tridentata technological, Used as a laxative and as a treatment Hunn et al. 1998; or spiritual for indigestion, biliousness, Turner et al. 1980 Wormwood tuberculosis, colds, sore throats. Smoke used for cleansing.

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COMMON Economical Scientific Name Comments References NAME Uses Bitterbrush, Pursha tridentate Medicinal, Wood is used for fuel, and the bark is Deaver 2000; greasewood technological woven into clothing and baskets. Turner et al. 1980 or Antelope Used to treat constipation. bush Bitterroot Lewisia spp. Subsistence Bulbs were eaten raw or cooked. Turner et al. 1980. Bluebunch Agropyron Medicinal, Used for bedding, and medicinally as Deaver 2000; wheatgrass spicatum technological an anti-inflammatory. Turner et al. 1980. Bunchgrass Agropyron Medicinal, Used for bedding, and medicinally as Deaver 2000; spicatum technological an anti-inflammatory. Turner et al. 1980 Camas Camasia spp. Subsistence Bulb and stalks were eaten raw or Gunther 1945; cooked. Turner 1997. Cattail or Typha latifolia Subsistence, Rhizomes and stalks were eaten. Gunther 1945; bulrush technological Reeds were used for weaving mats Lombardi 1996; and baskets, leaves were made into Turner 1997 twine and the head provided padding for blankets. Cottonwood Populus spp. Subsistence, Cambium layer was eaten. The bark Gunther 1945; medicinal, was used to treat sore throats or Hunn et al. 1998; technological respiratory problems. Wood was Hunn 1990; Turner used to make canoes, containers, and et al. 1980 also for construction of roofs and fish weirs. Resin was used as glue and paint Cow parsnip Herculean Subsistence Stems and leaves were eaten raw or Gunther 1945; or Indian lanatum cooked. Turner 1997 rhubarb Douglas fir Pseudotsuga Subsistence, Seeds were eaten, and the needles Gunther 1945; menziesii medicinal, used in teas. Used to reduce fever, Hunn et al. 1998; technological, treats anemia, and allergies. The Hunn 1990; Turner spiritual wood and bark were burned for fuel. et al. 1980 Used ceremonially in sweat baths and purification rituals. Ferns Polypodiaceae, Subsistence, Rhizomes of some species were Gunther 1945; Athyrium medicinal, eaten. The leaves were chewed to Lombardi 1996; distentifolium, technological relieve sore throats and cold Turner et al. 1980 and Adiantum symptoms. Ferns were used for pedatum bedding, lining cooking pits, and as imbrication on basketry. Fescue Festuca Medicinal, Used for bedding and as an anti- Deaver 2000; idahoensis technological inflammatory. Turner 1997 Field mint Mentha arvensis Subsistence, Boiled in water to make tea. Used to Gunther 1945; medicinal treat colds, coughs, consumption or Turner 1997 fever. Fireweed Epilobium Subsistence Stalks eaten or used to make tea. Gunther 1945; angustifolium Turner 1997

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COMMON Economical Scientific Name Comments References NAME Uses Foxtail Stipa comata Subsistence, Childrens' toys, hairbrushes Turner et al. 1980; barley, spear technological, Turner 1997 grass Grand Abies grandis Medicinal, Used to treat consumption, ulcers, Gunther 1945; fir/Silver fir Technological appendicitis, weakness, loss of Hunn et al. 1998; appetite, goiters, coughs colds. Turner et al. 1980 Needles used as bedding. Hawthorn Crataegus spp. Subsistence Berries were eaten fresh or used in Turner 1997 soups Indian celery Lomatium spp. Subsistence, Sprouts, leaves, stalks, and flowers Lombardi 1996; or Meadow medicinal were eaten raw, boiled, or steamed. Turner 1997 parsley Used to treat colds, constipation and sore throats. Mixed with tobacco and smoked. Indian Hemp Apocynum Technological Fiber from the stems was twined Turner et al. 1980 cannabinum together to make rope for fishing nets Indian Castilleja Medicinal Boiled and drank by women to Gunther 1945 paintbrush angustifolia regulate menstruation Lichens Bryoria fremontii Subsistence, Eaten fresh or cooked. Used in Gunther 1945; technological cooking pits. Turner et al. 1980 Lodgepole Pinus contorta Subsistence, Cambium layer was eaten. Trunk Deaver 2000; pine medicinal, was used for housing and the bark Gunther 1945; technological, used for making baskets. The buds Hunn et al. 1998; spiritual were used to treat ulcers, muscle Hunn 1990; Turner aches and sore throats. et al. 1980 Milk Vetch Astragalus Subsistence, Seeds used for food Deaver 2000; arrectus technological Gunther 1945; Hunn et al. 1998; Turner et al. 1980 Mountain Agoseris elata Subsistence, Used as a laxative, poultice and as Deaver 2000; dandelion medicine chewing gum. Turner et al. 1980 Nodding Allium cernuum Subsistence Bulbs were eaten raw or cooked. Gunther 1945; onion Turner 1997 Northwest Potentilla gracilis Medicinal Leaves were boiled to make a Gunther 1945; cinquefoil or stimulant. Turner 1997 Silverweed Nutall’s Antennaria Medicinal, Increase male virility. Smoke drives Deaver 2000; pussy toes parvifolia spiritual bad spirits away Turner et al. 1980 Quack grass Elytrigia repens Technological Used for basketry and mats Turner 1997 var. repens Raspberries Rubus spp. Subsistence Berries were eaten fresh. Turner et al. 1980 Red Osier Cornus Subsistence, Berries were eaten. Bark was Gunther 1945; dogwood stolonifera medicinal, smoked to cure lung ailments. Turner 1997 technological Reed canary Phalaris Technological Made into mats, hats, fishing weirs Deaver 2000; grass arundinacea Turner et al. 1980

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COMMON Economical Scientific Name Comments References NAME Uses Sedge or Carex spp. Subsistence, Used as an herb. Made into baskets Deaver 2000; swamp grass technological and clothing. Gunther 1945; Turner 1979; Turner et al. 1980 Serviceberry Amelanchier Subsistence, Boiled and used as a Cold medicine Deaver 2000; alnifolia medicinal, or a contraceptive. Trade item. Gunther 1945; technological Hunn et al. 1998; Turner et al. 1980 Shrubby Penstemon spp. Medicinal Used to treat toothache, flu, colds, Deaver 2000; Penstemon headaches, acne Hunn et al. 1998; Hunn 1990; Turner et al. 1980 Snowberry Symphoricarpos Subsistence, Main ingredient for Indian ice cream. Gunther 1945; albus medicinal, Used to treat sores, relieve itching, Lombardi 1996; technological rubbed in the hair as a shampoo and Turner et al. 1980 made into poultices. Stems were used to make brooms. Spiraea Spiraea Medicinal Used to treat abdominal pains, Deaver 2000; betulifolia menstruation, and colds. Gunther 1945; Turner et al. 1980 Spring Balsamorhiza Subsistence, Roots and seeds used for food, leaves Deaver 2000; Sunflower or sagittata medicinal were smoked. Used to soothe burns, Hunn et al. 1998; Balsam root rheumatism, sores, boils, bruises and Hunn 1990; Turner tuberculosis. et al. 1980 Squaw or Ribes cereum Subsistence, Berries are eaten. Used to treat Turner et al. 1980 desert medicinal diarrhea. currant Stinging Urtica dioica Subsistence, The roots and shoots were boiled and Gunther 1945; nettle medicinal, eaten. Made into a tea to treat cold Lombardi 1996; technological symptoms, measles and allergies. Turner et al. 1980 Made into vines for fishing nets. Subalpine fir Abies lasiocarpa Medicinal, Used to treat consumption, ulcers, Deaver 2000; (Balsam) technological appendicitis, weakness, loss of Hunn et al. 1998; appetite, goiters, coughs colds. Turner et al. 1980 Needles used as bedding. Sweetgrass Hierochloe Technological Turner et al. 1980 odorata Tiger lily Lilium Subsistence Bulbs were steamed or dried into Gunther 1945; columbianum cakes for winter storage. Lombardi 1996; Turner 1997 Water Cicuta douglasii Medicinal, Used as a poultice for Rheumatism Deaver 2000; hemlock technological and as a poison for arrow tips. Gunther 1945; Turner et al. 1980 Water Lycopus uniflorus Subsistence Tubers and leaves are eaten. Turner 1997 horehound or bugleweed

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COMMON Economical Scientific Name Comments References NAME Uses Wild Eriogonum spp. Medicinal Used to treat diarrhea, colds, Deaver 2000; buckwheat poisoning, Tuberculosis, sores, cuts. Gunther 1945; Turner et al. 1980 Wild lilac Ceanothus spp. Medicinal, Used to treat sores, burns, dandruff, Deaver 2000; shrub technological and eczema. Wood is used for fuel. Turner et al. 1980 Wild rose Rosa spp. Subsistence, Tea, seasoning. Protects against bad Deaver 2000; medicinal, spirits. Used to treat bee stings. Hunn 1990; Hunn technological, et al. 1998; Turner spiritual et al. 1980 Wild Fragaria Subsistence, Berries were eaten. Leaves were Gunther 1945; Strawberry virginiana medicinal used as a poultice for sores. Lombardi 1996; Turner 1997 Willow Salix spp. Medicinal, Used to make baskets and bark Gunther 1945; technological containers. Bark was boiled as a Turner 1997 treatment for sore throats.

2.4.2 Fauna

A wide variety of terrestrial fauna, waterfowl, birds, reptiles, and rodents are present in the Lake Chelan region (Chelan PUD: Exhibit E 1998). The traditional animal habitats vary with topography and associated plant communities. The shrub-steppe and riparian environments around the lake provide food and cover for wintering and nesting birds such as the California quail, chukar, mourning dove, pheasant, gray partridge, and grouse. Migratory birds such as Canada geese (Branta canadensis), mallards (Anas platyrhynchos), ducks, blue herons (Ardea herodias), grebes (Podilymbus podiceps) and loons (Gavia immer) are abundant during the winter, although their nesting grounds tend to be located along the river valleys of the Stehekin and the Columbia (Chelan PUD: Exhibit E 1998).

During the winter months deep snows often cover the higher elevations making foraging difficult for animals. Much of the wildlife migrates down towards the lake during these times where warmer water temperatures melt the snow accumulations at shoreline elevations (Chatters 1998). Mule deer, elk, mountain sheep and mountain goats were the most commonly hunted animals. Elk bones have been recovered from archaeological sites near the mouth of Lake Chelan (Mierendorf 1986), and mountain goats are depicted in a hunting scene on the pictographs at Domke Falls. Other big game species including black bears, grizzly bears, cougars, and moose are also present, although their importance as a local food resource has not been documented.

2.4.3 Fish

The predominance of archaeological sites located in riverine and lacustrine environments suggests that fish were an important resource exploited by indigenous peoples. The seasonal timing of the runs provided fresh fish for most of the year. During the fall the fish were dried and stored on platforms near the villages for winter consumption (Green 1986). There are several anadromous fish that were available seasonally in the area. Chinook (

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tshawytscha), sockeye (O. nerka), coho (O. kistuch), and steelhead trout (Salmo gairdneri) all spawn in the Columbia River and its tributaries. The chinook and sockeye run in the spring and summer months, while the Coho and steelhead trout were available in the fall (Schalk and Mierendorf 1983).

Salmon were not available in Lake Chelan as the rapid waters at Chelan Falls prevented salmon from ascending the Chelan River (Chelan PUD 2000a). However, other freshwater fish and shellfish would have been available for exploitation year round at Lake Chelan. Today, several native species are present in the lake (Chelan PUD: Exhibit E 1998). These include cutthroat trout (Oncorhynchus clarkii), bull trout (Salvelinus confluentus), mountain whitefish (Prosopium williamsoni), burbot (Lota lota), pike minnow (Ptytochelius oregonesis), bridgelip sucker (Catastomus columbianus), and sculpin (Cottus cognatus).

Although salmon were an important subsistence resource ethnographically, their importance during the early Holocene is unknown. It has been suggested that anadromous fish may not have been available locally until after 5000 BP, as they require a stable environment for reproduction, and would not have been abundant until after the Columbia River water levels stabilized (Schalk and Yesner 1988). Over-fishing of salmon by native populations along the lower regions of the Columbia also would have been of consequence. The quantity of fish available to local groups along the Columbia River is inversely determined by the extent of their exploitation by other groups living downstream (Schalk and Mierendorf 1983:15). By the time the salmon reached the Rocky Reach of the Columbia, their numbers would most likely have been greatly depleted. Furthermore, the stretch of the Columbia near Chelan was not easily accessible for fishing as the steep-sided canyons made access to the water difficult.

2.4.4 Lithic Resources

Technological development is one of the many processes people use to solve problems posed both by external, environmental factors and by internal social needs. Suitable lithic materials for stone tool technologies were an important resource for prehistoric cultures. The role of raw materials as an aspect of prehistoric lifeways has been considered in light of optimization models (Torrence 1989). The time and energy necessary to procure, produce, and maintain lithic materials was likely considerable. As optimal foragers, hunters and gatherers necessarily obtained their raw materials during their seasonal rounds (Morrow and Jefferies 1989).

Raw material selection was based on an intimate knowledge of specific material qualities and resource availability. Across the Cascades and Plateau environments, the availability of lithic technological resources varies. Primary lithic sources near Lake Chelan were minimal, however secondary sources in fluvial deposits along the Stehekin and Columbia rivers were readily available. In addition, many lithic resources could be obtained from quarries in the North Cascade Range including chert, quartzite, mudstone, obsidian, argillite, dacite, basalt, and soapstone (Mierendorf 1986). Although obsidian may have been available locally at Chelan Butte (Galm 1994), associated procurement sites or quarries have not been identified at this location.

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2.5 ENVIRONMENTAL AND CULTURAL IMPACTS ON ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESOURCES

Environmental and cultural events such as climatic changes, erosion, logging, wildfires, farming, construction, recreation, floods, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions all have varying impacts on the preservation of archaeological resources and the potential recovery of sites in the Lake Chelan APE. Although impacts from catastrophic events cannot be managed, quantitative evaluation of all impacts to cultural resources is constructive towards an understanding of the archaeological record and the identification of options available to protect the sites from further impacts.

2.5.1 Erosion

In 1927 when the Lake Chelan hydroelectric dam was built, the shoreline of Lake Chelan was artificially raised, inundating many cultural sites. Although the water levels of the lake have been regulated in some ways since the 1800s, construction of the 1927 dam raised the lake level from 1,077 ft to a maximum of 1,100 ft (Chelan PUD 2000b:15). Increased water levels have exposed surrounding lake terraces and beaches to cyclic wave action. This has had an effect on the physical and cultural landscape. The removal of sediments and particles from terraces and cut banks through wave action is the largest threat to the cultural resources along the shoreline. Fluctuations of lake water level can aggravate the wave erosion processes, decreasing the stability of landforms. Cultural resources located along terraces along the lake margins, such as the housepits at Moore Point, are now subject to shoreline erosion. Furthermore, submersion of archaeological sites during high water level has a deteriorating affect on the resource. Several historic sites including crib docks, mining adits, and abandoned homesteads that have been submerged are exposed annually during seasonal drawdown; this change in local environment disturbs the equilibrium of organic materials and increases the potential for deterioration.

Erosion from cyclic wave action has a differential effect on the geologic stability on the north shore of the lake in comparison with the south shore. As the south shore of the lake receives greater precipitation, vegetation is much denser in this region. Erosion studies of the Lake Chelan shoreline indicate that the presence of greater vegetation along the south shore results in less erosion to wave cut features and beaches as sediments are less exposed to transport agents and landforms are more stable (Chelan PUD 2000b:28). Archaeologically this will mean greater preservation of sites on the south shore of the lake and may result in a higher frequency of archaeological sites recovered along this shore. This may unduly influence our models of site distribution as one would usually expect higher frequencies of sites on the northern shores as these areas have south facing aspects, one of the primary characteristics of settlement location that is invariably predictable.

Historic irrigation, logging practices and wildfires have also had an influence on the archaeological resources in this area. Reduced vegetation cover due to logging or burning, and increased surface water from irrigation affects the stability of the landscape by increasing surface runoff and sediment erosion. Subsequently higher sediment loads in the rivers and tributary streams often results in floodplain aggradation. The visibility of archaeological sites along the drainages may be obscured as a result. Although these processes are not related to activities

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associated with the dam, recognition of their effects is closely tied to the recognition of archaeological sites.

2.5.2 Residential and Recreational Development

Lake Chelan was well established as a tourist location by the 1900s. Increased use of this area and the construction of hotels and homes would have already impacted the integrity of many archaeological sites. Foot traffic at campgrounds, along with dock and bulkhead construction, in addition to increased population in the surrounding lake communities would affect the integrity of archaeological sites.

2.5.3 Flooding

The preservation of archaeological sites is differentially influenced by hydrological fluctuations and flooding. The historic Stehekin River floods, which occurred in 1894 and 1948, reshaped the floodplain and river channels re-depositing alluvial sediments and eroding terraces (Mierendorf 1986; Smith 1988). The effects of flooding can have both positive and negative influences on archaeological resources. In the past these events have buried or destroyed many archaeological sites. As the magnitude and frequency of flooding is directly tied to fluctuations in climate, the identification of buried soil horizons within abandoned terraces suggests periods of climatic stability. As paleosols represent a period of landscape stability, archaeologically they correlate with surfaces of human occupation (Rapp and Hill 1998:34). Identification of archaeological deposits within buried paleosols at Lake Chelan may present research opportunities that have the potential to contribute to the development of settlement distribution patterns and provide information towards an explanatory framework for cultural change and adaptive diversity in this physiographic region.

Earthquakes and Volcanic Eruptions The North Cascades are a tectonically active ridge. Earthquakes and volcanic events occur continually in this area. Several large earthquakes have been documented over the last two hundred years. In 1872 an earthquake sheared the mountainside to the west of Lake Chelan in half, large landslides blocked the Columbia River, and aftershocks were felt for over a month following this event (Weston Geophysical Research 1976). Prehistoric earthquakes may have had similar effects, creating landslides, damming rivers, and affecting salmon runs.

Volcanic eruptions from Mt. Saint Helens, Mt. Mazama and have produced widely dispersed ash deposits across and Washington. These ash (tephra) deposits are important relative chronological markers for archaeological and geological research. In the Lake Chelan basin only Mazama (6800 BP) and Glacier Peak (12,000 BP) deposits have been identified (Gough 1995; Sarna-Wojcicki 1983), although Mount St. Helens (St. Helens Y 3400 BP and St. Helens W 450 BP) ash layers have been identified within the North Cascades National Park (Mierendorf 1986). Ash and pumice from the Glacial Peak eruption in the North Cascades has been identified in the northern part of the lake basin, while both Mazama and Glacial Peak ash layers are present in the southern region (Beieler 1975:94).

Although episodes of aeolian and fluvial erosion will have affected the preservation of tephra layers in many areas, several deposits may be present at locations throughout the research area

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where these deposits have been buried by sediment deposition. These deposits generally occur on steep north and east-facing slopes, alluvial fans, and terrace treads (Gough 1995; Beieler 1975:94). Deposits of volcanic ash and pumice occur in thin layers at low elevations, and in thicker layers (3 to 4 feet) at high elevations.

The anthropological affects of these catastrophic events on the sociological or ideological behavior of prehistoric populations are generally unknown. After the Mt. Saint Helens eruption in 1980 many economic resources were destroyed or reduced (Keller 1986). The result of a prehistoric eruption would have had similar consequences. Plant gathering or root collecting locations and fish and animal habitats would have been drastically affected, and drinking water locations contaminated. In other regions such as and the Great Basin, volcanic eruptions have been tied to significant prehistoric migration events. Similarly, earthquakes and landslides in the past may have temporarily blocked access to spawning grounds reducing the yields in successive years.

2.6 SUMMARY DISCUSSION

Along the 50-mile stretch of the Lake Chelan project area the diversity of the bounding landscape provides numerous opportunities for archaeological resources. The variety of topographic environments and ecosystems provides both possibilities and obstacles for human occupation. Continuity between the environmental landscape and the cultural landscape is often an integral aspect of the archaeological record. Along the steep, rocky shorelines in the northern portion of the lake, occupation was probably seasonal as movement was generally restricted. Temporary hunting camps and resource processing and procurement sites are the most likely prehistoric archaeological resource in this area. In contrast, the gentler slopes and gradual beaches along the southern shores would have provided excellent locations for winter villages.

Similar habitation patterns developed during the historic-era settlement of the lakeshore. Today the majority of the shoreline communities are located in the southern portion of the lake where the climate is warmer and drier, and the landscape less rugged. Unfortunately, the influx of occupation and the development of residential areas may have had an undue influence on the preservation of the culture history for this area. Many archaeological sites may have been destroyed by early construction or are inaccessible, as they are located on private property.

The variety of resources including fauna, fish, and plants that were available in this lacustrine environment would have been attractive to people traveling through this area. The proximity of the lake to the Columbia River, and its centrality to both the North Cascades and Columbia Plateau physiographic regions suggests that many opportunities for trade and interaction with neighboring tribes existed. Given the complexity of this landscape, identification and evaluation of the archaeological resources within an environmental context will contribute greatly to the development of an explanatory framework for this regional culture history.

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Archaeological Overview of the Lake Chelan Basin

3.0 ARCHAEOLOGICAL OVERVIEW OF THE LAKE CHELAN BASIN

By James Schumacher, Hemisphere Field Services

3.1 INTRODUCTION

This examination of the archaeological background of the Lake Chelan basin is intended to provide a context supporting FERC compliance with NRHP obligations regarding the management of archaeological properties. It addresses resources located on the lake margins and within the defined APE of the relicensing project; but also addresses the larger archaeological context of past human occupation of the area. The overview is intended speak of our current understanding of patterns of ancient life, and to suggest possible venues of further research.

Lake Chelan occupies a singular place on the landscape. It is a unique physiographic zone; a place that conjoins mountains, rivers, lake, and desert steppe. For more than a century the lake has accommodated large numbers of people meeting to pursue industrial development, the mining and harvest of natural resources on a large scale, and the development of recreational centers extending beyond the waters themselves. Yet, within the course of this century of development, a complex and much longer Native American history has been addressed only to a limited degree. This history is one that has been modeled after recent historical patterns recorded elsewhere, or else examined as an enlarged annex of nearby, better-studied areas, such as the Columbia River basin, or the northern Cascades.

The singular, central position of the Lake Chelan basin between these two very different biomes encourages its contemplation as a distinctive zone unto itself. Chelan is a large freshwater lake straddling two dramatically different environments, mountains and steppe, which hosted people with very different social and cultural traditions. It is located next to the Columbia River, a major artery of ancient communication and human adaptation. In offering a navigable waterway linking Cascade mountain passes and Plateau rivers, the lake was a longitudinal corridor supporting the movement of people and information between east and west gateways. Other routes bridging mountain and steppe environments, such as trails and river channels, were available (e.g., Mierendorf 1986:109); the Lake Chelan basin was potentially a significant thoroughfare and meeting ground for ancient Plateau peoples (Galm 1994; Hayden and Schulting 1997).

The utility of the “Plateau pattern” in the exploration of ancient steppe and river basin cultures is generally understood and accepted; there has also been extensive work done on the steppe regarding the history of human adaptations and environmental patterns. Only within the last several decades has there begun serious archaeological work addressing the interface between steppe and mountain (Grabert 1968; Mierendorf 1986; Lewarch and Benson 1991; Zweifel and Reid 1991). The possibility of a “Mountain pattern” of cultural adaptation distinctive from a steppe model is barely formulated; however, montane adaptive strategies must have been important in the ancient past for the following reasons. Firstly, people used, traversed, and lived in the Cascades. Secondly, there appears to have been regular and extensive contact across these

Final Lake Chelan Project No. 637 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Page 3-1 SS/6910 Archaeological Overview of the Lake Chelan Basin mountains from a very early date; thus, there were people with intimate knowledge of these mountains. Thirdly, given this environment is necessarily part of a larger, hypothesized “Northwest Interaction Sphere” (Hayden and Schulting 1997), we know surprisingly little about the archaeology and how the area does relate to other, better known areas.

Our data set for understanding ancient Northwest history is somewhat skewed between two environmental axes, based mostly on the history of research. These axes are the ethnographically documented Plateau pattern, and the coastal pattern and its maritime-based social and political economy. The point of the matter is that the history of human use of the Cascades, an area that is quite literally central to understanding the context and scope of Washington’s past, is relatively understudied. Exploring this central area, this “undiscovered country”, informs a successful modeling of the history of the Chelan basin itself; it is relevant to both furthering the goals of anthropological research and increasing public understanding and awareness of the diversity and fragility of heritage resources (e.g., Mierendorf 1998).

This relates to the project at hand because there is an interdependent relationship between the Cascades, the Plateau steppe, and Lake Chelan. One way to understand Washington’s past with greater clarity is to investigate the singular ecological zone of the mountains. From the aspect of the researcher, a broader goal includes examination of the particular interaction field of two different zones of human adaptations: the steppe and the mountain. For it is at the margins of the lake that one stands (virtually) with one foot in the heights and the other on the steppe. More prosaically, the Lake Chelan basin represents a type of interaction sphere; it is a microcosm of past human adaptive behavior as applied to different environmental zones within a very short distance. From the northern end of the lake, one could traverse the Cascades along the lower passes to visit a place that was very different from the nearby Plateau, and vice versa. The Lake Chelan corridor connecting mountains with the desert may be seen as an important avenue of communication in the past. This communication was not just that between different peoples; it is also the communication of Chelan residents with the range of biomes available to them. An important consideration in this communication is the strategic element of time and scheduling in successful pursuit of livelihood. As Hunn et al. (1990) demonstrate, it is not just resource management that was of vital importance on the greater Plateau, but time management as well. In other words, the development of precise scheduling of resource harvesting and collecting contributed to subsequent elaboration of social complexity encountered by the first Euro- American explorers. This scheduling knowledge may have been encouraged to an important degree by exposure to a variety of microenvironments, such as is available around the periphery of Lake Chelan.

This study is an attempt to locate domains of further research. The Lake Chelan basin, while it has been subject to some disturbance of archaeological integrity at various times, and for various reasons, appears to offer some potential to illuminate these issues further. For example, a particular focus of investigation should be the reconstruction of subsistence patterns in the environmentally dissimilar southern and northern margins of the lake. Such reconstructions would encourage deeper consideration of factors underlying the development of seasonal residence patterns and spheres of economic interaction. There is considerable potential for anthropological modeling of the ancient Northwest situated in the diversity of the Chelan natural environment and its geographic position near the locus of many distinctive regional Plateau

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traditions. Unfortunately, there has been a small amount of archaeological work conducted around the lake compared to that conducted in the Plateau river basins, and so this study relies in part upon summary data from the extensive research conducted along the Columbia River and in the Okanogan foothills. Consideration of the history of seasonal exploitation of this area, such as the pattern of winter residence around the lake and summer hunting and collecting in the mountains, as recorded ethnographically, then provides a foundation for further investigation.

3.2 REGIONAL RESEARCH

This section introduces a brief history of archaeological work in the area and its relevance to investigating the ancient history of Chelan peoples. Research along the eastern foothills of the Cascades, where the Columbia River meets the mountains, has only recently begun in earnest. The Lake Chelan basin then must be viewed largely in the reflected light of archaeological research in other parts of the Plateau. This includes the extensive work along the middle Columbia and lower Snake Rivers, and the research undertaken in the Okanogan River valley to the north. Unlike smaller areas, there exists no single historical or chronological sequence for the greater Plateau; this is a consequence of the history of research, but also the product of regional cultural variation. Recent comprehensive descriptions of approximately 13,000 calendar years of human occupation of the Plateau have been summarized in many archaeological, ethnographic, and historic investigations conducted over the past several decades (e.g. Ames et al. 1998). Broad regional syntheses commissioned for the North Cascades National Park and the Wenatchee National Forest provide an orientation for Forest Service and Park Service administration (Hollenbeck and Carter 1986; Mierendorf 1986; Smith 1988). Smith (1988) and Boxberger (1996) discuss ethnographic studies and records of Native Americans in the region of Lake Chelan observed prior to Euro-American settlement. Localized small-scale cultural resource studies were conducted in the course of civic development around the lake (below). Most of these inventories and survey reports include a discussion of ethnographic literature as a point of departure for archaeological interpretation. Such studies themselves derived cultural interpretation of the Chelan area from other sources; Native life on the lake is most often reviewed as a synthesis of the customs of local Wenatchi-speaking peoples (e.g. Smith 1988). The sometimes static and inferential qualities of the ethnohistorical literature describing Chelan peoples limit application of the direct historical approach used in better- documented areas to test archaeological models.

Early Euro-American explorers encountered Plateau peoples with different histories, traditions, and livelihoods, and living in diverse environments. Accounts written by these explorers, and interpreted by later historians, offer brief and generalized accounts of daily life, customs, and settlements. These accounts were influenced by many factors, including cultural and personal perspectives on notable matters, as well as practical considerations, such as the duration and season of their stay (Smith 1988). Description of local and regional variation in customs was often subsumed by a desire to provide some coherent synthesis of Indian life, and a broader, generalized picture of Plateau culture. This conception of a set, patterned corpus of traditions developed by Indian peoples living within a particularly proscribed environment has many historical roots explored in more detail elsewhere (e.g. Thomas 2000). In the first part of the 20th century, anthropologists in North America commonly used the concept of “culture area”; these were broadly defined ecological zones inhabited by people sharing a general suite of cultural

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traits reflective of their environment. The vision of discrete culture areas did persist as part of influential theoretical perspectives in early anthropological ethnography, including research on the Plateau (e.g. Kroeber 1939).

Earlier typological schemes tended to privilege this culture area framework, in which history was guided by a simplified environmental determinism. Investigation of ancient Plateau history is now informed by a regional and comparative perspective that is enhanced by the diversity of indigenous traditions and continued exploration of peoples’ interaction with their environment (e.g. Hunn et al. 1990). Sophisticated understanding of specific biomes and ecological niches is reflected in traditional practice of a subsistence regime incorporating hunting, fishing, and plant gathering during optimal periods of the year. Pursuit of this seasonal round remains a vital dimension of the lives of many Indian people on the Plateau, as a personal expression of ethnicity and as a practical response to environmental diversity. However strongly we hope to apply ethnographic analogies toward understanding the past, archaeology must often be cast in more readily qualified terms. We must first use simple concepts that are then generative of heuristic tools useful for mapping the relationship between human culture and the natural world through time. The concept of mapping offers the advantage of locating archaeological evidence for cultural change within a larger context of environmental transformation, thus pinpointing areas holding potential for future research.

Cultural ecology is an analytical perspective that emphasizes the relationship between the natural environment and human adaptive behavior (Steward 1955). Cultural ecology seeks to explore the relationship between a subsistence system and the natural environment; to understand behavior patterns associated with a given subsistence technology; and to ascertain the extent that behavior patterns evinced in a subsistence system affect other aspects of culture. In other words, this perspective emphasizes the study of the ways in which people make their living and the tools, both material and cognitive, they use in providing for their needs. It is emphasized throughout that the Chelan basin is an environment supportive of a variety of subsistence choices. So, in applying the perspective of cultural ecology, we propose that by investigating the technology and social organization most directly related to subsistence, we may then be better equipped to explore further realms of behavior.

3.2.1 Regional Chronologies

In the Northwest, subsistence technology often reflects designs optimized to best exploit a particular ecological niche. Archaeological investigation has historically concentrated on the marine littoral and river basins of Washington. Reconstruction of past subsistence practices thus focused on modeling exploitation patterns of salmon (e.g. Schalk 1977). Research in the Columbia River basin in particular then has generated much of the data structuring the broadest and most utilized cultural chronologies for the Plateau. An archaeological sequence functions as an organizational device, enabling subsequent assignment of artifacts into successive stages of cultural change. Stages in the sequence are categories that “function like boxes into which objects can be thrown mentally when their characteristics line up with those of core styles” (Stone-Miller 1993:16). Areas such as Lake Chelan, which are located between better-studied regions, require more comprehensive study. Inclusive of a discussion of cultural variation through time, we review relevant regional and local cultural chronologies informed by paleoenvironmental history (e.g. Ames et al. 1998; Chatters and Pokotylo 1998). Viewing

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periods characterized by discontinuous variation in environmental conditions has the advantage of providing a measure of relational control when discussing regional interaction across multiple ecological zones. Consideration of chronometrical (absolute) schemes in the organization of archaeological data encourages a more detailed comparison of local adaptive phases.

Comprehensive and concise summaries of the history of archaeological research on the Plateau are available in Ames et al. (1998); Campbell (1991), Lohse and Sprague (1998), Hollenbeck and Carter (1986), Shiner (1961) and others. Much early work focused on two points: the time depth of human occupation and the age of Plateau ethnographic patterns. Chronological sequences devised to explain and delineate different periods of cultural development were largely kindled by the archaeological work of the Columbia River Basin Surveys sponsored by the , conducted between 1947 and 1953 (e.g. Shiner 1961). Chronologies had typically been developed in terms of culture history. That is, excavated materials from a particular site were ordered according to geologic context and incorporated into a region-wide cultural developmental pattern based on morphology and context. Analysis of the formal and spatial attributes of objects contributed to their placement within a temporal scheme (Spaulding 1953; Thomas 1981). Significant stylistic variability in tool type and morphology, and associated faunal, structural, and other remains indicated to the researcher a substantial cultural change. Sequences derived from observation of stratified materials excavated at locations along the Columbia and Snake Rivers have provided a fundamental framework dominating classification to the present day.

The brief description here of a / Southern Plateau cultural sequence (Leonhardy and Rice 1970, 1980) may appear unwarranted, as it is removed from the Chelan basin both ecologically and geographically. Its use as an effectively synthetic Plateau-wide scheme charting cultural development has been the subject of critique (e.g., Robert R. Mierendorf, personal communication, December 2000); it has been embraced for its broad relevance and had its generalized application superceded (Lohse and Sprague 1998). It is described here for two reasons. Firstly, as an artifact of Northwest typological history, its presence acts as a conceptual anchor situating the archaeology of Lake Chelan within the larger framework of Northwest research. Secondly, the description of archaeological signatures attributed to Southern Plateau culture history may act as useful counterpoint to those visible in the Chelan basin, and in nearby areas such as the Okanogan watershed. This may underscore those aspects unique to the Chelan region that offer the potential for comparative research. Additionally, the Snake River scheme is offered for the sake of providing a contextualized overview of the Chelan basin. Comprehension of Chelan may be enlarged by consideration of the cultural flux present between traditions of this place and one outlying, yet not located so distant as to preclude the possibility of meaningful exchange. Figure 3-1 compares plateau cultural chronologies.

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Figure 3-1: A comparison of plateau cultural chronologies.

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3.2.1.1 Basal Traditions

Richard Daugherty’s formulation of “Intermontane Western Tradition” (1962) and B. Robert Butler’s concept of the “” (1961) both suggested an ancient basal big- game hunting tradition underlying the later elaboration of the ethnographically observed Plateau pattern. Butler conjectured that this basal tradition produced the early laurel-leaf-shaped flaked bifaces (and edge-ground cobbles) found along the western mountains of North and South America. He suggested that this tradition employed these “Cascade” projectile points and knives primarily in a montane and foothill environment. Earl Swanson (1962) proposed that a Northern Cascades forest dwelling hunting culture related to these basal traditions had roamed from the mountains across the Plateau until perhaps the beginning of the last millennium. Nelson (1969) later expanded Swanson’s hypothesis and data based on excavations along the Columbia River near Vantage. Nelson produced an extended chronology, coupled with radiocarbon dates, which is widely used as a typological index for the southern Plateau. Subsequent researchers (Galm et al. 1981) have added refinements to Nelson’s scheme, detailing cultural phases of Vantage (ca. 7000 to 4500 BP), Frenchman Springs (ca. 4000 to 3000 BP), and Cayuse (ca. 2000 BP to Historic). Vantage phase projectile points are large and lanceolate and occasionally modified by rounded notches or shouldering. These leaf-shaped points decline in frequency during the Cold Springs and Frenchman Springs phases, which see the appearance of smaller, more finely worked points, and an increase in the number of point styles. Points dated to the Cayuse period are generally smaller and triangular, with notching occasionally added to the chipped triangular form.

3.2.1.2 Lower Snake River

Leonhardy and Rice (1970, 1980) developed a cultural chronology based on work along the Lower Snake River that has become somewhat of a master sequence for the southern Plateau, as it extends across the Holocene (Ames 2000). Their revised (1980) sequence postulates a major cultural division between two broad epochs. This disjunction occurs between an earlier “Pioneer Tradition” comprised of two phases (Windust: ca. 12,000(?) to 8000 BP; Cascade: ca. 8000 to 5000 BP) and a later, two-phase “Snake River Tradition” (Tucannon: ca. 5000 to 2500 BP; Harder: ca. 2500 to 1000 BP). The penultimate Pioneer Tradition was based somewhat on aspects of Daugherty’s Intermontane pattern and the Cascade laurel-leaf points described by Butler. Leonhardy’s and Rice’s “Ethnographic” tradition (Numipu: ca. 1000 to 200 BP) was an outgrowth of the later Snake River pattern and comprised the material culture patterns observed at the time of Lewis and Clark. The division between the Pioneer and Snake River Traditions was marked by the archaeological appearance of several apparent innovations. Housepits are first recognized during this time; other artifacts appear, such as those suggestive of resource intensification (ground stone mortars, pestles, and net sinkers). Also apparent is perceived dramatic increase in variation in stone-working technology, and a decline in the use of basalt and the appearance of small stemmed and larger notched projectile points. Harder (1998) and others have enumerated the Leonhardy and Rice sequence, focusing efforts on enhanced definition of these time periods. Although it was based on limited excavations along the Snake River, this sequence continues to be widely used in the classification of Plateau archaeology. Ames et al. (1998) and others have proposed revisions to this scheme.

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Artifacts characteristic of the Windust phase include short, shouldered spear points with straight or contracting stems and straight or slightly concave bases; large lanceolate knives (though rare), cobble tools, and burins; and small numbers of bone tools and awls. Atlatl spurs are present in small numbers. Limited faunal remains suggest a hunting economy, but the degree of upon fish or gathered plants is unknown. The following Cascade phase represents a continuation of many earlier traditions, with the appearance of edge-ground cobbles, small hand grinding stones apparently indicative of some plant processing. The lanceolate projectile point long termed the “” typifies this period. Large side-notched projectile points occur in the later part of the Cascade phase. Hunting technology appears as a continuum from the Windust period, and fish remains are seen in small numbers. Olivella shells from the Pacific coast also appear, indicative of some exchange west of the Cascade crest.

Leonhardy and Rice described the subsequent Tucannon phase as a distinct break in cultural tradition from the Cascade phase. They were doubtful, in fact, of a strong historical connection between the two periods (Leonhardy and Rice 1970), and the transitional traits between the periods are not yet clearly understood (Harder 1998). The occurrence of (radiometrically dated) housepits marks the start of the Tucannon phase, as does the appearance of many plant- processing tools, such as hopper mortars, pestles, and grinding stones. Projectile points are distinctive from the preceding period, and are most likely atlatl dart tips. Several types occur, including a short-bladed, shouldered point with contracting stems and a side-notched, concave base type, perhaps related to points from the Great Basin (Harder 1998:8). Bighorn sheep remains are found in assemblages from the lower Snake River area at this time, and exploitation of riverine resources (fish and shellfish) increases dramatically. The later Tucannon and Harder periods are eras of increasingly complex social organization, exhibiting craft specialization, possible signs of social ranking, and corporate grouping. The Harder phase sees the introduction of bow and arrow technology, with smaller projectile points and corner notched points. Bison, dog, bighorn sheep, pronghorn deer, and remains of other mammals are found. An increase in the frequency of net sinkers suggests a multifaceted economy emphasizing large-scale fishing, this possibly organized into inter-village corporate groups. Ethnographic information supports archaeological evidence of the elaboration of distinctive metaphysical concepts in southern Plateau sites dated to this later phase, including intentional and painstaking dog burials (Harder 1998:122).

3.2.1.3 Okanogan Valley

Nearer to Lake Chelan, research efforts have produced important data for the northern portion of the Plateau. In the 1960s, Garland Grabert, of Western Washington State College, directed archaeological investigations in the Columbia and lower Okanogan valleys for the Wells Hydroelectric Project (Grabert 1968). He later expanded research northward into the upper Okanogan and Thompson watersheds and the Cascades (Grabert 1970; Grabert and Pint 1978). Grabert’s work was based on excavations from riverine sites, and he and others (e.g. Hartmann and Stephenson 1979) do acknowledge the lack of upland data in devising the chronological sequence. Grabert intended to construct a cultural sequence for the Okanogan region and correlate this with chronologies both on the southern Plateau and further north in the Frasier River region. He considered aboriginal settlement patterns in this area to have been strongly influenced by environmental factors. He suggested that the weaker impact and slower rate of change of climatic warming and cooling trends in the northern Plateau may have supported a

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longer emphasis on a mobile hunting and gathering subsistence pattern than in the south. Grabert implied a conservative Okanogan and northern Cascade tradition, an arboreal-focused cultural tradition not as rapid to adopt a sedentary, fishing-based economy as those to the south. Grabert saw evidence for this conservatism in considering most housepit sites in the Okanogan watershed to be no more than two or three thousand years old (cf. Chatters 1995); and in woodworking and microblade traditions prevalent in the northern Cascades but nearly absent on the southern Plateau.

Grabert devised a cultural sequence for the Okanogan region based on excavation at six sites in the Wells Reservoir and further work to the north (Grabert 1968; 1970). He divided the history into four cultural eras: Okanogan (? to ca. 6000 BP); Indian Dan (ca. 6000 to 3000 BP); Chiliwist (ca. 3000 to 900 BP); and Cassimer Bar (ca. 900 to 150 BP). The beginning of the Okanogan Phase is uncertain, and many archaeological traits overlap with the Indian Dan period. Basalt is the most common tool stone, and these tools are expressed as large ridge-backed knives or scrapers, large flake tools, and larger leaf-shaped and lozenge-shaped projectile points. Age determination for artifacts is supported by their locations on high river terraces 22 to 75 meters above contemporary land and stream elevations; and relatively high amounts of iron and carbonates in associated soils (Grabert 1968). These types persist during the Indian Dan phase. Evidence for plant food processing is minimal; there are pit ovens, and few milling stones, but no hand milling stones or pestles are known to occur. No housepits are present.

The commencement of Grabert’s Chilliwist phase is described by the first housepits, appearing as deep, steep-walled structures. A larger variety of lithic material is used for tools, including volcanic glassy materials such as obsidian, perlite, and pitchstone. Volcanic glasses typically described as obsidian include the opaque, coarse vitrophyre material available on Chelan Butte (Galm 1994:280). (However, Robert R. Mierendorf (personal communication, December 2000) notes that the material as described by Grabert could just as well be attributed to the two documented and characterized obsidian sources in the Washington Cascades, namely, Copper Ridge in North Cascades National Park and Goat Rocks in Gifford-Pinchot National Forest.) Large, leaf-shaped points, and corner and basal-notched and stemmed points characterize stone tools. These, along with bone tools and ground stone adzes, are common. Fish remains are abundant in places, as are mountain sheep and goat, deer, and elk remains, and there is evidence of regional trade in items such as marine shell. During the following Cassimer Bar phase, housepits are more generally shallow and saucer-shaped and rectangular house remains appear. This architectural pattern persisted into the contact period. Projectile points are smaller, generally corner and side-notched and corner-removed points, and some composite harpoons appear, as do basket or hopper-mortar bases. Some zoomorphic and steatite carvings appear, including geometric designs on bone and stone portable objects, and there is evidence for extra- regional trade. Human remains in wood-cyst burials were noted. Cassimer Bar phase settlements appear large, and abundant shellfish and fish remains are associated with these. Grabert supported the delineation of these phases though both projectile point seriation and of associated remains.

3.2.1.4 Dam / Rufus Woods Reservoir

In the early 1980s, the Chief Joseph Dam cultural resources project was conducted in the Rufus Woods Lake reservoir, building upon previous area research and generating a complex array of

Final Lake Chelan Project No. 637 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Page 3-9 SS/6910 Archaeological Overview of the Lake Chelan Basin archaeological interpretations (Campbell 1985). Over several seasons, and using quantitative data from multiple sites, researchers here examined the frequency and distribution of three site types, designated as residential sites, field camps, and stations (e.g. Campbell 1985:490-502; Salo 1985; see also Chatters 1984). Three chronological phases were assigned to these data from the reservoir, the Kartar (ca. 7000 to 4000 BP), Hudnut (ca. 4000 to 2000 BP), and Coyote Creek (ca. 2000 to 50 BP) phases. The earliest housepits date to approximately 5200 BP, although the extended use of these may indicate favorable resources at a particular location, rather than widespread semi-sedentism (Campbell 1985:492). The Kartar phase is said to be marked generally by a foraging rather than collecting economy, and it is suggested an important degree of mobility characterized ungulate hunters during this time (Campbell 1985:492). The number and frequency of specialized field camps increases during the following Hudnut period, and salmon, mountain sheep, and deer bone are represented. Sites occupied during the Coyote Creek phase exhibit still more diverse assemblages, and are suggestive of logistical and multi-faceted subsistence strategies. Campbell notes that general trends in residential mobility, subsistence strategies, and resource management observed for the Rufus Woods reservoir are consistent with broad patterns recognized on the Plateau (1985:xxvi).

An important contribution of this project was Ernest Lohse’s thorough analysis of Plateau projectile points, published in the summary volume of the Chief Joseph Dam project (1985). Lohse demonstrated the sequential distribution of 19 separate point styles as these are found across the Plateau, ranging from stemmed, lanceolate Windust and Cascade points, to more recent, smaller notched types. Lohse’s temporal distribution of points appears accurately reflected in the central, southern, and eastern portions of the Plateau. He found that some early types may persist in use longer in the northern Plateau and Cascades (upstream along the Columbia from near Vantage and north from the Chief Joseph reservoir) than elsewhere. For example, he notes that Cold Springs Side-notched points, dated to ca. 6500 to 4500 BP along the Snake and lower Columbia River, do not appear until ca. 5000 to 3500 BP in the Rufus Woods Lake Reservoir (Lohse 1985:360). Lohse suggests that northern Plateau technological and cultural traditions may persist longer than in the south, perhaps due to relative distance from a hypothesized southern Plateau/Great Basin interaction sphere (Lohse 1985:361). His inferences are similar to others’ suggestions of Great Basin interactions, possibly related to large-scale climatic events (e.g. Grabert 1968, 1970; Chatters 1995).

3.2.1.5 Rocky Reach

In 1983, Schalk and Mierendorf published the results of a study of archaeological sites in the Rocky Reach of the Columbia River. This study was conducted prior to planned changes in elevation of the reservoir (Schalk and Mierendorf 1983). Data from sites located along shoreline of the Reach suggested ancient resource patterns reflective of the unique regional environment, including the Lake Chelan basin. Local associated ecological variables implied a subsistence pattern incorporating significant resource exploitation of upland forested biomes, in contrast to a Plateau riverine subsistence regime. While fishing is represented archaeologically along the river, data from sites here evidenced a heavy emphasis on hunting between 2000-1000 BP. The Rocky Reach sites lack the large winter pithouse villages found at other riverine locations; habitations in the area tend to be smaller in number (though larger) and dispersed (Galm and Masten 1984), perhaps suggestive of short-term occupations. The researchers correlated this data with implications generated from local environmental factors. The rocky canyons in the area are

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year-round habitat for bighorn sheep, as well as being winter range for deer and elk, many of which would summer in the uplands near Lake Chelan. The absence of rapids, falls, and extensive river channels or mouths leading from the Columbia here limits the available opportunities for large-scale salmon fisheries, as seen elsewhere. Historic accounts favor the extensive use of resources at nearby Lake Chelan, including exploitation of the mountain goats and sheep present here. And the very proximity of a wide range of biomes, from river and mountain lake to forested ungulate-rich uplands suggests local complex use of this transitional environment (Schalk and Mierendorf 1983:651).

3.2.1.6 Wells Reservoir

Chatters (1989; 1995) has proposed a sequence of adaptive residential strategies for parts of the southern Plateau, based largely on Grabert’s research, the Chief Joseph study, and the results of his investigations in the Wells Reservoir and near the Okanogan River (Chatters 1984; 1986). Chatters found evidence of different adaptive strategies based on local availability of resources, and identified two distinct patterns associated with early pithouses in this region, dating to approximately 5000/4400 BP. Prior to 5000/4400 BP, Chatters proposed that residentially mobile foragers, living in small, temporary surface structures, exploited diverse resources using largely expedient tools. Around 5000/4400 BP, he distinguishes the first pithouses, indicative of semi-sedentary, localized resource acquisition, and located near the forest-steppe interface; he calls this Pithouse 1. Following about 3900 BP, a 400-year hiatus appears in the occupation of pithouses, which he infers signifies a return to the earlier high mobility pattern (Ames et al. 1998; Leonhardy and Rice 1970; cf. Campbell 1985). From about 3500 BP, pithouse construction resumes; however, these later, Pithouse 2 dwellings are found singularly or in small groups near major streams, rather than at the forest-steppe interface. These residential locations are supported by activities at field camps suggestive of locally intensive fishing, hunting, and root gathering and processing. Storage of resources plays a major role during this period. Chatters identifies this “logically organized, delayed return” pattern as reflective of adaptive trends toward residential and subsistence security, based upon intensified understanding of local seasonal resource availability. This strategy is suggested as a response to climatic fluctuations perhaps coupled with extra-regional interaction (Chatters 1995). The synthetic chronology for the southern Plateau produced by Ames et al. (1998) similarly distinguishes between these two periods of pithouse construction.

3.3 PREVIOUS CHELAN AREA STUDIES

3.3.1 Ethnography of the North Cascades (1988)

In 1988, Allan H. Smith of Washington State University produced a dense ethnographic summary of the North Cascades for the North Cascades National Park Service Complex and Cultural Resources Division. Smith compiled and employed various ethnographic and historic data to generate an encyclopedic description of historic Indians of Lake Chelan and the Upper Skagit, Chilliwack, Lower Thompson rivers. Smith’s (1988:251) data for the Chelan Indians was relatively meager, however; and he relied for their description almost entirely upon extrapolation from a single study of the Wenatchi by Verne Ray (1942). Ray’s study included an exhaustive listing of thousands of culture traits from a sampling of fifteen Native groups on the Plateau,

Final Lake Chelan Project No. 637 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Page 3-11 SS/6910 Archaeological Overview of the Lake Chelan Basin based on his own 1930s field research. Ray demarcates and describes trait categories such as subsistence, technology, settlement, travel, and trade patterns, social and political forms, and religion (1942).

Smith followed Ray in depicting Chelan Indians as a distinct group living within a relatively well-defined territory bounding the lake. Traditional territory, as noted in recent historical times, extended from the confluence of the Chelan and Columbia rivers through the lake basin and along the Stehekin drainage to the Cascade crest (1988:260). Smith described the Chelan as viewing themselves distinct from nearby tribes, such as the Wenatchi and Methow. By this he characterized the Chelan as related, extended kin groups focusing residential and subsistence activities around the lake; and not as the relatively segregated, spatially discrete, and limited- scale society suggested by some historic accounts. How this distinction was interpreted in the maintenance of regional intergroup relations between tribes is not yet well understood (but further archaeological research of site patterning around Lake Chelan may produce models of regional interaction). Smith noted that, although ethnographic data appeared adequate to reconstruct a general cultural pattern for these groups, it was not possible to interpret montane or highland adaptive strategies. He also evaluated the data as “likewise inadequate to support an assessment of the relative importance of biogeoclimatological factors as against cultural factors of cultural background and orientation in setting the pattern of a group’s adaptation to its mountain terrain” (1988:iii).

3.3.2 Ethnographic Overview and Assessment (1996)

In 1996, Daniel Boxberger of Western Washington University produced an ethnographic assessment of the North Cascades National Park Service Complex for the National Park Service. He largely expanded and evaluated the utility of the information provided in Smith’s 1988 study, and found too much of it to be outdated and lacking specificity, going beyond even Smith’s similar conclusion. He recommended steps towards an ethnographic research program designed to address NPS cultural resource management goals. Boxberger suggested a program of methodological discussions between management staff and tribal informants; consideration of oral histories in planning potential impacts to localities; visits to traditional sites; and consolidation of traditional data with the North Cascades (NOCA) existing cultural resource database.

Boxberger argued for more intensive modeling of ethnohistoric data within an interpretive anthropological framework. He frustratingly described generalized depictions of Native life, and rejected these accounts as archaisms derived from programmatic application of patterned archetypes of Plateau culture. Implicitly advocating a more dynamic interpretation of adaptive behavior, he wrote:

“In general, as is typical of pioneer reminiscences and secondary source histories, Native people are often described as backdrop to the “real” history which followed. If discussed at all they are mentioned as if they were part of the natural environment with which the settlers had to contend or as the loyal helpmates that guided the way. That Native people had detailed knowledge of the NOCA area, intimate familiarity with the terrain and resources, and strong ties across the Cascade Mountains can only be inferred from much of the historical data. The

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fact that Native people also worked the mines and worked as loggers is rarely mentioned. The fact that Native people homesteaded also remains an untold story.[...] Clearly these homesteads, established in traditional use areas, facilitated the continued use of NOCA areas and intercourse across the Cascade Mountains” (Boxberger 1996:38).

3.3.3 Chelan County Overview (1978)

In 1978, R. Lee Lyman produced a cultural resource overview that included discussion of Chelan County. Lyman’s discussion of archaeological resources near to the lake basin was largely limited to the Rocky Reach area. He found favorable comparison of trends in archaeological data interpretation with the ethnographic descriptions of seasonal rounds, such as historical accounts of summer hunting and root collecting in the Cascade foothills, and data from Rice’s (1969) survey near Mount Rainier. Lyman’s (1978:50) implication is that evidence from Rice’s investigations supports a generalized model of seasonal montane exploitation (as implied in the Chelan-area ethnographic subsistence model); however, the ancestry of this pattern is not addressed.

3.3.4 Archaeological Reconnaissance of the North Cascades (1978)

G. F. Grabert and D. J. Pint of Western Washington University conducted an inventory of the North Cascades National Park Service Complex for the National Park Service (1978). They focused on portions of five regions, including Ross Lake, , the Stehekin and Upper Skagit valleys and the Shuksan glacier, identifying eight sites in this area. They stressed that the few sites identified did not imply a low number of sites in the region. Most of the sites were discovered as a result of ground disturbance and the removal of surface-obscuring vegetation; they noted that the low visibility of sites was likely a consequence of heavy forest cover. For example, a site (45CH65) at Purple Point on the northern edge of Lake Chelan was only identified on the basis of informant interviews. Local people had collected and observed large quantities of lithic materials and “large circles of cobble-size stones” from the Purple Point site for many years (Grabert and Pint 1978:51). Mierendorf and Harry (1992:3) later investigated the area, and Mierendorf (personal communication, December 2000) noted at least six “cribbed” structures associated with Stehekin Landing. Investigators here noted recent heavy disturbance of this general area. This site was considered by Grabert and Pint (1978:73, 88) to be a large Chelan residential site, dating to perhaps within the past millennium; but it appears to be now inundated except during lake drawdowns. Grabert and Pint (1978:76) did suggest that the regional distribution of sites and site data, including those located in the Lake Chelan basin and related drainages, could offer information relevant to trans-Cascade interaction and Native usage of montane environment.

3.3.5 People of the North Cascades (1986)

In 1986, Robert R. Mierendorf of the National Parks Service produced a cultural resource overview for the Pacific Northwest Region of the NPS. This and subsequent studies encouraged a focus on Native American land use of the mountainous Cascade environment, and differed somewhat from the standard inventory format in two significant aspects. Firstly, Mierendorf approached the study as an anthropological investigation of human adaptation to the mountain

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environment. Secondly, the work has a concentrated analytical framework, seeking to recognize and make explicit “the interaction of climatic change, ecological dynamics, and cultural patterns. For rugged mountainous terrain, social and technological flexibility are seen as cultural necessities” (Mierendorf 1986:2). Mierendorf suggested a classification system for Park geography, in order to outline the distinctive types of human use potentially associated with each landform type. Zones are 1) Lakes, River Channels, and Shorelines; 2) Plain; 3) River Terraces; 4) Valley Walls and Forested Mountain Slopes; 5) Timberline; and 6) Alpine (Mierendorf 1986:89-98). These landforms are found within resource areas he identified for the park; one in particular includes the northern end of Lake Chelan (Mierendorf 1986:18). The Stehekin drainage contains resources such as deer, elk, mountain sheep and goats; abundant lake trout and other, smaller fish species; and xeric (dry) habitat and lower montane forest and subalpine plant communities. Site assemblages, as well as site densities, “are likely to contrast when compared between these resource areas” (Mierendorf 1986:18).

Mierendorf (1999) recently endeavored to formulate some key elements of a mountain-oriented land-use system. When regarded in terms of the Cascade environment, and enhanced by application of ethnographic and historical data, these provide a qualitative research foundation. When further applied on the ground archaeologically, these elements will be pertinent to modeling Native peoples’ seasonal resource use of areas close to the Chelan basin. These include data regarding dependence upon food resources from a variety of biomes; frequent caching of tools, resources, and canoes at strategic locations; maintenance of intergroup relations with people sharing use of the same area; and residential locations reflective of considerations such as solar exposure and access to resources (Mierendorf 1999:16).

3.3.6 Local CRM Studies

Small-scale cultural resource studies have been conducted near the shoreline of the lake. For the most part these have been very brief projects directed at resolving explicit challenges to both public and privately sponsored directives. Due to their limited scope, these projects have typically uncovered relatively few comprehensive data; archaeological material has usually been dispersed and lacking temporal characteristics (e.g. Regan 1999). However, some small-scale salvage or testing projects (e.g. Galm and Fredin 1987) and larger, more general studies along the Columbia (e.g. Galm and Masten 1984, 1988; Mierendorf 1977; Schalk and Mierendorf 1983) have added pertinent information to consideration of resources around the lake (e.g. Mierendorf 1997). Table 3-1 below (Ethnoscience 2000) presents many of these projects in a concise and comprehensive manner; many of these and other reports are archived at the office of the Wenatchee National Forest Archaeologist.

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Table 3-1. Previous Cultural Resource Studies in the Chelan Area. AUTHOR DATE TITLE PROJECT RESULTS LOCATION Smith, W.C. and 1976 A Cultural Resource 116 acres at Wapato Six structures and seven aboriginal D.H. Stratton Survey of the Wapato Point isolates recorded. Point Area, Chelan County Solland, S. O. and M. 1976 State Parks Capital Inventory of Lake Stevenson cabin recommended eligible A. Duncan Projects Archaeological Chelan State Park to the NRHP; preservation actions Site Investigation for renovations. recommended.

Hartmann, G.D. 1979 Archaeological Test North of Cultural materials were recovered and Excavations on Lucerne Refrigerator Harbor protection recommended. Bar Benson, C. L. 1979 Archaeological Lake Chelan State No cultural remains in the project area. Assessments of State Park Parks Capital Projects, 1977-79. Holley, G. A. 1980 Archaeological Lake Chelan State No cultural resources reported. Assessments of State Park Parks Capital Projects, 1979-1981. Bohannon, C. F. 1980 Archaeological Field’s Point, No cultural resources were reported. Assessment of Field’s approximately 13 Point. miles northwest of the town of Chelan. Gleeson, P.F. 1982 Cultural Resource 144 acres at Wapato Four areas of historic interest reported. Survey of the Proposed Point Wapato Beach Club Associates Development Thompson, G. 1982 Cultural Resources Near the town of St. Andrew’s Episcopal Church Survey of Three Chelan. (45CH245H) and the East Manson site; Recreation Areas to be foundations and debris associated with a Developed as Part of the historic mill and box factory. Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Project. Larson, L. L. 1986 Cultural Resources Lake Chelan State No cultural resources were reported. Assessment of Proposed Park Parking Lot at Reid, K. 1987 Inventory for US Postal Project area was .35 No sites were found. Service facility at the acre, approximately east end of Chelan 1 mile east of Lake Chelan. Larson, L. L. 1987 Archaeological Lake Chelan State Site 45CH217, an aboriginal site Assessments of State Park inundated by the Lake, and the Stevenson Parks Capital Projects, Cabin. 1985-1987.

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AUTHOR DATE TITLE PROJECT RESULTS LOCATION Lenz, M. 1987 Mitchell Creek Dock The alluvial fan of Mitchell Creek CCC shelter and the CCC Reconstruction and Mitchell Creek at stove/fireplace construction. Campground Lake Chelan. Improvement Cultural Resource Reconnaissance. Schalk, R. 1989 A Cultural Resource The confluence of No cultural resources were recorded. Reconnaissance at Twenty-Five Mile Twenty-Five Mile Creek Creek and Lake State Park. Chelan. Lenz, M. 1990 Crupina Eradication 291.5 acres on the Moore’s Inn and associated features (Site Project Cultural north shore of Lake FS 02-29-677) and possible housepits Resource Chelan, from Prince (Site FS 02-30-677). Reconnaissance Report. Creek to Hunt’s Bluff Lenz, M. 1990 Box Canyon Trail West lakeshore No cultural resources were recorded. Reconstruction Project south of Box Cultural Resource Canyon Reconnaissance. Schalk, R. 1990 Cultural Resources Lake Chelan State No cultural resources were recorded. Reconnaissance in Park. Washington State Parks Biennial Summary for 1987-1989. Niman, R. 1990 Grade Helo Timber Sale Vicinity of Little Seven historic-era sites were identified: –Grade Creek Cultural Grade Creek, Grade Creek Dam (FS-06-17-02-31), Resource Coyote Creek, Falls Grade Creek Cabin (FS-06-17-02-32), Reconnaissance Report. Creek & Grade Grade Creek Flume (FS-06-17-02-33), Creek. Coyote Creek Reclam. Camp (FS-06-17- Approximately 2500 02-34), Camas Creek Reclam. Camp acres were surveyed (FS-06-17-02-35), Falls Creek Dam (FS- 06-17-02-36) and Cabin Creek Cabin (FS-06-17-02-37) Niman, R. 1991 Grade Helo Timber First Creek drainage No cultural resources were located. Sale-Lafferty Cultural east of Lake Chelan. Resource Approximately 500 Reconnaissance Report acres were surveyed.

Moore, L. L. 1991 Fish Creek Bridge Re- On Fish Creek near No cultural resources were found in the Construction Cultural Moore’s Point. The project area. Resource project area is 0.25 Reconnaissance acres. Mierendorf, R.R. and 1992 A Progress Statement on 215 acres within the Seven sites were reported: six aboriginal D. Harry Archeological Survey North Cascades and one historic site. Four of the sites and Testing of Lands National Park were previously recorded. along Lake Chelan, Lake Chelan

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AUTHOR DATE TITLE PROJECT RESULTS LOCATION Stevens, R. A. 1992 Results of a Cultural 165 acres on the Three homesteads and one isolated find Resources Survey of the north slope of were recorded. Snowcreek Chelan Butte Development overlooking the Company’s Proposed 18 eastern end of Lake Hole Golf Course on Chelan Chelan Butte Niman, R 1992 Slide Ridge Storm South lakeshore 12 No cultural resources were reported. Channel Cultural miles north of Resource Chelan. Reconnaissance Report Approximately 10 acres were surveyed Niman, R. 1993 Field’s Point Small West lakeshore 19 No cultural resources were recorded. Tracts Cultural Resource miles north of Reconnaissance. Chelan. Approximately .1 acre was surveyed. Holstine, C. 1998 Fish Creek Fish Passage 0.7 mile of roadway No cultural resources were recorded. Project (SR 971) surveyed for culvert replacements Freiberg, S.D. 1998 Heritage Resources One-half acre at No cultural resources were recorded. Survey Report for the Willow Point. Willow Point Sewer Extension Freiberg, S. D. 1998 Heritage Resources 3.9 acres on the east No cultural resources were recorded. Survey Report for the end of Chelan Chelan River Isenhart Irrigation District New Domestic Water System

3.4 LOCAL ORIENTATION

3.4.1 Subsistence Gradient

Environmental changes, in addition to variance in topography and landform, can shape human subsistence practices. For example, Lyman (1976) notes that with increased elevation, as well as during periods of increased precipitation and cooling, ungulate species represented in archaeological assemblages can vary dramatically, suggestive of different hunting and mobility strategies. Cultural ecology considers the concept of adaptation as descriptive of human responses to environmental variation and transformation (Kirch 1980). Mierendorf (1983) describes the effects of climatic changes on the Rocky Reach portion of the Columbia River. Climate oscillations resulting in temperature and precipitation fluctuation affected alluvium deposits in the river basin, particularly around 7900 BP, 3000 BP, and 1400 BP. These fluctuations resulted in the formation of terraces and landform stability along portions of the river, areas subsequently used by people as long-term, semi-sedentary habitations. Mierendorf suggests that residential strategies emphasizing pithouses and localized residence may be related

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to long-term stabilization of landforms in this area, ca 2000 BP. Resource strategies concomitant with semi-sedentism on the Plateau, such as task-group collecting and increased reliance upon stored foods, may then have been perceived as more efficient and effective choices (Chatters 1995; Mierendorf 1983a:643).

Although limited attention has been given to the subsistence advantages offered by the greater Chelan area (cf. Schalk and Mierendorf 1983; Grabert 1970), the diversity of nearby biomes presents resource variety that must have been attractive to early peoples. As Schalk and Mierendorf (1983) note for the nearby Rocky Reach area of the Columbia River, here the dramatic transition in ecological zones and niches offers a range of plant, mammal, and fish resources. Around Lake Chelan, this variety falls within a relatively short distance from most ethnographically known village sites. The diversity is due to the abrupt rise of the Cascade mountains on the western shore from the steppe-like vegetation of the southern lakeshore, offering a subsistence gradient, or vertical hierarchy, of seasonally exploitable resources. This multifaceted concept of subsistence gradient describes human exploitation of the mountainous terrain at Chelan. The gradient represents a resource spectrum ranging across a variety of nutritional mammal, fish, and plant species; a chronological arc describing the scheduled operation of the ethnographic seasonal round; and the vertical biotic diversity, from river valley to alpine pass.

Plant foods illustrate this subsistence gradient through space, as one species may be found at a considerable altitude range; for example, lomatium, or “Indian celery”, may be found at altitudes from valley bottom meadows to moderate mountain elevations (Turner 1997). The gradient also extends through time, as plants like camas mature at different times according to their relative elevation, harvested at increasing elevations from early spring through summer. Successful gathering of plant and animal resources depends upon choosing the bounded locations of greatest quantity and viability at the optimal time to maximize one’s harvest. The knowledge necessary to fully exploit this subsistence gradient appears demonstrable only relatively recently in the archaeological record, and represents a sophisticated intensification of a particular collecting strategy (Ames et al. 1998; Chatters 1995). Understanding different subsistence strategies, such as those of foragers and those of collectors (see below) may explicate different conditional criteria affecting them. While not necessarily suggestive of inherent, biological mechanisms impelling social evolutionary fitness (cf. Dunnell 1995), such explication can indeed demonstrate significant trends in the coeval transformations linking nature and culture. The Chelan area, due to its position at the union of several diverse environmental zones, offers significant archaeological potential to study this process further.

3.4.2 Land Use Patterns

Archaeological signatures of these activities reflect different behavior and land use patterns. These foraging patterns have been discussed in detail by Binford (1980), and researchers (e.g., Chatters 1986; Leeds et al. 1985; Mierendorf 1986) have applied them to Cascade and Columbia data. Important in consideration of human land use patterns is an understanding of the vital interaction of people and their environment. The landscape becomes a large-scale reflection of human use, just as local ecology shapes and may constrain the limits of human action. Landscapes are modified in concert with human will, and reflect this over time; this reflection is an artifact of human design. As Mierendorf (1986:47) notes, environments “are not passive

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recipients because they respond to [human] land uses and in turn affect them”. This interrelationship is particularly well explored in Plateau studies modeling changing dependence upon fish and mammal resources (Schalk and Mierendorf 1983). In another example applicable to the Cascades, controlled fires were often set in forested areas in order to clear underbrush and trees, and to encourage growth of berry bushes and forage attracting deer. Such areas were often maintained over generations, as local ecology integrated human design. Manipulation of the local environment, particularly the use of fire, by Native peoples is well-documented elsewhere (e.g., Barrett 1980; Day 1953; Dorney 1981; Hough 1926; Jones and Kapp 1972; Lewis 1980; Maxwell 1910; Weatherford 1988, 1991).

Land use patterns of foragers produce variable patterns in the archaeological record. Mierendorf (1986:46-49, after Binford 1980) identifies “foraging” and “collecting” patterns. A major difference between these is the degree of scheduling of resource collection. Simple forager patterns are described as “wherein small groups composed of families [travel] year around within a territory and used the natural resources where they found them” (Mierendorf 1986:47). In seasonally cold climates, the following characteristics may apply: many seasonal camps throughout the year; temporary shelters; heavy emphasis on hunting, but little emphasis on storage. This pattern involves the exploitation of a wide variety of resources distributed over a large area. It is heavily reliant upon intimate understanding of the timing of resource availability and a high degree of mobility. There is also typically little archaeologically visible impact to the environment (Mierendorf 1986).

By contrast, a collecting or “complex foraging” pattern involves the intensive exploitation and manipulation of a wide variety of resources, but often within a limited geographic area. Small numbers of “people live in a semi-permanent or permanent settlement during the winter. Small work parties or individuals leave and return often. Natural resources at their sources are collected, cleaned [...] Sometimes resource collection and processing is done by relatively large groups of workers that gather where staples, such as salmon or root crops, are particularly abundant” (Mierendorf 1986:48). Seasonally used, temporary field camps and processing stations augment large winter villages and camps. The most abundant resources are processed and stored for winter consumption, and residential locations become the sites of a diverse array of complex domestic activities. Group and intergroup exchange and dependence becomes commonplace.

These foraging and collecting strategies should be seen as poles along a spectrum of subsistence behavior. They are models enhancing consideration of the intersection of environmental and archaeological data present in the greater Chelan area. Binford (1980) describes several site types, include residential bases (villages); field camps and other temporary locations used by specialized task groups; and caches or storage areas. Each of which has been identified near Chelan (e.g. Campbell 1985; Chatters 1995:368). The perimeter of Lake Chelan hosts a number of ethnographically reported villages, such as sites at the south end of the lake (present-day Chelan), Wapato and Willow Points, Green’s Landing, and Little Grade Creek. Temporary, more ephemeral field camps are likely indicated by archaeological assemblages in many places on the lakeshore, particularly those in the north near Stehekin. Evidence from nearby areas such as the Cle Elum and Naches districts of the Wenatchee National Forest demonstrates regional use of locations including upland lakeshores and forest margins (Zweifel and Reid 1991). Although

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there has been little excavation of upland sites, and most chronology is tentative at best, the distribution of site types bears strong similarity to the ethnographic data. Further groundwork supplemented with tephra and radiometric analyses, as used in the southern Cascades to reinforce local projectile point chronologies (Lewarch and Benson 1991), should provide important data regarding ancient land use at Chelan.

Land use models are typically expressed separately in the ethnographic literature for river basins, steppes, or mountains. The Lake Chelan area offers a rare combination of each of these biomes located in close proximity to each other, and united by the transportation utility of the lake itself. This Chelan pattern is a consequence both of the proximity of the Cascade mountains and of the familiar anthropological territory of the greater Columbia Plateau. Long-term and regular contact by Chelan, Wenatchi, and Methow peoples with people in the Puget lowlands as well as the Spokane highlands is documented ethnographically, and involved secondary trade in exotic items as well as local products (Smith 1988:289).

3.4.3 Seasonal Land Use

Subsistence strategies may be inferred by using the ethnographic data collected for the lake, the Plateau, and the mountains to suggest a possible seasonal round, as this may correspond with the Lake Chelan environment. Discussion of the seasonal round emphasizes the acquisition of foodstuffs; but other objectives and incentives characterized this activity, including the procurement of toolstone and other materials, regional exchange, and social interaction. Smith (1988, after Ray [1942]), presents a hypothetical case for ancient Chelan subsistence practices. Eugene Hunn (1982; Hunn and French 1981; Hunn et al. 1990:119-134) and others have discussed and modeled the seasonal use of many staple food plants of the mid-Columbia basin. Mierendorf (1986) and others have modeled use of alpine and subalpine environments. The following illustration is based largely on themes from these works. This discussion suggests a winter through autumn subsistence round suited to the lake basin prior to about AD 1720, when the widespread use of horses radically intensified the dynamics of Plateau society.

3.4.3.1 Winter

Social activities and routine household chores, such as weaving and tool maintenance, would have occupied the winter season. Fishing and hunting equipment such as dip nets would be constructed. Stored fish, meat, and dried fruits and vegetables would have provided meals, but the significance of fishing during late fall and winter months is probably negligible. Hunting was an occupation pursued all year (Smith 1988:268). The cold winter months around the lake would have limited the amount of fresh animal food resources available nearby to browsing deer and elk down from the hills. Mountain goats, however, were available higher in the mountains and were probably taken as needed or desired, ideally in late fall to take advantage of their stored summer fat. Hunting these animals was a dangerous and high status activity, but one with important social and economic resonance (Reimer 1999). The Chelan village at the southern end of the lake was well known as an important goat-hunting hub (Smith 1988:268). Blankets woven here from goat wool were traded west over the Cascades for many coastal products, including nutritious eulachon oil (Mierendorf 1986:16; Smith 1988:268). Winter was particularly a time for visiting and social activities, as well as providing for the maintenance of intervillage and extended kin networks. Hunn writes that “visiting had not only social but also ecological

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significance, as visitors shared information essential to the planning of next summer’s harvest strategy” (Hunn et al. 1990:120-121). The extensive network of footpaths around the lake, many later depicted on Chelan area General Land Office maps as vernacular routes, was well known. Smith (1988:282-288) notes that trails around the lake were used constantly by the Chelan and their neighbors; however, trails leading westward over the Cascades were likely used by few but the hardiest of people during winter months.

3.4.3.2 Spring

As temperatures rose and spring returned to the lake, the winter lodges were dismantled. Woven mats would be rolled and packed, but lodge poles were often stored at the site (Smith 1988). Mat lodges provided excellent temporary and easily transportable shelter, important criteria supporting a successful collecting season. Canoes provided excellent transportation along the length of the lake, and were likely cached at Stehekin for the season (Smith 1988). Some families would move eastward along the first major tributary canyon to the Columbia River, to greet the April/early May runs of spring Chinook salmon at the few optimal fishing locations along the Rocky Reach (Mierendorf 1983b:651). Fishing is an activity characterizing many ethnographic accounts; but plant collection was of fundamental importance, particularly in areas such as Chelan lacking adequate large-scale access to salmon runs. The Chelan were in fact often referred to as “bitterroot people” by neighboring groups (Smith 1988), stressing both the abundance and the importance of that plant in the area.

Virtually nothing has been recorded on the actual gathering, processing, and use patterns for bitterroot by the Chelan people (Smith 1988:270). Evidence from the nearby Sinkaietk people (Southern Okanogan) shows most bitterroot ws harvested in May. Bitterroot was gathered from moist ground, among rocks or in meadows, along hillsides, and near lakes. The Chelan people are closely related to the Sinkaietk linguistically, culturally, and economically. Ecologically the area around Lake Chelan is adjacent to and very similar to the gathering areas of the Sinkaietk (Spier 1938:26). The Chelan and Sinkaietk may have even shared certain bitterroot collecting areas in common.

Given the similarities between the Chelan and Sinkaietk, the Chelan may have followed patterns similar to the Sinkaietk, described as follows. Great numbers of people gathered at the bitterroot groundw. The root was dug with a digging stick, washed, and laid on mats to dry in the sun. The dried roots were packed in tule packs or in pits lined with pine needles. During serviceberry time, the roots were mixed with berries and stored for winter use. Bitterroot could be eaten fresh when boiled or baked in an earth oven. The dried roots were usually boiled and then mixed with other foods for serving (Spier 1938:26).

Families from nearby and more distant villages were met according to prearranged schedules, typically in large meadows and areas rich with foodstuffs. Early spring harvests of camas and lomatium would occupy some intensive hours, and hunting might occur, even of mountain goats, particularly if the winter had been somewhat lean (Chatters 1995:373; Reimer 1999). Large numbers of trout may have been available in Lake Chelan and the Stehekin River, typically trapped in small stone and wood weirs at stream mouths or netted in shallows (Smith 1988). However, acquisition of salmon most likely necessitated a few miles travel to the Columbia

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River (Mierendorf 1986:18). Even along the Rocky Reach, however, fishing locations were inferior to those elsewhere (Mierendorf 1983b:651). For this reason, many people made annual fishing journeys to (Smith 1988:289) or south to the (Smith 1988:265); in essence, these trips both expanded their subsistence gradient and cemented regional social ties.

3.4.3.3 Summer

During the heat of summer, people would continue the rounds of collecting, processing, and transporting foods for consumption during the winter. Berries began to ripen during the summer, and huckleberries, along with camas, were a favored and popular pursuit. Berries were dried in temporary pits (Mack 1992) or enjoyed fresh. People at this time would have followed resources along the vertical gradient of the mountains, pursuing some game and plant foods into the subalpine meadows. Mule and blacktail deer and elk were available for hunting in the upper montane forests (Mierendorf 1986:14); and the Chinook runs at this time compelled some people downslope to the Rocky Reach of the Columbia, as did the smaller steelhead and sockeye runs. Movement of groups or family members between fish runs and other activities would not have been unusual in the proximal diversity of the Chelan basin. Smith (1988:268-269, 300-302) suggests hunting is more significant than fishing as a subsistence activity and would have occurred year-round. The area was rich in game animals. It is reasonable to suspect that there wre seasonal fluctuations in hunting based on several factors, such as when animal populations migrated between the lower and higher elevations, on the hunting methods employed, and on the seasonal movement of the Chelan people during the yearly cycle.

3.4.3.4 Autumn

As summer days grew shorter and autumn approached, hunting would take on new intensity (Chatters 1995:373). Fat-rich blacktail deer, mountain sheep, and goats were pursued high in the Cascades. Marmots could also be hunted in the upper elevations (Mierendorf 19986:16). Huckleberries ripened at the upper limits of their range, attracting people both for the late-season berries and the animals that foraged among them. Fires were often set in wooded montane areas at this time of the year, encouraging the fertilization of larger berry crops the following spring, as well as the growth of young, green plant shoots to attract deer. In the late summer, some Chelan people moved as far as Kettle Falls to join the large fishery there (Smith 1988). Fishing was still of periodic importance on the major tributaries near Lake Chelan; salmon may have been most heavily exploited during the fall season in some parts of the Rocky Reach area of the Columbia (Schalk and Mierendorf 1983). By October, the winter villages were reoccupied and preparations made for a sedentary hiatus between the resource collecting and social gathering seasons.

3.5 DISCUSSION

As described above, many resources are located within a short physical distance from the lakeshore, and longer collecting trips from a residential base were a common part of people’s experience. The southern lakeshore villages documented by Ray (1936) and others would have

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been in direct or near proximity to many foodstuffs for much of the ancient past. A number of species of fish were available, both in the lake and the nearby Chelan and Columbia rivers. Many small and medium-sized mammals, including deer, foraged near the shoreline; and staple plant foods such as lomatium were available during certain periods nearby.

Long-distance regional travel, both into alpine heights and across Plateau grasslands is recorded ethnographically and archaeologically for such diverse resources as lithic raw material (Reimer 1999) and big game (Morgan 1993). Abundant berry grounds and sunflowers are well known for the Willow Point area at the lakeshore (Smith 1988:271). Staple and widely popular plant foods would have been available a short distance away; for example, huckleberries are abundant at elevations above about 900 meters (3000 feet) (Mack 1992). Mierendorf cites the occurrence of canoes kept at the northern head of Lake Chelan observed by an early Stehekin traveler (Klement 1935:7, cited in Mierendorf 1986:90). Whether this was a typical event by the early 20th century is not clear. But it is certainly suggestive of enduring use of the lake as an efficient transportation corridor permitting rapid and regular access between the Columbia River and the Cascades and beyond.

Changes in subsistence patterns may be seen archaeologically as changes in subsistence tool morphology. Along with hypothesized seasonal movements between environmental zones to take advantage of different resources, certain technological changes may also indicate changes in methodology. Ground stone tools are found throughout many chronological periods; changes in tool form, as well as analogy with ethnographic data, may indicate their use in processing different foods. For example, small hand-grinding stones may be suggestive of the exploitation of a particular plant type, while ground stone pestles significant of different, more inclusive food preparations (e.g. Warren et al. 1963; Smith 1988:271). Such inferential use of ethnography may enlighten archaeological data very far removed in time from the present. It may also demonstrate that adoption or intensification of a particular resource base is not necessarily visible archaeologically as readily apparent technological change. Specifically, Galm and Stevens (1991) used ethnographic data to test their archaeological model for fish processing along the mid-Columbia River. They emphasize that a lack of specialized tools or “lack of salmonid remains cannot be taken as prima facie evidence that anadromous species were not harvested, processed, stored, and consumed by site occupants” (Galm and Stevens 1991:36). They determined that, although fish procurement may be an integral part of a subsistence regime, factors including differential preservation of tools, use of non-specialized tools, and variable disposition of salmonid remains may constitute negative evidence skewing resource models (1991:37). Clearly, the lack of evidence for particular subsistence technology may foster misinterpretation, as do models privileging singular resources based upon ethnographic or regional analogy (Smith 1988).

Other changes may be suggestive of different resource collecting strategies, leading to further inferences regarding changes in resource base or collector mobility. For example, the atlatl, or spearthrower, was essentially a short, notched, hand-held staff used to propel a short (1-2 m), stone-tipped dart at game (or an enemy). The additional leverage provided by this short handle offered the user dramatic increases in speed, accuracy, and penetrating power. Notching of larger projectile points is sometimes offered as a functional prerequisite for hafting as an atlatl dart rather than a thrusting spear point (cf. Ames et al. 1998:104). Evidence for use of the atlatl

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at Chelan is found in a remarkable (unfortunately undated) illustration at the Domke Falls pictograph site, which depicts a human figure approaching mountain goats with apparently just such a tool. The notch used to hold the dart during the user’s “wind-up” was also sometimes made from a separate piece of material; oftentimes this would be a small stone fastened to the handle with a piece of rawhide or sinew. Use of the atlatl persisted on the Plateau beyond ca 2000 years BP, at which time bow and arrow technology appears to have been widely adopted. Projectile points around this time generally become smaller, with narrower necks or stems, as wider-stemmed points decrease in number (Ames et al. 1998). While the perishable wood from which bows, arrow shafts, and atlatl components were made typically does not survive archaeologically, changes in projectile point size and morphology can be suggestive of associated changes in propelling technology (Corliss 1972; Lohse 1985:358; Thomas 1978). Changes in hunting technology can indicate expanded efficiency in taking prey. Modeling this change may influence factors related to hypothesized dependence upon other resources or the social organization of specialized task groups (Anastasio 1985). For example, tools suggestive of increased proficiency in hunting ungulates might decrease perceived winter season reliance upon stored fish or plant resources.

Stone tools and lithic fragments offer the potential for chemical sourcing to natural outcrops and quarries, and thus evidence for trade and travel. Analysis of obsidian in particular is sophisticated in the Northwest, and many sources are recognized and distribution of their material mapped (Mierendorf and Skinner 1997). Galm (1994) notes that Chelan Butte is known as the site of obsidian, commonly used throughout the Plateau as a lithic tool raw material. It is not known whether obsidian specific to Chelan Butte was in fact utilized as tool stone. Other materials are in early stages of being sourced in the North Cascades area. Mierendorf (1986:14) notes that soapstone in the North Cascades parklands is only known to occur in outcrops west of the Cascade crest. Artifacts of this material are found regionally, however; for example, a carved figurine found in the Stehekin valley appears stylistically similar to objects found in the Fraser River delta in British Columbia (Mierendorf 1986:14).

3.6 CULTURE HISTORY SYNTHESIS

The chronology for Lake Chelan presented here employs the Southern Plateau cultural sequence as described in Ames et al. (1998). This is modified here to present dates as radiocarbon calibrated Years Before Present (BP), customary in scientific reports, rather than calendar years BC/AD as in the original paper (Ames et al.). This design arranges ancient Plateau history into Period IA (11,500-11,000 BP); Period IB (11,000-7000/6400 BP); Period II (7000/6400-3900 BP); and Period III (3900-ca. 200 BP). Further discussion of the correspondence of radiocarbon years and calendar years may be found in Ames and Maschner’s recent synthesis of Northwest Coast archaeology (1999:9).

Relevant cultural data are discussed within these periods, as these are applicable to data from Chelan and illustrative of potentially significant research venues. These periods may appear at first glance to represent overly broad, long intervals. These are, however, generally descriptive of regional trends. Unfortunately, the relative lack of securely dated sites within the Chelan region precludes its secure engagement with cultural sequences for the Okanogan region or the Columbia and Snake River basins. As such, this expansive temporal scheme encompasses the

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potential variability within the Chelan basin, from northern uplands to southern steppe, while underscoring the need for further refinement and expressive analysis of local archaeology.

3.6.1 Period IA (11,500-11,000 BP)

At the end of the last Ice Age, the Late Wisconsin glaciation covering the Northwest began to melt due to a global increase in summer insolation. Melting glaciers contributed to a rise in coastal sea levels. The huge glacier that had scoured a channel east of the Cascades retreated northward in the rising summer heat, its meltwaters filling the deep basin and creating Lake Chelan (McKee 1972). In a larger regional context, recent archaeological investigations support an earlier human presence in western North America dating to at least 12,000 years ago (e.g., Dillehay 2000). Scientific research has recently begun providing strong inferential and evidential support for earlier migrations of people from Asia to the Americas (and see Straus 2000). Investigations stimulated in part by Fladmark (1979), Carlson and Dalla Bona (1996), and others suggest probable migrations by people via watercraft along ice-free coastal oases.

Clovis artifacts are found throughout the Americas, and the distinctive, thin, lanceolate chipped stone projectile points remain among the first securely dated indications of human presence in North America. When the points are found within a chronometrically datable context, dates are invariably grouped at ca. 11500-11000 radiocarbon years before the present. In 1987, discovery of the East Wenatchee Clovis cache revealed a clustered group of these points (Mehringer 1989). The points are very finely made and appear too delicate for use as hunting tools. Some researchers have suggested that this cache represents a type of talismanic or ritual device, perhaps related to a fusion of hunting activities and mortuary practices (Ames et al. 1998). Isolated Clovis points have also been found south of and relatively near Chelan, at Cle Elum (Hollenbeck and Carter 1986; see also Zweifel and Reid 1991:11), and below Priest Rapids.

The apparently brief (ca. 500 years) fluorescence of in North America is not yet understood; but may signify a specialized phenomenological response to environmental fluctuations. Anne Sieveking (1976) suggests that the wide dispersion of homogeneous portable art during this period represents the seasonal migrations and increasing frequency of contact of specialized hunting cultures. While these hypothesized relationships between human social expression and environmental change remain speculative, they are attempts to account for adaptive behavior within the boundaries of archaeological and environmental data. The general relationship between post-glacial environmental conditions and material suggestions of social change described above may find analogous counterpart in western North America during the Clovis period. For example, if the East Wenatchee cache is indeed a deliberate deposit of non- utilitarian materials, this may represent a specialized, talismanic attempt to exercise human control over a fluctuating, late Ice Age environment perceived as in disarray. Such interpretations of the Clovis phenomenon in western North America are engaging, yet frustrating due to the scarcity of concrete data for this period. Sites tend to be small, open camps, and few sheltered residential locations have been recognized. Whether this is a function of variable preservation of structural elements or other factors is not known.

The general Chelan region holds potential to offer evidence demonstrating the mobile and broad- spectrum foraging strategies, sophisticated socio-religious traditions, and flexible technologies attributed to Clovis people (Ames 1988; Ames et al. 1998; Mehringer 1989). Recently, scholars

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have advanced a diverse subsistence strategy for Clovis, based on environmental and faunal evidence beyond that sufficient for a megafauna “big-game” hunting model (e.g., Meltzer and Smith 1986; Meltzer 1988), but the relationship between human subsistence patterns and the extinction of animals such as wooly elephants and giant sloths (remains of both have been found on the Plateau) remains unknown. Preserved organic remains including fish, small mammals, birds, and mollusks such as freshwater clam have been found in association with artifacts from this period; and some argue for a distinctive wetland or lacustrine subsistence regime for people during this period (Willig 1991). Regardless of our current understanding of the early post- glacial Northwest, the buried Clovis cache found in East Wenatchee does demonstrate regular, patterned use of this area since the end of the last Ice Age.

3.6.2 Period IB (11,000-7000/6400 BP)

By 9500 BP the tree line in the Cascades had risen approximately 200 meters higher than it had been; temperatures increased to an average of 1.2 degrees Celsius higher than today. Between seven and nine thousand years ago, climates around the world had changed, temperatures had increased, and many alpine glaciers melted or retreated dramatically. This brief period, termed the “Anathermal” was a relatively short term in which winters were warmer, with low precipitation, and summers were hot. Increasing temperatures favored the spread of shrubs and grasslands and an increase in elevation of the tree line. Oxygen isotope ratios from near the confluence of the Okanogan and Columbia Rivers were at a maximum at this time, indicative of thus far the greatest evaporation rates or the highest temperatures of precipitation (Chatters 1998). Ash from the ca. 12,000 BP Mount St. Helens and the ca. 11,500 Glacier Peak eruptions has been found in the North Cascades Park Complex and near Chelan Falls (Gough 1995; Mierendorf 1986). This geochronological data is potentially useful for local chronometrical correlation with evidence of ancient human activities.

Between 13,000-9000 BP, dated assemblages termed “Windust” are found at sites such as the , near Vantage, and near the Rock Island Rapids in Chelan County, suggest small encampments, well-developed lithic and bone technology, and sophisticated mortuary practices. A diverse array of tools, particularly the stemmed Windust points (see above) are a predominant tool type, but the lanceolate Cascade points are also represented (Ames 1988). A fragment of a possible Cascade point has been reported from the uplands above the Lucerne Bar area of Chelan. A broad-spectrum foraging system emphasizing wetland biomes may have included intensive processing of plants such as camas. Many edge-ground cobbles and milling stones found at Goldendale in the south-central Washington grasslands suggest that the camp was a specialized plant processing camp, dating to between 7,000 and 10,000 years ago (Warren et al. 1963). Residence patterns suggest that a small, mobile population may have regularly exploited caves or other sheltered areas along the shoreline or larger river tributaries (Hollenbeck and Carter 1986). Evidence for lithic quarrying in the Valley dates to 8400 BP (Mierendorf 1998). Hunting efforts were focused on large mammals present near the Chelan basin, such as elk, deer, and antelope and bison on the steppe; the Marmes and Lind Coulee site assemblages are rich with these large mammal remains.

A small site at Lucerne Bar was tested in 1979 (Hartmann 1979b). The shallow, apparently brief occupation was dated to approximately 8000 BP, based on basalt projectile point fragments. Although, much of the site appeared to investigators to have been inundated by increased lake

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levels, they found evidence of stone tool manufacture, consistent with specialized task group activities. Researchers concluded that the site appeared to be a transient camp, “consistent with the strategic location of Lucerne Bar for ready access to the uplands south of Lake Chelan, as well as access to a northern, trans-Cascade route” (Hartmann 1979b).

3.6.3 Period II (7000/6400-3900 BP)

By 7,000 years ago, a large-scale, long warming and drying trend began, called the “Altithermal”. Chatters (1998:44) notes climate data for this period indicates dry, warm summers and warm, wetter winters. This period corresponds to the “Cascade” cultural phase on the southern Plateau and the “Okanogan” phase in these uplands. A general trend towards a decrease in effective precipitation contributed to shrinking of lakes, ponds, and reducing river and stream flows; some streams would have vanished completely. Grasslands on the Plateau had thinned and largely been replaced by semi-arid sagebrush (Daubenmire 1970). Forests would have persisted in the mountains, and pine would have expanded to lower elevations in the Cascades (Barnosky 1985). Ungulates such as deer and elk would have found their browse restricted, while steppe- dwelling animals such as pronghorn antelope increased in numbers (Lyman and Livingstone 1983). Salmon runs along the Columbia River would have been reduced during this period due to the reduced stream flows. It is unlikely that reduced river levels would have permitted fish to pass over Chelan Falls into the lake, if this passage was available prior to climatic warming.

The leaf-shaped or lanceolate Cascade points found earlier persist in widespread use, along with a striking decrease in the diversity of tool types compared to the previous Windust phase (Ames 1980). The introduction of side-notched points is regarded as a useful chronological marker for the post-6500 BP period of the Cascade Phase. In a modification of Swanson’s (1962) and Nelson’s (1969) North Cascades forest culture model, some suggest that the Cascade toolkit and adaptive patterns have their origin in the north-central interior of western North America. These patterns are thought to be reflected in assemblages contemporary with Plateau Cascade sites, such as in coastal Olcott assemblages (Carlson 1990). Microblades, associated by some researchers with northern terrestrial traditions (e.g. Sanger 1968), are present in the area from about the mid-Holocene. Rather than associating these tools with distinctive ethnic groups, however, others suggest that these small, multicomponent tools were simply more suited to particular subsistence tasks, particularly in field camps (Hicks 1997). These tasks may be related to large-scale environmental conditions (Fladmark 1982), or they were perhaps used mainly in small, specialized camps (Campbell 1985). Hopper mortars and pestles in wide use at this time may have been particularly suited to crush and grind root crops on the arid Plateau steppes (Reid 1991).

Although “high mobility was the rule” throughout the Cascade Phase (Chatters 1995:353), a few archaeological traces of residences have been found. Chatters describes two of these, found in the Wells Reach of the Columbia, a short distance from Lake Chelan, as “rock-encircled surface dwellings less than 3 m in diameter and one opportunistically utilized depress[ion]” (1995:323). This description is suggestive of the “stone circles” reported near Purple Point on Lake Chelan; these circles are apparently only exposed when lake levels drop. People had collected a large number of artifacts from this site, and Grabert and Pint (1978) examined some of these collections in the course of their local investigations. Their assessment was that the “artifact collections represented a fairly long span of occupation. Materials observed were chalcedonies,

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basalts, and some obsidian… This site may be of great importance since it is apparently large, and should contain evidence diagnostic of upland communities, which are practically unknown from either the ethnographic or archaeological literature. Location and size as well as variety of artifacts long since collected, indicate that there is a long-term and expanded habitation component or components” (Grabert and Pint 1978:51). This site remains to be addressed.

Around 6,850 years ago (or about 5600/5800 BC), Mt. Mazama, now Crater Lake, Oregon, exploded, distributing more than 30 cubic miles of ash across the Northwest (Bacon 1982). Ash from this eruption has been found in layers on the Plateau more than half a meter thick; this tephra is present in the Lake Chelan area (Mt. Mazama O) as well (Gough 1995; Mierendorf 1986). The actual effects of this ashfall on human subsistence behavior is unknown, although there was possibly some major change in floral regimes (Chatters 1986; 1998). Any atmospheric effects of ash may have intensified the general warming trend toward aridity at this time (Browman and Munsell 1969; cf. Bense 1972). Increasing aridity in the central Plateau possibly encouraged more reliance upon temperate, watered uplands peripheral to the basin, such as at Chelan. For example, material from distant chert quarries such as Hozomeen, at the north end of Ross Lake some 50 miles north of the Chelan shoreline, has been found in the lake basin. This Hozomeen chert has been used in the North Cascades for more than 8000 years (Mierendorf 1993b).

Apparent increases in regional population and changes in subsistence strategies appear on the Plateau after ca. 4500 years BP. These changes are referred to as Tucannon (in the Snake River Basin) and Frenchman Springs (along the mid-Columbia) phases. By about 4,500 years ago, winter and summer temperatures had decreased abruptly (Chatters 1998). Shrub vegetation became denser and forests expanded. Conifer forests in particular spread to lower elevations, fed by high rates of winter precipitation. The climate was the “coldest and wettest of the Holocene” (Chatters 1998:46) during this time, stimulating a dramatic increase in optimal conditions for shorter, but much larger salmon runs in major river courses. Archaeological evidence suggests a generalized trend towards increasing sedentism, reoccupation of sites, and intensive exploitation of riverine resources in the Plateau basin (Ames et al. 1998). However, broad application of this model to the Lake Chelan basin should include some discretion, in light of data from the Okanogan region (Campbell 1985; Chatters 1989, 1995).

By about 4400 BP, Chatters (see above) distinguishes a significant reduction in mobility for people in the Okanogan watershed, and suggests that these may be widespread in similar upland forested biomes (Chatters 1989, 1995). During the Pithouse 1 period, numbers of pithouses were constructed along the large river floodplains and upland tributaries. Chatters, incorporating data discussed by Campbell (1985), proposes a model depicting semi-sedentary foragers, settled year- round in a single residential base, where various resources were available for most of the year. The choice toward sedentism was an adaptive decision enabled by local relative abundance and resource diversity; this occurred in concert with the on-going development of regional exchange and communication networks (Galm 1994; Hess 1997). Very few seasonal camps or specialized workstations appear at this time. A significant resource staple is apparent in the large numbers of heavy, stationary mortars and pestles; this suggests a significant stake in the local exploitation of a diverse and secure resource base (Chatters 1995). Ames and Marshall (1980) suggest that increases in population pressure on the Plateau at this time stimulated intensification of food

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productivity; people in effect were developing a broad foraging spectrum emphasizing root exploitation. Concurrent with this resource intensification was elaboration of social roles and mechanisms of exchange (Bender 1978). Chatters argues, however, that the placement of early Pithouse 1 settlements, in the mouths of tributary streams near the forest-steppe interface, corresponds to earlier dispersed foraging patterns indicative of “large resource exploitation territories and a relatively low population density” (1995:360). Radiocarbon and demographic evidence appears equivocal at this time; Chelan data are not yet developed enough to adequately address this basic issue.

Abandonment of Pithouse 1 sites by about 3900 BP seems evident in radiocarbon evidence of a construction hiatus (Ames and Marshall 1980; Chatters 1995). Chatters (1995) suggests that climatic fluctuations between ca. 3900-3500 BP caused a drastic and sudden decline in temperature and more arid conditions, forcing a population crash and a return to a mobile foraging strategy. Suddenly people found shortages where they had come to expect regular, locally patterned resources (Chatters 1995:388). Although this model is supported elsewhere (e.g. Ames and Marshall 1980), developed evidence relevant to this hypothesis from the Lake Chelan area is meager. Besides the ethnographically known winter pithouse villages (e.g. Ray 1936), few if any known housepit remains have been addressed chronometrically. Stone circles, possibly related to house structures, have been reported near Purple Point, and housepit depressions have been found at Moore Point, in the northern portion of the Chelan lakeshore, precisely in the biome described by the Pithouse 1 period (Chatters 1995). Testing at the Moore Point depressions has yet yielded no securely datable material (Powys Gadd, Wenatchee National Forest Archaeologist, personal communication, September 2000).

3.6.4 Period III (3900-ca. 200 BP)

By approximately 3,900 years ago winters had become much colder and summers were cool. Winter precipitation had increased and vegetation on the Plateau steppe had become much denser. These colder temperatures delayed melting of the snowpack in the spring. These conditions would have supported anadromous fish runs that were increased in scale, but probably shorted in duration than other periods. Schalk (1977) notes that, although lower water temperatures have correspondingly lesser amounts of available food, such temperatures are favorable for fish reproduction. At low temperatures, lower available food biomass results in fewer predators on eggs and young fish, while the abundant oxygen supports rapid development (Schalk 1977:211-212).

Following about 3500 BP, temperatures appeared to increase. Populations remained low, but evidence for storage and patterned exploitation of specific resource zones appears to increase at about this time (Ames and Marshall 1980; Chatters 1995). Dwellings appeared to be occupied mainly in the winter, and a greater diversity in seasonal and specialized camps exists than was present during the Pithouse 1 period. The trend typically referred to as the “Plateau pattern” or “winter village pattern” appears recognizable in an incipient mode at this time. This model for Plateau subsistence has become somewhat of an archetype for the region, and is commonly distinguished archaeologically by the inferred presence of the following orthotropic features. These are described as riverine settlement patterns; reliance on riverine and root resources; complex fishing technologies; the extension of trading links and apparent political integration; and shared aspects of material culture such as pithouse architecture (Walker 1998). Although this

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model appears to portray historic patterns with some utility for comparative study (Smith 1988), review of data as above suggests that it has limited use for the Lake Chelan basin.

Projectile points during this time generally were smaller and more diverse than previously. Lohse suggests that atlatl dart shafts must have become smaller during this period, as bows and arrows spread in use; this is based mostly on an average metric decrease in stem size of the points (Lohse 1985:358). He notes several types described for the Chief Joseph Dam project (see Campbell 1985) Hudnut Phase (ca. 4000-2000 BP) that are similar to concurrent examples found elsewhere. Lohse describes the Nespelem Bar, Rabbit Island Stemmed as types found throughout the central and northern Plateau. Also at Chief Joseph were found Columbia Corner-notched and Quilomene Bar types, both also found on the southern Plateau (Lohse 1985:347-350).

Illustration of atlatl use is possibly present in the pictograph at Domke Falls (see above). Although interpretation of the figure and tool depicted with the mountain goats is problematic, several inferences are possible. Plateau projectile point morphology suggests that use of bows and arrows was widespread after about 2000 BP. If this is so, one may also speculate on a corollary progressive abandonment of atlatl technology. It is possible then, in the absence of hard evidence that this pictograph dates prior to about 2000 BP. Reliable dating of rock art is rife with problems, however (Keyser 1992; McClure 1979). Interpretation of content has been addressed with some greater degree of conviction. Steven Mithen (1988) argues that, while representational elements in rock art, such as depictions of specific animals, may indicate particular numbers and types of prey, other, non-representational elements communicate meaning as well. He suggests that features, such as abstract symbols and patterned marks, may indicate basic information related to their pursuit, such as typical directions of travel and seasonal behaviors. Specific locations of art may signify more than the proximity of prey; these may also be socially important as regular sites hosting particular training regimens or ritualized behavior related to hunting (Mithen 1988). The occurrence and locations of rock art depicting hunting at Lake Chelan deserve further study.

By about 2,400 years ago, winter temperatures had increased slightly and summer temperatures had decreased slightly. Vegetation on the steppes had decreased somewhat in density, and the high altitude snowpack received more rain, contributing more to erosion and runoffs. Climate conditions had become essentially similar to those in the area today. R. Lee Lyman noted changes in later pithouse assemblages indicative of climate changes. Deer and elk remains occurred in proportionally larger numbers than steppe-dwelling antelope, with an increase in precipitation, as well as increases in elevation from the Plateau into mountain foothills (Lyman 1976).

The Coyote Creek Phase (ca. 2000-1150 BP) projectile points as described by Lohse (1985) exhibit the widest variety of any period identified in the Rufus Woods reservoir. These types include the Rabbit Island Stemmed, Columbia Corner-notched, and Quilomene Bar types, also found in Hudnut Phase (ca. 4000-2000 BP) assemblages. Also represented in the Coyote Creek Phase were Wallula Rectangular Stemmed and Columbia Stemmed, both of which are also well represented both in the Lower Columbia and north in the Kettle Falls area. Small Plateau Side- notched points are also well represented, especially in assemblages dating between about 1500 BP to the recent historic era. This latter type is found across Western North America (Lohse

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1985:351). Mierendorf (1983) indicates a reduction in the flow rate and volume of the Columbia River in the Rocky Reach during this period. Based upon dated changes in alluvial fan deposition rates, this reduced hydrology is linked to warmer and drier intervals between 1400- 600 BP, particularly between 850-700 BP (Mierendorf 1983a:633-647). Following this time, the global phenomenon called the “Little Ice Age” brought wetter and cooler conditions to the Northern Hemisphere, reintroducing the climate we know today.

Cultural traditions established by this time appear to persist relatively intact to the recent historical era, until perhaps two hundred years ago. At this time the first devastating effects of indirect contact with Euro-American disease were widely felt, intensified by interregional equestrian interaction (Hunn et al. 1990). The immediate consequences of this first contact are beginning to be documented in historical studies (e.g., Walker and Sprague 1998), and describe a breakdown of traditional social patterns. This underscores the problematic nature of projecting documented social patterns into the past, in order to explain archaeological data. For example, archaeological research into the more distant past can be complicated by undue correspondence of very ancient data with comparatively recent and geographically specific riverine patterns of material culture. Documented ethnographic villages along the Lake Chelan shoreline, such as those at Willow Point and Wapato Point, tend to be located in the southern half of the lake basin, corresponding outwardly to expected Plateau trends for this era. Historical social customs also appear similar to broadly shared Plateau customs (Galm and Fredin 1987). The archetypal Plateau pattern implies the presence of specialized field camps and workstations. The many small-scale lithic scatters identified in the northern lake basin perhaps indicate such camps; if, indeed, these sites are not remnants of larger, now inundated sites. But the modeling of antecedents of the historically known Plateau winter village pattern (e.g. Galm et al. 1981) may be complicated by data from the uplands surrounding Lake Chelan and nearby locales.

It is probable that Lake Chelan sites have very different adaptive genealogies than the archetypal Plateau villages with which they have been equated, those sites clustered along the Columbia and Snake Rivers near major fisheries. For example, the housepits at Moore Point may reflect historic patterns more elegantly explained in terms of punctuated sedentism (Chatters 1995), than by simple equivalence with a relatively recent historic settlement pattern (Smith 1988). The evidence for residential and subsistence variability found within the Chelan basin holds the potential to illuminate our understanding of ancient land use and regional interaction across the Cascades and beyond. Investigation of Lake Chelan as an interaction zone enabling travel and communication across the Plateau is not abridged by the limited research conducted thus far. Archaeological resources, and their potentially significant data are, however, in immediate need of attention and protection from the natural and cultural forces supporting erosion.

3.7 RESEARCH DESIGN

Research themes and questions appropriate to the local Chelan context should be developed to determine the requirements necessary to adequately manage and protect cultural resources. The overriding management objective, to ensure that FERC meets NRHP obligations, should also ensure the integrity and preservation of archaeological sites. A comprehensive site inventory and testing program to determine a site’s potential significance best accomplishes this objective. Where operational or natural conditions dictate that integrity and preservation cannot be ensured,

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research goals should then reflect a rigorous design to obtain useful information from data recovery excavations. Site testing should stress the comprehension of any recent changes in the site from its original condition, as best these can be determined. A design addressing one or more of the following research domains should enable informed management determinations as well as contribute to objective analysis through enhanced understanding of the past. Archaeological excavation almost invariably places premier emphasis upon the effective exploitation of budgeted time and money; prior development of a precise research strategy will correspondingly effect successful investigations. In order to permit the development of additional concerns that may arise in the course of work. Further issues regarding the utility of archaeological sampling and testing methods developed elsewhere on the Plateau, and useful for the Chelan basin, should be addressed in course of data development programs. These questions also speak to the effects of day-to-day operation of the hydroelectric facility, recreation, and other contemporary use on ancient cultural resources.

3.7.1 Cultural Chronology

Cultural chronology is perhaps the most basic issue to address in any archaeological environment. Identification of coherent epochs of shared cultural patterns, and of periods appearing to indicate broad social changes, will focus further research efforts. Chronology studies should examine established temporal and developmental schemes for regional areas that appear relevant to Lake Chelan, and determine the degree of correspondence between these areas. Comparative chronology studies could enhance regional understanding of cultural processes by contrasting developmental traditions of the Mid-Columbia and Okanogan watersheds with those found in southerly areas of the Plateau, such as the Lower Snake basin. Research should address gaps in local chronologies, through both cultural and environmental markers (and see below). These include detailing local artifact sequences and comparison with interregional artifact cognates, as well as chronometrical studies such as radiocarbon, obsidian hydration, and tephra analysis as appropriate. Stratigraphic and geomorphic studies of landform, deposition, and erosion processes (see below) also bear on establishing the topographic and environmental influences on settlement and culture change through time.

Questions specific to chronology include identifying the earliest and successive stages of human settlement in the lake basin. Few published radiocarbon dates are readily available for the Chelan basin and the Stehekin Valley; however, some dates are on file at the National Park Service (R. Mierendorf, personal communication). Mierendorf and Harry (1992:4) cite one radiocarbon date of approximately 570 years B.P. from a hearth at a site at the north end of Lake Chelan, 45H411. Just north of the lake basin, in the Stehekin Valley, Mierendorf acquired six radiocarbon dates to 3000 B. P. from hearth and anthropogenic wood samples (Mierendorf, personal communication). Dates from the Upper Skagit Valley, north of Lake Chelan, also bear on regional chronology. A suite of dates from near Ross Lake exhibits clustering between 5000 and 3500 B.P. for activities associated with a lithic toolstone quarry (Mierendorf 1993b:83-84). The collection of further radiocarbon samples should be a priority in any field investigations.

3.7.2 Social and Cultural Reconstruction of Subsistence and Settlement Patterns

The identification of subsistence patterns provides a database for historical reconstruction and socio-cultural model building. This domain should address the modeling of human cultural

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adaptation to environmental change. This domain provides a research focus on local time periods, and treats local and regional demographic patterns; material differences between these regions; and classes of temporary and sedentary residence, technology, and scale of the subsistence gradient. Data regarding subsistence and settlement should be generated for each identified time period. Research should address the study of cultural features and artifact patterns. The mapping of relationships between Mierendorf’s (1986) landform types and the site types proposed by Zweifel and Reid (1991) for the central Cascades may prove useful here. Artifact studies could encompass description, comparative and sequencing tasks, and examination of morphological traits including use-wear and residue analysis.

Questions specific to socio-cultural patterns should address the development of residential strategies around the lake. What factors influenced choice of camps and sites of long duration? Environmental factors suggested by ethnographic data for Lake Chelan suggest that locations with optimal winter insolation, protection from cold winds, flat ground, streams, and forage for horses (after ca. 1720) were preferred (Smith 1988). Research should address this issue for other periods, such as the inferred residence patterns for the Pithouse 1 period (Chatters 1995), as possibly present at Moore Point in the northern half of the lake basin. Fruitful comparison may be made between Chelan data and sites in the Wells, Chief Dam, and Okanogan reservoirs. Vital for substantive comparison is chronometrical control (see above).

Other socio-cultural questions address the scheduling and extent of seasonal collecting patterns. What is the relationship between winter villages and summer field camps? In other words, is there evidence that some members of a group inhabited the “winter” village sites year-round? What is the nature of the association of storage facilities to housepits and other features? How far does the ethnographic pattern extend into the past? What is the nature of the relationship between Chelan peoples and those in nearby areas? What evidence exists for exchange and trade? What is the nature of the relationship between ethnographically reported travel between Lake Chelan and the Kettle Falls fishery? Other questions address subsistence strategies more directly. What subsistence strategies do faunal and floral remains at sites represent?

3.7.3 Paleoenvironments and Human Ecology

The suite of paleoenvironmental data for the Lake Chelan basin appears underdeveloped, yet such data enhances the scientific climate for interpreting the history of human ecology. Many of the data informing regional paleoenvironments are potentially available in the Chelan basin, or are readily drawn from ecological studies in the Cascades. The reconstruction of past environments used as the basis for ancient Plateau human historical patterning relies upon information from fossil pollen, deposits of fossil and subfossil plant and mammal remains, and studies of surface erosion rates (Chatters 1998). Geological and stratigraphic analysis of tephra deposits is enhanced by radiocarbon dating (Gough 1995); and glacial geology and geomorphology can provide information regarding temperature change and related hydrological and precipitation fluctuations (Chatters 1998). The significance of the late glacial climates to population development and expansion in the Lake Chelan area would be enhanced by geologic studies of glaciation of the Lake Chelan region. Has the lake remained ice-free since the last major glaciation or have there been periods of where occupation of the lake shore would have been inhibited by advance of late-Pleistocene or early Holocene glaciers? At what time period would the lake have been ice free and available for human occupation?

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Comparison with data and land use models from the Rocky Reach provides a useful template here (Mierendorf 1983a). The importance of criteria such as insolation, wind, seasonal or potential inundation, and distance to resources may be mapped on to a particular site or class of site. Localized geomorphological studies including glacial retreat, alluvial deposition, and fluvial erosion should provide data regarding landform stability, terrace dating, and duration of human occupation. Basic research data specific to the Chelan basin can be compiled from current Chelan PUD and local agency environmental management programs and applied to the interpretation of archaeological resources. These include pollen analysis of bog and lake sediments, accurate temporal and spatial modeling of plant biomes along the shoreline and canyon walls of the lake, and animal migratory patterns. Data regarding human modification of the natural environment should be collected where this is available. For example, controlled burning has long been used by people to clear large areas of brush and to stimulate growth of desired plants. Resources available at the Wenatchee National Forest regarding fire history of the basin may provide data suggestive of ancient patterns of human use.

Important to the acquisition of environmental data is more detailed mapping of local resources important to ancient peoples. Stone raw materials close to the basin may be mapped by type and location, and their chemical characteristics compared with artifacts. In the North Cascades, this has been done notably with chert (e.g., Mierendorf 1993b) and with obsidian (e.g., Mierendorf 1999; Mierendorf and Skinner 1997; Skinner 1999a, 1999b; Skinner and Davis 1996). Questions should address the relationship between archaeological property types and particular microenvironments. In other words, do specific environments contain or are likely to contain archaeological deposits? If so, are these deposits limited to a particular time period?

3.7.4 Future research

It is apparent that the existing archaeological database for the Lake Chelan basin is far from adequate for significantly addressing research questions. Indeed, beyond the preliminary site inventories conducted over recent decades, little analytical or interpretive work has been conducted (e.g. Galm and Fredin 1987; Mierendorf 1997). The need for an accurate chronological framework relevant to archaeological resources in the lake basin cannot be overstated. A natural result of such chronological work will be a critical assessment of the utility of typical Plateau land use models for Lake Chelan. As has been discussed, the lake basin is the confluence of two very distinctive environments, with the potential to address significant and unresolved problems of cultural evolution, both within the context of ancient Northwest history and a broader theoretical realm. Such potential should be engaged with respect for the ancient peoples who lived this history, the concerns of their descendents and responsive parties, and for the unique, fragile resources of the archaeological record. Questions related to archaeological methodology and issues of site preservation, protection, and data recovery specific to Lake Chelan should also be considered in future research design. For example, it should be explored whether such resources as are present are represented and/or preserved to the same degree as in nearby regions. If management of this particular lacustrine environment appears to have the potential to effect site-specific changes, these should be identified in advance of any deleterious results. Cultural resource management in the public trust requires a dynamic approach, and a demonstrated aspiration to address these resources in a proactive and inclusive manner.

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4.0 ETHNOGRAPHIC AND ETHNOHISTORIC OVERVIEW

By Sherri Deaver, Lynn M. Peterson, John Boughton, Lynelle Peterson, and Luc Litwinionek, Ethnoscience

with contributions by James Schumacher, Hemisphere Field Services

The following ethnographic and ethnohistoric information offers a perspective on Native American historical context, in order to support the cultural resources component of the relicensing process. A few oral histories recorded by Bernice Greene and Forest Service archaeologists have been incorporated in this discussion but no systematic interviewing of knowledgeable elders has been undertaken to date.

The limited ethnographic and ethnohistoric data directly relevant to the study area is found in Anastasio (1972), Bouchard et al. (1998), Cain (1950), Cline (1938), Durham (1972), Hackenmiller (1995), Hunn (1990), Miller (1998), Ray (1932,1936a, 1936b, 1939, 1942, 1974a, 1974b) Ross (1966), Smith (1983a, 1983b, 1988), Spier (1935, 1938), Teit (1928, 1930), Turner (1976, 1978) Turner et al. (1980).

4.1 CULTURAL AND PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT

This section incorporates Native American perspectives on subsistence and the natural environment, as ethnographers have documented these. Just as historic immigrants to the area modified the environment of the Stehekin-Chelan River Valley though timbering, mining, agriculture etc., local Indian peoples also modified habitats to suit their needs. They used fire to increase browse and grazing plants to concentrate major game species. This increased their hunting efficiency. Just like the historic immigrants, they managed, with varying degrees of success, the resources they used. In addition to modifying habitats, they actively sought to increase their productivity by increasing the efficiency of their harvesting technology, e.g., using dogs to hunt deer and elk (Teit 1900, 1927-28; Schaeffer 1934; Turney-High 1937), using specialized fishing traps to increase their efficiency (Hewes 1998); harvesting plants from rodent caches (Teit 1900, 1927-28).

The resource management strategies of hunters and gathers like those of agriculturally based groups are part of their equipment for living. They are the cognitive maps of their technological activities. Primarily, hunters and gatherers work to increase the reliability and /or predictability of resources they define as central, significant or important. Consequently, change in a hunting and gathering society will reflect the population’s efforts to increase their resource stability. Elaborations of harvesting technologies documented in the ethnographic data relevant to the study area include:

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S communal deer drives using a brush fence (Hollenbeck and Carter 1986:B8).

S plant production enhanced through ownership of berry patches and root fields (Smith 1950);

S burning to maintain open meadows, and possibly plant seeds and sprouts (Smith 1950; Buechener 1953, Kidd 1964; Collins 1974; Norton 1979, Norton et al. 1984);

S burning berry patches episodically to keep the plants productive (Hollenbeck and Carter 1986: B-7);

S scheduling by leaders to ensure maximization of diverse resources (Teit 1927-28);

S deer drives using fire;

S driving game into snow drifts, lakes, though funnel fences set up on game trails (Teit 1927- 28; Schaeffer 1934-35; Ray 1939);

S shaping of river channels to increase fish productivity (Mierendorf 1986:89) [e.g. site 45CH273 300 m south of Chelan-Columbia confluence, 2 parallel cobble alignments extend into the shallows-use hunting blind associated with defile, fold panning, ferry landing etc.(Simmons 1983:399)]

S making artificial channels, generally as three parallel trenches along the shore to allow for the rise and fall of water level (Miller 1998:255-256).

S screen traps erected in the center of a dam of willow poles extending across a stream...driving fish into a trap with a willow scoop...tunnel shaped fish traps especially for whitefish and bull trout (Schaeffer 1934-35?, Wissler 1910); and

S netting waterfowl from canoes (Schaeffer 1935).

People not only live as part of an ecosystem but also define, label and classify it. For example, not all food sources are used by any group but rather certain plants and animals are defined as eatable or appropriate to eat. The distribution of these resources are explained in many different ways including the actions of spirit beings in the sacred past:

...Coyote noticed the very beautiful daughter of a Chelan chief fishing for salmon in Lake Chelan, so he decided to ask for her hand in marriage. When Coyote asked the girl’s father if he could marry his daughter the chief refused in no uncertain terms. This so enraged Coyote that he immediately threw huge boulders into the Chelan River. The boulders created rapids and falls that have ever since prevented the salmon from navigating upriver to the lake (Hackenmiller 1995:36).

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As noted by Frey and Hymes, a peoples oral history defines the world and their place in it:

In the collective action of the mythic beings, the world in its entirety is indelibly transformed, rendering it meaningful and spiritually potential...As a consequence of their adventures, the landscape is molded as rivers are channeled, fish are set free, and the ways to trap and respect those fish are established...The myth age world is not so much a world created from a void as a world already formed, though raw and dangerous, and then redefined in preparation for “the coming of the people” [Frey and Hymes 1998:585-6].

The action of these mythic beings is still recognized today. Members of the Confederated Colville Tribes and the Yakama Indian Nation still recognize rock features, particular landforms and sites as being the results of actions in the mythological past. These areas are deserving of respect and are treated accordingly. Ellen Clark reports such a legend for Lake Chelan:

When [Coyote] came to the animal people along Chelan River, he say to them, “I will send many salmon up your river if you will give me a nice young girl for my wife.”

But the Chelan people refused. They thought it was not proper for a young girl to marry anyone as old as Coyote. So Coyote angrily blocked up the canyon of Chelan River with huge rocks and thus made a . The water dammed up behind the rocks and formed Lake Chelan. The salmon could never get past the waterfall. That is why there are no salmon in Lake Chelan to this day (Clark 1953:97).

Importantly, from the perspective of this oral tradition, the ancestors of members of the Confederated Colville Tribes and Yakama Indian Nation have been in the area since the beginning of time.

Shared definitions such as “crowded,” “empty,” “barren,” “male,” “female” and “powerful/spiritual” space are also important in a group’s definition and use of its living area. “Places are not inert containers. They are politicized, culturally relative, historically specific, local and multiple constructions” (Rodman 1992:641). McWhorter has described an enormous man-eating bird whose roosts included a peak near Lake Chelan (Hines 1992:82-84). Hunn has described and illustrated a landform and habitat naming system that Sahaptin speakers used to categorize resources that are important to them. Bitterroot and Lomatium are associated with rocky terrain (lithosols) and camas favors vernal meadows (Hunn 1990:92-93).

While Ray suggests (1932:69) that seining technology was borrowed from the Pacific coast, Sinkayuse (Moses-Columbia) believe that it was given to humans by supernatural Spider people who lived near modern Vantage, Washington (Miller 1998:257). Southern Plateau people recognize hollowed-out boulders as petrified sweat lodges associated with Coyote and the Spirit Age. Shamans of great power painted pictographs on rock faces to memorialize their power and to provide a place where friends could petition it for help (Spier 1938:143-144) [Miller 1998:259].

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On the Plateau, communities intensely identified with their locales.

Until the 1980s, well informed Colville elders recalled animal emblems, sometimes vaguely called “clans,” for various native districts, such as Frog for those at Chalk Grade, Eagle for those in Grand Coulee, Mourning Dove for those at the mouth of the Methow, and Bear for those at Ellensburg. ...this animal emblem can be traced to an epic involving a spirit family named for that species living at that locale prior to the change in the world brought on by Coyote or the Creator just prior to human arrival (Miller 1998:264).

Associated with each spatial classification are learned patterns of appropriate behavior. People use these patterns to explain why certain types of behavior are appropriate at rock art sites while others may be more appropriate in campsites. Archaeologists recognize some of these appropriate actions associated with different locations in the distribution of artifacts within and among sites, i.e., artifact distribution reflects site function. In the Plateau major fishing and trading sites (, Kettle Falls, etc.) served as the nexus for inter-group relationships. In recognition of the tribal perspective that there is a spiritual connection between the people and where they live, the cultural and physical environment, we [Ethnoscience] have written the following description of the project area to include the available documentary information from traditionalist perspectives.

The effective environment of the study area is a unique riverine-lacustrine and intensely mountainous area. Lake Chelan provided locations for winter villages and the small streams and timbered mountain slopes draining into the lake provided hunting opportunities. According to Allen Smith, no summer camp was more than 16.5 straight-line miles distant from the nearest winter village.

The straight-line distance between the most peripheral camp, up Lake Chelan into the mountains and the large winter village at the foot of the lake was only about 16.5 miles (18.5 by water)... this territorial compactness must have been an important advantage, for it meant that summer foods prepared for winter consumption could be relatively easily transported to the caches in the vicinity of the winter villages... the Chelan must have enjoyed the notable advantage of canoe travel on the lake as well as along the Columbia river (Smith 1983b:280).

Lake Chelan appears to lie in a geologically unstable area. Early historical records indicate that earthquakes were not uncommon. An early settler at Entiat recorded three days of severe tremors in 1887 and in 1899 a large underwater land shift occurred which produced huge waves on Lake Chelan (Durham 1972; Symons 1882; Smith 1988). In December 1872, an earthquake threw Ribbon Bluff (Cliff) on the western side of the Columbia, downstream from the confluence with the Chelan, into the river. During the same earthquake, a huge geyser erupted at Chelan Falls. Throughout most of 1873, there were almost daily tremors in the area between Lake Wenatchee and Lake Chelan (Durham 1972; Symons 1882; Smith 1988). According to Hunn, the earthquake of 1872 is estimated at 7.5 on the Richter scale and is believed to have been centered beneath Lake Chelan (Hunn 1990:248). This quake, like the ash falls described earlier, has an important place in Plateau religious history. This quake was associated with the prominence of the

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Prophet “Skolaskin,” who along with Smohalla was a principal rival of in the late 1800s (Ray 1936a).

Catastrophic environmental events are explained and reacted to in a variety of ways by different peoples. Prophets associated with catastrophic environmental changes, e.g., the St. Helens ash fall of 1800, punctuate the religious history of the Plateau. Cornelius, a Spokane chief, gave an account of an ash fall that caused his people to believe that the world was ending. One of their medicine-men “told them to stop their fear and crying, [for...soon there will come from the rising sun a different kind of man from any you have yet seen...”(Wilkes 1845 4:439 in Hunn 1990:247). The Kalispel marked this ash fall, which they interpreted as the sun burning up, with a celebratory feast and dance when the sun arose the next day (Suckley, in Spier 1935:8). According to Teit, the Sanpoil-Nespelem interpretation of the 1800 ash fall was associated with the Prophet Dance1.

The Nespelim chief told me that about 1770 [the date is estimated and no doubt is that of the known 1800 eruption], when his grandmother was a very young girl, a shower of dry dust fell over the country.... The people were much alarmed...and were afraid it prognosticated evil. They beat drums and sang, and for a time held the “praying” dance [i.e., the Prophet Dance] almost day and night. They prayed to the “dry snow,” calling it “Chief” and “,” and asked it [as an animate force] to explain itself and tell why it came. The people danced a great deal all summer and in large measure neglected their usual work. They put up small stores of berries, roots, salmon, and dried meat; and consequently the following winter, which happened to be rather long and sever, they ran out of supplies :Teit 1930:291-292, [remarks from Hunn et al. 1990:247]).

Verne Ray has also documented the religious reaction to this ash fall, which led to a period of starvation the following winter (Ray 1932:108-109). Earlier ash falls may have resulted in similar cultural adjustments.

At the level of human behavior people use their experiential ecological knowledge to adjust to day-to-day conditions. Common strategies employed by hunting and gathering peoples include adjusting the camp and village placement, scheduling changes in subsistence tasks, emphasizing particular resources over others, developing storage strategies and so on. All hunting and gathering peoples adjust to changes in the distribution of resources. This is not just a passive reaction. All hunting and gathering peoples modify their environment in ways that increases the effectiveness of their hunting and gathering strategies. Primarily, this means that they will employ habitat management strategies to increase the productivity and availability of particular

1 The Prophet Dance refers to a series of religious movements lead by prophets or dreamers who communicated with the spirit world, forecast future events and interpreted natural and cultural changes to their followers. Most evidence suggests that the earliest Plateau prophets predate direct contact with Euro-Americans. The ceremonies associated with the Prophet Dance generally involved a round dance and a series of songs given to the prophet or dreamer by his guardian spirit. The Prophet Dance tradition remains important in the lives of Plateau peoples today. This can be seen in the Seven Drum Religion, the Indian Shaker Church, the Feather Cult and the Native American Church. In addition, the Prophet Dance is the most likely antecedent of the Ghost Dance, which originated with the Paiute prophet Wavoka and spread over the Plains in the 1890s and is still practiced in various forms on the Plains today (Spier 1935; Mooney 1896; Walker 1969; Walker and Schuster 1998).

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resources, e.g., controlled burns to increase the productivity of berry patches, increase browse and grazing for game animals and, after the introduction of the horse, maintain grazing for their horse herds (Chatters and Leavell 1996).

On the other hand, catastrophic events such as floods, in addition to volcanic eruptions and earthquakes, which may have changed the river outlets, could have had immediate dramatic effects, particularly on fisheries, which could have in turn precipitated dramatic changes in subsistence strategies. For example, episodic flooding, like those recorded in 1948 and 1949 for Lake Chelan, likely reduced spawning gravels which in turn led to a low fish density in subsequent years (Chelan PUD 1998:E3-1). The 1894 flood may have had similar consequences.

4.1.1 Water and Fish

The cultural significance of water to Middle Columbia peoples cannot be over-emphasized. It is necessary for all life and thus joins all things together. It is the home of fish that are central to their past and continuing survival. Pure, clean water continues to be necessary for traditional cultural uses such as the sweat lodge. Middle Columbia peoples identified with particular drainages and named themselves in terms of streams and rivers, e.g., Sxa’tqu (water pouring out) a Chelan village on the north side of the Chelan River (Ray 1942a). The watercourses were their major transportation and traveling routes. Water continues to have a central and indispensable place in their lives and hence should be treated with respect.

As noted, in the sacred past, Coyote arranged the waters (including Lake Chelan and the Chelan River) and the landforms found in the world today. Oral traditions also tell of a mysterious monster associated with Lake Chelan.

Early Indians were very wary of canoeing on the lake for fear of the monster that they called “N’hah’haht’q.” Long ago there were great struggles between the good and bad spirits in the Chelan Valley. An evil spirit in the form of a large serpent would come out of the Chelan River without warning and destroy the homes of the people up and down the valley. At other times it appeared and scared away the animals and fish. This left the Indians without food for long periods at a time.

The good spirits finally decided to put up a rock barrier at the lower end of the valley that would dam the river, trapping the serpent and killing it. Unfortunately the monster did not die, but became enraged instead. The serpent slashed his way up the valley killing all the Indians except for a lone girl picking berries at the top of the valley. The rising water left her stranded and she eventually died. However, before she died she painted the story of her life on the rock walls. These stories have never been translated, but can still be seen at Stehekin when the lake level is low. When a school bus accident occurred in 1945 on the south shore opposite Wapato Point there was a rumor that rescuers spotted a very large fish. Indians believed this proved the existence of the monster (This story is based on an interview with Louie and Margaret Wapato conducted by Bernice Greene in Manson on May 31, 1978, Hackenmiller 1995:35-36).

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In Chelan country there were no tributary streams that offered acceptable salmon fishing like the Methow and Entiat rivers. According to Ray (1936), the Chelan used the Entiat fishery at the confluence of the Entiat and Columbia and in the 1870s, they fished at the Methow fishery at the mouth of the Methow River (Ray 1936, 1974a; Smith 1988).

4.1.2 Flora and Fauna

According to Selina Timoyakin (Northern Okanogan), in the sacred past there were several groups of plants and animals each with their own chiefs. Coyote is the chief of all plants and animals and over him is the Great Chief, the sweatlodge (Table 4-1) (Timoyakin in Turner et al. 1980:153).

Table 4-1. Chiefs of living things. Living Things Chief Fish Steelhead trout Those that fly Golden eagle Those that walk with paws Cougar Those that walk with hooves Special celibate buck mule deer Those that crawl on the surface (worms, frogs, snakes) Special kind of small rattlesnake Those without blood (insects and spiders) Not recalled Rock and Minerals Black flint Bushes and leafy trees Rocky Mountain Maple Trees with needles Balsam or subalpine fur Grasses Bunchgrass Roots Bitterroot Berries Mountain huckleberry

According to Turner and others, the importance of plants in Plateau societies is reflected in their complex botanical vocabulary, seasons being named for plants and the fact that “many geographical features--rivers, mountains, valleys, and side hills--are named after particular plants that grow there (Turner et al. 1980:153; see also Smith 1988). Ray’s data indicate that at least two villages of the Chelan were named for plants, pi’pi’ku’ku, “lots of sunflowers” and qwatca’n, “little pines” (1942a:141-142).

Large game available to early peoples in the area included deer, elk, mountain goat, bighorn sheep, and brown and grizzly bear (Ray 1942:116-117). Small game taken by the Chelan and their ancestors included marmots, muskrats and most likely rabbits (Ray 1942; Teit 1928; Smith 1988). The Chelan use of waterfowl and other birds has not been documented in the historic record. This may be related to the apparent low density of waterfowl in the Lake Chelan area. Table 4-2 illustrates traditional cultural uses and views of fauna of the Chelan area.

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Table 4-2. Traditional cultural uses of Chelan-area animals as documented in ethnographic literature. Common Taxon Tribe Traditional Cultural Reference Comments Name Use Bear: Ursus Middle Columbia Fur, meat (although Schalk and Wenatchee cited Black bear; americanus; Salish, Methow, Hunn notes a prohibition Mierendorf by Smith as Grizzly bear Ursus arctos Columbia, of eating grizzly meat); 1983:224; typical of peoples Wenatchee, Entiat, grease as food seasoning Hollenbeck and observing specific Chelan, Yakama, and skin lotion; claws Carter 1986:127; ceremonies for Kittitas, Okanogan- used to ornament Hackenmiller hunt and handling Colville clothing; hunting and 1995:23; Smith of carcass. carcass preparation 1988:268-270; Wenatchee also ritualized. Grizzly bear Kennedy and used poisoned considered as a powerful Bouchard arrows in hunt. guardian spirit. 1998:241; Miller 1998:257. Beaver; Castor Middle Columbia Fur, meat; teeth used as Schalk and Beavers in Mountain canadensis; Salish, Methow, game pieces. Mierendorf general. beaver Aplondontia rufa Columbia, 1983:224-225, Wenatchee, Entiat, Hollenbeck and Chelan, Yakama, Carter 1986:127; Kittitas Hackenmiller 1995:23; Smith 1988:99. Birds (various) Various Chelan area Feathered headdresses Miller 1998:261- Powerful shamans considered a sign of 262. and doctors wore shaman’s spirit power. feathers. Bobcat Lynx rufus Wenatchee, Entiat, Fur, meat. Hollenbeck and Chelan, Yakama, Carter 1986:127. Kittitas Cougar Felis concolor Middle Columbia Powerful and dangerous Miller 1998:265. (Mountain lion) Salish spirit. Coyote Canis latrans Middle Columbia Fur, skin made into caps Schalk and Salish, Methow, worn by men; important Mierendorf Columbia, mythical character; ritual 1983:224-225; Wenatchee, Entiat, use. Smith 1988:269, Chelan, Yakama, 273; Hackenmiller Kittitas 1995:36; Miller 1998:257; Schuster 1998:342. Deer: Odeocoileus Middle Columbia Nearly the entire animal Schalk and Blacktail deer are White-tailed virginianus; Salish, Methow, was used in some way. Mierendorf found on the deer; Odeocoileus Columbia, Hides made into 1983:224; western slopes of Mule deer hemionus Wenatchee, Entiat, clothing; sinew used as Hollenbeck and the Cascades; Chelan, Yakama, bowstrings and thread; Carter 1986:125; mule deer are Kittitas hooves used as dance Mierendorf found on the rattles; bone and antlers 1986:15; eastern slopes. used as tools; meat used Hackenmiller fresh or smoked. 1995:23-24; Smith 1988:286; Hunn et al. 1990:139.

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Common Taxon Tribe Traditional Cultural Reference Comments Name Use Ducks: Aix sponsa; Wenatchee, Food; skin made into Smith 1988:269, Minor subsistence Wood duck; Anas Chelan, Entiat, caps worn by men; game 273, 294, 299; role. Mallard; platyrhynchos; Yakama, Kittitas played with duck feather Hollenbeck and Ring-necked Aythya collaris; shuttlecocks; common Carter 1986:127. duck; Histronicus guardian spirit. Harlequin duck histronicus Eagle (Golden Aquila Wenatchee, Feathers used in Smith 1988:269, Regarded as eagle) chrysaetos Chelan, Okanogan- headdresses; considered 294; Kennedy and inedible. Eagles Colville, Yakama, a powerful guardian Bouchard usually captured Kittitas spirit. 1998:245; and released. Schuster 1998:333; Hunn et al. 1990:146- 147; Hunn et al. 1998:545. Elk Cervus elaphas Middle Columbia Food and a wide variety Schalk and Salish, Methow, of domestic goods. The Mierendorf Columbia, hide was preferred for 1983:224; Wenatchee, Entiat, moccasins, and used for Hollenbeck and Chelan, Yakama, drum skins and saddles. Carter 1986:125, Kittitas Antlers useful as digging 126; Mierendorf sticks, flint knapping 1986:15; tools, and scrapers. Hackenmiller 1995:23-24. Fox (Red fox) Vulpes vulpes Middle Columbia Fur, meat. Hackenmiller Exact type of fox Salish, Wenatchee, 1995:23; Smith is not specified. Chelan, Yakama, 1988:269; Hunn Kittitas et al. 1998:541. Goose Branta Wenatchee, Food. Smith 1988:269; Minor subsistence (Canadian canadensis Chelan, Entiat, Hollenbeck and role. goose) Yakama, Kittitas Carter 1986:127. Gopher Thomomys Middle Columbia Food prohibition. Miller 1998:257. (Northern talpoides Salish pocket gopher) Grouse: Bonasa Okanogan-Colville, Hollow leg bones used Turner et al. No distinction Ruffled grouse; umbellus; Wenatchee, Chelan as tool to extract pitch of 1980:23; Smith made in literature Spruce grouse Canachites fir trees; feathers used in 1988:269; Hunn between different (fool’s hen); canadensis; pillows; minor source of et al. 1990:147. species of grouse. Blue grouse Dendragapus food; thought to be a obscurus “chiefly” bird for its disregard for danger. Hawks: Accipiter Okanogan-Colville Feathers used in Kennedy and Hawks in general. Cooper’s hawk; cooperii; headdresses. Bouchard Sharp-shinned Accipiter striatus 1998:245. hawk Heron (Great Ardea herodias Pregnant women Smith 1988:290. blue heron) cautioned against looking at herons to safeguard child’s welfare.

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Common Taxon Tribe Traditional Cultural Reference Comments Name Use Hummingbirds: Selasphorus Chelan Common guardian spirit Hackenmiller Type not Rufous rufus; for girls; considered 1995:33. specified. hummingbird; Stellula calliope weakest, yet most gentle. Calliope hummingbird Lizard (Short- Phrynosoma Mid-Columbia Considered to be a Hunn et al. horned lizard) douglasii Sahaptin shaman who can heal 1990:166. with its breath. Able to summon bad weather if mistreated. Lynx Lynx canadensis Chelan Fur. Smith 1988:269; Smith only Hunn et al. mentions that 1998:541. these are found in the Lake Chelan area. Magpie (Black- Pica pica Middle Columbia Magpies believed to Miller 1998:265; billed magpie) Salish, Yakama, have weak spirit powers, Hunn et al. Kittitas but can deter ghosts. 1998:545. Marmot Marmota Wenatchee, Entiat, Fur, meat; afterbirth Hollenbeck and Type of marmot (yellow-bellied flaviventris Chelan, Yakama, buried in a distant Carter 1986:127; not specified. The marmot) Kittitas groundhog hole. Smith 1988:269, hoary marmot (groundhog) 290; Hunn et al. lived at higher 1990:142. elevations. Smith notes that fur used for robes. Marten Martes Chelan Fur, meat. Hackenmiller americana 1995:23. Meadowlark Sturnella Wenatchee, Pregnant women Smith 1988:290; (Western neglecta Chelan, Mid- encouraged to eat eggs to Hunn et al. meadowlark) Columbia Sahaptin improve development of 1990:147. child’s speech; believed to cure speech impediments. Mice and rats: Mus musculus; Middle Columbia Food prohibition. Miller 1998:257. House mouse; Perognathus Salish Great Basin parvus; pocket mouse; Peromyscus Forest deer keeni; mouse; Peromyscus Deer mouse; maniculatus; Norway rat; Rattus Black rat; norvegicus; Bushy-tailed Rattus rattus; woodrat; Neotoma Western harvest cinerea; mouse Reithrodontomys megalotis Mole (Coast Scapanus Middle Columbia Mythical character. Miller 1998:265. mole) orarius Salish

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Common Taxon Tribe Traditional Cultural Reference Comments Name Use Mountain goat Oreammnos Methow, Chelan, Food, wool. Wool spun Schalk and Mountain goats americanus Entiat, Wenatchee for blankets and Mierendorf were a significant clothing; horns used as 1983:224; animal resource cooking utensils. Wool Hollenbeck and for the Chelan. traded with Puget Sound Carter 1986:127, Among the groups. 147; Mierendorf Wenatchee, 1986:16; specific rituals Hackenmiller were observed in 1995:23; Smith cooking the head. 1988:268, 270; A carcass was Miller 1998:255. placed into the Wenatchee River to attract sturgeon. Muskrat Onadatra Food. Smith 1988:269. Smith mentions zibethicus only that muskrats and other small game animals were hunted on Wapato Lake. Northern pike Ptlytochelius Chelan, Middle This fish caught and Smith 1988:266; Native to the minnow oregonensis Columbia Salish, eaten when other fish not Hewes 1998:621. Columbia basin Yakama available. and assumed to have been part of the Chelan diet; part of the Okanogan diet. Owls: Aegolius Okanogan-Colville Feathers used in Kennedy and Owls in general. Boreal owl; funereus; headdresses. Bouchard Short-eared Asio flammeus; 1998:245. owl; Asio otus; Long-eared Bubo owl; virginianus; Great horned Glaucidium owl; gnoma; Northern Nyctea pygmy owl; scandiaca; Snowy owl; Otus Flammulated flammeolus; owl; Otus kennicottii; Western Strix nebulosa; screech owl; Strix varia; Great gray owl; Tyto alba Northern spotted owl; Barred owl; Barn owl Porcupine Erethizon Middle Columbia Quills worn by doctors Miller 1998:260- dorsatum Salish and shamans. 262. Quail Lagopus Wenatchee, Food. Hollenbeck and (California califorincus Chelan, Entiat, Carter 1986:127. quail) Yakama, Kittitas

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Common Taxon Tribe Traditional Cultural Reference Comments Name Use Rabbits and Lepus Middle Columbia Fur, meat; pelts used as Schalk and Rabbits thought to hares: americanus; Salish, Methow, moccasin linings, Mierendorf have weak spirit Snowshoe hare; Silvilagus Columbia, mittens, caps, 1983:224-225; powers. Rabbits Nuttall’s nuttallii Wenatchee, Entiat, cradleboard pads, woven Hollenbeck and most significant cottontail Chelan, Yakama, into blankets. Carter 1986:127; of the smaller Kittitas Hackenmiller animals among 1995:23; Smith the Wenatchee. 1988:269; Miller 1998:265. Rail (Virginia Rallus limicola Wenatchee, Food. Hollenbeck and rail) Chelan, Entiat, Carter 1986:127. Yakama, Kittitas Raven Corvus corax Wenatchee, Considered to be Smith 1988:269; Considered Chelan, Mid- powerful shamans, Hunn et al. inedible. Columbia Sahaptin doctors, and messengers. 1990:147. Reptiles Various Middle Columbia Rarely used as food. Hunn et al. These peoples did (various) Salish, Methow, 1990:166; Schalk not generally use Columbia, and Mierendorf reptiles or Wenatchee, Entiat, 1983:225; Smith amphibians as a Chelan, Yakama, 1988:269. food source. Kittitas Salmon: Oncorhynchus Middle Columbia Fisheries along Hewes 1998:622, Sockeye were Sockeye; nerka; Salish, Methow, Columbia River 627; Smith introduced into Chinook (king) Oncorhynchus Columbia, provided salmon. 1988:265; Lake Chelan in tshawytscha Wenatchee, Entiat, Sockeye favored for its Hackenmiller 1917; Chinook Chelan, Yakama, oil; Chinook considered 1995:33. were introduced Kittitas as a common guardian in 1974. Both spirit. were previously obtained along the Columbia River. Sculpin (Slimy Cottus cognatus Mid-Columbia Food prohibition. Hunn et There are at least sculpin) Sahaptin Considered to be al.1990:165. eight types of powerful shamans and Cottus in the weather changers. Columbia basin region. Snakes: Coluber Middle Columbia Snakes were a common Hunn et al. Smith believes Racer; constrictor; Salish, Methow, guardian spirit; skins 1990:166; Smith Wenatchee Western Crotalus viridis; Columbia, used to cover bows. 1988:294; Schalk customs to be rattlesnake; Hypsiglena Wenatchee, Entiat, Sahaptins considered the and Mierendorf generally Night snake; torquatta; Chelan, Yakama, Western rattlesnake to be 1983:217. applicable to the Gopher snake; Pituophis Kittitas a powerful shaman; Chelan. Western catenifer; however, Wenatchee terrestrial garter Thamnophis believed it to be weak snake; elegans; guardian spirit. Common garter Thamnophis snake sirtalis

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Common Taxon Tribe Traditional Cultural Reference Comments Name Use Squirrels: Spermophilus Methow, Chelan, Fur, meat; furs used for Schalk and Squirrels in Cascade saturatus; Entiat, Wenatchee baby clothes; powerful Mierendorf general. golden-mantled Tamiasciurus spirit. 1983:224-225; ground squirrel; douglasii; Miller 1998:265, Douglas’ Glaucomys 333. squirrel; sabrins; Northern flying Sciurus griseus squirrel; Western gray squirrel; Suckers: Catostomus Chelan, Mid- For Sahaptins, a highly Mierendorf Suckers were Bridgelip columbianus; Columbia Sahaptin respected fish on par 1986:18; Hunn et available in Lake sucker; Catostomus with salmon. First fresh al. 1990:155-159. Chelan in ancient Large-scale macrocheilus; fish of the year prior to times. sucker; Catostomus salmon runs in the Longnose catostomus Columbia River. sucker Thanksgiving feast given for suckers. bones represented in various myths. Trout: Oncorhynchus Chelan Pregnant women advised Smith 1988:266, Trout were found Cutthroat trout; clarkii; to avoid consuming trout 290. in several of the Bull trout Salvelinus so that the infant would streams flowing confluentus not cry excessively. into Lake Chelan, especially Fish Creek. They were also present at the northern end of the lake at the Stehekin River. Turtle (Painted Chrysemys picta Middle Columbia Food. Hunn et al. This is the only turtle) Salish, Methow, 1998:543. reptile or Columbia, amphibian Wenatchee, Entiat, considered edible. Chelan, Yakama, Kittitas Whitefish Prospium Mid-Columbia One of the few whitefish Hunn et al. (Mountain williamsoni Sahaptin, Middle available during the 1990:163; Hewes whitefish) Columbia Salish winter. 1998:628. Wolf (Gray Canis lupus Middle Columbia Fur; important mythical Schalk and wolf) Salish, Methow, character; ritual use. Mierendorf Columbia, 1983:224-225; Wenatchee, Entiat, Smith 1988:269, Chelan 294; Miller 1998:257; Schuster 1998:342. Wolverine Gulo gulo Wenatchee, Entiat, Fur, meat. Hollenbeck and Chelan, Yakama, Carter 1986:127; Kittitas Hunn et al. 1998:541.

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Common Taxon Tribe Traditional Cultural Reference Comments Name Use Woodpecker Dryocopus Okanogan-Colville, Scalps and feathers used Hunn et al. (Pilated pileatus Wenatchee, Chelan as ornaments. 1998:544. woodpecker)

4.2 CULTURAL OVERVIEW OF THE CHELAN PEOPLE

Smith (1988) provides detailed and analytical compilation of the early travelers, traders and explorer’s accounts from the area. He combines this with a thorough and scholarly review of the anthropological literature. His work provides the baseline for the following discussion. Hackenmiller’s compilation of early newspaper and oral history files from the area adds a more recent (1800s) perspective (Hackenmiller 1995).

The Chelan were essentially a lake people (Smith 1988:4-1). They had their winter villages on the shores of Lake Chelan and exploited the streams and timbered slopes adjacent to the lake (Smith 1983b; 1988). According to Ray (1936:141; 1974a:419, 423) the Chelan also lived at the juncture of the Chelan and Columbia rivers. He notes the Chelan had both winter villages and warmer month camps along the Columbia River but these were used by relatively few individuals (Smith 1988:257).

Traditional Chelan territory extended from the mouth of Antoine Creek, or slightly up the Columbia from that point, downstream past the junction of the Chelan and Columbia as far south as an area just below Navarre Coulee (Smith 1983b:166-168; Smith 1988:260). They apparently made some use of the area east of the Columbia, collecting roots in the Badger Mountain region (Ray 1974a:423). West of the Columbia River their territory included the entire Lake Chelan area (Smith 1988:260). Hence, the entire project area is within the traditional territory of the Chelan. Hence, the entire project area is within the traditional territory of the Chelan as show in Figure 4-1.

Based on Allan Smith’s analysis of the limited population data on the Chelan, in the 1850s, during the winter, there were approximately 250 Chelan in the Columbia villages and about 1,185 in the Lake Chelan villages. In the same period, during the summer, Smith estimates 230 people in the Columbia riverside camps and 990 in the lake area (Smith 1983:278, 280, 318-320, 1988:263)2. He attributes the seasonal differences in population density in the project area to the Chelan dispersing in the warmer months to take advantage of resources available at higher elevations and at other locations along the Columbia (Smith 1988:280).

There is almost no Chelan specific fishing data in the ethnohistoric or ethnographic literature of the region. However, an analysis of the fish found in the area, the topography, and the fishing data from the region indicate that:

2 Chelan population had already been decimated by diseases (smallpox, distemper, etc.) by 1850 (cf. Boyd 1985:324-415). Consequently, population density in the project area may have been significantly higher in earlier periods.

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S in historic times there were no salmonid fishing stations within the project area;

S non-anadromous fish may have been more important than salmon in Chelan subsistence;

S the Chelan joined the Methow and the Wenatchee at their fishing stations (outside the project area) and evidence of salmon in Lake Chelan sites from the historic period indicates inter- tribal contact or trade;

S non-salmonids caught by the Chelan in the lake probably included bull trout, cutthroat trout, scupins, and minnows; they utilized salmon, , lamprey eels, and other resident fish of the Columbia River as well.

S weirs, fish traps, spear fishing, netting and hooking probably took place at the head of the lake where the Stehekin debouches into the lake and at the mouths of creeks where large lake trout tend to feed; and,

S it is possible that in the early 1800s, the Chelan could have placed a weir/fish trap on the Chelan river close to its juncture with the Columbia (cf., Ross 1966:139-140).

In the Chelan project area, hunting may have been more important than fishing in terms of the amount of protein produced. According to Ray, at least three villages on the lake and one on the Columbia were located so that they provided good access for hunting (Ray 1974a:419-423). Deer and mountain goats were particularly important. Ray notes that the camp at the base of Lake Chelan was an “important goat hunting base” (Ray 1936:141). He also identifies Symon’s rapids, Bar rapids and the Manson area as deer hunting areas. In addition to being important food sources, deer and mountain goats had other important uses. Deer hides were no doubt used to fashion clothing and containers. The Chelan wore blankets of mountain goat wool (Teit 1928:113).

The Chelan also took smaller game, such as marmots, in the project area (Teit 1928:116) and near the lake outlet and near Manson, they hunted muskrats and other small animals (Ray 1942a:420-421). Teit (1928:113-116) notes that the Chelan wore marmot and woven rabbit-skin robes.

The Chelan use of birds is unknown from the ethnographic record (Smith 1988:270) and it is unlikely that ducks were taken in any significant numbers in the lake portion of their territory. As noted in the earlier environmental description, a low density of waterfowl characterizes Lake Chelan.

The Chelan specific data on the use of plants found in the study area includes:

S root gathering grounds were located on the unforested peninsula and in the adjacent shore areas near the Chelan camp near Manson;

S root gathering grounds were located on the south side of the lake opposite Green’s Landing;

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S root gathering areas on Badger Mountain (south east of the project area) were used by Chelan from a river village near Navarre Coulee (Ray 1942a:421-423; Smith 1988:270);

S berries were collected in the vicinity of Willow Point on the north side of Lake Chelan (Ray 1974a:421);

S sunflowers (most likely Balsamorhiza sagittata--whose roots, young shoots, bud stems and seeds are eatable) were also gathered at Willow Point on the north side of Lake Chelan (Ray 1974a:421; Turner 1978:115-116; Smith 1988:271);

S matting and baskets were made from tules and cattails (Ray 1974a:421; Smith 1988:272); and

S since one term for the Chelan was “bitterroot people” it is assumed that this plant was either particularly abundant or of exceptional quality in their area (Ray 1932:11; Smith 1988:270).

Pit houses have been documented in the project area. The only description of a Chelan winter house comes from Teit (1928:114):

The underground house or semi-underground earth-covered lodge was used by nearly all the Columbia Salish [presumably including the Chelan] in the winter- time, because it was considered warm and very economical of firewood. It seems that they were constructed in the same way as among the Thompson, only the great majority had the entrance on one side, generally the south or sunny side, or the side towards the river or the water. Ascent and descent were by a short ladder or notched log. A few had entrance only through the smokehole, and a long ladder like the common kind among the Thompson [comments by Smith 1988:275].

When Ray describes house form for the Chelan, he uses the term semisubterranean dwellings when describing lakeside winter villages. Ray notes that cattail and tule mats were used in their construction (1942a:421).

From Ray’s data, Smith has extrapolated the factors the Chelan most likely used in making siting decisions. When choosing a location for a winter village they most likely considered the following factors:

S A level surface.

S A south-facing exposure for warmth.

S Protection from cold winds that blew up the lake in winter.

S An open point or headland (this appears to be in some conflict with the preceding criterion).

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S A nearby beach that collected large amounts of driftwood that “originated in the heavily wooded area up the lake.” From these sources came firewood without having to cut it up and carry it far.

S Grazing areas for horses.

S Early snow melting in the spring, allowing favorable spring hunting to replenish food stores depleted during the winter.

When choosing a location for a summer village or camp, they most likely considered the following factors:

S Nearby hunting areas for large game and small animals.

S Fishing sites in the vicinity.

S Productive root grounds, berry patches, and sunflower areas nearby.

S Nearby sources of various technological materials, such as cattails and tules for baskets and matting.

S Large open meadows where horses could graze and athletic contests could take place (Smith 1988:276).

In 1880, Camp Chelan (military post) was established on the north bank where the lake narrows into the Chelan River, the area of Yenmusi’tsa (Ray 1941a:141). This post was abandoned before October 1881. In 1899 this same location became the Chelan townsite. In the 1800s when the Wapato band3 chose their allotments, they settled on the north shore north of the Chelan townsite:

Ten or 12 miles from its mouth the lake boldly bends to the north, and laying in the elbow thus encircled upon the north shore of the lake, and extending from a point nearly opposite Chelan to the shore of the lake after it bends northward, lie the extensive lands of the Wapato Indians, ...[T]hey have managed to acquire the cream of the lands upon the north shore of the lake (Durham 1972:9)

Clearly this area was considered highly desirable by the Chelan. About half of the ethnographically reported Chelan settlements on the lake are found in this area and half of the Chelan people at the lake lived in these communities (Smith 1983:320).

The only pit house sites that have been formally recorded from the lake area are significantly north of the ethnographically reported villages. On the basis of a single surface dart-size projectile point, the Moore Point site appears to date from Period II (3900-200 B.P.) or earlier (Site Form FS#061702-30).

3 A group of Chelan and Entiat whose headman was Joe (or Jack) Wapato (Smith 1988:279).

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The disparity between the archaeological location of pit houses and where they are reported ethnographically is most likely a product of several factors:

S most of the ethnographically known sites are in areas of intensive development and have probably been obscured if not destroyed by subsequent land altering activities;

S the southern end of the lake may have been more intensively used in the protohistoric due to the historic decrease in population density in the study area;

S some pit houses may be inundated, washed away or buried beneath more resent sediments; and

S the northern end of the lake generally provides less flat ground suitable for the building of pit houses.

The Chelan used dugout canoes but these were apparently of limited winter use on the lake (Smith 1988:281). Given the topography of the lakeshore, it seems most likely that canoe travel was more convenient than lakeshore trails during all other seasons. There were short trails on both the north and the south sides of Chelan River that linked the lake and the Columbia River (Smith 1988:288).

There are four documented overland trails or sets of trails that link Chelan territory to that of their neighbors. All had one terminus in the study area:

S from the left bank of the Columbia eastward to Badger Mountain collecting area;

S from the Chelan River mouth north along the west side of the Columbia to the Methow Valley and south following the Columbia to the Entiat and Wenatchee countries;

S from Lake Chelan/Stehekin River across the Methow Mountains to the Upper and Middle Methow Valleys; and,

S trails over the Cascades linking Lake Chelan and the Skagit River area--the word “Stehekin” may be a Skagit word which means roughly “the way we crossed through” referring apparently to cross-Cascade routes (Smith 1988:282-288).

Ray has noted that the Chelan visited Kettle Falls in the summer to trade, visited the fishing station at the Wenatchee river mouth and probably traded with other Plateau groups at the confluence of the Columbia and Okanagon (Ray 1932:116). The Chelan traded and intermarried with the Spokane (Teit 1928:110) and perhaps the Skagit (Smith 1988:289).

Ethnohistoric records describe four pictograph sites on Lake Chelan. The first and most northern panel (the Stehekin Pictographs, 45CH66) was apparently painted by people in canoes and depicts mountain goats, bighorn sheep and humans (Symons 1882; Cain 1950; Byrd in Durham 1972; Rice nd.; Smith 1988; site form 45CH66). According to Patterson, bears and elk are also depicted (Patterson 1987:np). Patterson notes that red and yellow ochre were used in the paintings (1987:np). The earliest description of the glyphs (Cain 1950:1) indicates that the

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images include “figures representing fish, human and anthropomorphic figures.” Smith (1988:298-299) disputes the presence of fish and anthropomorphic figures. It is possible that the “eared” oblongs described in the top row of the glyphs could be interpreted as fish.

Pictographs are also reported from Meadow Creek on the northeast side of Lake Chelan (Byrd in Durham 1972:9), near Domke Falls on the southwest side of the lake (Byrd in Durham 1972:16) and on the northeastern side of the lake downlake from Goat Mountain (Lyman 1899:195; Smith 1988:299).

The Domke Falls Pictograph (FS#061702-07) depicts five horned ungulates, probably mountain goats, one human figure possibly holding a weapon and two faint concentric circles. All are made with red pigment. The site is just above the lake’s normal pool elevation.

The Meadow Creek Pictographs included a man with a bow and arrow, at least two other human figures, two ungulates (one with antlers, an elk?) a line of tipis and tally marks. This site was inundated by the Chelan Dam in 1928 (FS nd, item 26; Hackenmiller 1995:35-36).

The only description of the fourth pictograph site indicates it was probably most similar to the Meadow Creek Pictographs and that it has also been inundated:

The pictographs, executed in red on the smooth white walls that projected here and there into the water, included according to Lyman’s eye, men, tents, goats, bear and other animals. Except that they had already been partially destroyed by gunners firing from the lake surface, they were “wonderfully well preserved” when he viewed them, in spite of wave action in high water, the beating of rain, and frost action (Smith 1988:289).

As noted in the discussion of the cultural environment of the study area, people recognize cultural spiritual qualities of places as well as physical characteristics. One place on Lake Chelan is associated with sumesh (spiritual power). This location has a specific name and was used traditionally as a vision questing site by young men:

My parents and several others we traveled by canoe northward the route of lake Chelan. Finally, we stopped and camped near where they sent young boys to dive into the lake, these occur late in evenings. Purpose of diving into the lake from the rock called Mik Mik, the guardian sprit power, dwell under water at this location. The young boys are in attempt to make a contact with the (sumix) spiritual power. Although, I was very young, but I had the impression that my parents were going to send me there. On the second night of camping late in evening, my father said: you are going to that big flat rock, extends out in the lake. Walk way out to the edge and stand there facing the lake; you being to yell long and loud, dive into the lake. To me as a young boy this was a big order. I really was afraid to go out there in the dark....Johnnie Abraham told me he had a very close friend, same age, he was also sent out there, his luck of diving into the lake was a lot different and better than Johnnie’s at this moment I cannot recall his name. But, he tell his story to Abraham. He said: I was told by my parents to go to the big flat rock [that] extends into the dark waters, very late in evening. He

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said: When I dived in the dark waters, when my face hit the water that I realized the fact that I was standing in the middle of a big lodge. I begin to look around I noticed a lot of elders setting on both sides of the room inside the lodge. Most of them had grey hairs, they were very quite no one talking, I noticed some of them started to whisper [to] one another. When I heard the first voice directly behind me, I kept staring straight ahead. A man’s voice said: some of you help the boy (Johnnie Abraham [member of Chelan Tribe] 1924 to T. B. Charley; T. B. Charley [vice-chairman of the Heritage Board of the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation in 1980]: 1980 interview recorded by Chelan National Forest).

4.2.1 Limitations on Ethnographic Data from the Project Area

Limitations of the ethnographic and ethnohistoric data relevant to the project area include:

S the ethnographic data covers only 200 years at most while Indian peoples have been in the area for at least 5000 years;

S the people of the Stehekin-Chelan River are described elliptically in terms of how they differ from other Salishan groups in the adjacent drainages, e.g., Ray 1936a, Teit 1928;

S in the ethnographic reports subsistence strategies are most often described in idealized terms, the ubiquitous “seasonal round”, with few if any quantitative measures; and

S the ethnohistoric literature (travel, trader and explorer journals) most often deal with subsistence in an incident specific fashion. While this is useful in terms of site location data and some functional data about site use, no information is given on whether the incident is representative of a general pattern or the result of special limited circumstances. In addition, as in the ethnographic literature, there is a dearth of quantitative data. This limits our ability to extrapolate on site density and diversity as it relates to site function.

4.2.2 The Protohistoric Period (AD 1600-1750)

The Protohistoric Period usually dates from AD 1600-1750. It is a time when many of the changes in the area resulted from an introduction of ideas and material from non-Indian peoples. The following description of the Lake Chelan peoples during this period is a condensation of Allen Smith’s detailed and comprehensive review of the written ethnographic and ethnohistoric data relevant to the project area (Smith 1983a, 1983b, 1988).

During the protohistoric period, Chelan people lived primarily around the lake. Most lowland camps and villages were at the confluence of streams or other flat areas that bordered the lake. The peoples living in the study area procured the fish found in the lake and streams with weirs, nets, spears and other technologies. They gathered a wide variety of plants in the lowlands in the spring and gradually moved up slope as the weather continued to warm where they could acquire other berries and roots. Plants provided not only food but also the raw materials for baskets and houses (tules and cattails), drift wood for fuel, and medicinal and cosmetic items.

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While the women and children primarily gathered, the men fished and hunted both in the lowlands and on south facing slopes in the winter and on the slopes and uplands in the summers. Mule deer were probably the animal most commonly taken but other animals such as mountain goats, elk and smaller game like rabbits and marmots were also used. Together with plants and fish, these hunted species made other contributions to their lives, e.g., hides were used for tipi covers and goat hair for weaving. Some Chelan peoples also lived on the west side of the Columbia and went as far southeast as Badger Mountain to collect bitterroot and camas. Although salmon would have been available to the river Chelan, they had no major mass fishing locations in their territory.

Smith (1983b; 1988) has speculated that perhaps the lake and river Chelan represent two groups of related people but there is no definitive evidence of this. The protohistoric Chelan peoples in all likelihood maintained inter-tribal relations with other Middle Columbia Salish and Sahaptin- speakers through trade, visiting and intermarriage. They journeyed to meet with other peoples over the Stehekin-Twisp trail and canoed the Columbia to meet their Salish neighbors, the Entiat, Methow, and Wenatchee.

The protohistoric period is a time of indirect contact with non-Indians. Western trade items (e.g., beads, guns, metal objects etc.) horses and new diseases all made their appearance in the area.

Initially, non-native trade items were probably just added to peoples tool kits and caused only minor changes. Metal arrow points were used along with stone arrow points, trade beads were used along with bone beads, etc. However, guns, to be useful must be supplied with ammunition and replacement parts (e.g., flints). This meant that a continuing trade relationship must be maintained with outsiders. Consequently, the Chelan people would eventually have to go to trading posts outside their area, trade with other tribal middlemen or try to get traders to come to their territory.

The horse was introduced via the Shoshone to the south circa 1720. The horse, while used by the Chelan, may have been of less immediate importance to them than to other Middle Columbia Salish. The horse increases mobility in general and in particular the range an individual can move from a base camp and return in a single day. It also is capable of transporting more weight than dogs. However, horses also make demands on their keepers. Unlike dogs, they do not compete with humans for food, but they do require pastures. Given the relatively limited amount of grasslands in the lake area, the introduction of horses may have led in an increased use of control burns to create more grasslands, especially on the southern end of the lake. However, given the steep sided topography of much of the lake area, especially the northern part, the horse may have been more significant to those Chelan who habitually lived in the river area. Some may have joined other Middle Columbia Salish on annual bison hunting treks to the plains.

The introduction of Euro-American diseases (measles, smallpox, flu, distemper, etc.) into the project area probably resulted in the death of about 25% of the people between 1805 and 1848. In the period between 1848 and 1856, another 25% probably died. All in all, between 1775 and 1875, it is likely that the Indian population of the study area was reduced by two-thirds (Boyd 1985:324-398, Charts 13-16).

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Traders from the competing fur trading companies probably represent the first Euro-Americans to visit the Lake Chelan area. David Thompson of the North West Company was sent by his employer to explore regions south of those previously charted by MacKenzie in 1793 (Luttrell 1994a:2.3). Thompson surveyed the length of the Columbia, making his way from Kettle Falls downriver to the mouth of the Columbia. The expedition met initially with groups living in the Okanogan region (Hackenmiller 1995:49). Goods were traded between the two parties and both camped along the shores of the Columbia. Further west, Thompson encountered villages in the Chelan area and then stopped at the mouth of the Wenatchee River, encountering local groups of native residents, including the Wenatchee and Salish speaking groups.

Alexander Ross, a clerk for the Pacific Fur Trading Company, and a number of residents of Astoria set off in 1811 to establish a trading post in the interior. Accompanied by Thompson, who was returning to Canada, they traveled along the Columbia encountering numerous local groups along their route. One of their stops was at the confluence of the Wenatchee River where they encountered a small party of Native Americans, probably Wenatchee. Moving northward, the party of travelers met with Entiat people at the confluence of the Chelan and Columbia rivers. They finally arrived at the mouth of the Okanogan River and proceeded to erect a building that was the first structure of what would become the trading post (Lindston 1975; Luttrell 1994a:2.4, 2.14).

After the sale of Pacific Fur Trading Company’s holdings to the North West Company, Ross as a representative of the latter enterprise, set forth with 124 men for a second time in 1814 along the Columbia River, eventually reaching Fort Okanogan. The nature of his contacts with Native American groups at that time indicates a shift in relations between native residents and the ever- growing American intruders. Because of continuing poor relations with fur traders, Native American groups encountered during his second trip were wary and distrustful of the expedition.

Ross’s trip was significant because it marks a turning point in relationships between the Native American groups in the area and American interlopers. Reconstruction of Fort Okanogan in 1818 was largely the result of growing tensions between native occupants and the Euro-American settlers. Subsequent expeditions (following the travels of Ross) between 1814 and the signing of the , document deteriorating conditions in the lifeways of the native residents (Luttrell 1994a:2.8).

The establishment of fur trading posts and the intrusion of Euro-American explorers in the area would ultimately be significant events as they contributed in great part to changes in the traditional broad subsistence patterns of local Native American populations (Boyd 1985:342). The focus on exploiting fur-bearing mammals signified less time in procuring other resources that might be necessary during the harsher months of the year. In addition, Native American groups living in the vicinity of these forts became increasingly dependent on European goods with the eventual loss of traditional ways of life. It is also likely that both poor nutritional conditions and artificial aggregations around Euro-American settlements contributed to the spread of diseases (Boyd 1985:343-344).

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4.2.3 US American Indian Policy of the Trade and Intercourse Acts Period: 1789 to 1887

Prior to the formation of the United States, several European countries signed treaties with some of the Indian nations. England, France and Spain recognized Indian tribes as sovereign nations and the British King issued doctrines describing their relationship with Indian nations. After the United States achieved independence, the constitution acknowledged the sovereign rights of Indian nations and the Non-Intercourse Act of 1790 gave the federal government authority over Indian relations. Additional policy was established with the Treaty of , signed by the United States and England in 1814. This treaty established that the role of guardian of all Indian nations was transferred from England to the US and excluded non-Indians from Indian territories until and unless the US secured the land from the Indian by treaty.

Between 1823 and 1831 the US Supreme Court established three doctrines, known as the Marshall Trilogy, which laid the groundwork for Indian policy:

S the discovery doctrine stated that only the federal government has the preemptive right to procure Indian land;

S trust responsibility of the federal government means that Indian tribes as sovereign, domestic dependent nations rely on the US for protection of their interests and have no power to make treaties with foreign nations; and,

S the supremacy clauses state that treaties take precedence over state laws.

In 1834, Congress passed the Indian Trade and Intercourse Act that established treaty-making policy. The reservation system was predicated on the premise that Indian land and other property could not be legally taken from Indian without their consent. With the ratification of the Oregon Treaty in 1846, Great Britain ceded the Northwest Territory to the United States and brought the study area and its inhabitants under US jurisdiction. Two years later, passage of the 1848 Organic Act created the , confirmed Indian title to land in the Oregon Territory and recognized the treaty process as being official policy in the territory.

Two contradictory acts were passed in June of 1850. The Act of June 5 created a treaty commission and extended the Indian Trade and Intercourse Act to the Oregon Territory. The Oregon Donation Act, also passed in June, allowed settlement in the territory prior to the ratification of any treaties of land cession in the Pacific Northwest.

4.2.4 Initial Euro-American Settling of the Columbia and Lake Chelan Regions: 1853 to 1887

On March 2, 1853, President Fillmore signed a bill that created the Washington Territory. This allowed the citizens of the territory limited self-government and allowed the election of one non- voting delegate to the House of Representatives, who could speak for the interests of the territory. However, the federal government appointed the executive and judicial officers of the territory. Isaac I. Stevens was the first to be appointed the powerful position of governor of the territory. This position, and his appointment as the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, provided him with control of the militia. In addition, Stevens was charged with mounting the Pacific

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Railroad Surveys (Reichwein 1988: 169; Luttrell 1994a: 2.10; Lindston 1975; Shoemaker 1987:48).

Stevens laid down his goals for Indian administration for Washington Territory. He hoped to secure treaties, reserve to the tribes good lands to foster an agricultural program premised on farming and encourage amalgamation of small groups under a few chiefs and move the Indians onto reservations.

Many of the Stevens’ and the US government policies regarding land were founded on the theory of natural rights espoused by Thomas Jefferson, Thomas Paine and other revolutionaries. This philosophy argued that every citizen had a right to a share of the soil and that public lands should be provided to the people in small parcels. Furthermore, there was a spiritual component to cultivating the soil, one that made farmers the favored people of the Christian god. Besides being morally superior, they were more independent; more committed to liberty and democracy and were overall more honorable than other people (Fite 1966). By implication, those that did not work the soil (e.g. Indian populations) were less honorable and less deserving of the land they inhabited.

While this philosophy was originally directed against the absentee land barons of the Old World, this attitude was easily transferred to Indian populations who were viewed as not contributing to society as a whole. United States politicians believed that it was fulfilling its manifest destiny to control/own the land and its resources. It also felt that, just like the land, Indians needed to be tamed or cultivated by bringing them into the nineteenth century and indoctrinating them into Euro-American culture, which they assumed to be superior. This was the philosophical basis of what history would eventually label the “assimiliationist policy”.

To achieve the transition from tribal ownership to white-ownership, the US government negotiated treaties and established Indian reservations (Luttrell 1994b: 3.6). Stevens directed the Pacific Railroad Survey to the Columbia Plateau to ascertain the best transportation route from the east, and extinguish Indian title to the lands (Reichwein 1988:169). In 1854, Governor Stevens commissioned Captain George McClellan to survey potential routes for the railroad from the eastern portion of the territory over the mountains to Puget Sound. When he arrived in the Wenatchee area, McClellan told the Indians that Stevens wanted to negotiate with them about purchasing their land (Hackenmiller 1995:55-56).

Not surprisingly, the tribes wanted to maintain their culture and their right to self-determination. The treaty method of resolving disputes seldom worked well. As John C. Ewers (1958: 297) put it, Indians were forced into “trading land for a living”. It assumed that tribes, like sovereign nations were united under one supreme leader, or one group of leaders who could speak for all the people. That was seldom the case. More often, one or several chiefs signed away lands over which they lacked sole authority.

In 1854, a number of central Washington Indian groups assembled in the Grande Ronde Valley to discuss white settlement and the threat to their traditional lifeways. The Indians formed an alliance and partitioned off lands from British Columbia to southern Oregon. The Wenatchee (including the Entiats and Columbias) were the designated stewards of the lands from the

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Wenatchee Mountains to Lake Chelan and east to the Grand Coulee. The Chelans were given the responsibility for the region from Lake Chelan north to the Methow and east to the Grand Coulee. The Yakama were designated the caretakers of an area that included the Kittitas, Yakima, and Klickitat valleys (Hackenmiller 1995: 56-57).

In 1855, Governor Stevens met with the Wenatchee, Entiat, Owhi, Cayuse, , Umatilla, Walla Walla, Yakama and others at Walla Walla Valley (Reichwein 1988:169; Scheuerman 1982:70). He stated that the proposal formed by the Indians at Grand Ronde was not acceptable. After negotiation, the tribal leaders agreed to cede to the US government an area that was “bordered by the Cascade Mountains to the west, the Palouse to the east, the Columbia and Snake rivers to the south and the Methow and Columbia rivers to the north” (Hackenmiller 1995: 57-58). This land cession includes the study area. The treaty designated the Wenatshapam Fishery (Wenatchee) and the Yakama Indian Reservation (Kappler 1904). The tribal leaders were initially against the treaty as they believed the land was sacred and could not be sold. To sell land would be a great sin. The tribal leaders eventually signed, possibly under the threat that they would be killed if they did not (Reichwein 1988: 170).

Several groups including the Spokane, Methow, Moses Band of Columbias (Sinkayuse) and others did not attend. Another meeting was set up for negotiations, but was canceled with the outbreak of the Indian War of 1855 (Beckham 1998: 152). No additional meetings were made to continue the negotiations. Instead, the US government acted as if the absent groups had signed the treaties (Shoemaker 1987:48)

The treaties did not take into account the swarms of immigrants who crossed Indian territory in search of land, feed for their grazing cattle, or more importantly, the unstoppable miners who were struck with “gold fever”. Waves of mostly white placer miners invaded the Columbia River Valley to make their fortunes.

Having lost so much in the Yakama Treaty of 1855, the tribes were sensitive to further encroachment. So when miners found gold on the Nez Pierce Reservation and subsequently threatened to over-run the land, the Nez Pierce revolted. In the end, several miners and an appointed US agent were killed. Violence quickly spread throughout the Pacific Northwest (Beckham 1998; Bruce 1994a: 5.3; Hackenmiller 1995: 55-67; Lindston 1975; Reichwein 1988: 170). Although hostilities continued, and random acts of violence occurred, the war ended in 1858. This resulted in opening thousands of acres for white settlement (Hackenmiller 1995: 67; Luttrell 1994b: 3.14). Additionally, Chinese miners began moving into the region in force, concentrating near Walla Walla, Fort Colville (at Kettle Falls) and the Chelan and Methow rivers (Chin 1992:20, 27; Hildebrand 1977:14).

Wapato John4 recognized the business opportunities in the region and established his own trading post and ranch at the mouth of Wells Coulee. He maintained a herd of approximately 1,000 head of cattle that he sold to miners and other travelers. He also operated a horse powered ferry across the Columbia River (Hackenmiller 1995: 78). During the early days of the Chinese trading post’s

4 N’k’whilekin was a Entiat and is also referred to as Joe and Jack by Smith (1988). His first wife was Smee-mee- hulks, a.k.a. Madeline, whose father, Lahooom, signed the Yakama Treaty of 1855.

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history, Wapato also ran pack trains from Walla Walla to supply the post with necessary goods (Hackenmiller 1995: 73).

Despite the actions of some individuals, most Indians were attempting to live peacefully and continue with their traditional lifeways. Meanwhile, the US government pushed forward in their plans to develop white agricultural settlement. In 1862, the National Homestead Act was passed (Shoemaker 1987:49; Luttrell 1994b:3.11). It entitled heads of households or persons at least 21 years of age to file for 160 acres of land. The primary stipulation was that the homesteader had to reside on the land continuously for five years and cultivate a portion of it for the final four years. Contentment with this situation only lasted until the late 1860s. As the Civil War ended, a great westward movement to secure land and fortune began. With this movement, a call was sounded to rework previous treaties and force Indians onto smaller reservations (Shoemaker 1987:49; Reichwein 1988: 164).

At the same time, the government needed a way to provide jobs to active duty civil war veterans. Many were sent to the west to take a more active role in Indian affairs, especially in distributing annuities, removing trespassers from reservations and garrisoning the Washington frontier. This was encouraged by the white population, not only because of their fear of Indian uprisings, but because the presence of the military meant lucrative business contracts for the local businessmen (Reichwein 1988: 172).

Again, the attitude of the government toward Native American ownership of land took a change for the worse. On March 3, 1871, Congress ordered all Indians to move to reservations or they would be forced to move by the military (Reichwein 1988: 172). In 1872, the Colville Reservation was established to include the Chelan, Entiat, Wenatchee, Methow, San Poil, Nespelem, Colville, Moses-Columbia, Okanogan, Palus, Nez Perce, and Lake Indians. Reservation boundaries lay west and north of the Columbia River, east of the Okanogan River and extended north to the border with British Columbia and hence were east of the project area (Shoemaker 1987:49; Luttrell 1994b: 3.14; Hackenmiller 1995: 95; Beckham 1998).

In 1872, a change in homestead law occurred which allowed Civil War veterans the right to count each year of military service toward the five-year residency requirement. Provisions of the 1872 Act were later extended to veterans of the Spanish-American War, the Philippine Insurrection, the Mexican border campaign, World War I and the Indian campaigns.

The government also promoted Euro-American settlement in and around Indian reservations with the passing of the Timber Culture Act of 1873 (Luttrell 1994b: 3.16). As early as 1869, Congress was asked to make provisions for the arid lands of the west by promoting irrigation. By 1875 a project was initiated in California, which offered 640 acres to individuals who would irrigate the land in an effort to reclaim it. By 1877, the Desert Land Act was passed; this act extended the program to other areas of the arid west (Hibbard 1965: 424-427).

The influx of settlers and decreases in fish populations caused by large scale fishing operations led to another outbreak in hostilities. Along the Columbia River, near Lake Chelan, the hostilities were first manifested on the Chinese placer miners. Between 1875 and 1877, Indians began attacking the Chinese up and down the Columbia River and its tributaries. This included the

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massacre of an unknown number of Chinese miners a few miles south of the Chelan River (Hildebrand 1977:17; Bruce 1994a: 5.23; Hackenmiller 1995: 94). The Chinese trading post and community at Chelan Falls was deserted during this period (Chin 1992:24; Gaylord 1994: 27). Although the surviving Chinese attempted to organize in retaliation, they were unable to obtain the necessary supplies from the whites in Colville (Hackenmiller 1995: 94) and the Chinese presence in the region soon disappeared.

In 1877, the Nez Pierce again revolted against white incursions onto their lands. Washington territorial leaders feared widespread hostilities like those that occurred in the 1850s. To circumvent this possibility, General O.O. from met with the Mid- Columbia5 chiefs in early June.

Most of the tribes understood that armed struggle would not be effective in holding back white intrusion. So, under the spokesmanship of Chief Moses, the tribes agreed that they would not join Chief Joseph and would live on a reservation as long as they had a voice in its location and that it was not the Yakama Reservation (Scheuerman 1982: 113; Shoemaker 1987: 47-53; Hackenmiller 1995: 103). In September of 1877, Moses marked where he wanted the reservation. However, the whites in the territory felt that a new reservation was not necessary and that the Yakama Reservation was sufficient to contain the mid-Columbia tribes. Their opposition quickly led to the denial of the proposed boundaries (Scheuerman 1982: 114; Hackenmiller 1995: 103-104).

Having failed in this attempt, Chief Moses, along with several other tribal leaders, made a trip to Washington D.C. in April of 1879 to petition directly with the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, E.A. Hayt. Moses steadfastly refused to go to the Yakama Reservation and demanded a new reservation. The compromise was the Columbia or Moses Reservation (Lindston 1975; Luttrell 1994b: 3.14). It ran from Lake Chelan to the Canadian border and from the Columbia and Okanogan rivers to the Cascade Ridge and was established for the exclusive and “permanent use of Chief Moses and his people and such other friendly Indians as may elect to settle theron with his consent” by Executive orders of April 19, 1879 and amended by Executive orders of March 6, 1880 and February 23, 1883 (Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservationn 1972). It was hoped that the Entiat, Chelan and other tribes would now unite under Moses and move to the reservation (Lindston 1975).

Initially, it looked as though the mid-Columbia tribes would follow quickly and peacefully comply, but, as time passed and the excitement died down, few groups made the move to the reservation (Lindston 1975). Even Moses and his people chose to stay on the Colville Reservation. Those happiest with the new reservation were the Chelan, who continued to live on their ancestral homeland (Hackenmiller 1995: 114).

5 Middle Columbia groups included the Salish speaking Southern Okanogan, San Poil, Nespelem, Chelan, Entiat, Methow, Wenatchee, and Sinkayuse (Columbias). In the 1800s after Moses rise to power, Middle Columbia peoples was commonly used to mean only the Chelan, Entiat, Wenatchee and Sinkayuse (cf., Miller 1998:253).

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4.2.5 US American Indian Policy of the General Allotment Act Period: 1887 to 1934

The General Allotment Act of 1887 ushered in a new phase of the US government’s assimilationist policy. Allotment was the mechanism whereby land was taken out of tribal ownership and divided between individuals and families. The rationale for this was that individual property ownership would spur agricultural development and quicker assimilation of Indians into the mainstream of American society. Of course, it would also limit the power base of traditional leaders and undermine the ties of tribal loyalty and affiliation. The General Allotment Act granted citizenship to any allottee “who has voluntarily taken up...his residence separate and apart from any tribe of Indians...and has adopted the habits of civilized life” (24 Stat. 390). In 1890, a Commissioner of Indian Affairs directive required that Native Americans adopt English Christian names and abolished the pre-contact office of chief (Reichwein 1988: 176).

When land was allotted it was assigned to individual families but held in trust by the US government for twenty-five years. At the end of the 25-year period it would be converted to a fee patent and then the Indian owner could sell the land without prior approval of the trustee. In 1906 the 25-year trustee period was substantially shortened.

An additional component of the 1887 act gave the Secretary of the Interior the power to negotiate with the tribe for the sale of unallotted, or “surplus” reservation lands which then would be opened for homesteading. By 1891 the Secretary of the Interior had been given the power to lease allotted lands whenever, “by reason of age or other disability, any allottee...can not personally and with benefit to himself occupy or improve his allotment or any part thereof (Act of Feb. 28, 1891, ch. 383, Section 3, 26 Stat. 794, 795). The combination of the leasing of allotments by the federal government and the opening of reservations to homesteading led to a massive lost of Indian lands and control over their resources (Wrend and Smith 1993:1-28). By 1906, 60 percent of the reservation lands were in white hands (Luttrell 1994b: 3.13).

4.2.6 The Allotment Era in the Project Area

To ensure that peace was maintained and that the Mid-Columbia Indians moved to the reservation, Camp Chelan was established by the military on the south end of Lake Chelan (Scheuerman 1982: 115; Lindston 1975; Simmons 1986: 5-7; Kirkpatrick 1989: 18). To get mail and supplies the military built a road from Ritzville to the camp (Freiberg 1997: 10; Lindston 1975) and brought in the first steamboat to the region (Lindston 1975). Despite these efforts, getting supplies proved to be too costly and the camp was moved to the mouth of the Spokane River (Lindston 1975).

Although the military was successful in moving the majority of the Entiat to the Columbia Reservation (Hackenmiller 1995: 116), the military was generally not effective in forcing Indians to move to the new reservation. The Columbias joined the groups on the Colville Reservation or accepted allotments on 640 acres within their homeland. Many of the Wenatchee took homesteads (Luttrell 1994b: 3.14).

Miners who were located within the newly established Columbia Reservation were not particularly happy and lobbied to extinguish the Moses Agreement (Reichwein 1988: 174). In

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1883, the Secretary of the Interior drafted an executive order to restore to the public domain a 15 mile strip of land along the northern border of the new reservation (Shoemaker 1987:49; Hackenmiller 1995: 116-117). The tribes objected and in June of 1883, Moses, Tonasket and Sarsopkin (both Okanogan leaders) traveled to Washington to demand payment for the land. Once there, the Secretary of the Interior informed them the Columbia Reservation was going to be discontinued. As a result of this meeting the Moses Allotment program was worked out. It allowed the head of an Indian family or adult male to select 640 acres of his own choosing and have it allotted to him. He could not sell the allotment land as he chose but instead the land was held in trust for him by the Indian Department (Lindston 1975). If the Native Americans did not take allotments, they would be forced to the Colville Reservation (Hackenmiller 1995: 118).

In 1884, the government established the Indian Homestead Act, which stated that if Indians surrendered their tribal status and became American citizens they could receive the benefits of the earlier Homestead Act of 1862 (Luttrell 1994b: 3.12). It guaranteed a 160-acre allotted homestead to each Indian family that settled upon and improved a tract of land. The Entiat waited until it was clear that the Chelan would not file for allotments and then homesteaded around Wapato Point. The 1870 official US Census listed nine families consisting of 57 Entiat Indians living near Chelan that included Wapato John, who was the chief of this group. Wapato John was described as a prosperous farmer who employed Euro-American techniques (Van Voorhis 1984); he raised melons, potatoes, grains and fruits including the first apples in north Central Washington (Byrd 1972).

According to Lindston (1975: 5), allotments on Lake Chelan were obtained by Wapato John, Peter Wapato, Sylvester Wapato, Louie Ustah, Johnny Abraham, Yokesil, Pdoi, Ameno, Lakayuse and Makai. The allotments of Cultus Jim and Chelan Bob were located at the mouth of the Columbia River just upstream from the mouth of the Chelan River. The Peter Wapato Allotment included Wapato Point on Lake Chelan; his family still owns the Point. The allotment of Lucy Mary was on the Columbia River and part of it became the Azwell Orchard of Mr. A. Z. Wells. Lucy Mary’s grandchildren sold the rest of the allotment to the Douglas County PUD and now the west end of the Wells Dam is located on the property.

The Chelans, under the leadership of Long Jim, occupied the area from roughly Wapato Point to the Columbia River and up the river for 15 miles. However, the Chelans refused to obtain allotments (Lindston 1975; Hackenmiller 1995: 122). Long Jim stated that his father, Innomoseecha, who was chief, never ceded the Chelan’s lands and that Chief Moses had ceded land to the government without authority. This would later lead to legal disputes.

By 1886, the Columbia Reservation was opened to white settlement (Hackenmiller 1995: 121). The first settlers were William Sanders and Henry Dumpke (prospectors) who struck claims at Prince Creek (Lindston 1975; Hackenmiller 1995: 122; Sargo 1987: 4) and Ingatius A. Navarre, his wife and daughter, who settled in the area now identified as Lakeside. Soon after, James H. Holden discovered copper, lead, gold and other minerals along Railroad Creek.

In 1887 the General Allotment Act (Dawes Severalty Act) authorized the subdivision of reservation lands by establishing allotments to individual Indians. Unalloted lands were held in trust by the government for the tribes--by 1906, 60 percent of the lands were in white hands

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(Luttrell 1994b: 3.13). Three years later, a directive from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs required that Native Americans adopt English Christian names and the pre-contact office of chief was abolished (Reichwein 1988: 176).

In 1888, Euro-American homesteaders began coming in numbers to Lake Chelan. The first industrial development began when L.H. Woodin and A.F. Nichols began a sawmill business at Lakeside; they also started a company store and bunkhouse (Lindston 1975; Carpenter 1989: 3- 4). For a while, the timber industry was quite active and many Indians were hired to work in the logging camps (Carpenter 1989: 3; Hackenmiller 1995: 123-124; Holstine 1994a:8.12).

In April of 1888, the next group of settlers moved to the area; Captain and Mrs. Charles Johnson and family, Mr. and Mrs. Benjamin F. Smith and family and the Hardenburn family built and settled on the south shore of the lake (Sargo 1987: 4). They named their town Lakeside (Lindston 1975). George Rowse located the first quartz-mining claim near Lake Chelan and M.M. Kingman and A.M. Pershell discovered the Horseshoe Basin District near Cascade Pass (Bruce 1994a: 5.23).

In 1899, Chelan County was formed from portions of Okanogan and Kittitas counties (Sargo 1987:6; Carpenter 1989: 1). That same year, attempts were made to plan the town of Chelan; however, Long Jim still considered it part of the Columbia Reservation (Robinson 1982:1 4; Carpenter 1989: 2). “During the day men drove stakes to show the corners of the lots and during the night Indians pulled them up. They resented any attempt to make settlement on that side of the Chelan River. They said “Bostons” could occupy the south side but they preferred no whites on the north side” (Carpenter 1989: 2). Because the land was originally part of the Columbia Indian Reservation, but had been opened for homestead entry, its title was not clear.

A legal dispute concerning ownership developed between the white settlers and the Native Americans. Long Jim at the lower north end of the lake and Cultus Jim and Chelan Bob along the Columbia River north of the mouth of the Chelan River claimed disputed lands. The Waterville General Land Office ruled in favor of the white settlers but the Commissioner of the General Land Office in Washington, D.C. ruled in favor of the Indians. Eventually, the case was appealed to the Supreme Court (Hackenmiller 1995:132-133). The Court basically determined that if the Indians had improved the land they had rights to the property, but the lower northern half of the Chelan Valley--including the platted townsite of Chelan-- was open for settlement (Byrd 1972:3; Carpenter 1989:2). Eventually, a special bill of Congress was passed in 1892 to allow the establishment of the Chelan townsite (Hull 1929: 460).

In the 1890s, the Northern Pacific constructed its transcontinental line along the Columbia toward the Cascades (Freiberg 1997:12). The railroad promoted “Free land for the landless”, which drew pioneers from both home and abroad into a great migration (Gaylord 1994:94; Bruce 1994b:6.10). In less than 10 years, Lake Chelan and surrounding areas were homesteaded (Lindston 1975), and small towns sprang up throughout the region (Reichwein 1988: 164 ).

One of these towns was Chelan Falls, which was platted on the Joseph and Sara Snow homestead on February 10, 1891 (Byrd 1972). The locale had always been popular and during the 1860s it had been the location of the Indian village N’Sahtkwa. High hopes existed that this town would

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eventually become one of the most important cities in eastern Washington due to the hydroelectric potential of the Chelan River and the routing of the railroad through the city (Simmons 1986: 5-7). In 1892, A. W. LaChapelle and R. H. Lord established a team ferry for the crossing of the Columbia River near Chelan Falls (Hull 1929:462). However, there was a dispute on who owned the land, the white settlers or Chelan Bob and Cultus Jim. In 1897, a United States Circuit court decided in favor of the Indians. As a result, three square miles were returned to the Chelan Indians.

Meanwhile, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs Directive banned dances, polygamy, drunkenness, refusal to work on road crews or other directed work, and most Indian religious practices (Reichwein 1988:177). In addition, the northern half of the Colville Reservation was ceded. Those Indians living in the north were given the choice of receiving 80-acre allotments or moving elsewhere (Reichwein 1988:177). In 1894, the Yakima Nation of Indians (now the Yakama Nation) ceded all claim to the Wenatshapam (Wenatchee) Fishery in return for $20,000 (Kappler 1904). None of the Indian signatories were Wenatchee. Three years later, the Wenatchee still had not received all of their allotments (Scheuerman 1982:136-139; Reichwein 1988:177).

During this period, Congress enacted legislation on March 2, 1899 that enabled railroads to acquire easements across reservations (Reichwein 1988:178). Similarly, Congress permitted right of ways through reservations for electric plants, poles and lines for electric power, telegraph and telephone transmission, and roads through the reservations (Reichwein 1988:178). Congress also authorized a survey of the Flathead, Yakama and Colville reservations for allotment purposes and later opened unalloted lands for purchase by the government and for settlement (Reichwein 1988:177-179).

In 1906, Congress passed the Burke Act. This represented an updated version of the Dawes Act; however, it allowed all but 80 acres of the 640 acres held as Native American allotments to be sold (Reichwein 1988; Bruce 1994b:6.7). The Wapato Irrigation company and the Lake Chelan Land Company took advantage of the act by buying 6,500 acres of Indian allotment land that was used in the development of an irrigation system (Bruce 1994b:6.7). It was originally developed to irrigate the lowlands near Manson. It eventually became part of the Lake Chelan Reclamation District and supplied water to thousands of acres used to grow the finest apples in the world (Lindston 1975).

In 1934 the Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) was passed. It ushered in the next phase of US Indian Policy that lasted until the termination legislation of the 1950s. The IRA was intended to reverse the General Allotment Act’s policy of weakening if not destroying tribal self- government. It prohibited further allotment of tribal lands and extended indefinitely existing trust periods to allotments for which fee patents had not been authorized. The IRA shifted the focus from direct supervision of tribes and tribal people by the federal government to increased reliance on tribal governance (Wrend and Smith 1993:1-28). This legislation had little effect on the project area since it was no longer within reservation boundaries.

However, at the end of WWII, in 1946, Congress established the Indian Land Claims Commission and empowered it to determine claims, “arising from the taking by the United

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States, whether as the result of a treaty of cession or otherwise, of lands owned or occupied by the claimant without the payment for such lands of compensation agreed to by the claimant” or “based upon fair and honorable dealing that are not recognized by any existing rule of law or equity” (Indian Claims Commission Act, ch. 959, section 2, 60 Stat. 1049, 1050 [1946]). Land within the study area boundaries became part of the adjudication of the Yakama Tribe v. the United States, Docket 161 and the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation as the Representatives of the Moses Band v. the United States, Docket No. 224, before the Indian Claims Commission. The Commission consolidated these two cases for the purposes of trial.

The end of the homesteading era officially concluded in 1976 when Congress repealed the enabling legislation of the homestead acts. The effects of homesteading were profound. It transferred over 270 million acres to private ownership and promoted the development of small, family-sized farms and ranches that were the economic and sociological backbone of rural America for many years. It also reinforced the notion of America as a land of vast frontiers and limitless opportunities.

4.3 ALLOTMENT PROPERTIES ON LAKE CHELAN

By James Schumacher, Hemisphere Field Services

The following is a status report regarding the proposed Lake Chelan Allotment Study, current as of Thursday, February 15, 2001.

As noted in the previous section, certain properties around the lake were allotted as homesteads to forebears of members of the Colville Confederated Tribes. The Colville Confederated Tribes include descendants of the Colville, Moses-Columbia, Wenatchee, Southern Okanogan, Chelan, Methow, Palouse, Nez Pierce, San Poil, Nespelem, Lakes, Kalispel and Spokane. In 1872, the Colville Reservation was created by Executive Order. As a result of Executive Orders in 1879 and March 1880, Chief Moses signed an agreement ensuring each family head an assigned allotment of 640 acres, unless they chose to move to the Colville Reservation (Lahren 1998: 492). Federal records documenting these allotment properties are housed at the Bureau of Indian Affairs office in Nespelem, Washington.

The following ten allotment properties appear to fall within and/or near to the Chelan PUD APE for this project (Table 4-3). These were identified based on GLO maps and other sources of record archived by the PUD. Previous cultural resource surveys have identified structural and archaeological deposits on and near several of these properties; the 2001 survey and further archival research should generate new data for some of these areas. It is important to develop field data and apply it to existing historical documentation to guide management of historic properties.

Table 4-3. Identified allotment properties within the APE. GLO Sheet No. Name No. Location 28-21-D Wapato John 8 R21E,S36 27-21-B UsTah 9 R22E,S31 28-21-D Quitilqusom 10 R21E,S35

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GLO Sheet No. Name No. Location 28-21-D Johnny 11 R21E,S25,26 28-21-B Celesta 12 R21E,S26,27 28-21-D Ameno 13 R21E,S22,23 28-21-B Pedoi 14 R21E,S21,22 28-21-D Yokosil 15 R21E,S27 28-22-A Lakayuse 16 R22E,S28,29,32,33 27-22-B Ma-Kai 17 R22E,S32

This task is best accomplished by correlation of recorded allotment land-use data with field data, and using allotment records to guide and enhance sensitivity for the care and administration of as yet unidentified historic resources. For example, archived information such as allotment assignment dates; any inventories of buildings, structures, and equipment present; and recorded land-use data such as crop production may be usefully correlated with field data.

A further statement regarding the integrity and potential NRHP eligibility of properties on allotment lands should result from the upcoming field survey. The identified allotments are located near the southeastern shore of the lake, in Township 27 North, in the following Ranges and Sections.

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Figure 4-1: Map showing areas of importance to the Chelan people including Badger Mountain east of the Columbia River.

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5.0 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF THE LAKE CHELAN BASIN

By Flo Lentz, Cultural Resource Consulting, and Amy Dugas, Compliance Archaeology

5.1 INTRODUCTION

Beautiful Lake Chelan, the pride of Washington, the wonder of America! Take Nature’s wonders, , Yellowstone Park, Falls; view them as you may, and you will confess that Lake Chelan, with its towering snow- capped mountains, its mighty glaciers, countless , and magnificent scenery is the peer of them all [The Coast Vol. IV (4) 125].

In the late 19th century, the awe-inspiring beauty of the Lake Chelan country drew adventurers and home-seekers to this remote corner of the Pacific Northwest. Travel literature of the period was laced with hyperbole detailing the scenic qualities of the area. Enticing as the scenery was, a far more potent force beckoned newcomers to the shores of the blue lake: economic opportunity. The basin’s vast natural resources - its gold, copper, and silver ores; its stands of Ponderosa pine and Douglas fir; its well-drained, sandy loams; and its glacier-fed streams and pure lake waters - proved an irresistible economic magnet. In the wake of prospectors and homesteaders came entrepreneurs, lured to the area by profits to be made from commercial services, whether the transporting of settlers, the outfitting of miners, or the lodging of tourists. The Lake Chelan basin’s natural potential for hydroelectric power loomed large on the minds of town builders and early industrialists at the close of the 19th century. And finally, as the new century dawned, the promise of a sustainable prosperity through the irrigation of fruit orchards gripped the collective imagination.

A dominant thread in Lake Chelan’s modern (post-1850) history is the personal search for wealth or, at least, economic stability. Period sources indicate that the majority of newcomers arrived with little or no money, with only a drive to work hard and contribute to the area’s “progress.” Settlement occurred here nearly forty years later than in Puget Sound country, owing to the rugged terrain, difficulty of access, and the presence of the Columbia Reservation north of the lake. By the time it began in the late 1880s, industrial development was well advanced in the population centers of the Pacific Northwest. No large corporate entities arrived in the Lake Chelan basin, however, until the Great Northern Railroad sent a spur line north from Wenatchee in 1914, and the Washington Water Power Company built a dam and powerhouse in 1927 to tap the horsepower of the Chelan River. Instead, individual and community efforts shaped the early development of the basin.

The common goal, repeatedly expressed in the descriptive and promotional literature of the day, was to tame the wilderness. The new arrivals and their descendents shared an unquestioned vision common to the larger region: that of transforming the rough, unfinished natural landscape into a productive paradise. Thus they set about extracting minerals, logging the forests, clearing the land, re-channeling water for irrigation, establishing stage and steamer lines, promoting town building, and harnessing the power of Chelan’s falling water for .

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The purpose of this chapter is to define historic contexts in which evaluations of historic properties can be made. The role of each context in regional history is explored, with a focus on how the theme manifested itself in the Lake Chelan basin, and how associated cultural resources helped shape that theme. The overall intent, then, is to provide the framework of a good local history, with emphasis on physical places and tangible remains. To that end, eight contexts are examined:

S Exploration and Fur Trade

S Settlement

S Transportation

S Economic Development (including the specific aspects of Mining, Logging, Agriculture, and Tourism)

S Town Building

S Water and Power Development (including both Irrigation and Hydroelectricity)

S Civilian Conservation Corps

S Government in the Lake Chelan Basin

The temporal limits for this chapter span a period from roughly 1854, when the exploring party of Captain George McClellan first viewed Lake Chelan, to about World War Two. Discussion of some themes stops short of 1945, whenever that aspect of the area’s history faded or ceased to play a pivotal role. Conversely, summary remarks for themes that persist today, such as agriculture, tourism, and hydroelectricity, bring the reader up to date.

The concluding section of this chapter sets forth a Research Design for each of the defined contexts. These designs summarize temporal aspects of each context, or theme, and its spatial patterns on the landscape. Factors in the survival of material evidence related to that theme, and specific property types that can be expected to remain around the perimeter of the lake, and may exist within the APE, are discussed. Finally, the research designs suggest how archival sources and/or material remains may yield further information, and pose specific research questions to help guide further study.

5.2 PREVIOUS CHELAN AREA HISTORY STUDIES

The history of the Lake Chelan area has been documented in both generalized and cultural resource management studies. State, regional, and local histories constitute the majority of popularized studies on north-central Washington. Two essential primary sources include An Illustrated History of Stevens, Ferry, Okanogan and Chelan Counties, State of Washington, edited by Richard Steele (1904), and A History of Central Washington, edited by Lindley M.

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Hull (1929). Several secondary, topical histories focusing on specific aspects of the Chelan basin are also valuable sources of information. Elizabeth Watson Perry’s book titled We Left Because the Creek Went Dry: The People of the First Creek District, 1888-1932 (1999), and Lake Chelan in the 1890's; Steamboats, Prospectors, & Sightseers (1999), edited by Robert Byrd, are two examples of this. Another particularly well-documented source in this category is Robert H. Ruby and John A. Brown’s Ferryboats on the Columbia River (1974).

Cultural resource management studies in the Lake Chelan area consist of overviews, archaeological survey reports, and historic resource studies (Schalk and Mierendorf 1983; Luxenberg 1986; Holstine et al. 1994; Ethnoscience 2000). Schalk and Mierendorf in 1983 conducted a series of cultural resource surveys and site evaluations within the boundaries of the Rocky Reach Hydroelectric Project. The studies were performed at the request of Chelan County PUD Number 1 for the purpose of determining the feasibility of raising the forebay elevation of from 707 feet to 710 feet (Schalk and Mierendorf 1983). Over 340 acres were surveyed in and around the narrow reservoir margin resulting in the identification of 30 historic sites, 15 hunter-fisher-gatherer sites, and 5 cobble features; eight of the 15 hunter-fisher- gatherer sites were tested. Schalk and Mierendorf recommended that five sites, one historic and four hunter-fisher-gatherer, be considered for inclusion in the National Register of Historic Places.

In 1986, Gretchen Luxenberg completed a historic resources study for North Cascades National Park. The goal of the study was to collect and present research findings pertaining to the park’s historic resources, and evaluate the resources using National Register criteria (Luxenberg 1986). Her study discusses several periods of park history including exploration and fur trade, early settlement and industry, recreation and tourism, and government in the North Cascades. Luxenberg refers to both thematic trends outside the park and specific sites within park boundaries. Her study is extremely useful and comprehensive.

Archaeological and Historical Services (AHS) in 1994 researched and wrote an historic resources overview of the Wenatchee National Forest (WNF) beginning with the early 1800s and concluding with World War II. The study, entitled An Historical Overview of the Wenatchee National Forest Washington, discusses nine major contexts including fur trade and exploration, settlement, transportation, mining, water development, grazing, logging, CCC, and the administrative history of the WNF (Holstine et al. 1994). The overview addresses these themes in both a regional and local setting. The document effectively highlights the patterns, trends, people, and events relevant to WNF history.

In 1999, Ethnoscience was contracted by the Chelan PUD to conduct an archaeological survey of Lake Chelan as part of their relicensing requirements. Ethnoscience surveyed the Lake Chelan shoreline from low water to an elevation of 1100 feet above sea-level and from the Lake Chelan dam to the powerhouse (bypassed reach area). Their survey resulted in the identification of nine hunter-fisher-gatherer sites, 57 historic sites, and 14 isolates. Two previously identified hunter- fisher-gatherer sites and two historic sites were also revisited. The draft report produced by Ethnoscience discusses the geologic history, , and history of the Lake Chelan area as well as descriptions of newly identified archaeological sites. Draft management

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recommendations were also made. The draft report provided a starting point for the current document.

5.3 EXPLORATION AND FUR TRADE

Between the late-18th and early-19th centuries, interest in exploring and acquiring lands in the Pacific Northwest was expressed by England, the United States, Russia and Spain (Hackenmiller 1995). It was England and the United States who actively pursued these lands, and by the early 1800s had become the two major players in establishing travel routes and fur trade networks throughout the Northwest. Fur traders from competing American and British companies probably represent the first Euro-Americans to visit the Lake Chelan area. Expeditions, such as those by Lewis and Clark, David Thompson, and David Stuart were highly motivated by economic reasons related to the fur trade industry. Explorations such as those conducted by Lt. Robert Johnson or George McClellan were fueled by government and private railroad concerns to improve transportation and communication networks in the growing territory; everyone wanted to find “the most feasible route” through the mountains (Luxenberg 1986).

Early Euro-American exploration of the Pacific Northwest was first attempted by Lewis and Clark, who set out westward across the United States in 1804, with orders to “observe the territories...from the north of the Missouri to the Pacific Ocean” (Luxenberg 1986). One of the primary goals of the expedition was to explore the newly acquired land and determine the feasibility of a transcontinental trade system using the Missouri River (Johanson and Gates 1957:96-97, 110). Lewis and Clark did not explore the Lake Chelan region, but did encounter Native Americans from the Chelan and Entiat areas on the Columbia below the mouth of the Walla Walla River (Hackenmiller 1995:47). They referred to these Indians as “Pishquitpahs” and gave detailed accounts of their activities and style of dress in their journals.

In 1811, David Thompson, a partner of the British North West Company, set out from the headwaters of the Columbia to find a trade route to the sea. The North West Company was in competition with the Pacific (American) Fur Company to extend their operations westward to the Pacific Ocean (Brown 1914). They had already successfully penetrated the passes of the Rockies and were actively trading and exploring on the Fraser and upper Columbia. Thompson’s final destination was the mouth of the Columbia, which he reached during the summer of 1811. Thompson’s travels brought him past the confluence of the Chelan and Columbia Rivers but he did not spend any length of time in the Lake Chelan area. His diary mentions embarking from a point just above present day Bridgeport and camping that evening at a location just north of Wenatchee (Brown 1914).

During this portion of his travels, Thompson and his men came upon a group of Okanogan Indians who offered the explorers roasted salmon, arrowroot berries, and bitter roots (Hackenmiller 1995). In return, the Indians received tobacco, rings and hawks bells as gifts (Hackenmiller 1995:49). Thompson and his men also encountered Indians from the Chelan and Entiat villages, and visited with them before heading further down the Columbia. His journals indicate that the native people of this area, including the Okanogans, Chelans, and San Poils had already encountered white men prior to their arrival and seemed to understand the value of establishing relationships with explorers and traders (Brown 1914). It is thought that these

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aboriginal groups may have visited the Flathead posts of the Northwest Company prior to Thompson’s arrival.

When Thompson finally reached the mouth of the Columbia, he was surprised and disappointed to see an American trading post, , already established. John Jacob Astor of the had established the post to compete with the British fur trading enterprises infiltrating the Pacific northwest (Hackenmiller 1995). The Pacific Fur Trading Company was formed in 1810 by Astor, who intended to institute a line of trading posts from the upper Missouri to the mouth of the Columbia (Wishart 1979:117; Holstine et al. 1994:2.13). In the northwest, the Pacific Fur Company had extended only along the lower reaches and mouth of the Columbia River. David Stuart, in charge of Americans at the post, was intending to set off for an inland expedition when the Thompson party arrived. Three days after Thompson’s arrival, both groups set off up the Columbia together.

The Stuart party was slow because their canoes were laden with trade goods and at Celilo Falls the two groups separated. Stuart and his entourage ascended the Columbia River, reaching the mouth of the Wenatchee during August of 1811. Upon arrival at the Wenatchee River, the Stuart party was met by a group of Indians (Wenatchees) who presented the travelers with two horses and a two-day supply of venison (Hackenmiller 1995). After camping one night, the group continued northward passing the mouth of the and continuing onward to Chelan Falls. They encountered Chelan (Tsill-ane) Indians who were very friendly and communicative and gave the group salmon, roots, and berries (Hackenmiller 1995:50). In the vicinity of Chelan Falls, the group saw bighorn white goats, and deer on the bluffs (Brown 1914). The next day the Stuart party headed further north, passing the Methow Valley and eventually reached the Okanogan River. On a flat spot near the confluence of the Okanogan and Columbia Rivers, the Stuart party constructed a trading post, called Fort Okanogan (Brown 1914; Hackenmiller 1995:50). Over the next forty years, the post came under the control of three different fur trading companies before being abandoned in 1859 (Luxenberg 1986).

One member of the Stuart party was Alexander Ross, an employee of the Pacific Fur Company stationed at the newly established Fort Okanogan. The Pacific Fur Company continued operations along the Columbia until 1813, when they finally sold their holdings to the British North West Company. Ross worked for the Canadian firm and in 1814 set out from Fort Okanogan to survey a route that would extend trade from the Okanogan vicinity westward over the Cascades (Holstine et al. 1994:2.6). Relations between Indians and traders during this time were problematic and the transport of furs out of the Columbia District was temporarily delayed (Holstine et al. 1994:2.6). Ross traveled from Fort Okanogan west to Sawtooth Ridge then northwest to the head of Lake Chelan (Figure 5-1). Ross continued into the Cascades via the Stehekin River and crossed the pass but never made it all the way to Puget Sound. He turned back near the upper reaches of the Cascade River and retraced his steps back to Fort Okanogan. Ross kept journals of his travels and documented the changing character of the fur trade and of Indian-Euro-American relations (Holstine et al. 1994:2.6). He also recorded information on the many tribes he interacted with including the and Chelans.

During this time, the North West Company was struggling to compete with the well-established Hudson’s Bay Company and in 1821, they merged to form the New Hudson’s Bay Company

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(Hackenmiller 1995). In 1824, George Simpson, the new company’s deputy governor, traveled from Hudson’s Bay to survey the new holdings along the Columbia (Hackenmiller 1995). After visiting Fort Okanogan, Simpson traveled down the Columbia passing Chelan Falls and the Wenatchee River. His journals do not describe any encounters with native peoples in the vicinity of the Chelan or Wenatchee Rivers. This could be due in part to the fact that he passed the area in the Fall when native peoples would have traveled elsewhere along the Columbia to fish for salmon. The damaging effects of disease on native populations could have also played a role in their absence at the time of Simpson’s travels.

Early explorations of the area not related to the fur trade began in 1841, when of the Wilkes expedition sent Lieutenant Robert Johnson to explore the upper Columbia (Hackenmiller 1995). Johnson traveled up the Columbia in June and encountered a group of Entiat Indians at the mouth of the Entiat River. The group assisted the travelers in crossing the river and gave them a cooked salmon from a fishing station to the north. Approximately a mile from the mouth of the Entiat, Johnson and his men encountered the Entiat camp and fishing station from whence the salmon had come (Hackenmiller 1995). The camp, which contained temporary mat structures, was occupied by about 20 individuals who were all involved in either catching or processing salmon. A permanent winter village was also close by which had two large semi-subterranean mound structures, open to the river, with small round doors (Hackenmiller 1995:52). Johnson’s party purchased several salmon, the smallest which was approximately 40 pounds. They continued northward eventually reaching Fort Okanogan.

Another large scale survey expedition of the Columbia was conducted in 1854 by Captain George McClellan, as part of the Pacific Railroad Surveys. The goal of the Pacific Railroad Surveys was to establish a route for the Pacific railroad from a point on the upper Mississippi to Puget Sound (Luxenberg 1986). This task was assigned to Isaac Stevens, the first governor of Washington Territory, who divided the territory into eastern and western divisions. Capt. George McClellan was assigned the western division and Stevens undertook the eastern. McClellan- surveyed to the eastern foothills of the Cascades, traversing the Wenatchee valley (Luxenberg 1986). McClellan and his crew followed a trail along the west side of the Columbia to the mouth of the Wenatchee River. He never ascended the Wenatchee, which if he had, would have led to the possible discovery of (Overmeyer 1941:40). He was well equipped with pack mules, supplies, survey crews and Indian guides yet he was not an aggressive or confident explorer and was quickly dismayed by the terrain, weather, and snow pack present in the north- central Cascades (Overmeyer 1941).

McClellan continued up the west side of the Columbia River, crossed the Entiat River, and followed a rough trail north and then west to the foot of Lake Chelan. The group followed the lake, crossed its outlet, and camped on the banks of the Columbia before heading to Fort Okanogan to replenish supplies (Overmeyer 1941). When the expedition left Fort Okanogan, one day later, they traveled northwestward to the Methow and Twisp Rivers. They followed the Twisp River to its source and noted the headwaters of the Stehekin River that ran into Lake Chelan (Overmeyer 1941). This was the last time that McClellan and his survey party were in close proximity to Lake Chelan. His expedition left the area the following day and continued north and east along the Okanogan River to Kettle Falls, then south to the Snake River, which eventually led them back to the Columbia.

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In 1870, Daniel Chapman Linsley, an employee of the Northern Pacific Railroad, traversed the length of Lake Chelan in search of a railroad route across the Cascades (Luxenberg 1986). Linsley, accompanied by John Tennant and four Indian guides, set out from a Wenatchee trading post and in three days had reached the outlet of Lake Chelan. Upon reaching the lake, the Indian guides started up the lake in canoes and Linsley and Tennant followed the shoreline on foot, eventually camping near present-day Manson, approximately 10 miles from the foot of the lake (Luxenberg 1986). Their trek led them to the Stehekin River, which they ascended only to be impeded by the difficult terrain near Agnes Creek (Figure 5-1).

The area was visited again in 1877 by a party of six prospectors looking for gold in the Methow River valley. The group, led by Otto Klement and accompanied by one or two Indian guides, traveled up the Skagit River to Cascade Pass then descended into the Stehekin valley. The party continued along the Stehekin River eventually reaching the outlet. The group recreated and fished on Lake Chelan for two days before replenishing supplies and continuing on to the Methow valley. They never found gold and after a short time retraced their steps over Cascade Pass to the west side (Luxenberg 1986).

Government interest in the area peaked again during the 1870s when Indian unrest became evident. In 1879, Lt. Colonel Henry Clay Merriam and Lt. Thomas Williams Symons were sent to establish a military outpost on the east side of the Cascades (Luxenberg 1986). Merriam and Symons met near Fort Okanogan and set out down the Columbia looking for a suitable military site. The outlet at Lake Chelan was deemed appropriate due to the good supply of timber and pure water (Majors 1982a:92-93). After locating the new site, the two men canoed up the lake for approximately 24 miles before turning around to return to the camp. Camp Chelan was established at the outlet in 1880 and the troops constructed a sawmill and fortification on site. That same year, Merriam explored the entire length of the lake via canoe and reported on the high quality timber, the dramatic landscape, and the “hieroglyphics” visible on vertical rock walls much higher than the lake level at that time (Luxenberg 1986) (Figure 5-1). Camp Chelan was abandoned a year later.

Military interest in finding a viable transportation and communication route through the North Cascades continued into the 1880s. Four additional exploration teams were organized by the Army between 1882 to 1887; the Pierce Expedition (1882), the Robertson/Rodman Expeditions (1883), and the Rogers Expedition (1887).

In 1882, Lt. Henry Hubbard Pierce departed from Fort Colville accompanied by 12 men, 14 mules, and 15 horses with directions to cross the Okanogan and Methow Rivers, continue onward to the head of Lake Chelan, then cross the mountains to the Skagit River and follow it to Puget Sound (Luxenberg 1986) (Figure 5-2). His primary goal was to “obtain such knowledge of the country and its occupants as may be valuable at present or in the future to the military service” (Coleman 1964:30). After a few days trek, Pierce and his party reached Purple Pass and looked down upon the glassy waters of Lake Chelan. The group camped about one-mile from the outlet of the Stehekin River and then followed a primitive trail up Rainbow Falls (Luxenberg 1986). The group eventually made it to Cascade Pass and descended the steep western slope, successfully completing their assignment. Pierce concluded that the route from Fort Colville to

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Puget Sound was not an efficient and viable transportation corridor, and that a military road through this part of the cascades not be considered (Luxenberg 1986).

First Lieutenant Samuel Churchill Robertson, accompanied by an army party, explored the length of Lake Chelan to the mouth of the Stehekin River in 1883 (Luxenberg 1986). Robertson was directed by the Army to clarify discrepancies regarding the location of the head of Lake Chelan that were recorded during previous expeditions. No written account of his explorations has been located (Luxenberg 1986). That same year, Second Lt. Samuel Rodman, Jr. was directed to explore the upper Methow River. Rodman followed a similar route as the Pierce Expedition and descended to Lake Chelan via Purple Pass (Figure 5-2). His route terminated, however, at the upper end of the lake.

One of the final reconnaissance efforts designed to find a viable railroad route through the Cascades occurred in 1887. Albert Bowman Rogers, accompanied by three men, was assigned by the Great Northern Railroad to find a feasible route to Puget Sound via the Skagit River (Luxenberg 1986). The group set out from Wenatchee and reached Railroad Creek three days later. They explored the Railroad Creek drainage before heading up to the head of the lake. From there, they followed a primitive trail to Bridge Creek (Figure 5-2). After climbing a peak and assessing the area, Rogers and his party descended to Lake Chelan.

The period of fur trade and exploration had more negative than positive impacts on the native populations in and around the Lake Chelan area, and on a broader scale, throughout the Pacific northwest. Fur traders supplied native groups with “exotic” items such as metal cooking implements, which they treasured, in exchange for pelts (Hackenmiller 1995). The introduction of non-traditional items into the native populations, however, contributed significantly to changes in the traditional broad subsistence patterns and material culture of Native American populations (Boyd 1985:342). The focus on exploiting fur-bearing mammals resulted in less time being spent procuring other important seasonal subsistence resources. The most significant impact on native groups in the region during this period, however, was the introduction of disease, which decimated aboriginal populations throughout the northwest, primarily during the 1830s (Hackenmiller 1995:54). Although explorers and fur traders ventured into the Lake Chelan area during the 1870s and early 1880s, it was not until the late 1880s that white settlers began to set up permanent residences in the valley.

5.4 SETTLEMENT

5.4.1 Early Settlement

Washington Territory became open to settlement in 1846 after the boundary between the United States and British Canada was established (Luxenberg 1986). Settlement occurred primarily west of the Cascades during the 1850s following the passage of the Donation Land Laws. The Donation Land Claim Laws of the 1850s encouraged pioneer settlement and allowed individuals over the age of 21 to claim up to 160 acres for homesteading purposes. The claimant, be they male or female, could gain full title of the land if, after five years, they had fulfilled all the requirements associated with the laws. Settlers took advantage of this incentive, arriving in the territory in large numbers eager to start a new life. In 1862, the government passed the

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Homestead Act which entitled any male citizen over twenty-one or the head of a family (male or female) 160 acres of land in exchange for living on the land for five years, making improvements and planting crops (Holstine et al. 1994:3.11). Neither the 1850 laws nor the Homestead Act proved as successful for regional settlement as territorial government had anticipated, especially in north-central Washington (Luxenberg 1986).

Euro-American settlement in the Chelan area did not occur until the late 1880s, hindered by the nature of the terrain, the lack of established transportation routes, and most significantly by the existence of the Chief Moses Indian Reservation that contained all lands between the Methow and Chelan Rivers, west to the Cascade divide. The dissolution of the Moses Reservation in 1883, and the availability of those lands to Euro Americans by 1886, spurred local settlement in the Lake Chelan Valley.

Settlement in the Lake Chelan Valley was slow but steady during the 1880s and 1890s. Early settlers were hard working pioneers looking for new opportunities in an unsettled environment. They came from all parts of the country and brought with them a variety of skills, both professional and personal. School teachers, lumbermen, farmers, and writers, to name a few, came to the valley to establish homesteads and explore novel business opportunities (Perry 1999:17). Many were talented musicians who played the fiddle, piano, and accordion, often times at barn dances and socials. Some chose to settle in the newly established town of Chelan while others opted for locations along the south shore of the lake. Some of the more hardy pioneers established homesteads at the head of the lake and along the Stehekin River. Between 1887 and 1910 settlers that inhabited the head of the lake were often miners in search of mineral wealth.

One of the first settlers in the area was Charles Navarre, who settled on the Columbia River in 1884 and for whom Navarre Coulee was named (Perry 1999:26). Charlie ran a ferry across the Columbia at the coulee’s entrance to facilitate the transport of people to Lake Chelan. Two years later his brother Ignatius A. Navarre moved to the area with his wife and baby daughter (Lindston 1975). Ignatius and his family settled on 160 acres on the south shore of the lake, one- mile uplake from Lakeside in 1886 (Perry 1999:15). They were actually the first Euro-American residents on that side of the lake. By 1888, white settlement along the lakeshore was in full swing. One settler, H.N. Merritt, arrived in the area in 1888, after a long and arduous trip along the Columbia River to Lake Chelan. He settled uplake but left an epitaph of how he felt that first day on Lake Chelan: ! The ideal spot of my life’s desires! I believed at that moment that a bright future was in store for this enchanted spot. I was in love with Lake Chelan at first sight.

Settlers arriving in the Lake Chelan Valley during the late 1880s found that the lower end of the lake was already heavily settled and were forced to go uplake to find suitable homestead lots. Many squatted on choice lots until the land was opened for homestead filing. The opening of land for homesteading depended on the completion of government surveys to determine boundary lines. More remote areas took longer to “open” than others and the Chelan Valley was one of those later areas to become available (Perry 1999:16). Those settlers that did not want to

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illegally squat on lands filed for land under the Timber and Stone Act which allowed settlement in areas that were determined unsuitable for farming or mining. This tactic gave them proprietary advantage for acquiring suitable agricultural lands when they became available.

Settlement of the Lake Chelan Valley continued to occur at a consistent rate throughout the latter part of the 19th century. By 1891, the town of Chelan had over 300 residents, by 1895 nearly all the vacant land on the lakeshore and in the Navarre Coulee was taken (Perry 1999:16). Homesteaders arriving to the area during that time were forced to look for land at the higher elevations uplake. Communities such as the Boyd District, Union Valley, Purtteman Gulch, Cooper Gulch, Joe Creek, Bear Mountain, The Butte, First Creek, Howard Flat, Antwine, Washington Creek, and Highland Bench are all examples of these later settlements (Lindston 1975). Some of the early homesteaders who developed claims at the foot of the lake and along the lake shore during the late 1880s and 1890s include I.A. Navarre, William Sanders, Peter Nehrbass, Ed Christie, Lewis Myers, C.F. Whaley, Miss Carlisle, J.W. Nicol, Mrs. D.W. Little, Benson, William R. Wright, Devirls, James Jackson, A. Barrin, Watson, Wrights Tompkins, Gibson, H.W. Merritt, Larson, Captain Riddle, Archie Moore, and Sherman Pearl (Figure 5-3).

Stehekin, which came into existence during the 1880s, was by far the largest and most significant community that developed uplake. The first settler in the Stehekin area was Major John W. Horton, a Civil War veteran who moved to Lake Chelan in 1885 (Luxenberg 1986). In a few years, Horton had developed a small homestead along the Stehekin River where he built a cabin and grew potatoes, corn, beans, and other vegetables. Horton earned minor wages by prospecting and logging and in 1898, Horton had established a water-powered sawmill a few miles up the river. He also offered his services as a guide, having spent many years in the Cascades hunting, trapping, mining, and logging. Soon after Horton arrived, he persuaded his son-in-law, George Hall, to join him. George Hall, his wife, and four children moved to Stehekin in 1889 and George built the Argonaut, the first hotel at the head of the lake (Luxenberg 1986).

During the late 1880s, Stehekin was primarily a mining base camp with very few permanent residents. Settlers residing at the head of the lake and near the mouth of the Stehekin River included Merritt Field, Robert Pershall, William Purple, Dan Devore, Lewis Weaver, J. Merritt, Harry Buckner, Keller, Margaram and Lydia George (Rainbow Lodge), to name a few (Luxenberg 1986) (Figure 5-3 and Figure 5-4). By the 1890s, Stehekin had grown significantly and contained a fairly large settlement and some basic services. A 1902 GLO map depicts a hotel, post office, schoolhouse, three residences, and two barns at Stehekin (Luxenberg 1986). Steamboats visited Stehekin on a regular basis, bringing supplies, goods, materials, and news to the miners and residents. Few settlers, however, remained in the Stehekin valley during the winter months. Many left the area for Chelan because boats ran only once or twice a week and supplies were difficult to obtain and the isolation became too much for some to bear.

Many residents in the Stehekin area logged their claims instead of improving upon them. Cultivation was difficult in the Stehekin area because of inclement weather and the changing course of the Stehekin River periodically deposited large boulders and impenetrable debris along the valley floor (Luxenberg 1986). Logging provided a fairly steady income to those who had marketable timber on their land. Those who didn’t log or farm, earned money by outfitting, supplying, or packing miners that flocked to the area every spring and summer. By the early 20th

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century, mining had begun to diminish in the area and Stehekin residents needed to find new ways to make money (Luxenberg 1986). Subsistence farming, tourism, and logging became the new industries in the Stehekin Valley. When the USFS became established in 1905, many residents pursued seasonal employment in the ranger district (Luxenberg 1986). Since a steady salary was not common amongst the residents of Stehekin during this time, those who chose to live there developed a barter system; goods exchanged for labor and labor exchanged for goods (Luxenberg 1986). This cashless society continued into the 1940s, when the demand for cash on hand increased.

Life in the Lake Chelan Valley during the late 1880s and early 1900s was not easy. Most of the homesteads and farmsteads were self-sufficient, and produced almost all of their food and clothing. Clothes were made by hand, bread and pastries were homemade, butter was churned, fruit and vegetables were canned and dried, and livestock was dressed and eaten when needed (Perry 1999:65). Eggs, milk, and fresh fruits and vegetables were available on a regular basis. Land game, avian fauna, and fresh water fish were also in endless supply around the Lake Chelan. Settlers supplemented their agricultural diets with deer, bear, mountain goat, grouse, pheasants, and trout. There was often so much food that sharing with other families was commonplace.

Pioneer life was often difficult, especially during the spring, summer, and fall when the chores associated with running a homestead were in full swing. Entertainment, therefore, was a vital part of maintaining the well-being of a remote community (Perry 1999). Winter was a popular season for entertainment because there were not as many chores to do as during other times of the year. Barn floors and packing sheds would be cleared for square dancing. Instruments, such as fiddles and accordions were brought in and folks danced until dawn. Often times a caller was also present, singing out the calls for the square dance (Perry 1999). The dancing would continue until midnight, and then a large dinner would be served. Children would be put to bed soon after dinner and the dancing would resume. Card parties were also popular, and Progressive 500 was the game (Perry 1999). Age was not an issue, if you knew the rules you played the game. Box socials were held when money needed to be raised for a good cause. Men would bid on food baskets made by local women and then they would share the contents with the women whose basket they had chosen. People from all around the lake would attend local dances and parties to socialize, gossip, and exchange news and ideas.

Area settlers would visit with each other using boat, foot, and wagon transportation. Many homesteaders owned small row boats or canoes, which they used to travel up and down the lake. They constructed docks off their beaches to facilitate boat travel. These docks were built out of wood and rocks and remnants of many of these are visible on the landscape today. Wagon roads and trails were also used but did not extend all the way to the head of the lake. Steamboats were also available to settlers in 1889-1890, making runs from Chelan to the head of the lake once a day during the season and twice a week during the off-season. These steamboats played a crucial role in the settlement of the valley because they facilitated the transport of people, materials, and supplies uplake.

Telephones reached the Lake Chelan Valley by the early 1900s. Families that were lucky enough to have a telephone, were assigned their own personal ring. The Wilds of First Creek, who had a

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telephone early on, had three shorts for their ring, while the Watson’s had two shorts (Perry 1999). These early phone lines were part of the Forest Service Line, which extended along the lakeshore to the fire lookout on Stormy Mountain (Perry 1999). Winter snows and storms would often break the line and so it was not always in working order. The Forest Service later extended the line to 25 Mile Creek. In 1922, a Forest Service telephone was put along the entire lakeshore (Perry 1999:122).

5.4.2 Homesteading

During the early years, homesteads were often small, containing a house or cabin, a barn, chicken house, and some staple crops (Figure 5-5). Over the years, homesteads grew in size, according to each families needs and their appearance and permanence dictated by available money, labor, and materials (Luxenberg 1986) (Figure 5-6).

Early settlers in the Lake Chelan area settled primarily at the foot of the lake, along the south shore of the lake, and at the head of the lake. Homesteading along the north shore of the lake occurred later when those lands became open to white settlement. As available lakeshore property decreased, new arrivals to the area settled at higher elevations, mainly in the southern half of the lake. These early pioneers developed small homesteads, grew a variety of crops, and raised livestock. Some homesteads increased in size over time as agricultural practices improved, transportation along the lake became established, and industries such as orcharding became profitable.

Early settlements along the lake were concentrated around viable water sources, including creeks and rivers. Growing crops in this fairly dry environment took a lot of planning and maintaining a consistent water source was crucial to crop success. Water was accessed either directly, by gravity flow, or flume (Perry 1999:15). Settlers homesteading and farming uplake grew a variety of crops for both commercial and personal consumption. Potatoes, onions, squash, cabbages, tomatoes, corn, cantaloupes, watermelons, and heavy bearing strawberries thrived in the good soil and sunshine that was prevalent in the Lake Chelan Valley. Some farmers would supply local hotels, such as the Field Hotel, with fresh fruit and vegetables for their customers as well as communities like Lakeside, Chelan and Wenatchee (Dodge 1976). Many farmers developed fruit orchards along with extensive fruit and vegetable gardens. The apple market was thriving and settlers saw it as a way to make good wages and participate in a booming economy.

Besides gardens and orchards, many of the farmers also raised livestock. The kind and amount of livestock varied from farm to farm but most had a few milk cows, some chickens, and a pig yard. Sheep, turkeys, geese, and ducks were also raised to supplement their daily fare. Dairy products were processed on-site for personal consumption and the surplus transferred to boats and hauled to the Manson Creamery.

An example of a large self-sufficient farmstead was that of J.H. Watson, who arrived in the area in 1892. Watson found a suitable homestead site near First Creek and posted a Notice of Claim and Location in order to show intent of claim (Perry 1999). He constructed a log cabin and started to make improvements. His final proof of homestead was filed approximately 10 years after his arrival at First Creek. At that time, the Watson farm, known as Havarene, consisted of: the original log house; a main 2-story frame house with and ell containing the kitchen; a frame

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barn and lean-to for equipment; a chicken house; root cellar; smoke house; ice house; two-miles of wire fence; 35 plowed acres; 12 acres of orchard; one-acre of vineyard and small fruit; and three acres of alfalfa. A family garden containing several varieties of fruit and berries was also on site as were pigs, chickens, a cow and calf, and several horses (Perry 1999:31).

By the late 1920s, farming in the Lake Chelan Valley, primarily around First Creek, became increasingly difficult. Environmental factors such as drought affected the already fragile water system necessary for crop production. Much of the timber in the area had also been logged and so the supplemental income relied upon by farmers was no longer available. Economic times became so difficult that many of the homesteads were finally let go for taxes (Perry 1999:63) (Figure 5-7). Those that weathered the hard economic times often began producing marketable crops such as apples, and incorporated irrigation into their agricultural regime. A key factor in the continued settlement of the Lake Chelan Valley between the 1880s and 1900s was improvements to and the development of transportation networks on and around the lake.

5.5 TRANSPORTATION

Rugged terrain severely limited the development of overland transportation networks in the North Cascades throughout the historic period. The Chelan country, however, offered unique advantages in the form of water access. The Columbia River formed a natural travel corridor through the plateau to the east, and the sixty-five mile length of Lake Chelan penetrated deep into the mountains to the west. These waterways remained the primary avenues for moving people and products throughout the area well into the 20th century. Even today, the head of the lake is approachable only by boat, float plane, or foot trail.

5.5.1 Trails and Wagon Roads

Nineteenth century fur-traders and explorers in the Chelan country very likely made use of native footpaths, horse trails, and game trails. In 1854, George McClellan’s railroad survey party veered to the northwest from the Columbia River corridor and followed an old trace up Navarre Coulee to the south shore of Lake Chelan (Overmeyer 1941). In 1870, explorer David Lindsley walked an old trail along the north shoreline of Lake Chelan from its outlet as far as present-day Manson, en route to the head of the lake (Luxenberg 1986).

The military reconnaissance expeditions of Pierce, Robertson, Rodman, and Rogers in the 1880s also followed previously traveled routes through the Stehekin and Twisp drainages, and up tributary valleys. None of these efforts directly resulted in the blazing of permanent new trails or roads, nor did any of these explorers recommend trans-Cascade military or railroad crossings through the Chelan basin (Luxenberg 1986).

By the late 1880s, when settlement began to occur around the shores of Lake Chelan, a network of foot trails connected homesteads and landings. An 1887 General Land Office survey map of T27N, R22E delineates one trail along the north shoreline to Purple Point near the Stehekin. Multiple trails laced the cluster of upland lakes above Manson. Another foot trail climbed from the Columbia River through Navarre Coulee to the lakeshore, and yet another followed the southeastern tip of the lake around to homesteads in the vicinity of Lakeside. The same 1887

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GLO map shows an established wagon road along the north shore of Lake Chelan to Indian allotments in the vicinity of Manson.

The first documented wagon road constructed into the Chelan area was associated with the establishment of Camp Chelan at the lower end of lake in 1879. To provide access to the new army post, Lt. Thomas Symons was ordered to survey a military road from White Bluffs on the Columbia to Chelan. The road swung wide to the east, bypassing Priest Rapids and the Saddle Mountains, and crossed from the east bank of the Columbia by ferry about a mile north of the mouth of the Chelan River (Figure 5-8). This wagon road remained in use as a supply and mail route until the advent of steamboat navigation and rail service on the upper Columbia (Harvey in Schalk and Mierendorf 1983:342).

In 1897, citizens from the growing towns of Chelan and Entiat appealed to the Washington State Legislature for a new wagon road to Wenatchee, complaining that overland travel required two crossings of the Columbia River. The Legislature appropriated $15,000 for a new 92-mile wagon road between Wenatchee and the Methow Valley town of Twisp to the north. Only a small percentage of that amount was expended. As a result, a very rudimentary trace on the west bank of the Columbia took shape as a county road, and eventually became traveled as State Road #10. When a branch of the Great Northern Railroad was extended up this side of the river from Wenatchee in 1912, the existence of this convenient road was threatened, and the Chelan County Grange fought to save it (Hull 1929:592-595).

One segment of the 1879 wagon road to Camp Chelan was the short but steep three-mile stretch up the north side of the Chelan River gorge. In 1891, a promoter of the town of Chelan Falls named L. McClean, spent $600 to build a second wagon road up from the Columbia – this one on the south bank of the Chelan (Figure 5-9) (Ruby and Brown 1974:126). For some forty years, these two precipitous roads remained key to the transportation network that linked Lake Chelan to the outer world. Settlers, prospectors, salesmen, ranchers, and tourists alike arrived by steamboat or ferry at either Chelan Landing or Chelan Falls. From there, they were met by stagecoach and hauled up the hairpin turns on one of these two routes. Many newcomers fresh from the flat Midwest experienced their first thrilling views of Lake Chelan at the end of that brief but memorable ride.

As late as 1915, Larue Barkley (then a boy of five), arrived with his family at Chelan Station on the train, and boarded an open-air stage to climb the gorge road:

My mother, sister and I were all eyes when we got off the train at Chelan Station and looked at that hill opposite the river. Where we came from, anything over a ½% grade was called a hill. Illinois is flat. The Chelan Transfer picked us up… It was pulled with a four-horse team. I can still hear the teamster’s commanding voice as the traces came tight with a jerk and we started up. When I say up, I mean up. …The horses’ bellies were not far off the ground. …on the second switchback I looked back and down and I’ll swear it was a 100’ of nothing. I was the most frightened five-year-old boy in the state of Washington [Barkley 1994:7-13].

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Where terrain permitted, settlers built short wagon roads over former trails to link destination points around the perimeter of Lake Chelan. The communities of Chelan and Lakeside, less than a mile from one another, were joined by a short wagon road along the southeast shore of the lake. In 1889, a wood plank bridge crossed over the Chelan River at the outlet of the lake. It was replaced after washing out in a flood in 1894, and replaced again with a steel structure in 1912 (Maher 1969). In 1907, settlers improved a wagon road from a ferry landing on the Columbia up though Navarre Coulee, meeting the lake at First Creek. From there a cross-lake ferry carried traveled to the town of Manson. The following year, a steep road was pushed up and over Knapp’s Coulee from the Columbia, dropping down to the lakeshore (Ruby and Brown 1974:124). In 1891, yet another wagon road was constructed up the Stehekin River valley at the head of the lake to the mines at High Bridge (Luxenberg 1986). In 1915, the wagon road from Chelan to Manson was still a bumpy, one-track lane (Barkley 1994).

5.5.2 Railroads

The advent of regional railroads in the 1880s, coupled with the remarkable water corridors of the Chelan country, made the development of good roads in the area less critical for the time being. The Northern Pacific Railroad was the first to complete a transcontinental line via the Columbia Gorge to Tacoma in 1883. Its Cascade Division over Stampede Pass began to open up the interior of Washington Territory, and briefly made Ellensburg the nearest rail outlet for residents of Lake Chelan and the upper Columbia (Garris in Holstine et al. 1994:4.7; Harvey in Schalk and Mierendorf 1983:347).

James J. Hill’s Great Northern Railroad more directly affected the Chelan basin, and would eventually provide its only direct rail line. Hill’s selection of the Wenatchee Valley and Stevens Pass for the Cascades crossing assured the future of the town of Wenatchee as the interior supply and shipping center for the upper Columbia. In 1902, The Coast magazine summarized Wenatchee’s pioneer period and then extolled:

Much different is it now from then! This is due to the Great Northern Railway, which traverses the Wenatchee Valley from end to end and gives an outlet for the traffic which comes down the Columbia River from the stock, fruit and wheat raising country above and the mining and lumber regions in the mountains. The rapid development of this valley has been the result of the liberal and generous management of this railroad [The Coast 1902, vol. 4, no. 3: 122]. The existence of a railhead at Wenatchee was a catalyst for the development of steamboat commerce on the Columbia River. The railroad further stimulated settlement, tourism, and economic activity in the Lake Chelan area (Figure 5-10). The great volume of agricultural shipments from upriver communities, and the comparative unreliability of steamer transport, caused local ranchers and farmers to push for more direct rail service (Harvey in Schalk and Mierendorf 1983:345-346). This resulted in extensions of the Great Northern northward from Wenatchee. The first was a branch to Mansfield through the wheat country of the Big Bend, completed in 1909. The second was a feeder line north to Oroville, built between 1912 and 1914 along the west bank of the Columbia (Hull 1929:507).

When the railroad arrived in 1914, the riverside town of Chelan Falls lost its bid for the all- important depot, reportedly by demanding too much for the land (Ruby and Brown 1974:126). Instead, the Great Northern built its rail yard north of the river mouth, at what came to be called

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Chelan Station (Ruby and Brown 1974:126). Sanborn Fire Insurance Company maps for 1929 indicate the scale of that facility, showing the depot with a wood platform and, across the main line toward the river, a string of fruit warehouses and oil storage sheds. The facilities included, from north to south, two large Van Syke cold storage warehouses, the Isenhart apple warehouse, Union Oil of California oil storage tanks, Chelan Fruit Storage cold storage and office, the Wenatchee and Beebe Orchard Company’s cold storage plant, Standard Oil storage tanks, fertilizer storage, and cattle pens.

No passenger railroad line ever reached the level of the lake, although it was not for lack of vision on the part of residents. Rufus D. Johnson arrived in Chelan in 1901 and engaged in the early operations of the Holden mines. There he organized the Chelan Transfer and Smelting Company, whose intent was to build a railroad from mine to lakeshore. In 1903, he resigned to became manager of the Chelan Railroad & Navigation Company:

The object of the Chelan Railway & Navigation company is to construct an electric railway from the Columbia river to Lake Chelan, and operate a line of steamers on the lake. The enterprise is well financed by ample capital [Steele 1904: 776].

In the end, neither the mining railroad at Holden nor the electric railway at Chelan came into being. Before their complete demise, The Coast magazine optimistically reported on these and other schemes to build electric lines at the head of the lake. In the spirit of boosterism, the magazine even printed a map of Lake Chelan showing the phantom railroad lines in place (Figure 5-11) (The Coast 1902, vol. 4, no. 3:126).

5.5.3 Waterways

The Columbia River and Lake Chelan have played important roles in the development of the region. The river was the entryway to the interior while Lake Chelan was “a natural thoroughfare through a rugged, mountainous region where wheeled vehicle access is limited” (Holstine et al.1994: 4.20). Native Americans established trail systems in the Lake Chelan locale and greater area; the U.S. military constructed the first wagon roads when Camp Chelan was established in 1880; and the first railway completed in the project vicinity was the Cascade division of the Northern Pacific in 1887. Trails, roads and railroads were three avenues of transportation. To traverse the region’s waterways, boats of many types were employed. This section explores, briefly, the maritime history of Lake Chelan and the management opportunities for submerged cultural resources.

Very little is known about the boats used by the early Chelan culture. In the journals kept by explorers such as Thompson, Ross, Franchere, Cox, Simpson, Ermatinger, Work and Parker overall reference to the Chelan is infrequent, description of their means of transportation even less (Smith 1987). During an 1879-1880 reconnaissance of Lake Chelan Col. Merriam and Thomas Symons were transported by dugout canoe navigated by two Chelan Indians (Smith 1987). This is the first reference to the type of boat used by the Chelan.

What is known about the Chelan dugout is in relation to those used by the Wenatchi, a group sharing many basic cultural traits as the Chelan (Smith 1987). The Wenatchi used dugouts

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fashioned from pine and cedar. To create the canoe, a tree was felled by burning and hollowed out by burning with hot rocks and chiseling (Smith 1987). There is no description of the dugout form; however it may have looked similar to that depicted in Figure 5-12. Paddles, created from a single piece of cedar, and poles of fir, were used for propulsion. The paddle was also used for getting rid of unwanted water, as was a coiled basket. Anchors were manufactured from stone. The Wenatchi also employed log rafts on the lakes. It is not known if this style of boat was also used by the Chelan and information is not available as to the Wenatchi construction styles or purpose of this type of watercraft.

In what manner the canoe was employed is not specifically documented in the Chelan area; although, it has been noted that the canoe was the most convenient way to travel, albeit limited during the winter. Descriptions of Chelan fishing practices are also incomplete in the literature and pictorial record. Thompson, in 1811, makes reference to several Native Americans spearing salmon from canoes near the mouth of Entiat River (Smith 1987). The fishermen are not identified by cultural group and it is not clear whether this is a common fishing practice for the cultural region; however it is a style documented in other regions of North America (Bass 1988). There is no documentation on how the Wenatchi stored or retired their vessels; however, historical literature and archaeological investigations have brought to light examples of intentionally sinking the vessel (i.e., drilling a hole in the boat) as a means of storing.

The important role of fur traders and explorers cannot be understated for this region. David Thompson, of the Canadian North West Company, discovered the mouth of Lake Chelan in 1811 (Schalk and Mierendorf 1983). The first recorded reference to Lake Chelan was made by Stuart and Ross, explorers/fur traders of the Pacific Fur Trading Company (Schalk and Mierendorf 1983). Boats, typically canoes and bateaux, were the primary means of transportation for the transient world of the early explorers, fur trappers and traders. Thompson, Ross, and Cox all record the use of canoes (Smith 1987). Cox specifically mentions bark canoes and cedar plank boats for his 1815 journey. In his 1817 travels, Cox relied on two barges and nine canoes. Both Parker and Simpson used bateau. Simpson in his 1841 journey notes the use of a flat-bottomed bateau propelled with six oars (Smith 1987). Other explorers (Franchere, Ermatinger and Work) passing through the Lake Chelan area noted the use of boat transport (Smith 1987).

A more diversified, or better documented, world of boats came to the Columbia River in the mid- 1800s. A horse-powered ferry was operated across the Columbia River by the 1860s (Hackenmiller 1995) and regular steam power service to the Columbia/Chelan area arrived in the late 1880s. The Columbia River region was well into the railroad era by 1884; however, up until 1914 “the steamboat was the only mode of transportation into the upriver valleys except by wagon or horseback over roads and trails that were slow and difficult to traverse” (Schalk and Mierendorf 1983:345). The first regular steamboat service along Lake Chelan began in 1889 with the introduction of the Belle of Chelan, which ran from 1889-1897 (Hackenmiller 1998). Steamboats to follow include City of Omaha (1890-1895), Clipper (1891-1912), Queen of Chelan (1892-1893), Dragon (1893-1904), Stehekin (1894-1904), Swan (1897-1913), Flyer (1902-1906), Chechahko (1903-1906), Belle of Chelan (1905-1910) and Tourist (1906-1916).

The age of steamboats on Lake Chelan ended with the retirement of Lady of the Lake (1900- 1916) (Figure 5-13). The lifespan of these vessels ranged from one to 21 years, averaging nine

Final Lake Chelan Project No. 637 March 15, 2002 (Revised June 5, 2002) Page 5-17 SS/6910 Historical Overview of the Lake Chelan Basin years. It is noteworthy to mention that not all these boats started, or ended, their careers on the Chelan and thus older than the dates given here. This fact aside, the average age of these vessels exceeds the average age of a steamboat, five years (Tuttle, personal communication).

Gasoline-driven boats began working the waters of the Chelan in 1910 with the Comet (1910- 1929) (Hackenmiller 1998). Included in this gasoline fleet are Spokane (1915-1921), Comanche (1915-1945), Mohawk (1916-1940), Princess (1911-1937), Victory (1919-1929) and Cascade Flyer (1921-1944). Diesel-driven boats finally overtook the maritime community on the lake in 1918 with the Liberty (1918-1957) (Hackenmiller 1998). Joining her were Speedway (1929- 1998), Lady of the Lake I (1945-1998), Lady of the Lake II (1976) and Lady Express (1990). The Lady of the Lake II and Lady Express are still in operation. Hackenmiller (1998) introduces the colorful past of the steamboats, gasoline- and diesel-driven boats of Lake Chelan in his wonderful introduction to the “Ladies of the Lake”. Table 5-1 summarizes these boats.

Table 5-1. Examples of boats that ran Lake Chelan, adapted from Hackenmiller (1998). Boats of Lake Chelan Boat Lake Chelan Boat Comments Service Type Years Belle of Chelan 1889-1897 S Her rotting hull lay in front of the Lake View House in Lakeside for many years. City of Omaha 1890-1912(?) S She retired ferry service in 1895 to continue on as a mail packet, under the name of Rustler. She was reported to have sunken in front of the Tourist Hotel in Lakeside, raised by Ralph Hawley and renamed either the Maid of Mountain Park or . Clipper 1891-1912 S She was not known as the best boat on the lake, changed hands many times and finally met her end by fire. Queen of Chelan 1892-1893 S She sank in bad weather. She was raised and it may have been her hull used to build the Stehekin. Dragon 1893-1904 S In 1898 she was re-launched as the Dexter. She sprang a leak and sunk in 1904. Her hull was not raised and she is supposed to be nineteen miles upriver of the “old Christie place”. Stehekin 1894-1904 S Retired due to old age. In 1905 she was burned to the waterline, filled with rocks and sunk. Her hull can still be seen on the north side of the old Howe Sound Dock when the lake water level is down.

Swan 1897-1913 S Having turned into a waterlogged hulk, she was sold in 1913 at which time she was beached and burned. Lady of the Lake 1900-1916 S When she retired of old age, the steamboat era ended along the lake. She was burned to the waterline, filled with rocks and sunk by Lakeside Park, her remains seen as late as the 1950s. Flyer 1902-1906 S She was destroyed in a fire, along with Chechahko. Chechahko 1903-1906 S She caught on fire, destroying her and the Flyer. Belle of Chelan 1905-1910 S She was towed into shallow waters to deteriorate. In 1927, in preparation for the Dam, the boat was burned. Tourist 1906-1916 S Comet 1910-1929 G In 1919 she was renamed the Tramp. Her hull was junked in 1929. Spokane 1915-1921(?) G Comanche 1915-1945 G While in for repairs, a crane lifted her from the water and she split in half. Her hull was burned and sunk. Her remains can be seen in Comanche Bay. Mohawk 1916-1940(?) G She was dismantled Princess 1911-1937(?) G

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Boats of Lake Chelan Boat Lake Chelan Boat Comments Service Type Years Victory 1919-1929 G She caught fire, burned to the water line and sank in 90 feet of water about 300 feet below the painted rocks across from Stehekin. Cascade Flyer 1921-1944 G She was damaged in a storm, brought up to the beach at Lakeside where her hull was burned. Liberty 1918-1957 G She was burned near the Lake Chelan Boat Company. Speedway 1929-1998 D She had been mostly docked since 1988 was reported to be well dry rotted in 1998. Lady of the Lakes 1945-1998 D I Lady of the Lakes 1976 D II Lady Express 1990 D S=Steamboat G=Gasoline-Driven D=Diesel-Driven

This is just a short list of the many boats that must have plied the waters of Lake Chelan throughout the centuries. The US Forest Service employed the use of the Forester and Lookout for ferrying supplies, among other duties. Other boats mentioned include the motorized stern- wheeler passenger boat (Ruby and Brown 1974) and the steam-powered launch (Hackenmiller 1998). These were small, one- or two-passenger sized vessels with very minimal documentation besides the boat blueprints and possibly photographs, which may or may not still exist. As is typical with vernacular vessels, written documentation often was not maintained. The Lakeview Hotel, constructed in the 1890s, served as the location where all boats arrivals and departures occurred, until the lake was raised in 1898. It also served as the location where most of the boats used on the lake were constructed. It is not known if this boatyard involved itself in the construction of vernacular boats but the likelihood is there, given that local resources would be available.

5.5.4 Highways

The advent of the automobile and mechanized trucking added a third primary component to strategic water and rail networks in the Chelan basin. As roads improved, ordinary Washington families on summer vacations found Lake Chelan easier to access. Communities at the lower end of the lake, at least, lost their last vestiges of remoteness, and were linked by highways to the larger world.

The State of Washington first focused on improving roads for mechanized vehicle use in 1905, when the Highway Department and the State Highway Fund were established. Real progress began to be made with passage of the Federal Aid Roads Act in 1916, and the Federal Highway Act of 1921. Under these programs, states received matching federal dollars for improving rural road systems (Lentz in Holstine et al. 1994:16).

In the vicinity of the Chelan basin, most early efforts were focused on the construction of Primary State Highway 10, designated as the Chelan & Okanogan Highway. State road maps for 1920, 1928, 1933, and 1936 indicate that this highway was built in increments through orchards and upland wheat fields on the east bank of the Columbia. It ostensibly crossed back over the

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river at Chelan Falls, continuing north to Okanagon on the west side of the river. For years, however, ferries remained the only way to cross over the Columbia at that point. Another option for light traffic was the privately owned Beebe Bridge. This wooden suspension bridge was constructed by the Beebe Orchard Co. of Boston to carry a water pipeline, and opened in 1919 as a toll bridge. There was no Highway 10 bridge crossing of the Columbia River at Chelan until 1963. The bridge was completed in June of that year, some two years after the backwaters of Rocky Reach dam had risen (Ruby and Brown 1974:126).

Until the bridge, the highway on the other side of the river was relatively useless to Wenatchee- bound residents of Chelan, Winesap, Entiat, and points south. West-siders thus continued to use the west bank wagon road begun at the turn of the century and now known as US 97 Alt. By virtue of necessity, that road was graded and improved. By 1930, State highway maps show this route as a county road, oiled and graveled, and “travelled as No. 10.” The road branched at Navarre Coulee, on the leg that is now SR 971. The main road led up over Knapp’s Coulee dropping down to the lake as it does today just north of Lakeside. The first vehicular bridge over the Chelan River was completed in 1922 as part of the continuing construction of Highway 10. This extant concrete arch still spans the mouth of the gorge and, against the bluffs to the north and south of it, are surviving paved sections of the 1920s highway. These remnants are made more visible by extensive dry-laid rock retaining walls. In the 1920s, further highway improvements were made around Lake Chelan. A rough road was constructed from First Creek to Twenty-Five-Mile Creek on the south shore of the lake. By 1930, over half of the old wagon road from Chelan to Manson was paved (Figure 5-14).

For newcomers to the Chelan basin, transportation was critical to making a living from the land, and to sustaining commerce throughout the historic period. Chelan residents of the late 19th and early 20th century were bent upon linking the Columbia River with Lake Chelan, and the foot of the lake with the head of the lake. Thus, much of the history of the region deals with efforts to improve transportation networks. Infrastructure developed in a strikingly linear fashion – hugging the narrow banks of the Columbia River, through passable coulees and canyons, along the lake, and up tributary valleys. Nearly all elements of the network connected at one or both ends to other modes of transportation. Moving the length of the valley, a typical traveler might have crossed the Columbia on a cable ferry, climbed the bluff to Chelan on a horse-drawn stage, navigated the lake on a steamboat, and pushed deep into the Stehekin River Valley riding a pack horse. Apples, minerals, logs, and sheep moved in similar fashion in the other direction.

Important nodes historically included steamboat and ferry docks at Chelan Landing, Chelan Falls, and Nararre Coulee. Railroading activity was limited to the Columbia corridor, despite grand schemes to the contrary. In their various configurations and alignments, the two steep roads from the riverbank up the Chelan River gorge were essential links in the system. The center of navigation on the lake developed at Lakeside. Here boats were built and berthed, and all uplake passenger and freight services secured. Boat landings sprang up all around the shoreline of the lake, and included both small private crib docks and larger public landings at resort communities.

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5.6 ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

5.6.1 Mining

5.6.1.1 Placer mining and the role of the Chinese

Intensive mining began in the project area vicinity during the 1850s, following the discovery of gold deposits along a tributary of the Wenatchee River by a US Army captain and an Indian scout (Holstine et al. 1994:5.1). By the early 1860s, miners, both Euro-American and Chinese, had swarmed into the area looking for gold placer deposits. This type of gold deposit is found along river and streambeds, where it has been deposited after eroding from the parent rock. The extraction of placer deposits is known as placer mining (Zhu 1999). Placer mining was the primary method of gold retrieval in the early days of mining in the project area (Ethnoscience 2000).

The Chinese played a significant role in the placer mining industry in the Chelan Valley and throughout eastern Washington. Chinese miners were hard working and resourceful and realized early on the economic potential of reworking placer deposits that were sold or abandoned by white miners. Euro-American miners were not as interested as the Chinese miners in collecting the gold dust that accumulated on the Columbia River sand bars. During the 1860s, they began moving into the region in force, concentrating near Walla Walla, Fort Colville (at Kettle Falls) and the Chelan and Methow Rivers (Hildebrand 1977:14; Chin 1992:20, 27). The Chinese miners skillfully used their rockers and plates to extract gold from the river bars near Chelan Falls (Hull 1929).

Chinese miners are credited with initiating the first major mining activity near Lake Chelan (Holstine et al. 1994:5.23). By the early 1870s, a significant number of Chinese miners were working placer claims at the mouth of the Chelan River (Hackenmiller 1995:92). A Chinese trading post consisting of several buildings, a large garden, and stables was established at Chelan Falls during this time to supply Chinese miners, as well as local Indians and whites (Hackenmiller 1995:94). One of the buildings was used for lodging and contained a fireplace, built in bunks, and a storage cellar which was used to hide gold and other valuables (Hackenmiller 1995). The post, which is depicted as a “Chinese store” on an 1887 survey map, is believed to be the first business enterprise along this portion of the Columbia (Figure 5-15) (United State Surveyor General 1887; Chin 1992: 24). In addition to the trading post, a large Chinese village developed at Chelan Falls that contained stores, laundries, barber shops, gambling houses and other enterprises (Kirkpatrick 1989; Chin 1992).

Between 1855 and 1870, Chinese miners profited greatly from working placer claims. They stored the extracted gold dust in buckskin bags for shipment back to China (Davis 1976). During the height of their mining activities approximately $72,581,219 in gold and silver was shipped from the Port of San Francisco to China (Zhu 1999). The Chinese were successful placer miners for a variety of reasons. First, placer mining required little capital investment and Chinese peasants had little money to invest in expensive claims (Zhu 1999). Second, placer mining required cooperation and the clannish culture of Asia, strong social customs and a tradition of cooperation facilitated communal labor (Zhu 1999). Finally, the Chinese possessed excellent water management skills because most of the Chinese miners came from southern China where

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they were accustomed to collecting and diverting water necessary in growing rice (Ethnoscience 2000). They were able to construct water projects that consisted of dams, flumes, canals, tunnels, derricks and pumps and were able to extract significant quantities of gold from claims considered unproductive by other miners.

Chinese miners, however, did not have an easy time of it in eastern Washington. Indian-Chinese relations were strained ever since the Chinese miners arrived in the late 1850s. In 1875, tensions finally boiled over, and the Indians, irritated with Chinese miners inhabiting their lands, attacked several mining camps along the Methow River (Hackenmiller 1995). Some miners escaped and fled to warn other Chinese camps downriver. The Indians continued their killing spree, and by the time they reached Chelan Falls, the Chinese settlement had been abandoned (Hackenmiller 1995). The attacks continued, however, and eventually culminated in a brutal massacre that left 300 Chinese miners dead. The surviving Chinese miners in the Chelan area attempted to organize a small army to punish the Indians who attacked them, but they were unable to support the effort after their supplies ran out (Hackenmiller 1995: 94). Following the Chinese massacre, many Chinese miners abandoned the area. Over the next six years, Chinese miners began to return and by 1881, hundreds were once again living near Chelan Falls (Hackenmiller 1995).

Chinese miners were also subjected to persecution from territorial legislation and Euro-American racist attitudes. Early anti-Chinese legislation, enacted after Washington Territory was established in 1853, denied Chinese franchise and restricted the Chinese from giving evidence against whites in a court of law (Deaver et al. 1999). In addition to this, a “Chinese Police Tax” was decreed which placed a $24 a year head tax on every Chinese person living in the territory. Thirty years later, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 prevented the importation of Chinese into the United States and disallowed citizenship (Chin 1992; Hackenmiller 1995). Legislation such as this, coupled with racial tensions and dwindling gold profits caused a dramatic decrease in the Chinese population in the Chelan Valley during the latter part of the 1880s. By 1891, the Chinese had virtually abandoned the Lake Chelan area (Holstine et al. 1994:5.23). Many returned home or settled in urban centers such as , where substantial Chinese communities had become established.

5.6.1.2 Mineral and Hard Rock Mining

During the 1880s, when placer deposits began to play out, prospectors went looking for their dreams in the hills around Lake Chelan. Lode mining or hard-rock mining became the dominant extractive industry and around Lake Chelan, mining claims were concentrated near Lightning Creek, Meadow Creek, Cascade Creek and Railroad Creek. Hard-rock mining was also prevalent up the Stehekin Valley at Doubtful Lake and Horseshoe Basin. These mining locations were accessed by pack horse, mule teams, and foot trails. Hard rock miners excavated horizontal tunnels, known as adits, into the bedrock to explore ore potential. Many of these adits are still visible on the landscape.

The Lake Chelan Valley contained two primary mining districts, the Chelan Mining District and the Stehekin Mining District (Figure 5-16 and Figure 5-17). The latter was a spin off of the former, created in 1896 by miners who wanted to protect their interests in the Stehekin Valley (Luxenberg 1986). Important mining claims had been staked throughout the Stehekin Valley beginning in 1889, when George Rouse (Rowse), John C. Rouse and Gilbert Landre, crossed

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over the Cascades from the Skagit and identified a group of claims at Doubtful Lake near Cascade Pass (Hodges 1897; Hull 1929). Rouse patented 17 lead and silver mine claims and constructed a sawmill to clear the land for future development (Hull 1929; Luxenberg 1986). The Cascade Consolidated Mining and Smelting Company took over the claims by 1904, and significantly improved the operation (Luxenberg 1986). By 1908, the company had built three cabins, a frame house, a sod house, a water powered sawmill, a pipeline, and several hundred feet of tunnel (Luxenberg 1986). Unfortunately, these claims never produced as much as was expected and by 1913, the structures had deteriorated and the mine was no longer in operation. Extensive remnants of the mine and mill facility are still evident on the landscape.

The most successful and profitable mining location in the Stehekin Mining District was identified in 1889 by M.M. Kingman and A.M. Pershall. Kingman and Pershall located significant ore deposits in Horseshoe Basin, which lies up the Stehekin Valley about three miles east of Cascade Pass (Hull 1929). The Horseshoe Basin district was found to contain notable deposits of lead and silver ores as well as veins of copper, silver, and gold deep below the ground surface (Hull 1929). Pershall and Kingman patented three claims in Horseshoe Basin, The Black Warrior, The Blue Devil, and the Golden Gate (Luxenberg 1986). The Black Warrior turned out to be the most valuable of the three claims (Figure 5-18). In 1891, Pershall and Kingman sold their claims to a Portland company for $30,000; a sale considered to be one of the largest mining property sales ever made in the valley (Hull 1929:486). The Portland company operated under the name of the Horseshoe Basin Mining and Development Company and substantially improved the Black Warrior claim. The company drilled hundreds of feet into the ledge and constructed a mining camp (Luxenberg 1986). Horseshoe Basin was known for its rich ore deposits and by 1899, more than forty claims had been located in the area (Luxenberg 1986) (Figure 5-19). Mining in this area continued sporadically until the 1940s, when it was briefly revived by promising assays and rumors of a state-built mine-to-market road over Cascade Pass (Luxenberg 1986).

Additional claims in the Stehekin Mining District were staked along Bridge Creek and its tributaries beginning in the early 1890s. The confluence of Bridge Creek and the Stehekin River became a strategic location for miners traveling into the district (Luxenberg 1986). In 1891, Frank Wilkinson chose this land for a homestead and by 1893, he had constructed a large store building at this location. The store was only in operation for two years, but was a great success during that time. In 1906, Mrs. Henry Freeland Buckner and her daughter Francis journeyed to Bridge Creek and ran the “Hotel de Buckner”, a wayside inn for tourists and miners entering the Stehekin Valley (Luxenberg 1986). Several claims were also located and worked in close proximity to the confluence. The Rock Island Lode and Millsite operated for several years before being canceled as mineral claims by the USFS sometime after 1904. Concurrent with large-scale mining operations in the Stehekin Valley, several small scale mines were also being worked along Company Creek, Agnes Creek, and Flat Creek (Luxenberg 1986).

Further downlake, in the vicinity of Cascade Creek, Railroad Creek, and Meadow Creek, was the Chelan Mining District. Significant ore deposits were discovered along these creeks and surrounding ridgelines as early as 1896. The best known mining property in the Chelan district is the Holden Mine, located ten miles up Railroad Creek on the south side of the lake (Hull 1929). The initial strike, which formed the basis for the Holden Mine, was made in 1896 by J.H.

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Holden, a Colorado mining man (Hull 1929:487). Holden staked four claims along the shoulder of and continued the required assessment work until his death in 1916 (Penberthy 1997:6). Ownership was passed to Crocker Perry, who in 1928 sold the claims to the Howe Sound Mining Company for a significant sum. Serious development of the claims began in 1928 but were halted in 1931 because of low copper prices (Penberthy 1997). Work resumed seven years later and by 1938, the Holden Mine had successfully completed its first production. The mine complex contained a concentrating plant, a mill, lakeside docks, shop buildings, supervisory offices, assay facilities and living quarters for 500 miners and their families (Bruce 1994a). During World War II copper was in critically short supply and the US Government became the principal buyer of Holden copper (Holstine et al 1994:5.25). The Holden Mine employed hundreds of people and was a major source of income to the Lake Chelan community until 1957 when the mine was closed due to exhaustion of ore rich enough to mine (Penberthy 1997:6). The Holden Mine complex was later sold to the Lutheran Church who currently use the facility as a religious retreat.

Several other large mining claims were developed throughout the Lake Chelan Valley during the late 1880s and early 1900s. By the late 1890s, over 80 individual claims had been staked along the four main creek systems (Figure 5-16). Each claim was assigned a unique name such as Gold Bug, Last Chance, Sunday Morning, Blue Jay, or Happy Thought (Hodges 1897). A brief discussion of some of the larger claims follows.

The Sunday Morning Mine, located along the north side of Lake Chelan near Moore’s Point and Meadow Creek, was first identified by Ed Bailey then later owned and worked by John Carlyle of Lakeside (Hull 1929). The Sunday Morning Mine produced high quality ore rich in Ruby silver. The site contained a 75' long mine tunnel with an incline shaft (Great Northern Railway 1917a). The tunnel was flooded when the lake level was raised. The Blue Jay claims, which are part of the Meadow Creek District, were initially identified by Captain Charles Johnson and produced both copper and silver. These claims were later sold to the Chelan Gold Mining Company who developed the strikes to a depth of 150 feet (Hodges 1897). The King Solomon claims also along Meadow Creek proved profitable and the owner, S.J. Gray secured two mill sites to go along with the mining property (Hull 1929). The King Solomon Mill Site was surveyed and patented in 1915 and encompassed 4.961 acres (Great Northern Railway 1917a). The site was originally called the Eldoro Mill Site but the name was changed in 1913. At the time of the Great Northern Railway Survey in 1916, the site contained a chicken house, barn (10' x 15'), roothouse (14' x 11'), frame house (20' x 27'), and four large stone walls along the shoreline in the vicinity of the house and root house (Great Northern Railway 1917a). The Aurelia Crown, often referred to as the mine, was located up Railroad Creek near Hart Lake and was operated for molybdenum, a rare and precious metal. The mine was considered quite unique since at the time of its operation it was one of only six molybdenite claims in the world that produced paying quantities of molybdenite (Hull 1929:488) (Figure 5-20).

Chelan Butte, just south of the foot of Lake Chelan, also contained a mining district worth mentioning. The Chelan Butte Mining District came into the scene around 1906 after significant ore deposits were discovered. The initial strike was made by Otto Huni, Frank Burnham, and Billy Moore, but many more prospectors soon followed (Hull 1929). L.N. Pershall and M.M.

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Kingman had several claims in the district, which were later known as the Butte claims. These claims were developed by the Chelan Butte Mining Company and contained quality deposits of free milling gold ore (Hull 1929). The company ended up closing its doors after it was discovered that the rich surface deposits had no real depth. ining activities along Chelan Butte consisted mainly of prospecting and surface mining. No effort was made to develop a mine of depth in this particular area even though many thought that a deeper ore deposit of real value did exist under the surface (Hull 1929).

Small, individually owned mines or lodes were also present along the shore of Lake Chelan including Happy Thought Fraction Lode, Happy Thought Lode, Omega Fraction Lode, Discovery Lode, Alteridem Lode, and the Cold Water Lode (Great Northern Railway 1917a, b). These claims commonly contained a single mine tunnel and sometimes a small shack. Substantial deposits were rarely associated with these claims, but the owners were able to carve a living out of the ore they extracted.

Sawmills were often constructed at some of the more substantial claims and the lumber used for mine structures. Mill sites along Lake Chelan include Wilson Creek Mill site and the Cold Water Millsite, located just south of Wilson Creek. In addition to sawmills, many developed mining claims also contained mining cabins, water power facilities, and blacksmith shops (Figure 5-21).

Some prospectors owned unpatented lode claims around Lake Chelan such as the Harbor Lode, which appears to have been discovered in 1907 (Great Northern Railway 1917a). Other mining locations along the lake consisted only of mining or prospector’s tunnels. During the 1917 Great Northern Railway surveys, approximately eight unregistered mine tunnels of various sizes were identified. The tunnels were commonly five to seven feet wide and were between nine and 103 feet long (Great Northern Railway 1917a,b,c). These unpatented claims in which no location notice was filed, were located uplake in the vicinity of Cascade Creek, Domke Falls, 25 Mile Creek, and Deer Point.

Hard-rock mining continued in the Lake Chelan Valley through the 1940s, albeit with decreasing returns. During the first decade of the twentieth century, larger companies began replacing individual miners and prospectors (Luxenberg 1986). These large companies improved upon claims using funds raised through the sale of stock. Cabins were built to house miners, pipelines were constructed to carry water and produce power to run equipment, and better trail systems were developed (Luxenberg 1986). All these improvements, however, did not always meet with success. Many companies went bankrupt, metal values dropped and mining became impractical. The mining industry was rejuvenated during World War II, due to an increased demand for metal. By the late 1940s and early 1950s, mine development had slowly came to a close (Luxenberg 1986).

Placer mining and hard rock mining were not the only kinds of mining operations occurring in the Lake Chelan Valley during the early part of the 20th century. Pumice and lime surface mining was also practiced in the hills surrounding the lake. Pumice, which occurs around Lake Chelan in vast amounts due to the eruption of Glacier Peak in the early 1800s, was mined for years and the supply considered by some to be endless (Wild in Perry 1999). Lime surface mining, which seemed to occur primarily on the north side of the lake, was initially practiced by

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Karl Wuelfingen, a German Baron who moved to Lake Chelan Valley in the early 1900s with his wife Else (Dodge 1976). Wuelfingen was assisted in this venture by another German settler, August Brensing, who lived nearby. Rock was taken down to a lime kiln on the shore in counter- balance cars on steel tracks (Dodge 1976). The kiln was fired with cord wood that was delivered by barge. Once ignited, the kiln needed to be kept going day and night. The finished product was shipped down lake by barge and used for a variety of purposes including the making of plaster. When the lake level was raised after the construction of the dam in 1927, the area, which had the house and kiln, were flooded and the Wuelfingens moved uplake (Dodge 1976). The 1914 Great Northern Railway map depicts three lime kilns and associated structures and features along the lake shore all in close proximity to one another. Two of the locations are along the north shore of the lake, across from 25 Mile Creek, in the vicinity of what is now known as Limekiln Point. The third is along the south side of the lake near the mouth of 25 Mile Creek. The most extensive concentration of structures and features is depicted at Limekiln Point and includes a powder house, track and boat landing, wharf with track, schoolhouse, shed, walkway, shack, landing and track, warehouse, limekiln, track to quarry, and shop (Great Northern Railway 1914). Immediately to the northwest is the second location that contains a lime quarry, lime kiln, shed, house, chicken house, and landing (Great Northern Railway 1914). This smaller concentration of structures and features most likely represents the Wuelfingen business and residence. Two lime kilns were also depicted along the lakeshore across from Limekiln Point, their ownership currently unknown (Great Northern Railway 1914).

Mining in the Chelan Valley, by both Euro-Americans and Chinese, contributed a great deal to local settlement, community development, and regional economics. Many of the early settlers were miners who came to the area to strike it rich but then stayed. Towns like Chelan and Stehekin grew out of the mining boom and became important supply centers for miners heading uplake. The small settlement of Lucerne, at the mouth of Railroad Creek on the west side of the lake, was also established, initially as a base camp for prospectors working on Railroad Creek. Lucerne became the last site with substantive improvements along the lake until one reached Stehekin. New businesses formed and previously established businesses profited a great deal from the booming mining industry. Horse packing became a lucrative business and it was not uncommon to see a twenty-horse packtrain loaded with supplies heading into the backcountry along the Stehekin drainage (Luxenberg 1986) (Figure 5-22). Storeowners profited by the influx of miners and prospectors who would frequent their establishments to restock before heading back into the hills. Local inns, hotels, and boarding houses including the Field Hotel, Mountain View House, and Rainbow Lodge also profited during this time by providing miners with food and accommodations before they headed out for weeks of isolation in the Cascades (Luxenberg 1986). Mining was not the only extractive industry operating in the Lake Chelan and Stehekin valleys during these early years; logging was also practiced on both a small and large scale throughout the region.

5.6.2 Logging

Logging on the eastside of the mountains did not occur until the 1880s, when the land became open to settlement. At that time, areas were logged and cleared for settlement and the timber used to supply local demands. As the population of the area increased, more and more timber was needed for town building, bridge construction, and agricultural purposes. Homesteaders, ranchers, and orchardists needed timber to construct irrigation flumes, fences, fruit boxes, and

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crates. All these needs were met by actively logging the vast stands of Ponderosa pine, Douglas fir, larch, spruce and white fir that were available in the Lake Chelan Valley, primarily near the head of the lake. Sawmills began to show up in the Lake Chelan Valley during the 1880s. Between the years of 1890 and 1910, several large sawmills were operating in Chelan and Lakeside and logs were sent down the lake to these towns from residents as far uplake as Stehekin for processing. Logging efforts in the Lake Chelan area were carried out on both a small and large scale. Companies and private individuals operated mill sites, some more permanent than others.

Logging techniques in the Chelan Valley changed as technology improved. Initially trees were felled by hand, and skidded, flumed, or hauled on rail trams to the water for transport downlake by a steamer. Horses were indispensable to logging operations and were often used to drag logs to the log chutes and flumes. Steam donkeys were also used by mill companies when logging the upper areas to move logs to chutes. Logging occurred year round, and the snow often facilitated the transportation of logs to flumes or the lakeshore (Figure 5-23). During the later years, when transportation routes improved, timber was brought to mills by logging trucks.

One of the first sawmills erected on the lake was at Camp Chelan, a small military camp at the foot of the lake that operated during 1880. Rafts of logs were towed downlake to the mill, processed, and the lumber used for camp construction. The mill operations lasted less than a year and in October 1880 Camp Chelan was abandoned, the mill dismantled, and the operation moved to the new post location at the mouth of the Spokane River (Lindston 1975).

Large-scale timber harvesting and processing did not become established until the late 1880s, when the first commercial sawmill was constructed. In 1888, L.H. Woodin and A.F. Nichols constructed a sawmill, company store, and bunkhouse at what was to be the community of Lakeside. The necessary equipment was delivered by steamboat to Chelan Falls and transported overland by local Indians that included Long Jim, Cultus Jim, Crooked Mouth Bob, Wapato John and his son Sylvester (Hackenmiller 1995). Their mill site was the first commercial business on Lake Chelan and proved a great success. Rafts of logs were towed by steamer from the head of the lake to the mill (Figure 5-24). The Woodin and Nicols Mill furnished almost all the lumber for the region during its early years of operation (Carpenter 1989). The Kingman and Sullins Mill was another successful mill in Chelan during this time.

By 1900, there were several sawmills of varying capacities operating along First Creek, on Bear Mountain, and in Navarre Coulee. One of the oldest was the Wallace Mill on Bear Mountain which was purchased by Fred Barron and E.G. Spencer in 1907. The Barron & Spencer Mill was sold in 1909 to Scott White and renamed The Bear Creek Farm and Mill Co. The mill site consisted of an open-sided shed containing saws and equipment and produced lumber and fruit boxes (Perry 1999). Luke Jackley had a mill at First Creek that he sold in 1913 and Charlie Grey started a mill up Johnson Creek (Perry 1999). The Gordon Lumber Company operated a mill from 1908 to 1915 near Navarre Coulee, and Clayton Gordon had a mill in 1911 at Bear Creek (Perry 1999).

Emory Garton and George Pennell, Sr. established a portable sawmill near Coyote Creek in 1909, but the steep terrain around the creek proved problematic from the start. When logs were sent down the mountain they would hit the lake with such force, that other logs floating in the

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water would split (Holstine et al 1994:8.12). To remedy this, Garton and Pennell constructed a flume and then a tramway in order to safely transport the logs down the hillside. These industrious attempts were unsuccessful and by 1912, the Pennell-Garton Mill had been moved to a location near Chelan. The newly constructed mill burned down, was rebuilt, and then dismantled prior to the construction of the Chelan Dam in 1927 (Holstine et al 1994:8.13).

Portable sawmills were also used by local individuals for small-scale logging or land clearing projects. Landowners would bring these open-air, portable gas or steam powered sawmills high into the hills, mill their own logs, and save time and effort transporting them down the mountain. Portable sawmills were used throughout the Stehekin Valley to clear land for settlement and to supply wood for mining operations. All along the lake and into the Stehekin Valley, landowners would use these sawmills to produce large amounts of cord wood that they would sell to steamers as fuel. It took 7 or 8 cords of wood for the steamboats to make it from Chelan to Stehekin and back (Perry 1999:58). Logs were also sold to local businesses such as the Lake Chelan Box Factory for use in fruit box and crate manufacture (Figure 5-25).

The timber industry in the Lake Chelan Valley greatly benefited by the booming fruit growing industries that had developed. Much of the timber produced during the early 1900s was used for the manufacture of fruit boxes and shipping containers. In the Chelan area, two main box companies were in operation, the Chelan Box Factory and the Chelan Box and Manufacturing Company (Holstine et al 1994:8.13). During the early part of the twentieth century, the Chelan Box Factory sent crews of men to the head of the lake to drive rafts of logs down the Stehekin River to the lake (Luxenberg 1986). In 1907, a local paper reported that the company had nearly a million feet of logs in the valley that needed to be rafted downlake to Chelan for processing (Luxenberg 1986). The Chelan Box Factory initially operated their mill on Antoine Creek, 11 miles northwest of Chelan but moved the operation to Joe Creek, where it burned around 1919 (Holstine et al 1994:8.13).

During the 1920s, one of the last sizable logging operations took place along Lake Chelan. At this time, plans for constructing a hydroelectric dam on the Chelan River were in the works. The dam would raise the lake level 21 feet, thereby inundating hundreds of acres of land primarily in Stehekin (Luxenberg 1986). Buildings needed to be removed or relocated and timber needed to be cleared. In 1926, Grant Smith and Company were awarded the contract and proceeded to clear over 500 acres of timberland. Logging in the area slowed down considerably after the construction of the dam. It was not until 30 years later that the last major logging operation took place in the valley. In 1956, the Chelan Box Manufacturing Company, which began operations in 1930, purchased a large piece of property in Stehekin that contained approximately two million board feet of timber (Luxenberg 1986). Within a year, the property was cleared and the company departed. The Chelan Box and Manufacturing Company operated until 1969, when it burned down (Holstine et al 1994:8.13).

Logging in the Lake Chelan and Stehekin Valley had both positive and negative effects on the area. The demand for timber during the late 1800s and early 1900s brought money and success to many. Businesses formed and thrived, the economy improved, and many farmers were able to supplement their agricultural incomes, which was a great relief during hard times. Excessive logging in the valley, however, also had a damaging effect on an already fragile ecosystem.

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Increased logging of the area permanently damaged the natural water supply, primarily in areas that already had a marginal supply of fresh water (Perry 1999). Many settlers living in the First Creek District, along the south side of the lake near Chelan, had to abandon their homesteads during the 1930s due to loss of their once permanent water supply (Perry 1999). When logging began to wane, and timber supplies disappeared, farmers who had once relied on this industry to supplement their income suddenly found themselves unable to cope with the fluctuating agricultural market. Some of the small scale farms and ranches were abandoned and their owners forced to relocate closer to urban centers. The success of the logging industry in the Chelan valley during the early and mid 20th century was directly related to the rise of commercial agriculture happening in the Chelan, Entiat, and Wenatchee valleys.

5.6.3 Agriculture

Despite the early importance of mining and logging to the Chelan basin, agriculture soon proved to be the area’s most sustainable economic activity. Residents of the valley practiced stock raising and a remarkably wide range of diversified farming before turning to specialization in the form of commercial fruit orchards. Bolstered by the development of irrigation systems beginning in 1908 and the arrival of the railroad in 1914, the Lake Chelan apple industry gained world renown (Murphy 1995).

5.6.3.1 Stock Raising

Ranching, particularly the itinerant grazing of cattle and sheep, took place in the Chelan basin as it did throughout the region from the 1880s, well into the 1910s. Most of this was in the form of summer grazing in mountainous range lands at the upper end of the lake. Low-lying lands at the foot of the lake proved early on to be more advantageous to fruit growing than ranching.

There is little written record of cattle movement through the Chelan basin before the Moses Reservation was dissolved in 1886. Stock driveways from eastern Washington over the Cascades to growing population centers took shape to the south of the Wenatchee River watershed over Snoqualmie and Naches passes, where winter range was closer at hand (Murphy 1995; Carter and Holstine et al. 1994:7.2). Precipitous terrain and the lake itself limited overland drives through the Chelan valley.

The federal government established forest reserves in the Northwest in the late 1890s and, within those reserves, instituted a moratorium on grazing. The Washington Forest Reserve (including the Chelan basin), was established in 1897 and exempted from that regulation. Here continued grazing was allowed in the belief that precipitation was sufficient to survive grazing pressures. By 1900, a system of permits and watershed allotment granted access for both sheep and cattle into the Washington Forest Reserve. There was recognition from the beginning that the herding of sheep represented a serious conflict of use with tourism and recreation, already well ensconced in the Chelan basin (Luxenberg 1986, Murphy 1995).

Moving sheep into the high country was challenging but, as with mining and logging activities, Lake Chelan itself provided an effective passage deep into the mountains. By 1915, flocks of sheep were being loaded on barges and floated to Stehekin. There, sheepherders often of Spanish

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or Basque descent, trailed the sheep up the Stehekin River to tributary drainages where the sheep ranged over the summer. In the late fall, the migration was reversed, and the sheep barged downlake (Figure 5-26) (Luxenberg 1986).

Prior to the ascendancy of apple orcharding, settlers in the Chelan basin also pursued small-scale stock raising in conjunction with mixed farming. In 1904, Paul and Etta Swanson had forty head of cattle, as well as hogs and other stock on their 480 acres farm northwest of Chelan. William and Louisa Sanders operated a dairy farm near Lakeside. Christopher and Ellen Robinson farmed ninety acres and tended a herd of twenty-five registered cattle, with a fine Shorthorn bull. John and Madeline Wapato raised stock on his allotment land at Manson. Martin and Delphia Venneberg, noted as the first white settlers above the Indian allotments east of the lake, handled bands of sheep, thoroughbred goats, and hogs (Steele 1904: 743, 788, 793, 796, 820).

5.6.3.2 Diversified Farming

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Chelan valley residents practiced mixed, or diversified farming. While the success of fruit horticulture was undeniable, other crops grew well in the sunny climate and rich soil, offering the homesteader and farming family economic stability. Prior to the advent of reliable, large-scale irrigation systems, this was an important consideration.

In addition to the raising of livestock and widespread fruit growing, farm products ranged from potatoes to wheat to strawberries. People kept poultry and honeybees and planted vineyards. In 1904, Paul Swanson was regarded as the largest farmer on Lake Chelan. “He makes a beautiful and valuable estate of it all and raised abundance of grain, as wheat, oats, barley, corn, and so forth. He owns the only threshing machine on the lake and threshed out one thousand bushels for himself this year” (Steele 1904: 819). English walnuts gained favor in the 1910s, and were promoted as a possible sideline to apples:

The past few years have witnessed a remarkable development in the planting of English walnuts…The industry at Lake Chelan has passed the experimental stage as we now have several orchards in bearing and the walnuts produced are of the finest quality….The varieties grown here are the Franquetts, Mayette and Santa Barbara, soft shell English walnuts. Soft shelled almonds and chestnuts are very successfully grown in this section and promise to become a thriving industry [Figure 5-27] [Furey, East, Pfau & Gordon ca. 1915].

Orchard families found ways to survive economically until their saplings reached bearing age, usually eight to ten years. A wide variety of annual crops were planted between the rows for that purpose, including strawberries, potatoes, corn, tomatoes, cantaloupes, onions, carrots, turnips, and all garden vegetables. Even alfalfa was sown between the rows. Jumbo potatoes were sold to the resorts, and to the Great Northern Railroad’s Dining Car Service (Furey, East, Pfau & Gordon ca. 1915; Morehead 1994-1995).

5.6.3.3 Fruit Orcharding

At the time of its organization in 1899, Chelan County was already recognized as a premier region for the growing of fruit. The Coast magazine in 1902 noted, after describing the area’s timber, mining, and recreational attractions, “The chief industry, however, and the one which has

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brought renown and fame to the county, is fruit raising, along with which should be considered stock raising and farming” (The Coast 1902: 121). The perceived advantages of the Lake Chelan locale were shared by the Wenatchee and Entiat valleys to the south, and included rich, deep soil; the potential for gravity irrigation; good soil drainage; abundant sunshine; protection against damaging storms and winds; accessibility to world markets. The Lake Chelan district also claimed the added benefits of higher altitude, cooling air circulation, and frost-free atmospheric temperatures moderated by the lake (Furey, East, Pfau & Gordon ca. 1915).

Indians planted the earliest fruit orchards on allotments on the north shore of Lake Chelan. These orchards contained commercial varieties of apples, including Spitzenbergs, Roman Beauties, Winesaps, and Jonathans. At least one Indian orchard, featured in promotional literature ca. 1915, had borne fruit for twenty-five years, and supplied several Lake Chelan settlers with apples for twenty years (Furey, East, Pfua & Gordon ca. 1915). Most early settlers incorporated orchards into their diversified agricultural scheme. In the 1890s and early 1900s, there was experimentation with a variety of fruits, including apples, peaches, pears, plums, figs, and grapes (Steele 1904: 775).

The Buckner family of Stehekin demonstrated the viability of commercial apple growing throughout the Chelan basin. In 1911, the Buckners of California arrived at the head of the lake and purchased a homestead property. Over time they developed a 149-acre farm into a large and profitable business. The family worked for nearly half a century, clearing land and pulling stumps, successively planting, and increasing the size of the apple orchard to 700 trees on fifty acres. They created an extensive network of hand-dug irrigation ditches diverting water from Rainbow Creek one-half mile away. Each fall, they sorted and packed apples in crates by hand, later by machine, and shipped them downlake to Chelan via barge (Figure 5-28). Good soil, a lack of harmful insects, and favorable climatic conditions made the Buckner orchard commercial successful until the 1960s. Intact elements of the Buckner orchard and farmstead, now listed on the National Register, remain standing in the Stehekin valley (Buckner 1977: 13; Luxenberg 1986).

Orchardist Bill Wild recently recalled orchard practices of his youth in the 1920s and 1930s. He grew up on his parents’ seventeen-acre farm on First Creek, helping his father remove brush with a team of horses, irrigating with homemade flumes made of 12 by 12 lumber, and hand-spraying the trees with lime sulfur in the spring and lead arsenic during coddling moth season (Harrison 2000).

Glenn Morehead was raised on a five-acre orchard at Manson. His father had seen a display of Lake Chelan apples at the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition in Seattle in 1909, and was inspire to relocate his family from Oklahoma to the Manson Irrigation District the following year. The family bought ten acres of “raw” land, and first set about clearing the pine trees, greasewood, and bitter brush with a team of horses. The first half-acre planting included Delicious, Winesap, and Yellow Newton varieties. The new irrigation system supplied water in the spring and summer through rills, or shallow ditches dug on each side of the tree row through which water flowed by gravity. Glenn’s father installed a pipeline along the upper side of the orchard with a standpipe and faucet for each row. It worked in the following way:

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Since the tract was 500 feet deep it took a long time for the water to reach the end of each row. This meant the upper end received a large amount of water while the lower end rarely received enough. Sometime not water all was reaching the end of the row and this meant either the water had broken out of the ditch or that it was going down a gopher hole. The easiest way to locate the hole was for me to walk up the ditch in by bare feet (Moorehead 1994-1995: 3-4).

A description of the Lake Chelan apple harvest ca. 1931, given in promotional literature of the day, illuminates the dominance of the apple industry in the valley by that date:

It is a novel, interesting and picturesque alley scene to see the great Chelan valley apple harvest in the process of operation sweeping through the orchards of ripened fruit. Men, women and children, in the trees and on the ground picking and packing apples; a procession of trucks loaded with apples on the way to the packing houses, cold storages, or cars ready to be loaded and shipped to all parts of the world. Hundreds of cars parked along the highways, tents, board shelters and open camp fires providing temporary homes for the extra people needed to prepare this enormous crop of Lake Chelan valley apples for the markets of the world. Hotels and restaurants unable to provide accommodations for the extra influx of harvest help; parking space on the streets of Chelan completely filled one hour after the day’s works is done; streets crowded with the happy noisy workers enjoying their evenings. This harvest time is like a great carnival – business and pleasure combined. Picture then, the vastness of this apple harvest in the Lake Chelan valley (Washington Water Power C. ca. 1931).

Several distinctive cultural resource property types, or physical forms, evolved in conjunction with the apple industry in the Lake Chelan basin, and throughout North Central Washington. The first was a functional object once common on the orchard landscape – the wooden apple box or crate. Apple boxes were manufactured locally at Lakeside and Chelan. Used for packing, shipping, and distributing apples in the early decades of the 20th century, these boxes are best known for their colorful, artistic labels. For harvest picking, large wooden bins replaced the ubiquitous crates in the 1940s (Harrison 2000).

A once-important building on the family apple orchard was the packing shed. Prior to the passage of stricter FDA standards, harvested apples were hand-packed at home for shipping and sales. Harry Buckner recalled the process of constructing a packing shed at the family’s Stehekin orchard. “After our trees were in we started building the packing shed. In 1921 we poured the concrete floor base, 40 x 100’. Mixed it all by shovel, by hand. 320 sacks of cement. Then we put the building on the foundation in 1922” (Buckner 1977: 13). Family orchard packing sheds declined in use after the advent of large co-operative warehouse operations, and few survive today.

Another building type typical of early orchards, but one which remains in more recent form on the landscape today, are pickers’ cabins. The intense effort of the apple harvest required seasonal labor. In addition to tent camping, workers were housed in rudimentary one-room cabins at individual orchards. These early, wood-frame gable-roofed shelters were usually aligned in a row at one corner of the orchard, often in proximity to the road. The tiny cabins offered no amenities,

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and in some instances were retained for use over many decades. More recently, the familiar wood-frame cabins have been replaced with larger cement block shelters with lighting and plumbing.

Lake Chelan orchardists promoted their fine apples at an early date through local, state, national, and world fairs and expositions. Prizes were won at the Lewis and Clarke Fair in Portland in 1907, and the Alaska Yukon and Pacific Exposition in Seattle, the American Interstate Apple Show at Spokane, and the Canadian World’s Apple Show – all in 1909. Such fairs and exhibits were seen as pivotal in conveying to the world the advantages of the Lake Chelan apple district. Through early organizations such as the Chelan County Horticultural Association, Lake Chelan growers fought against unscrupulous nurserymen who sold infected stock, and launched co- operative marketing ventures (Hull 1929: 564-656; 581).

The marketing of apples became more specialized in the 1920s. Local orchardists formed the Lake Chelan Fruit Growers co-operative, which was in turn was linked to a larger co-operative of eleven warehouses throughout the region know as the Wenoka Federation (Figure 5-29). A local market for culls (damaged or deformed fruit) came in 1925 with the opening of the Wenatchee Packing Corporation, the first fruit cannery in the area. In 1926, independent packing houses emerged after stricter FDA regulations on packing were put in place. Because they believed so strongly in the superiority of Lake Chelan fruit, local orchardists in the 1940s formed their own sales agency, Trout Incorporated, later known as Trout-Blue Chelan (Murphy 1995; Harrison 2000).

Agriculture in the Lake Chelan basin evolved in a little over thirty years from subsistence farming to a nationally acclaimed commercial apple industry. The phenomenal market success of apples from Lake Chelan accounts for the continuity of the orchard landscape even today. Small, single-family apple orchards averaging thirty acres in size remain the economic backbone of the basin. Only one other economic pursuit historically present in the basin has survived and gained in stature on a par with agriculture, and that is the tourism and recreation industry (Murphy 1995).

5.6.4 Recreation and Tourism

Improvements in the road and ferry systems on and around Lake Chelan during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century contributed significantly to the budding tourist economy in the Lake Chelan Valley. As transportation networks improved, more and more people were traveling uplake to recreate during the weekends. Services such as stores, campgrounds, and hotels were established along the lake as far up as Stehekin to accommodate the needs of families and individuals venturing into the Cascade foothills for the spectacular scenery and pristine wilderness.

Recreation and tourism in the Lake Chelan Valley began during the early 1890s, as word of the unparalleled beauty of Lake Chelan and its surrounding wilderness spread throughout the state. Small communities like Chelan, Lakeside and Stehekin had become well-established during this time and boasted of quality accommodations and services for the weary traveler. The valley became a popular recreation spot for individuals looking to get away from busy urban centers

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like Seattle. An article written on Lake Chelan and Stehekin for The Coast in 1906 pointedly appealed to the overworked urban professional:

...we arrive at Stehekin, located where the Stehekin River empties into the lake, in the midst of a beautiful grove of trees where the songs of the river mingling with the sweet quietude of the forest creates a sweet lullaby for the strained nerves of the man tired by the rush and worry of the city and worn by the heat and vexation of the tiresome humdrum of weighty business cares.

Tourists were drawn to the Lake Chelan area because it was considered an ideal location to fish, boat, swim, hunt, camp, hike, and picnic. Summers were warm and dry, and provided visitors with a refreshing change from the maritime climate west of the mountains. Many entrepreneurs in the Lake Chelan area realized early on the substantial profits which could be made by providing specialized services, such as hotels and hostelries, for the growing tourist industry.

Lodging was available to tourists along the shores of Lake Chelan beginning in 1892 (Luxenberg 1986). Camping areas were readily available to travelers as were small inns and hotels. Some of the earliest tourist accommodations in the area were located uplake in and around Stehekin. In 1892, M.E. Fields purchased the Argonaut, a simple two-story lumber building with a wrap around porch, that had been constructed a few years earlier by George Hall, a Stehekin settler and entrepreneur (Luxenberg 1986). Hall had built the Argonaut to accommodate miners who were pouring into the Stehekin Valley. Field enlarged the Argonaut to 25 rooms by building a 2 ½-story unattached structure nearby (Luxenberg 1986). He continued to make improvements to the facility over the years and eventually changed its name to the Field Hotel. By 1905 the Field Hotel was considered one of the best hotels in the Northwest, boasting 60 rooms, a 5 ½ story tower, electric lights, plumbing, and a picturesque view of the lake (Figure 5-30). The Field Hotel became a famous resort for both tourists and mountain climbers alike. The hotel had a large boat dock, boardwalk, barn, and gardens on its property (Great Northern Railway 1913). In 1902, a trout hatchery was constructed near the hotel and the fish released in area streams (Buckner 1977). Field not only ran his popular hotel but was also storekeeper, postmaster, and director of mountain climbing expeditions (Hull 1929:460). The hotel was dismantled in the late 1920s as a result of the construction of the Chelan Dam and rising lake levels. Windows, doors, stairways, and moldings were salvaged and reused in the construction of the Golden West Lodge (Luxenberg 1986).

The same year M.E. Field began renovating the Argonaut at Stehekin, J.R. Moore established a summer resort, Moore’s Inn, on the north side of the lake. Moore’s Inn was located on Moore’s Point, about eight miles below Stehekin. Moore’s Inn was sold to Frank Hubbard in 1911 who operated the inn at this location until the mid-1920s when the rising lake level forced him to relocate it to higher ground. In 1948, a major flood caused significant damage to the hotel. Hubbard sold the property at that time to Mr. And Mrs. Wiley who repaired the flood damage and continued to operate the hotel until 1957, when a fire destroyed the main building. The Forest Service acquired the property in 1972 and removed the remaining buildings and swimming pool.

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In 1899, William Purple and his family opened the Mountain View House, a hostelry that he ran out of his residence. That same year he enlarged and renovated the inn to accommodate the demands of the growing business (Luxenberg 1986). The 1½ story structure had a commanding view of the lake from atop a small ridge. Purple also constructed a small cabin and some platform tents near the inn for guests. Guests arrived by boat to the Purple dock and walked up the knoll to the inn whose grounds had been landscaped with rock lined paths, decorative rock piles, and hand made wooden furniture (Luxenberg 1986) (Figure 5-31). Purple ran the inn until 1917, when he sold it to W.F. Boardman who immediately sold it to the Chelan Electric Company. The Golden West Lodge was built on the site in 1926.

Another overnight alternative for tourists in the Stehekin area was the Rainbow Lodge, located approximately 2½ miles from the head of the lake (Figure 5-32). Henry Buckner built the Rainbow Lodge in 1910, under the explicit direction of the proprietress Lydia George. Buckner constructed a six-room frame house on the property, which during the early years of operation mainly housed miners. The property also had a large pasture for packhorses and cows and a substantial garden (Luxenberg 1986). George provided good food, clean beds and general comfort to her guests for a small fee (Luxenberg 1986). By the 1920s, business was steady and tourists and fishermen were slowly replacing miners. George expanded her operation during this time and added several small cabins containing facilities for guests to cook their own meals (Luxenberg 1986). Rainbow Lodge was a successful enterprise, even through the Depression years. The lodge continued to serve meals to visitors and rent rooms and cabins until the beginning of World War II (Luxenberg 1986).

At the foot of the lake were the bustling towns of Chelan and Lakeside, which by the early 20th century contained quality tourist accommodations as well. One of the earliest entrepreneurs in the hotel business in the Chelan area was Mr. C. C. Campbell, whose goal was “to erect a hostelry that would be a credit to the community”. In 1901, Campbell, with the help of A. F. Cox, designed and built the , a fine three-story facility with sweeping views of the lake. By 1904 it was called Hotel Chelan. The hotel was a booming success during the early 1900s. Travelers from all over would stay at the beautiful hotel, which was known for fine food, comfortable rooms, and grand views. Rooms were $0.50 and dinner was the same. A dance pavilion was eventually built at the hotel. The hotel prospered until the 1920s when business started to drop dramatically due to hard economic times. The Depression also had a significantly negative impact on the business. The Holden Mine brought new vigor to the area and by 1937 the hotel was once again a popular and busy stop over for travelers. During the 1940s, tourist cabins were constructed on the property. In 1955, the first new motel unit was built to keep up with the times and the expanding needs of “modern-day tourists”. The earlier cabins were eventually replaced by more motel units (Campbell 1976). The Campbell Hotel is still in operation today with more modern amenities to satisfy the 21st-century traveler.

Another notable early hotel along the lake was the Lakeview House at Lakeside (Figure 5-33). Joseph Darnell built the Lakeview Hotel in the 1890s. It served as headquarters for uplake navigation passengers and provided its guests with comfortable accommodations and good food (Carpenter 1997-98). At one time, the Lakeview Hotel advertised that 100 lb. of fresh trout were received every week (Buckner 1977). Not only was Lakeside Hotel the location where all boat

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arrivals and departures occurred (until the lake was raised in 1898), it also served as the location where most of the boats used on the lake were constructed (Ethnoscience 2000).

Tourist activity in the Lake Chelan area continued to increase during the early 1900s. About 1915, Harold Watson, owner of Havarene, noticed the increase in tourist activity along the lake and realized there was a need for additional camping and picnicking facilities. He quickly turned his beach into a recreation area, and charged people a small fee to camp and picnic there. He called his establishment Havarene Lodge and people would arrive by steamers and private boats to spend the day or stay the weekend (Figure 5-34). During the summer, his wife would serve delicious home-cooked meals on the porch (Perry 1999). A 1915 promotional flier described the lodge:

HAVARENE LODGE ON LAKE CHELAN The Gateway to the Lake Chelan District Situated on First Creek, nine miles up lake from Chelan. Can be reached by auto. Two hours ride from Wenatchee, through Wells Coulee. Good Roads. Home-grown fruit and vegetables. Camping ground and auto park in connection. Row boats for rent. No mosquitoes.

Havarene Lodge operated until 1927, when rising lake-levels associated with dam construction inundated a good portion of their lakeside property. The main house was raised on timbers and moved 150 feet downlake but the family gardens and part of the orchards were lost (Perry 1999). Harold was compensated by Washington Power for his loss and used the money to build rental cabins east of the house. These later became yearly rental cabins. Harold and his son built housekeeping cabins on the property in 1932 and continued to maintain some of the earlier tent cabins during the summer months. The resort facility was a booming success and had become the family’s primary income (Perry 1999).

New accommodations were also constructed at the head of the lake during the 1920s. In 1926, carrying on M.E. Field’s tradition, Jack Blankenship established the Golden West Lodge, a spacious resort hotel containing both rustic charm and urban elegance. Blankenship had salvaged building materials from the demolished Field Hotel and incorporated them into the new inn (Luxenberg 1986). The 2 ½-story hotel was built on the Purple homestead, at the head of the lake, and operated with some success until World War II. A decrease in tourist activity during the war years caused the lodge to close (Luxenberg 1986). A new owner, George Miller, re- opened the lodge after the war, adding five rustic cabins, a pool, and gardens. A variety of activities including shuffleboard, badminton, cards, and snooker were available to the guests along with the traditional pursuits of hunting, fishing, and horseback riding (Luxenberg 1986). The lodge had a series of owners over the next few years. In 1967, a company from Seattle, Outdoor Recreation, Inc. purchased the property and renamed it “Stehekin Lodge” (Luxenberg 1986). The lodge still catered to tourists but the small cabins were used for worker’s housing. The company sold its holdings to the federal government in 1968 after the national park system became established in the area (Luxenberg 1986). The Golden West is still in operation today and is one of the oldest resorts in the national park complex.

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Additional accommodations arose around the lake during the late 1920s through the 1940s including the Vollmer First Creek Ranch and the cabins at Lucerne. Fred Vollmer, who purchased large sections of land between First Creek and Sunnydale between 1902 and 1907, originally owned the Vollmer First Creek Ranch. The First Creek Ranch was one of these purchases and he rented it out to a variety of people over the next 20 years. By 1928, the 1200- acre ranch had been turned into a tourist attraction offering tennis, boating, two holes of golf, croquet, archery, a baseball diamond, and three miles of lakefront (Perry 1999:53). The property became run-down during the 1930s and was eventually sold to the state for a park. Oscar Getty originally built the cabins at Lucerne to house employees of the Holden Mine, an operation which existed from 1939 to 1957. The cabins and other improvements became known as the Lucerne Resort (Ethnoscience 2000). The Lucerne “resort” contained a main house, cabins, and extensive gardens. Today it is associated with Holden Village, a Lutheran church retreat located 12 miles to the southeast.

Tourism slowed considerably in the Lake Chelan area during WWII. The end of World War II brought with it a minimal boost in the tourist industry in the Lake Chelan Valley. People once again began traveling uplake to experience a piece of the wilderness. Two new “resorts” opened on the lake during this time in response to the influx; Weaver Point and Camp Stehekin/Morse’s Resort.

Daisie Weaver was the proprietress of one of the two “resorts” which opened uplake after the war. Daisie had some rustic cabins built on her property on Weaver Point at the head of the lake across from the Stehekin boat landing. No roads led to Weaver Point and so Daisie would ferry her guests to and from the landing in her boat (Luxenberg 1986). As with most of the “resorts” on the lake, Mrs. Weaver offered clean accommodations and good home-cooked food.

The second “resort” was constructed in 1946-1947 by Bob Duncan and Randall Morse along the Stehekin River near the head of the lake. “Camp Stehekin” was a fishing camp that contained ten cabins, a small grocery store, and ten boats (Luxenberg 1986). The 1948 Stehekin River flood irreparably damaged fish spawning grounds and changed the course of the river; a situation which greatly affected the fishing tourist industry at the head of the lake (Luxenberg 1986). Business at “Camp Stehekin” suffered but the operation continued. Morse bought out Duncan around 1952, added a pavilion, improved the lawns, and renamed it Morse’s Resort.

The construction of private summer homes and rental cabins along the upper end of the lake was another product of the expanding tourist and recreation industry in the valley (Figure 5-35). One of the first summer homes on the lake was constructed in 1907 by F.W. Vollmer (Luxenberg 1986). Vollmer purchased land at the head of the lake and built a summer bungalow, which was eventually inundated during the 1920s by rising lake-levels. In 1916, 60 ft x 120 ft lots along Prince and Railroad creeks had been surveyed for summer residences (Great Northern Railway 1917b,g; Lampereur 1994-1995). Jack Blankenship built a rental cabin during the 1930s along Purple Creek, currently known as “McKellar Cabin”. Blankenship sold the cabin to Cap Nast around 1940 and at that time Nast hired Blankenship to build another larger log cabin next door. This structure is known as “George Miller house” and now serves as NPS housing (Luxenberg 1986). The construction of vacation and retirement homes did not really take-off until after WWII. During that time, the United States Forest Service surveyed and promoted areas along the

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lake shore as summer house or cabin lots which could be leased and developed (Luxenberg 1986). Private landowners sub-divided their land and clusters of houses began to develop. Examples of this can be found at Purple Point, in the Stehekin Valley, and along Company Creek.

Accommodations, including resorts, hotels and campgrounds, were used early on by miners and then tourists who were interested in recreating uplake. Visitors coming to the Chelan Valley during the spring, summer, and fall, found an area rich in outdoor activities. The area boasted some of the best hunting and fishing in the state, miles of hiking trails, and lake activities such as boating, swimming, and sun bathing (Figure 5-36). There was something for everyone at Lake Chelan.

Fishing and hunting in the Lake Chelan area were major activities for visitors and locals alike. Fish populations were significantly larger than today and the fishing considered world class (Buckner 1977) (Figure 5-37). Many of the early sport fishermen came to the area from the Yakima and Ellensburg vicinity intent upon catching Dolly Varden and Cutthroat trout (Buckner 1977). Kokanee salmon and Rainbow trout were introduced into Lake Chelan in 1917, and eventually comprised the majority of the fish population of the lake after 1928. Dolly Vardens became a favorite of fisherman during the 1940s because of their size, which could reach up to nine pounds. After the floods of 1948, the Kokanee salmon and Rainbow and Cutthroat trout populations were severely reduced and the Dolly Varden populations were virtually wiped out (Ethnoscience 2000).

Tourists were also drawn to the area because of the wide variety of mammals that could be hunted in the Chelan and Stehekin Valleys. Mountain goat, deer, bear, cougar, lynx, among others were actively sought. Large herds of mountain goats used to roam surrounding the lake and were often shot from passing boats. Restrictions on hunting began to be enforced during the early 1900s after Lake Chelan National Park became established.

Boating on Lake Chelan was a favorite past time of both tourists and residents. Many of the early boats on Lake Chelan were used for commercial purposes but as tourism increased, these boats became crucial in transporting visitors uplake to places such as Moore’s Inn, the Field Hotel, and Havarene Lodge, to name a few (Figure 5-38). Hunters and fishermen venturing uplake to recreate in the Stehekin Valley also made use of the convenient boat service that frequently left Chelan and Lakeside. An ad for the Belle of Chelan placed in the Chelan Falls Leader in 1891 announced “Special Inducements for Tourists: Special Excursion Trips Whenever Desired”. By 1892, the Belle was making frequent trips to the northern portion of the lake to accommodate the growing tourist trade (Hackenmiller 1995). By the late 1890s, steam boats on Lake Chelan had become an invaluable addition to the tourist trade. Boats would schedule runs to and from the northern end of the lake in order to efficiently transport “excursionists”. Many tourists were interested in day trips uplake to hike, picnic, or catch a meal at one of the fine resorts that offered home cooked meals on the lake and boats made that possible. As tourism increased, boats such as the Lady of the Lake had to be renovated to accommodate the increasing number of tourists looking for transportation uplake. Originally a single deck vessel, the Lady had a second deck installed in 1902 which increased the passenger capacity to 200 persons (Hackenmiller 1995). The importance of boats in the tourism industry of the Chelan area cannot be overstated. They

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provided access to areas, which were completely inaccessible by foot or car (Ethnoscience 2000). Tourists could be transported to and from the northern end of the lake with relative ease for either day excursions or overnight adventures. Without boats, tourism and recreation in the Chelan area would have been restricted to the southern portion of the lake (Ethnoscience 2000).

Hiking was another popular activity in the Chelan area. Trail systems had been established along the lakeshore and throughout the Stehekin Valley. Many of the trails in the Stehekin Valley were established by native peoples and improved upon by miners during the late 1800s and early 1900s. Trail improvements and new trail construction occurred in the 1930s when the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) became established in the area. The original intent for the improvement and construction of many of the trails was to assist in fire suppression but tourists greatly benefited from CCC activities. The CCC also built trail shelters along some of the well- established trails, which provided hikers some protection from inclement weather.

Hikers often stayed at area campgrounds that were accessible either by car, boat or trail. The CCC constructed many of the campgrounds, though some were established earlier on private land, such as those at Havarene Lodge. Those constructed by the CCC were done so in an attempt to reduce the potential of fire caused by irresponsible campers.

Local residents also partook in the recreational opportunities presented to tourists. From the early years to more recent times, local residents supplemented their diets by hunting and fishing. Fur bearing animals were also hunted and their skins used in the home or sold. They actively boated around the lake, using it as a primary means of transportation to and from each others homes and to visit communities such as Chelan, Lakeside, Manson, and Stehekin for entertainment or to replenish supplies. Area activities during the early 1900s also included horse racing in Chelan, baseball games in which local towns competed against each other, and parties or dances held at town halls or the pavilion at the Campbell Hotel. The winter months were quiet, and tourist activity decreased significantly between October and March. Local residents enjoyed the seasonal change and would skate on the lake and go sledding down many of the steep hills in the valley (Figure 5-39).

The face of tourism in the Chelan valley was forever changing. During the 1920s automobiles became commonplace, and tourists were choosing to vacation downlake and drive to area destinations (Figure 5-40). Day excursions uplake became the norm and overnight accommodations were not needed (Luxenberg 1986). These two changes in the tourist economy greatly affected uplake businesses. Natural disasters such as the 1948 Stehekin River flood also impacted businesses at the head of the lake by severely damaging fish runs. “World class” fishing in the upper valley was no more and fishermen who once flooded the Stehekin valley went elsewhere.

Today, the Lake Chelan area continues to be a major destination for tourists and recreational enthusiasts. Accommodations are found in every town around the lake and camping facilities are available from Chelan to Stehekin. In the summer, the area offers its visitors opportunities to hike, boat, fish, raft, golf , hang glide and paraglide. The area boasts a robust winter economy dependent upon cross country skiing, snowshoeing, and snowmobiling. Numerous trails, from beginner to experienced, afford one the opportunity to easily explore the winter wilderness.

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5.7 TOWN BUILDING

The emergence of towns in the Lake Chelan basin in the last decades of the 19th century coincided with the spread of local settlement and economic enterprise. Town building was seen as a necessary component of reclaiming the wilderness – a building block of civilized society on a par with agriculture and natural resource extraction. The “boosting” or promoting of new town sites as desirable places to live and invest was common practice here, as elsewhere in the region. Despite early optimism, most Chelan area towns did not survive. Between 1890 and 1937, seventeen villages were assigned post offices, but only four retain them today. The most substantial and long-lived of the early communities were Chelan, Lakeside, Stehekin, Chelan Falls, and Manson.

5.7.1 Chelan

Situated at the outlet of Lake Chelan on a plateau some 400 feet above the Columbia River, the town of Chelan took shape in the 1890s and early 1900s on the site of the short-lived military post known as Camp Chelan. Because of its strategic location, Chelan soon became the hub of trade, culture, and tourism for the entire Chelan basin, a role that it has retained to the present day (Figure 5-41).

The establishment of the town was a matter of some confusion. Prior to 1886, all of the land north of the Chelan River had been closed to settlement as the Columbia (Moses) Indian Reservation. It was opened to homestead entry by non-Indians after 1886. In July of 1889, Probate Judge Ballard, assisted by U.S. Surveyor Henry Carr, laid out Chelan as a government town site in newly created Okanogan County. The plat was filed by the land office register in Yakima as a pre-emption. One thousand town site lots sold for $5.75 each and quickly filled with 300 to 400 shacks. It was soon discovered that no title could be obtained as these pre- emption lots were not homesteads. Confusion ensued until the matter was finally decided by an Act of Congress sponsored by Representative John L. Wilson in 1892 (Steele 1904; 720-721; Hull 1929: 460).

Chelan’s post office was established in 1890. By late 1891, the town boasted three general stores, including a operated by C.E. Whaley; one hardware store, one drug store, two saloons, and a blacksmith shop. A few years later, The First Chelan Bank was established (Steele 1904: 722). Commercial interests in the new community quickly organized a Board of Trade, an early day Chamber of Commerce. Their first brochure, published in 1891, predicted a leading role for Chelan, the “Future Metropolis of Central Washington With Immense Water Power…Unlimited Resources…A Manufacturing Center…Healthful Climate…Magnificent Scenery and the Finest Pleasure Resort in America” (Anderson 1967). Chelan was incorporated in 1902, and additions to the original plat were made in rapid succession 1891, 1892, 1898, 1901, and 1902 (Steele 1904: 725).

Agriculture, outfitting miners, and tourism sustained chelan’s early economy. Important early employers in town were sawmills and box factories that supplied crates for the fruit industry (The Coast 1906: 198-199). A particularly long-lived local business was the Chelan Transfer Company, which began as a livery stable and expanded to provide regular freight and passenger stage service both within the Chelan basin and beyond. The business remains in operation today,

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headquartered in downtown Chelan in a 1926 building with historic signage that reads “ Chelan Transfer Company – Freight, Express & Stage Lines – Storage – Cars for Hire – Draying” (Lentz 1995)

C.C. Campbell’s Chelan Hotel (now Campbell’s Resort) is a structure intimately tied with the history of tourism and recreation in the Chelan Valley. It was built in 1900 and is still a prominent landmark in the community. Early descriptive literature frequently mentions this well-known hostelry, as well as a picturesque log church that still stands today on Chelan’s main street. St. Andrews Episcopal Church, listed in the National Register, was designed by prominent Spokane architect Kirtland Cutter in 1898. For its construction, the congregation used logs cut on the upper shores of the lake and towed down to a sawmill at Lakeside (Figure 5-42) (Steele 1904:725; Hull 1929: 482).

In the spirit of the Progressive Era, Chelan tackled numerous early 20th century infrastructure improvements. In a continuing attempt to improve navigation at the lower end of the lake, the City built a retaining dam across the Chelan River around 1901, following the failure of several early, privately-built dams (Bruce in Holstein 1994: 6.6). Residents built an early wooden footbridge over the Chelan River, and replaced it with a wagon bridge in 1902. A town park in the public square was fully laid out and planted in trees in 1904, with the active involvement of local citizens. Private citizens also raised money to build a civic auditorium during that same time period. By 1906, the town enjoyed a municipal water system, telephone connections, and electrical service provided by the Chelan Electric Company. (Steele 1904: 724-725).

In 1927, when construction of the Chelan Dam caused the lake to rise 21 feet in elevation, the built environment of the city of Chelan north of the river does not appear to have been drastically altered. According to 1917 Great Northern Railway-Chelan Electric Company maps, Campbell’s Chelan Hotel property lost steep bluffs to the beach, but little in the way of improvements. The Lake Chelan Boat Company’s dock and boathouse were inundated, as were two box factories and some homes and orchards along the lakeshore south of the river. Platted residential properties all along the river bank in the original Town Plat and in the West Chelan and South Chelan additions were also affected by the rising waters.

Sanborn Fire Insurance Company maps for the years 1905–1945 document more changes to the business, residential, and industrial areas of Chelan over the first half of the 20th century. The growth of auto tourism and the improvement of roads changed the face of Chelan’s downtown and lakeshore in the 1920s. A 1945 Sanborn map illustrates new development along the lakefront, tourist cabin and motel additions at the Chelan Hotel, and multiple auto-related services in the downtown (Figure 5-43).

5.7.2 Lakeside

The family of Captain Charles and Clara Johnson were among the settlers who took up land at the southeastern end of Lake Chelan in the late 1880s. Forty acres of “Johnson’s Point” and forty acres of the neighboring homestead of Tunis Hardenberg were platted as the town of Lake Park in 1891. Two years later, when the town acquired a post office, the name was changed to Lakeside (Steele 1904: 725-726).

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From the beginning, the towns of Lakeside and Chelan functioned almost as one community, although each had its own commercial center. By 1904, farms and residences had filled in along the lakeshore between the two. Lakeside boasted a population of 300 by 1904. Additions to the original plat were filed in 1891 and 1901 (Steele 1904: 726).

Lakeside had the early advantage of a natural deep-water harbor and, from the late 19th century to the present day, the commercial watercraft of Lake Chelan have docked here. The town’s economy was sustained by agriculture, saw milling, and boat building. Here architect and boat- builder George Cottrell operated a boat yard in 1892 for the making of launches, sail boats, rowboats, and canoes. Cottrell gained fame for building the fastest boats in the Northwest, and is credited with building the Columbia River steamers “North Star” and “Alex Griggs,” as well as most of the Lake Chelan fleet of steamers (The Coast 1906: 200; Steele 1904: 753). During the same period, the Lake Chelan Navigation Company was headquartered at Lakeside. Managed by business-adventurer E.E. Shotwell, the company’s steamers included the now-famous “Lady of the Lake” line and other memorable vessels (The Coast 1908: 255; Steele 1904: 744).

Lakeside was also a tourist town. The spacious 1890s Lakeview House overlooked the lake and bustling boat docks. A white sand beach and a recreational pavilion built out over the lake also attracted visitors (The Coast 1908: 254) (Figure 5-44). The town grew residentially and socially into the early decades of the 20th century. One institutional building mentioned repeatedly in the early literature was the “very pretty stone church,” still extant alongside the highway in Lakeside even today (The Coast 1906: 200).

In 1927, when the lake rose 21 feet behind the Chelan Dam, Lakeside’s early waterfront and business district were completely inundated. Great Northern Railway-Chelan Electric Company maps from 1917 show numerous shops, sheds, boat facilities, and commercial buildings below the new high water mark. Comparisons of historic photos before and after the water rise show a decline in Lakeside’s maritime industry and commercial activity for a time thereafter. Lake navigation, nonetheless, remained headquartered at Lakeside, and new forms of tourist lodging like the Lake Chelan Motel, built about 1945, filled in along the shoreline. In 1956, the town of Lakeside was annexed to Chelan by popular vote in both communities.

5.7.3 Chelan Falls

Strategically located on the Columbia River at the mouth of the Chelan gorge, Chelan Falls played a significant role in the development of the entire basin. The village was platted on the peach orchard of Joseph and Sarah Snow’s homestead on February 10, 1891. High hopes existed that this place could become one of the eastern Washington’s premier cities. The hydroelectric potential of the Chelan River, falling 376 feet in three miles just above the town fueled this optimism, as did early ferry, steamer, and rail service (Steele 1904: 728; Harvey in Schalk & Mierendorf 1983: 344).

In its first years, Chelan Falls was actively promoted as a speculative venture. A capitalist by the name of Laughlin McClean secured control of the townsite from the outset, sold off multiple lots in the amount of $40,000 or $50,000, and quickly put up buildings including a general mercantile, a hotel, and a newspaper office. Among other projects, McClean constructed a new stage road up the steep bluffs to Chelan. The Chelan Falls Cable Ferry, established by R.H. Lord

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and his brother-in-law LaChapelle in 1892, operated as the primary crossing from Chelan into the Big Bend wheat country on the Columbia Plain. The economic crisis of 1893, followed by a devastating flood on the Columbia River in 1894, slowed but did not halt the town’s progress. At the turn of the century, new entrepreneurs built an 80-barrel flour mill and a large brewing plant. (Steele 1904: 728-729; Hull 1929: 462).

The town of Chelan Falls did not reach the full potential envisioned by its early promoters:

The railroad did not come and the enterprises to be established by the power from the Chelan River failed on account of a lack of financial support and other reasons. …While Chelan Falls did not grow to what was expected of it, it still remains a good little town of about one hundred inhabitants, with several enterprises, and beyond question will some day become one of the principal points of the county (Steele 1904: 729).

When the Great Northern Railroad finally extended its line north from Wenatchee in 1912-1914, it chose to build its depot and yard just north of the Chelan River, instead of in Chelan Falls. Sanborn Insurance maps for 1929 show the layout of Chelan Falls and its highway link to Chelan, the Chelan Electric Co. power plant, and other features of the river corridor (Figure 5-45). At that time, apple packing and cold storage plants bordered the railroad right-of-way, and a hotel, school, and a handful of houses straddled both sides of the tracks. In 1961, the waters of Rocky Reach Reservoir inundated eastern portions of the Chelan Falls’ town plat.

5.7.4 Stehekin

The town of Stehekin emerged as a mining base camp in the late 1880s and early 1890s. Fertile soil, easy access to mines, and a link to water transportation made this a logical place both for settlement and for the growth of a town. Situated fifty some miles from growing population centers downlake, Stehekin was sustained as a permanent community owing to its important role as the head of navigation on the lake and the gateway to the Cascades (Luxenberg 1986).

Tourism, and the outfitting of prospectors, mountain climbers, hunters and fishermen shaped the economy of the town. Promotional and descriptive literature makes mention of tourist accommodations from an early date:

At Stehekin, at the head of the lake, M.E. Field has built a commodious and well appointed hotel, which affords most excellent entertainment for summer tourists and pleasure-seekers (The Coast 1902: 126).

Field filed for homestead entry on his property in 1902. Besides the 25-room hotel (built as the Argonaut in 1889), was barn, a laundry building, a cellar, and a wagon shed. In 1905, he built the grand new hotel and added to it over several years. With its landmark tower, multiple gables, and grand front porch, the hotel was a visual and symbolic landmark at the head of Lake Chelan for twenty-two years (Figure 5-46).

A more recent landmark in the community is the Stehekin School. The first schoolhouse was a small structure built at the head of the lake and, later, a structure called the Kronk cabin further

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up the valley was used for classes. In 1921, valley residents gathered to build a new, more centrally located building. Logs were locally crafted and assembled and the community raised money through “box socials” for windows, doors, and flooring. Listed on the National Register, the building is still attended by valley children from kindergarten through 8th grade (Figure 5-47) (Luxenberg 1986).

Stehekin differed from other established lakeside communities in that it was never platted, and thus retained the informal layout of a rural settlement. The village spread out on the flats of the Stehekin River, which then extended far beyond the present shoreline. Streams, sloughs, boardwalks and bridges criss-crossed the site. A 1913 Chelan Electric Company map depicts the layout and features of the town prior to its inundation. Besides the Field’s Hotel, key businesses included the Stehekin Lodge and the Lake Chelan Trout Hatchery. A handful of cabins, barns, sheds, and fenced gardens and fields delineated individual ownerships (Figure 5-48).

The raising of the lake level in 1927 inundated all of this floodplain and changed the character of the community. After that event, development clustered on the north shore of lake at Purple Point, and trickled up valley in a linear fashion along the single, unpaved road

5.7.5 Manson

The town of Manson, situated on the north shore of the lake some eight miles west of Chelan, took shape as a service center for a planned irrigation district. While homesteading around Lakeside, Stehekin, and Chelan had begun in the late 1880s, the Manson area remained undeveloped. Much of the land was still under Indian ownership with large tracts allotted under the Moses Agreement of 1883 to the family of John Wapato (Hull 1929: 490-491).

In 1906, settlement pressure around Lake Chelan inspired the Wapato Irrigation Project, a long- term effort to convert these lowlands to irrigated orchards. Developers and real estate speculators involved included Titus Hale, Harris, R.H. Lord, Leroy M Boetskes, Fred Furey and Walter Olive. R.H. Lord, first white settler on the north shore of Lake Chelan, had paved the way by acquiring water rights on Wapato Lake, Antilon Lake and Mitchell Creek in 1903. Lord had built up a something of a relationship with the local Indian population and so, when hired to assemble lands for the irrigation project; he prevailed upon them to sell their allotments. By 1911, 1351 acres of land had been purchased from the Wapato Indians. Marketing of the newly-irrigated lands continued under the Lake Chelan Land Company and, in 1911, the town of Manson was platted. It was named after Manson Backus, father of the president of the Wapato Irrigation Co. (Murphy 1999; Hull 1929: 490-491).

The Lake Chelan Land Company “boosted” Manson in its promotional literature:

The new town of Manson, located on the shore of Lake Chelan, near the center of our irrigation project, has an ideal location for a city, being on a slope facing the lake, so that a good view of this beautiful lake can be had from any part of the town. With the installation of an up-to-date electric lighting and water system, and its choice acre tracts on the lake front, there will be built some beautiful homes of the bungalow type that are becoming so popular in all the larger cities.

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Manson, with her natural advantages as to location, bids fair to become one of the leading towns of north central Washington (Beautiful Lake Chelan 1914-1915).

In its first decades, Manson’s waterfront business district developed further uplake from the present downtown, north of today’s waterfront park. Various early map sources show commercial enterprises included a general store that housed the local post office and offered gasoline for sale from a pump on front porch. A barber, a drug and cigar store, a restaurant, and offices of the Lake Chelan Land Co. completed the little settlement. Early photographs show a cluster of rough, board and batten sided structures against a backdrop of low barren hills, ready for planting (Figure 5-49).

By 1915, the Manson Creamery collected dairy products from farmers around the lower end of the lake and produced Lake Chelan Brand Fancy Creamery Butter. Across from the creamery was a public dock with ferry service to First Creek. A pavilion was built out over the water and served among other things as an early basketball court. Because land in town was initially too expensive for the local school district to afford, the Land Company finally offered a hilltop site that couldn’t be irrigated. In 1923, a spacious community hall complete with a stage was built along Manson’s main street with all-volunteer labor (Morehead 1994-1995, 3-6; Barkley 1994- 1995, 7-13).

Manson was replatted by 1915 in advance of the eventual raising of the lake level. A Great Northern Railway–Chelan Electric Co. map of the new plat, produced in 1917, delineated the planned new high water mark at 1100’ above sea level against the town’s existing streets and buildings. When the dam was completed in 1927, the site of Manson’s original downtown along Backus Avenue was inundated, and the business district shifted downlake around the bay. Sanborn Fire Insurance Company maps of 1929 show a village little more developed than before. At that time, the downtown consisted of a library, two grocery stores, post office, restaurant, drug store, auto repair shop, community hall, the Manson Reclamation Project office, and two large wood-frame fruit packing and storage sheds belonging to the Manson Fruit Growers and the Lake Chelan Fruit Growers.

The fortunes of Manson, and other communities of the Lake Chelan basin, have been directly tied to their strategic locations and access to the resources of the country around them. Although settlements sprouted up in numerous locations around the lake, those that survived claimed the dual advantages of good transportation and a sound economic base.

All enjoyed direct links to the Columbia River, the railroad, lake transportation, and/or the mountains. All were flanked with rich orchard lands or, as in Stehekin, offered access to mines, forests, and recreational resources. Most of these towns also developed successful tourism economies. These advantages persisted, despite the severe disruption of the lake overflow in 1927 that, in the case of both Stehekin and Lakeside, erased large physical portions of the community.

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5.8 WATER AND POWER DEVELOPMENT

5.8.1 Irrigation

Irrigation played a pivotal role in the agricultural development of the Lake Chelan basin. Visions of green fields and orchards in a desert landscape were part and parcel of the settlers’ dream of taming the unproductive wilderness. In describing the effect of such changes in the Wenatchee Valley around 1904, a Seattle newspaper expounded:

Did the old ruler [Chief Wenatchee] of this now flourishing domain seek to investigate more minutely the why and wherefore of these marvels he would observe, trickling rows of growing fruit trees, and percolating the green masses of the meadows tiny streamlets of life-giving fluid, and enlightenment would follow. For it is water, guided from its natural channels in the higher ground by the hand of man that has wrought this wondrous change; it is irrigation, the wizard of the west, that has forced the arid desert to supply mankind with the choicest gifts at nature’s disposal…(Steele 1904: 694-695).

5.8.1.1 The Wapato Irrigation Project

In Central Washington, irrigation was practiced on a small scale by Catholic missionaries and Indian farmers in the Ahtanum Valley, and at Mission (in the vicinity of present-day Cashmere) in the Wenatchee Valley. Private irrigation systems, consisting of simple, gravity-flow diversion ditches, occurred hand-in-hand with settlement along the arid eastern slopes of the Cascades in the 1870s. Increasing settlement made clear the advantages of larger-scale, cooperative efforts. In the Wenatchee Valley in 1891, local farmer Jacob Shotwell constructed the first substantial private ditch, which was later expanded with the support of local banker Arthur Gunn and the Great Northern Railroad. By 1903, the High Line Canal of the Wenatchee Reclamation Project put 6,000 acres near the mouth of the Wenatchee River under irrigation (Bruce in Holstine et al. 1994: 6.3-6.5; Hull 1929: 540-542).

Since the late 1880s, individual homesteaders in the Lake Chelan basin had struggled with dry land farming, or attempted rudimentary hand-dug ditches from streams tributary to the lake. The success of organized irrigation efforts in neighboring Wenatchee Valley, in terms of both bountiful harvests and increased land values, was not lost upon the farmers and businessmen of the Lake Chelan basin. In response, private speculators in 1906 joined together to form the Wapato Irrigation Company with the goal purchasing lands, building an irrigation system, and selling sub-divided parcels at inflated prices. The enterprise would be the first large-scale irrigation project in the Lake Chelan Basin (Stanford 1965: 39).

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Promoter Richard Lord, an early settler on the north shore of the lake, announced the project publicly in September of 1903 in The Chelan Leader:

Ditch Scheme Near Chelan A big irrigation ditch project is being promoted by Richard Lord of Chelan and others. Mr. Lord is not prepared at present to say who his associates are, but they are men with ample means. …Over 2000 acres will be irrigated. Contracts have been signed for 1700 acres. Quite a portion of the Indian allotment land will be under this system. Indian Agent Anderson, while in Chelan recently, approved of this irrigation scheme and will take it up with his department…. [The Chelan Leader September 4, 1903].

The land the Wapato Irrigation Company planned to buy and irrigate did include Native American allotment lands. This area comprised about 4,680 acres, and began about seven miles north of the foot of the lake, extending along the shoreline for seven more miles. This was the only large body of comparatively level land along the 120 miles of Lake Chelan’s shoreline. Because of gentle topography and choice soil, these lands had long been looked upon with envy by white settlers of the Lake Chelan basin. The Indians were precluded from selling their allotments, however, until Congress passed legislation on March 8, 1906, that allowed allottees to dispose of all but 80 acres of their land (Stanford 1965: 39-40; Furey, East, Pfau & Gordon ca. 1915).

One month after passage of this law, the Wapato Irrigation Company was incorporated under laws of the State of Washington. The stated purpose of the company was:

1. To construct, maintain, and operate dams, dikes, reservoirs, trestles, ditches, canals, pipes, flumes, aqueducts, and other works connected with the same; to store, divert and conduct water for irrigation, mining, and manufacturing purposes, and for supplying cities, town, villages with water for the above named purposes;

2. To buy, sell, lease and otherwise deal in land.

The company also claimed as its purpose the construction of sawmills and wood-working factories, developing electric power, and operating telephone lines (Stanford 1965: 39).

The Wapato Irrigation Company proceeded to survey the land from Mitchell Creek to Chelan. In the winter of 1906, a Spokane engineer by the name of C.M. Speck assisting in preparing a map of the project area. Speck wrote an optimistic report on the project’s potential for success, and got right to the point about its purpose:

The land is good, lays well, very productive, and there is apparently water supply sufficient to irrigate it, the locality in which the land is situated has a reputation already established which should be considered a very valuable asset in marketing the property. In my judgment we have in this enterprise the raw material for a clean cut money-making proposition [Speck in Stanford 1965: 41].

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From 1907 to 1911, the company moved forward. To ensure an adequate supply source, company directors filed for water rights on nine creeks and two lakes north of present-day Manson. Work began on a dike at Wapato Lake, on six miles of main canal, and on a wooden flume that would carry water from these streams to a storage reservoir at Antilon Lake. At the same time, the company pursued the acquisition of local Indian allotments. In June of 1910, the irrigation company bought 168 acres from Mathilda Wapato for $12,000. In March of 1911, the company purchased another 346 acres from Peter and Hyacinth Wapato for $26,000. Water from the new system was first delivered during the 1911 season (Figure 5-50) (Stanford 1965: 44-48).

The real estate holdings of the Wapato Irrigation Company were conveyed to the Lake Chelan Land Company in 1911. This entity, with capital stock of $500,000, continued to buy large parcels of “raw” land and to sub-divide it into five-acre orchard tracts. Promotional materials lured settlers with photographs of heavily laden fruit trees and comfortable homes built with the profits of one season’s fruit harvest. The company claimed that five acres would make a man an independent income, and twenty acres would make a man a fortune (Furey, East, Pfau & Gordon ca.1915).

The water rights and rights-of-way of the original company were in turn conveyed to the Lake Chelan Water Company. This entity was required by contract to furnish 7,500 acre feet of water to serve the lands of the Lake Chelan Land Company. Further, the water company would annually assess individual landowner in amounts necessary to maintain and operate the system. By 1920, the system included 4,359 acres of irrigable land (all by then patented in private ownership), a wood flume supply line fourteen miles in length collecting water from five streams (including Mitchell, Gold, Poison, Little Grade, and Big Grade creeks), and an earthen dam at Antilon Reservoir. High-service system components (serving higher elevations from Antilon Reservoir) included a wood flume, steel pipe, and earth canal. Low-service system components (serving lower elevations from Wapato Lake) included earth canals, wood flumes, steel, galvanized, and wood pipes (Stanford 1965: 50, 58-59).

5.8.1.2 The Lake Chelan Reclamation District

By 1916, the two companies were over-extended and locked in disputes. Eventually, the Lake Chelan Land Company declared bankruptcy, and the Lake Chelan Water Company was left in debt. To salvage the situation, orchardists had little choice but to ban together in 1920 to form the Lake Chelan Reclamation District, an entity that survives to the present day. The district was created under laws of the State of Washington, passed in the 1890s, which enabled landowners served by a common irrigation system to sell bonds to raise money for system construction and operation, and to levy assessments on land within the district (Stanford 1965: 30, 55).

The Lake Chelan Reclamation District proceeded to expand the system much as it was originally planned. An extension of the wooden flume from Big Grade Creek to Falls Creek was begun immediately. Construction materials were hauled uplake by barge, then carried over half a mile uphill by a tramway and hoist. By 1926, the supply flume was extended all the way to Safety Harbor Creek, a distance of thirty-five miles from Manson. The storage capacity of Antilon Lake was increased in 1929 from 1130 acre-feet to 2,500 acre-feet by raising the dam nineteen feet. The same year, the Camus Creek Fire destroyed six miles of the wooden flume, after which the

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district gradually began to replace flume with underground pipes and siphons. In surviving these challenges and others to come, the district turned to the State’s Reclamation Revolving Fund, established in 1919, for assistance (Stanford 1965:62-72).

By the early 1930s, the “Manson Project” boasted 5,000 irrigable acres, and an abundant and certain water supply. Many orchards had reached full maturity. It was estimated that a ten-acre orchard from the sixth through the tenth year would yield a total of 14,000 boxes of apples and, at an estimated average price of $1 to $1.25 per box, would give the grower a total return of $14,000 to $18,000. After the ten-acre orchard had fully matured, it was projected to yield 5000 to 10,000 boxes annually.

Despite repeated emergency situations in the form of water shortages, assessment protests, forest fires, high costs and high debt, the Lake Chelan Reclamation District survived. Repairs and upgrades to the original system continued, incorporating new materials and irrigation technologies, until it was officially abandoned in 1979. Today, multiple structural remnants of this extensive irrigation works survive on the landscape and constitute an important cultural resource of the Lake Chelan basin (Stanford 1965; Bruce in Holstine et al. 1994: 6.7-6.8).

During this period, several other irrigation projects served orchardists on lands east and northeast of the town of Chelan. The three additional systems included the Chelan River, Isenhart, and Howard Flat projects (Washington Water Power ca. 1931). Private pump houses for orchards fronting the south shore of Lake Chelan appear on a Great Northern Railway’s Chelan Electric Company map of 1917, indicating that once available, this form of irrigation was may have been embraced by southshore orchardists wherever topography allowed (Chelan Electric Company map 1917). Remnants of these pump houses in the form of concrete foundations have been identified within the APE.

5.8.2 Hydroelectric

From the late 19th century, the streams, rivers, and lakes of the Chelan watershed were viewed as potential sources of hydroelectric power. Both individuals and corporate entities have harnessed these waters to generate power for farms, mines, sawmills, manufactories, and entire communities. Lake Chelan and the steep rock-walled Chelan River gorge were recognized as particularly advantageous, with a deep natural storage reservoir and a 400-foot drop in elevation to the Columbia River. Early entrepreneurs and promoters rarely failed to note the promise of the area for hydroelectric development. It was there, at the foot of Lake Chelan, that the most significant developments in hydroelectric power took place (Luxenberg 1986; Bruce in Holstine et al. 1994:6.6).

5.8.2.1 Early Projects

The first dam constructed on the Chelan River was the privately built Buckner Dam, completed early in 1892 near the outlet of Lake Chelan. The intended purpose of the dam was to raise the level of the lake, supplying water to south Chelan real estate, and allowing development of local water, power, and lights in the newly platted townsite of Chelan. The dam failed within months, and was replaced in 1893 with another, sturdier structure of cribbing on pilings known as the Ben Smith dam. This private dam was also intended to improve navigation at the foot of the

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lake, permitting steamships to dock at Chelan by raising the elevation of the lake by one foot. A major flood in turn destroyed the Ben Smith dam in 1894 (Bruce in Holstine et al. 1994: 6.6; Luxenberg 1986; Chelan PUD 1997).

Sources conflict over the next stage of development in the late 1890s. The Chelan Water Power Company (founded in 1892), the City of Chelan, and a group of local investors led by local miner M.M. Kingman, were variously involved. Another dam, or breakwater, was constructed beginning in 1901 and, in May of 1903, the citizens of Chelan enjoyed electric lighting for the first time (Figure 5-51) (Hull 1929: 462).

The Chelan Leader described some of the many recently-completed municipal improvements in January of 1904:

The year just closed has been one of notable prosperity for Lake Chelan….A retaining dam has been built in the Chelan river to improve lake navigation and to regulate that great and important reservoir…. The Chelan Water Power Company has installed and put in operation an electric lighting plant for Lakeside and Chelan that any place might be proud of…[Figure 5-52] [Steele 1904: 724].

Residents at the head of the lake in Stehekin, enjoyed no such reliable source of electricity for many decades to come. Individual settlers did own and operate small private systems, often installing the popular Pelton water wheels. Arthur W. Peterson built a sizeable plant in the 1940s with a special-use permit from the Forest Service to construct a log-jam dam on Company Creek. A wood stave pipeline carried water to Peterson’s own 155-horsepower generation plant. Twenty years later in the 1960s, the Chelan County PUD would lease the Peterson plant, providing electricity to valley residents and allowing them to use modern appliances such as refrigerators and freezers for the first time (Luxenberg 1986).

5.8.2.2 The Great Northern Railroad’s Chelan Electric Company

In 1906, the Chelan Water Power Company was purchased by a subsidiary of the Great Northern Railroad, the Chelan Electric Company. The Great Northern Railroad was actively involved in the development of hydroelectricity in both the Chelan and Wenatchee valleys in the first quarter of the 20th century. The danger of gas and smoke inhalation from coal-burning locomotives in the railroad’s three-mile Cascade Tunnel had convinced the Great Northern of the need to electrify its Spokane to Seattle division. As a first phase in this effort, a hydroelectric plant was completed at Tumwater Canyon on the Wenatchee River five miles below Leavenworth in 1909 (Bruce in Holstine et al. 1994: 6.11). The Great Northern continued to plan for the future:

In addition to building this admirable Tumwater plant, Mr. Hill through the Chelan Electric Company, incorporated in 1906, had the latter company acquire the tremendous water power of the Chelan River, and in so doing, the Chelan Electric Company obtained sufficient raparian [sic] rights to make our famous Lake Chelan a gigantic reservoir in which to store the water to develop a uniform amount of power in the Chelan Gorge (Hull 1929: 587).

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To prepare for development of a major system, the Chelan Electric Company applied in 1909 to the federal government for rights to overflow the shore lands of Lake Chelan up to elevation 1085 feet. Company surveyors then proceeded to survey the shoreline of the lake from 1913 through 1917, documenting existing conditions in a comprehensive series of small-scale maps of the lakeshore. Field engineers surveyed up to elevation 1100 feet, and mapped private property improvements in great detail (Chelan Electric Company maps 1913-1920). In the meantime, acquisition of lands, and compensation to property owners proceeded.

In 1925, the Great Northern Railroad sold the Chelan Electric Company to the Washington Water Power Company, a private Spokane-based utility with extensive hydroelectric plants on the Spokane River. All the water and power rights in connection with the Lake Chelan site were transferred to Washington Water Power at that time. Provisions in the sales agreement obliged the new owner to meet the future electrical power need of the Great Northern (Bruce in Holstine et al. 1994: 6.6; Washington Water Power 1928).

5.8.2.3 Washington Water Power and the Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Project

The Washington Water Power Company would complete the massive Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Project within three years. Development of the power site was officially announced in August of 1925. Construction work began in April of the following year, and eighteen months later, in September of 1927, the first of two generating units was put on line. Work included simultaneous preparation of the reservoir and construction of the new dam, conveyance system, and powerhouse:

Men were sent to the snow drifts and glaciers of the upper Chelan country where the natural water sources were measured. Crews were sent along the 125 miles of shoreline of the fjord-like Lake Chelan to clear away trees and brush. Three crews began the tunnel excavation and soon there were others engaged in building the dam, the surge tank and the power house. At one time as many as 1250 men were employed on the job [Figure 5-53] [Washington Water Power 1928].

The engineering department of Washington Water Power designed the system. Construction contractors for the project were Grant Smith and Company. Feeding and housing the hundreds of laborers required the construction of four main work camps. Camp #1 was located near the dam, Camp #4 at the powerhouse, and Camps #2 and #3 at tunnel adits in the Chelan River gorge. The camps had bunkhouses with two workmen to a room. They provided hot and cold water, sanitation, electric lights, mess halls, and refrigeration. Two portable camps were established for crews clearing the lakeshore (Figure 5-54) (Washington Water Power 1928).

Located about a half-mile below the outlet of the lake, the new 490-foot long concrete diversion dam featured eight Taintor type gates to control the flow of water. The river bed at the dam was paved with concrete, creating two huge aprons extending upstream and downstream. Baffles, or low ridges were built into the aprons to dissipate the energy of the tumbling water. Washington Water Power pre-tested both the apron and baffles by first building a model dam 1/20 of the size of the proposed Chelan dam on the Spokane River (Soderberg 1988).

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Two water intakes, but only one power tunnel were built. The first tunnel was intended to supply two turbines and generators. A second tunnel was planned for the ultimate development of the Project, but additional generation units were never added, and the second power tunnel never built. The intakes were provided with trash racks and “gathering tubes” of the Wahlman type. The Wahlman design was an innovative intake tube that had been rarely used in the United States, valued for maintaining a uniform velocity of water through the trash racks (Soderberg 1988).

The 10,694-foot tunnel was begun with two horizontal adits, and two vertical shafts. It was bored through granite for most of its length. Workmen were kept busy on as many as seven faces at one time. The inside was 14 feet in diameter, and lined with concrete. As it neared the powerhouse, the tunnel took a sharp pitch downward and its lining changed to steel. The penstock branched into a wye and each branch narrowed, supplying each turbine (Figure 5-55) (Washington Water Power 1928).

At the mouth of the gorge, the powerhouse was built on the southwest bank of the Chelan River. Washington Water Power was clearly proud of its formal as well as its functional qualities:

The foundation of the building rests upon rock and the lower structure is built of reinforced concrete. The superstructure is constructed of brick and a tile roof is provided. The architecture is taken from the Italian Renaissance period, providing one of the most attractive industrial buildings in the state. Flood lights will illuminate the exterior of the building when it is completed [Figure 5-56] [Washington Water Power 1928].

At the time of its construction, the plant was a state-of-the-art facility and is considered today a prime, largely unaltered example of 1920s hydroelectric technology (Soderberg 1988; Ethnoscience 2000). The entire plant is listed in the National Register of Historic Places, with the exception of one component. A distinctive feature of the Project was the cluster of eight brick operators’ cottages in the town of Chelan Falls. Still extant, the houses were arranged in a row on the hillside above Highway 10, with easy access to that road and the powerhouse below (Figure 5-57). Each is of different design, with varying use of exterior brick facing. All are now in private ownership, and some have been physically altered. The employees’ cottages are not included in the National Register listing, although they are clearly an important aspect of the plant’s original design.

The Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Project initially distributed power over two transmission lines, one 110,000 volt line ran east through Coulee, and a 60,000 volt line ran north to the Okanogan Valley (Washington Water Power 1928; Soderberg 1988). The excess power was to be sold at a low price to local users in the Chelan Valley (Perry 1999). The Washington Water Power Company broadly summed up the advantages of its significant accomplishment:

The Chelan development when completed will be larger than any other electric generating station now existing in the Pacific Northwest. This new power station is supplying an essential utility service to many thousands of homes as well as giving power to industries, irrigation tracts and rural extension lines. The project is a major step in the development of the water power resources of the state. It

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was conceived, constructed and dedicated for public service (Washington Water Power).

Less well publicized during that period was the story of the cultural and natural impacts of the Chelan Hydroelectric Project on the people and environment of the Lake Chelan basin. The Project provided no mitigation for the loss of fish runs, the inundation of wildlife habitats, or the disruption of traditional native use of the lakeshore or river gorge. The Chelan River channel became dry during much of the year, as the water was rerouted through the power tunnel to the powerhouse below. Private property ownership was affected all around the lake, as the water level rose 21 feet in the summer and fall of 1927 (Figure 5-58). And although property owners were compensated for their losses, hard-worked homesteads, established orchards, and lakefront communities – particularly Stehekin, Lakeside, and Manson - were drastically altered (Luxenberg 1986). The Federal Power Commission did take one step to insure protection of the local tourist industry by conditioning the Project’s initial license on the stipulation that annual drawdowns be kept to a minimum from April 1 through September 15, in order to preserve scenic values (Bruce in Holstine et al. 1994:6.6).

5.8.2.4 The Chelan Public Utility District

In the 1910s and 1920s, as large private power companies dominated the market in the Pacific Northwest and continued to charge high rates with inadequate service, municipally owned utilities gathered strength in urban areas. Public power advocates such as Seattle City Light Superintendent J.D. Ross were instrumental in promoting the concept of public power, and in proving that competition from public utilities would reduce rates. In 1930 the State of Washington, after several failed attempts by the proponents of public ownership to increase their holdings, passed Initiative #1, the District Power Bill. This initiative authorized counties to create Public Utility Districts (PUDs) and to own and operate electric and water utilities. The districts would be controlled locally and provide service at cost. The organization of the utility districts took twenty years to complete and, during this twenty-year period, sixty-five percent of the state had converted to public power. By the conclusion of 1940, thirty of the thirty-nine counties in Washington had elected to create public utility districts. (Williams 1975; Ethnoscience 2000).

The Chelan County PUD No. 1 was organized in November 1936, although little activity occurred with regard to power generation and distribution until after World War Two. In 1944, negotiations began between the Chelan District, Puget Sound Power and Light, and the Washington Water Power Company. Washington Water Power still operated the Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Plant and a distribution system, which served the town of Chelan and the northern portion of the county. Because Chelan PUD’s initial acquisition attempts were rebuffed, condemnation proceedings were begun in October, 1945. After numerous legal difficulties, an agreement was reached in the 1950s between Washington Water Power and the Chelan District for the acquisition of the Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Plant and its small distribution system (Bruce 1994b, Williams 1975). In July of 1955, for a purchase price of $20,000,000, the Chelan District gained control of Washington Water Power’s holdings in the Chelan area (Williams 1975; Ethnoscience 2000).

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For the first forty years, all of the power generated by the Chelan Project was sold to Washington Water Power. Power required to meet local needs was exempt, up to 168,000-kilowatt hours annually. Since that contract expired in 1995, all electricity generated at the Chelan Falls plant is available to homes and businesses in Chelan County. Under its current license from the Federal Power Commission, the Chelan PUD operates the Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Project with the multiple objectives of power generation, fish and wildlife conservation, recreation, municipal and domestic water supplies, flood control, and downstream generation (Chelan PUD 1997).

The production of private hydroelectric power has been a constant theme in the developmental history of the Lake Chelan basin since the late 19th century. Several early community projects were undertaken at the foot of Lake Chelan, even before capital, technology, and engineering expertise were available in the region. It was only a matter of two decades before an ambitious scheme, first envisioned by the Great Northern Railroad, was advanced through a systematic survey of the lakeshore and acquisition overflow rights. A landmark event in the environmental history of the basin occurred in 1927 when, following completion of the Washington Water Power Company dam, the entire shoreline of Lake Chelan was inundated, and the free-flowing Chelan River de-watered. The Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Project improved quality of life for residents in the Lake Chelan basin and positioned the area for 20th century economic advancement. The Project also altered the natural landscape and built-environment at a scale that far exceeded that the impact of earlier human endeavors in the region.

5.9 CCC

5.9.1 Purpose and Structure

The Civilian Conservation Corp (CCC) was established in 1933 in an attempt to curtail the widespread unemployment brought about by the Great Depression. Franklin Delano Roosevelt was a staunch supporter of the CCC and his primary goal for the program was to take unemployed youths out of the cities and build their health and morale while contributing to the economic recovery of the country (Paige 1985:126). Originally called the Emergency Conservation Work program or ECW, the CCC was not officially named until 1937 (Paige 1985). The CCC was one of many federally funded programs initiated following the passage of the Emergency Conservation Work Act of 1933 (Luxenberg 1986). It was designed to provide work for unemployed men between 18 and 25 whose job responsibilities included constructing and maintaining public works in the forested lands of the United States or individual states. Within a few months of signing the bill, over 1000 CCC camps had been established across the country. Both state and federal agencies such as the Department of Labor, the United States Army and the Departments of Agriculture and Interior contributed to the organization and management of the CCC. The Department of Labor selected the enrollees, the US Army provided the men with housing, food, clothing, and job transportation, and the Department of Interior chose the camp locations, and planned, designed, and supervised all the projects (Luxenberg 1986; Holstine et al. 1994:9.2). Recruits enlisted for six months and at the end of the first term were given an opportunity to reenlist for an another six months.

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5.9.2 Camps and Activities

The CCC was a great success and provided work and skill training to thousands of men. In Washington State alone, there were at least 50 camps that employed over 70,000 individuals (Luxenberg 1986). Each camp was part a district with headquarters at a military installation. There were four districts created in the state; the Lake Chelan region fell under the jurisdiction of the Fort Lewis District (Holstine et al. 1994:9.2). Workers at the camps were provided food, clothing, skill training, and a $30.00 per month stipend. Workers were expected to send most of their stipend back home to their families, so that the greatest number of people could benefit from the CCC program (Paige 1985). Project tasks included forestry practices such as reforestation, fire-fighting and prevention, and the construction of ranger stations, lookouts, telephone lines, residences, campgrounds, trail shelters, truck trails and minor roads (Salmond 1967; Luxenberg 1986; Holstine et al. 1994:9.3). Larger -scale projects such as the building of administrative and recreational facilities also took place.

CCC camps were initially composed of army tents, which were gradually replaced by more substantial but temporary wooden structures (Paige 1985:70). By 1935, many of the early structures were replaced by more sturdy buildings with interchangeable parts that served as administrative, recreational, mess or barracks facilities. Camp layout was fairly standardized, roughly “U”-shaped, and contained a recreation hall, garage, administrative buildings, a mess hall, officers’ quarters, barracks, and a schoolhouse (Paige 1985:71). All the buildings, usually about 24 total, faced a central clearing, which was used for assemblies and sporting events. The buildings were either painted green or brown, or covered with creosote or tarpaper. Electricity was available in some camps but not all and the standardized layout was used at most but not all camps.

In 1933, side or “spike” camps were set up away from the main camps. “Spike” camps were a crucial part of the CCC program because they allowed the enrollees to complete projects far away from the main camp. These small camps, which usually consisted of just tents, were used when the travel time to and from the main camp and job site was excessive or when fire danger zones needed to be continually monitored (Paige 1985; Hill 1990:98).

CCC enrollees lived a rather structured life during the day but after work they were able to partake in a variety of recreational activities such as reading, baseball, basketball, horseshoes, and swimming, to name a few. Some camps held dances and invited local girls, or organized bingo games (Paige 1985). An official CCC paper, Happy Days was produced and distributed to every camp, and some camps published their own newsletter or paper (Paige 1985). Dinner was eaten together in the mess hall and then the enrollees attended skill training and educational classes. Individual activities followed “school” until about 10:00 P.M. when lights went out (Paige 1985).

There were two CCC camps established along Lake Chelan; Camp Chelan, located 33 miles northwest of Chelan in the Coyote Creek Basin, and Camp 25 Mile Creek located at the mouth of 25 Mile Creek on the southern shore of Lake Chelan (Holstine et al. 1994:9.17). Camp Chelan was considered one of the most remote CCC camps in the region and was composed of an all- black contingent from New York City. Upon inspection in 1933, the camp was found to be in less than satisfactory condition and relations between the enrollees and Forest Service personnel

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were poor. Camp conditions improved slightly but work output was not meeting agency expectations. At its height of operation, the camp contained 155 men and operated three spike camps at Deadwood, Arab, and Washington Creek. Camp Chelan appears to have been short- lived. By 1937, only Camp 25 Mile Creek was registered as part of the Fort Lewis CCC District (Hill 1937).

Camp 25 Mile Creek was established around 1936, and served as the base camp for all CCC activities around the lake (Holstine et al. 1994:9.17) (Figure 5-59). Enrollees at the camp completed numerous projects including upgrading First Creek, Salmon Meadows, and 25 Mile roads, and the construction of the Lake Shore Trail, the Box Canyon Trail, Stehekin Bridge, five miles of telephone line between Stormy and Grouse Mountains, and 10.6 miles of the Chelan- Stehekin line (Holstine et al. 1994:9.18). “Spike” camps were set up at Stehekin, Lucerne, Prince Creek, Concully, Safety Harbor Creek, and after 1940, in Chelan (Holstine et al. 1994:9.18). CCC enrollees from the Prince Creek camp constructed and furnished the guard station at that location, and men from the Chelan camp built the office, garage, and annex at the Chelan Ranger Station. 25 Mile Camp was in service until 1942, when the CCC program was terminated. Buildings from the camp were shipped to a Division of the Corps of Engineers in Salt Lake City (Holstine et al. 1994:9.20).

In the late 1930s, a small side or “ spike” camp from the camp at 25 Mile Creek was constructed in Stehekin. The Stehekin camp employed between 16 and 20 men and although the living conditions were below standard the men accomplished several significant projects. Log structures constructed at Bridge Creek, High Bridge, and Flick Creek still stand today (Figure 5-60). Between 1937 and 1938, the men from Stehekin built a new hay barn and corral at the Purple Point Ranger Station and a lookout on Goode Ridge. They also improved, upgraded, and rebuilt trails, bridges, and telephone lines (Luxenberg 1986).

Forest Service boats provided the only means of transportation between the camps around the lake. Boats were used to transport men and supplies to and from various camps. Two boats used by the USFS for CCC activities included the Lookout and the Forester. The Lookout caught fire in 1939 while hauling supplies up the lake, and was completely destroyed. The Forester was then put into service to replace the Lookout.

As World War II approached, enrollment in the CCC began to decline. The passing of the Labor- Federal Security Administration Appropriation Act of 1942 officially ended the CCC in June of that year (Holstine et al. 1994:9.21). When the CCC ended, its properties were transferred to several agencies, including the War Department and Forest Service (Holstine et al. 1994:9.21).

Numerous CCC structures in the Lake Chelan valley, including administrative buildings, lookouts, campground and trail shelters, and roads and trails are still in use today. Several have been nominated to the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) because of their significance in demonstrating the role of the federal government in administering the natural resources of the nation during the Great Depression. CCC related works in the Chelan area which have been nominated to, listed in, or determined eligible for listing in the NRHP include the Chelan Ranger Station, the Lucerne Guard Station, the Chelan Butte Lookout, the Moore Point trail shelter, the North Fork Fish Creek trail shelter, and certain features at Big Creek, Graham Harbor Creek and Mitchell Creek campgrounds. Two trail shelters, the North Fork Prince Creek shelter and the

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Meadow Creek shelter, have been determined ineligible for listing in the NRHP (Holstine et al. 1994:9.7).

5.10 GOVERNMENT IN THE LAKE CHELAN BASIN

5.10.1 Forest Reserves

The government began establishing a presence in the Lake Chelan Basin soon after the arrival of settlers and miners to the area. Following the signing of the Forest Reserve Clause of 1891, large tracts of forested lands in the west were set aside by the federal government for protection (Luxenberg 1986). At this time, forests in the East and Midwest were being indiscriminately harvested and many people believed the country’s timber resources would be depleted within a century if left unprotected. By 1893, the first forest reserve was established in the state of Washington. This reserve, known as the Pacific Forest Reserve, consisted of two and a quarter million acres in the Mt. Rainier area.

The Forest Reserve Clause of 1891 provided forest protection but not management. In 1897, the government passed the Organic Administration Act, which established guidelines for the management of the protected reserves (Luxenberg 1986). During this time the Pacific Forest Reserve was expanded and renamed the Mt. Rainier Forest Reserve. That same year, the government created the Washington Forest Reserve, which contained over 3 million acres on both sides of the North Cascades and covered approximately 5600 square miles. The reserve, which was later divided into western and eastern divisions, extended from the lands west of Mount Baker south to Lake Chelan (Luxenberg 1986; Ethnoscience 1999). The eastern division was commonly known as Washington East, and occasionally as the Chelan Division (Holstine et al 1994). These remote areas were monitored by individuals appointed by the General Land Office (GLO) under the jurisdiction of the Department of the Interior (Luxenberg 1986). GLO surveyors were often sent to these remote areas to record the landscape, but their work focused mainly around areas of settlement and the more remote locations remained unsurveyed.

In 1905, management and administrative responsibilities associated with the forest reserves, which covered over 85 million acres, were transferred from the GLO and Department of Interior to the Bureau of Forestry in the Department of Agriculture. The United States Forest Service (USFS), headed by forester Gifford Pinchot, became established at this time, and rangers were dispatched to reserves to regulate and enforce USFS policy in the forests year-round (Luxenberg 1986). Two years later, following the passing of the Agricultural Appropriation Act of 1907, the forest reserves were renamed “national forests”, a signal that the Forest Service felt the resources were to be used and not locked away (Clary 1986).

5.10.2 United States Forest Service (USFS)

Following the establishment of the USFS, the Washington Forest Reserve became known as the Washington National Forest (WNF). In 1908, after much juggling of names and boundaries, the eastern portion of the Washington National Forest was divided into the Chelan, Wenatchee, and Snoqualmie national forests (Holstine et al 1994:10.8). The CNF was one of the largest national forests in the Pacific Northwest, extending form the Chelan Mountains on the west to the

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Okanogan River on the east. In 1911, the was established from the eastern portion of the CNF, with the dividing line being between the Methow River and Lake Chelan (Holstine et al 1994). The CNF administered two districts on the lake, the Sawtooth, with headquarters at Deer Point and in Chelan; and the Lake Chelan with headquarters at 25 Mile Creek. At Deer Point, the headquarters property also contained a USFS warehouse and boat landing (Great Northern Railway 1914). A ranger station was constructed in Stehekin and forest rangers were assigned to the area to monitor the use of forest resources (Luxenberg 1986). The first forest ranger in Stehekin was Jack Blankenship, who arrived in Stehekin in 1910 and worked until 1920 (Luxenberg 1986). Blankenship was a local entrepreneur, who after leaving the USFS, constructed and operated the Golden West Lodge.

In order to become a ranger, applicants were required to go through an examination process which included both a written test and a practical skills test (Holstine et al 1994). On the written test, the applicant was expected to demonstrate their knowledge of ranching and livestock, forest conditions, surveying and mapping, and cabin construction (Holstine et al 1994). The practical test focused on an applicant’s skill at saddling, packing and riding a horse, and orienteering.

Forest rangers had a variety of responsibilities including issuing special use permits, office maintenance and management, negotiating timber sales, conducting land surveys, fire protection, and trail and telephone line construction and maintenance, to name a few (Luxenberg 1986; Holstine et al 1994). USFS personnel also built fire lookouts on prominent peaks both east and west of the Cascade crest. Rangers often reviewed Homestead claims in the Stehekin area, and their progress monitored. If the ranger felt that the lands were not properly improved upon, the settler was declared a squatter and had to relinquish all rights to use the land (Luxenberg 1986). Rangers improved and extended many of the trails in the Stehekin area initially constructed by miners and prospectors. This was done to improve access to the backcountry in case of forest fires. The USFS also constructed and maintained a fairly extensive system of telephone lines along Lake Chelan. One such line ran from Chelan along the lakeshore to Stehekin, a total of 55 miles. Transportation to and from work sites was done by boat and horseback (Figure 5-61).

Rangers were also responsible for constructing guard stations and ranger cabins, which were used by USFS employees while monitoring forest activities. One ranger cabin (Big Creek Ranger Cabin) was located at Big Creek across from Point No Point Creek and measured 14' x 16' (Great Northern Railway 1917f). These guard stations were built along important communication and travel routes and were manned seasonally or used as way stations or base camps for work operations (Luxenberg 1986). Between the 1910s and 1930s, four guard stations were constructed in the Stehekin District-McGregor Flats, Bullion Flats, High Bridge, and Bridge Creek. The High Bridge and Bridge Creek Ranger Stations, as they were referred to, contained more extensive facilities than the others. High Bridge Station, built ca. 1933-1934, consisted of a three-room residence, a shop/garage, a barn, corral, and outhouse. The complex is still standing today and is eligible for listing in the National Register of Historic Places. The contents of the Bridge Creek Station are not as well documented but it appears that the site contained a residence, barn, corral, and possibly some other structures (Luxenberg 1986). No standing structures are present today.

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As more and more recreationists were visiting the Lake Chelan area, the responsibilities of forest rangers increased. Campgrounds, camp shelters, and trail shelters were constructed at various locations along the lake during this time to accommodate the needs of campers and hikers.

By 1917, several trail shelters had been constructed in the Stehekin District. The USFS also surveyed lots along the lakeshore, which could be leased by private citizens for residential use. Lots such as this, which measured 120' x 60' or 132' x 66', were recorded during the Great Northern Railway surveys at the head of the lake, at Prince Creek, and along Riddle Point (Great Northern Railway 1917d,g,h).

Additional USFS facilities including shelters and administrative buildings were built during the 1930s and 1940s when the CCC was established and extra manpower became readily available. One prominent USFS structure constructed by the CCC and still in use today is the Chelan Ranger Station in Chelan, which was completed c. 1940 (Figure 5-62).

After the Chelan National Forest was created in 1908, it went through several boundary and name changes. The last change occurred in 1955 when the forest officially became known as the Okanogan National Forest. However, administration of the Lake Chelan Ranger District was not transferred to the newly created Okanogan National Forest but to the Wenatchee National Forest (Ethnoscience 1999). The northern three-quarters of Lake Chelan is currently managed by the Wenatchee National Forest except for the most northern end of the lake around Stehekin which is managed by the National Park Service.

The USFS, the earliest government agency in the area, was responsible for monitoring a variety of forest activities from homestead claims and mining and logging enterprises to recreationists hiking and camping in the Stehekin valley. Early USFS administrative sites, ranger stations and cabins, and guard stations were established at Stehekin, Prince Creek, Big Creek, Purple Point, Lucerne, Deer Point, and in the upper Stehekin Valley to facilitate forest management. Those facilities which abutted the lake had boat landings and docks associated with them to facilitate the transport of men and materials (Great Northern Railway 1917e). Phone lines were also constructed and maintained from Chelan to Stehekin and beyond which improved communication between sites downlake and those uplake. The USFS also facilitated and influenced tourist and recreational activities in the upper reaches of Lake Chelan while monitoring resource utilization through the construction of campgrounds, camp and trail shelters, and extensive trail systems. The platting of residential lots on USFS land also influenced seasonal settlement along the lakeshore. Many of these early resources are still evident on the landscape today, but some were lost when the Chelan Dam was constructed and lake levels rose.

USFS resources within the project area consist of both standing and remnant structures. Standing structures include the Chelan Ranger Station, portions of the phone line, and the old Purple Point Ranger Station, which is currently a private residence. Remnant structures and features associated with USFS activities that are visible at low water include the Deer Point Ranger Station which was removed prior to inundation, some of the old administrative facilities at Lucerne, and boat landings or docks. The Stehekin Ranger Station residence, which is eligible for listing in the National Register of Historic Places, is near but not within the APE.

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5.10.3 National Park Service (NPS)

The National Park Service was established in 1916 following several failed attempts to push a park service bill through Congress. Forest Service officials had strong objections to the creation of a National Park Service because they saw the park system as a direct threat to their domain (Clepper 1971; Albright and Cahn 1985). Much of the success of the creation of the Parks Service is the result of Stephen Mather, a conservationist who was employed as an assistant to the Secretary of the Interior in 1915 to spearhead the creation of the program. Mather was essential in providing guidance and obtaining financial appropriations from Congress for the NPS during its infancy and beyond.

National parks became established throughout the United States following the signing of the Park Service Bill on August 25, 1916. The role of the NPS was to promote and regulate the use of national parks and national monuments. It was not until 1968, and after a lengthy and controversial struggle, however, that some of the finest wilderness in the Cascades was designated as North Cascades National Park (Louter 1998). Approximately 700,000 acres along the Cascade range were set aside as a “park complex” composed of a national park (North Cascades National Park), divided into northern and southern units, and two recreation areas- the Ross Lake National Recreation Area, and Lake Chelan National Recreation Area. The North Cascades National Park “complex” also comprises over 93 percent of the Stephen Mather Wilderness which was created in 1988 in honor of the first director of the National Park Service. The northernmost portion of the project area is located in the Lake Chelan National Recreation Area. This recreation area, located in a glacially carved trough on the east side of the Cascade Mountains, comprises 62,000 acres and abuts the park’s southern boundary.

Initial interest in designating the Lake Chelan area as a national park began in the 1890s, when concerned citizens felt that a park was necessary in order to curb land development and destruction and to protect wilderness resources (Louter 1998). Commercial interests and land developers in the region did not share the opinions of concerned citizens. One such opponent of the park proposal was L.H. Woodin, who argued that the park would unfairly restrict an individual’s right to use the land for his own commercial gain (Louter 1998). Arguments such as these continued into the next century as the division between utilitarian and preservation interests grew. Complicating matters even more was the dispute between preservationists and conservationists. Conservationists like Gifford Pinchot placed importance on the wise use of resources through federal management, while preservationists such as John Muir felt that it was crucial to protect wilderness areas, not subdue them by industry and the lust for progress (Louter 1998).

It was not until 1906 that a proposal for Lake Chelan country to be set aside as a national park resurfaced. The proposal had numerous supporters but soon withered when Chelan residents protested that the park was an outside threat to the mining industry- “the chief source of future wealth for the Chelan country” (Louter 1998). During this time, the USFS had become established and by 1908 Pinchot had carved out the Chelan National Forest and the Washington National Forest from the former Washington Forest Reserve. Pinchot developed policies to regulate and promote grazing, timber, waterpower projects, mining, and recreational developments, which pleased local communities and commercial interests (Louter 1998). His

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actions further complicated the attempts of preservationists to create a national park in the area because locals had formed a strong alliance with the Forest Service and supported their methods of land management.

Over the next 60 years, advocates for the establishment of a national park in the North Cascades continued to submit proposals that emphasized the importance of protecting wilderness areas from industry and development. Their argument was that tourism could be an economic replacement for resource development; an opinion shared by the NPS but not the USFS. By the late 1960s, environmental groups had gained a significant amount of power and publicity and the battle for the North Cascades became a national issue (Louter 1998). Park supporters realized they needed a voice in the political arena, however, if they were ever going to get a park established. Washington Senator Henry M. Jackson was chosen to guide the political process and introduce the legislation. In 1967, after receiving President Johnson’s endorsement, Jackson introduced the administration’s bill as S. 1321 (Louter 1998). The bill proposed to establish a two-unit national park encompassing 570,000 acres, and a Ross Lake National Recreation Area covering 100,000 acres; to assign wilderness status to the portion of the North Cascades Primitive Area east of Ross Lake (), under USFS management; to add lands along the Whitechuck and Suiattle river valleys to the ; and to review the national park for wilderness designation within two years (Louter 1998). A series of hearings were held in Mt. Vernon, Seattle, and Wenatchee following submission of the bill where the conservation community could voice their opinions and concerns (Louter 1998). Although they supported S. 1321, they only saw it as a starting point and proposed amendments to improve the bill. One of the most complicated and controversial amendments was the creation of the Lake Chelan National Recreation Area, a 62,000-acre parcel that included the lower Stehekin River Valley and the upper areas of Lake Chelan (Louter 1998). The amendment attempted to placate the interests of outdoorsmen, private landowners, and residents of the Stehekin Valley by designating the area as a national recreation area versus a national park. On October 2, 1968, after much negotiation and discussion, S. 1321 was passed, and “a new park in matchless wilderness had been borne” (Louter 1998).

The Park Service began managing the North Cascades National Park on January 1, 1969 (Louter 1998). Officials established two districts within the park, the Skagit and the Stehekin. The Stehekin District had a park headquarters in Chelan, at the foot of the lake. Park staff consisted of both permanent and seasonal employees composed of former USFS workers and members of the local community. The following year, the NPS and the USFS, realizing that they both had significant interests in the North Cascades, decided to draft a Park Service-Forest Service joint management and development plan for the northern Cascades (Louter 1998). Concerns relating to shared use of trails and roads, fire management, law enforcement, visitor information services, among others were outlined in a final management plan. Both agencies also identified geographical areas of common interest one of which was Lake Chelan. According to the plan, the USFS would acquire Fields Point as a visitor information and docking facility staffed by both the USFS and the NPS (Louter 1998). The two agencies entered into a “new spirit of cooperation” (Louter 1998).

At the center of the Lake Chelan National Recreation Area was the community of Stehekin and the Stehekin Valley. Stehekin and the newly designated Stehekin Landing were considered the

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central contact point for visitors, providing them with services and information. By 1970, the NPS had acquired all three private lodges in the valley, including the Golden West Lodge, which eventually became an interpretive center (Figure 5-63). By the late 1970s, improvements were made at the landing area and on Purple Point, the lodges were renovated, and a sewer treatment plant and water system was installed (Louter 1998). The Park Service had also begun purchasing additional lands around the mouth of the Stehekin River and in the valley including large tracts of private land zoned for residential development, the Buckner Homestead, approximately 100 acres of the Peterson property, and several parcels owned by the Chelan Box Company comprising 300 acres (Louter 1998).

The National Park Service did not become established in the Lake Chelan area until 1969, following the passing of s. 1321. The agency was responsible for wilderness protection and preservation and has successfully maintained the pristine atmosphere of many areas along the upper lake. No NPS structures are currently within the APE. The boundary of the Golden West Lodge Historic District (listed in 1989), which is part of the National Park Service complex at Stehekin, abuts the lake and is therefore considered part of the APE. The Golden West Lodge Historic District contains both contributing and non-contributing structures including NPS permanent and seasonal housing, a craft shop, visitor center/lodge, garage/storage, photo shop, cabins, the Flick Creek Shelter, the McKellar cabin, and the George Miller house.

5.10.4 Washington State Fish and Game Department (WSFGD)

Besides the USFS and the NPS, the Washington State Fish and Game Department also played a small but significant role in the management of particular resources in the Lake Chelan area. In 1902, money was appropriated for the development of a fish hatchery in Stehekin. By 1903, a building measuring 24' x 56' had been constructed northeast of the Field Hotel at the head of Lake Chelan. A complex water system originating at Devore Creek provided the hatchery with a constant supply of fresh water (Great Northern Railway 1913, 1917d). The hatchery distributed fry throughout the state and operated successfully at this location until the 1920s when the facility was threatened by rising lake levels following the construction of the Chelan River dam. At that time, the hatchery was moved temporarily to Bear Trap Springs. In 1926, the facility was moved again to a location near Rainbow Falls, across from the Stehekin schoolhouse (Luxenberg 1986). A log pole building was erected and used until the 1930s when the state terminated its operation (Luxenberg 1986). The building is now used as the Stehekin Valley Community Center.

During the 1950s, the Fish and Game Department resumed the fish planting program in the Lake Chelan area (Luxenberg 1986). Thousands of fry were transplanted in a screened off area at the head of the lake in an effort to repopulate the fish runs uplake. The Fish and Game Department contracted Walt Anderson to build a log cabin in Stehekin for their employees. The cabin is still used today on an intermittent basis (Luxenberg 1986).

The Washington State Fish and Game Department had a brief but influential history in the Stehekin area. The development of the hatchery at the head of the lake was an important step towards replenishing the diminished fish runs in the Stehekin River and its tributaries. Within the APE, remnants of the original fish hatchery and water conveyance system may be evident during low water.

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5.11 RESEARCH DESIGN

5.11.1 Exploration and Fur Trade

The era of exploration and fur trade in the Pacific Northwest propelled Washington Territory into the public eye. Reports from traders and explorers, traveling along the Columbia and its many tributaries, influenced Euro-American settlement and expansion throughout the region. Their observations appealed to others looking to migrate into a new territory full of promise. Exploration and fur trade greatly affected the indigenous lifeways of native peoples through the introduction of disease and a non-traditional economy. Epidemic diseases decimated native populations, especially those along the Columbia. Native peoples also became key players in the fur trade network, which altered their basic relationship between themselves and the natural resources on which they depended (Holstine et al. 1994:2.16).

Traders and explorers traveling up the Columbia made frequent stops at forts established along the river. They interacted and traded with native people, explored river systems, and familiarized themselves with the landscape. Many passed by or through the Lake Chelan area during their journeys, camping at the foot of the lake or at the mouth of the Chelan River. Some ventured further uplake, to the mouth of the Stehekin River and others continued on to the Cascade Crest.

Archaeological properties associated with these activities are limited. In the Chelan area, traders and explorers often utilized old Indian trails and campsites while traveling through the mountains. Evidence of their presence would be difficult to distinguish at a site in the Lake Chelan area due to the overlap of use between native peoples and explorers. Within the APE, no cultural resources associated with exploration and fur trade era are expected.

Archival and map research along with archaeological investigations at hunter-fisher-gatherer sites along the Columbia and Chelan Rivers, Lake Chelan, and the Stehekin River and its tributaries may provide information on the effects which early explorers and fur traders had on native populations. This may be evidenced in the archaeological record by changes in the material culture of local native groups (i.e., the introduction of non-traditional tool types) or through changes in their settlement and subsistence patterns. Cultural deposits would need to be associated with organic remains such as charcoal which could be dated and linked to the period of exploration and fur trade. Changes in the size and type of archaeological sites in these areas could also provide information on the effects of disease, introduced during this period, on native populations.

Research Question #1: Is there evidence in the archaeological record that indicates that significant changes in settlement and subsistence strategies occurred amongst native populations in the Chelan area during the period of exploration and fur trade?

Research Question #2: Is there evidence in the archaeological record that indicates that native groups inhabiting areas around the Columbia and Chelan Rivers or at the foot of Lake Chelan were more effected by epidemic diseases than those at the head of the lake or in the foothills?

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5.11.2 Settlement

Settlement in the Lake Chelan area occurred at a steady rate throughout the latter part of the 19th century into the 20th century. Initially a product of the prosperous mining industry, settlement was fueled further by improvements to local and regional transportation networks. Early pioneers, such as I.A. Navarre and William Sanders, established small self-sufficient homesteads at the foot of Lake Chelan, along the south shore, and at the head of the lake around the Stehekin River. Later homesteads developed along the north shore as those lands became available for settlement. Over time, as people’s needs and the economy changed, many homesteads expanded and incorporated large commercial crops such as fruit, vegetables, and walnuts into their agricultural regime. Survey maps of the period show a number of single cabins along the lakeshore and in the vicinity of Chelan and Stehekin. The population at the foot and head of the lake justified the development of services such as stores, hotels, and schools.

Homesteading was a difficult and risky business. Harsh or unpredictable weather conditions, crop failures, and economic fluctuations contributed to homestead failure. Homesteaders who were unsuccessful often abandoned their property or lost it to the government. Those who upgraded and improved their homesteads, through the production of both personal and commercial crops, continued to reside around the lake well into the 1920s. In 1927, when the newly constructed dam raised the lake level, many of the homesteads along the lakeshore and at the head of the lake were inundated. Some landowners only lost property, while others lost homes, gardens, and orchards.

Within the APE, remnants of these abandoned and inundated homesteads are present. Cultural resources expected within the APE which would be associated with homesteading and the settlement era include structural features such as foundations and stone retaining walls, refuse heaps, non-native vegetation or garden remnants, domestic artifact scatters, and fence lines. Many homesteads had small private docks extending to the waterline and their remains would be visible along the shore and into the low water zone. Early settlers also had livestock, or horseshoes, tackle, and remnants of small log shelters, corrals, or pens would indicate at least horses and their care and feeding. Examples of specific sites in the APE associated with the settlement era include the Fields Point homestead, Ed Christie Ranch, Navarre, Sanders and Snader homesteads, Wright's house and cattle pen, and Bernard Devin's house and garden (Ethnoscience 2000).

Archival and map records along with analysis of previously identified archaeological deposits within the APE could answer questions regarding household organization, agricultural and subsistence practices, economic status and change, and possibly ethnicity. For example, relative frequencies of different types of food containers, bottles, and tin cans could provide information on consumer choice, economic status, and possibly ethnicity. Refuse heaps may also indicate economic change such as a shift between self-sufficiency and market consumerism. With the onset of the Industrial Revolution, home manufacturing was supplanted by commercial products and services (Schalk et al. 1996). Structural features could provide archaeological data on homestead development and specialization, construction styles, household organization, economic status, and agricultural/subsistence practices. Those homesteads that were only occupied for a short time, i.e. 1890s to 1910's, often contain tightly bracketed artifact assemblages, which could yield high resolution data with maximum chronological control.

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Structural remains and archaeological deposits could provide data on the increased specialization of homesteads to commercial farmsteads during the early 20th century. Information gained from these investigations could strengthen the relationship between historic archival documentation and archaeological data.

Research Question #1: Is there evidence in historic documents or in the artifact types and features identified at homestead locations to indicate increased specialization over time? If so, did the specialization occur in specific locations, such as at the foot of the lake, where permanent settlement continued?

Research Question #2: Did early settlement occur within specific environmental zones such as flood plains, coulees, or grass clearings?

Research Question #3: Do the assemblages from homesteads at the foot of the lake differ at all from those identified at homesteads along the south shore, or at the head the lake? If so, in what ways?

Research Question #4: Do the settlement patterns and agricultural/subsistence practices differ between homesteads at the foot of, along the south shore, or at the head of the lake? If so, in what ways?

5.11.3 Transportation

Networks of transportation evolved incrementally in the Chelan basin. The earliest notable impetus for such development was a combination of mining activity and settlement that began in the late 1880s. Thereafter, regional events such as the arrival of the Great Northern Railroad, and technological advances such as the invention of the automobile, introduced rather sudden changes in transportation at identifiable points in time.

The obvious ease of long-distance travel on the Columbia River and Lake Chelan may actually have limited the need for overland trails and wagon roads in the earliest decades. GLO maps suggest those that took shape were usually short and designed to provide access to mining claims or to link homesteads. Wagon roads were built where the movement of products to market needed to occur. Chosen alignments depended upon terrain, and generally led directly to waterways. The immense challenge of railroad building restricted the Chelan area’s rail line to the Columbia River corridor – no rail lines ever climbed to lake level. Water travel routes were primarily linear in nature – up and down the Columbia and Lake Chelan - but ferries criss- crossed both bodies of water. Landings and boat docks were located where function required and where shoreline depth and currents allowed. Later highways relied upon modern engineering techniques and in some cases - such as the bridging of the Columbia and Chelan rivers - overcame age-old obstacles of terrain. Elsewhere more formidable natural features such as Chelan Butte and the precipitous uplake shoreline have yet to be conquered by paved highways.

Several factors have influenced the survival of cultural resources associated with transportation in the project area. The first is the normal sequence of layered improvements that occurred along established routes of overland travel. In some cases, such as the route through Navarre Coulee,

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improvements appear to have adhered to the same general alignment. In other cases, such as the completion of Highway 10 above Chelan Falls, a more efficient route resulted in abandonment of the old. The second major factor in the survival or demise of historic transportation resources located on or adjacent to waterways has been the rising of waters as a result of dam construction. When lake waters rose behind the Lake Chelan Dam in 1927, 125 miles of shoreline trails, roads, and waterfront landings were inundated. Similarly, when Rocky Reach reservoir filled in 1961, historic ferry docks and steamboat landings were engulfed. While inundated resources no longer possess integrity as historic structures, some may survive as archaeological sites. This is particularly true of sunken vessels that, owing to the lake’s low biological productivity and high water clarity, may remain in relatively intact condition.

Resources associated with transportation in the APE around Lake Chelan may include: partially inundated trail, wagon road, or highway segments (including related rock retaining walls or sections of pavement); crib docks, wharfs, or other boat landing features; and sunken watercraft including dugout canoes, bateaux, steamers, and gasoline- or diesel-driven boats. Resources expected within the APE in the bypassed reach area may include former wagon road alignments, rock retaining walls, and bridges or bridge remnants in the Chelan River gorge.

Archival records together with analysis of archaeological sites in the APE have potential to contribute valuable information toward an understanding of water transportation on Lake Chelan - including the patterns of travel and commerce on the lake over time; the construction, function, and scale of waterfront landings prior to 1927; and the design, changing use, and technology of watercraft spanning many centuries. Further examination of historic period maps – including GLO, Great Northern/Chelan Electric, Metsker, Kroll, Sanborn and others - would shed light on the evolution of overland trails, wagon roads, and highways, and help to document early alignments still in use today. In the bypassed reach area, extant bridge and highway remnants as well as period maps could provide firmer documentation on the metamorphosis of Chelan’s late 19th-early 20th century river-to-lake wagon roads.

Research question #1: How did the development of foot trails and wagon roads influence settlement patterns in the lower Chelan basin? How were these routes related to the growth and decline of commercial activity?

Research question # 2: What patterns of lake traffic existed at various points in time between farms, tourist destinations, commercial enterprises, and centers of government activity?

Research question #3: What were the alignments of the two Chelan Gorge wagon roads, and how did those roads change in alignment and/or physical character between 1879 and 1892, when first established, and 1963, when the Highway 10 bridge over the Columbia was completed?

Research question #4: What was the early 20th century evolution of Highway 10 (the Chelan & Okanogan Highway, now U.S. 97), and how do the concrete bridge, pavement, and rock wall remnants in the lower bypassed reach area illustrate that evolution?

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5.11.4 Economic Development

5.11.4.1 Mining

Mining in the Lake Chelan area began during the 1850s after gold placer deposits were identified along the Columbia River. The “gold rush” that ensued established a Euro-American and Chinese presence in the region. Euro-American miners during this time, however, were not interested in placer deposits but instead, headed north in search of rich gold strikes. Chinese miners stayed behind and created a very profitable business of working gold deposits along the Columbia near the mouth of the Chelan River. A large Chinese “trading post” was built at Chelan Falls that provided Chinese miners with food, supplies, and accommodations.

During the 1880s, placer mining waned, and prospectors began scouring the hillside for ore deposits. Rich ore deposits were discovered in the hills to the north and south of Lake Chelan and throughout the Cascade foothills. Hard-rock or lode mining became the new industry, and forever changed the face of the Lake Chelan and Stehekin valley. As word of the ore discoveries in the region spread, more and more prospectors came to Lake Chelan. The influx of miners during the late 1880s and early 1900s created a strong and steady economy at the newly developed towns of Chelan and Stehekin. Services such as stores, hotels, and horse packing outfits became established to fulfill miners needs. Some miners developed and improved claims while others chose to settle in the area, taking on more enduring occupations such as grazing or agriculture (Holstine et al. 1994:5.30).

The mining industry in the Lake Chelan area never became as successful as was hoped during the early prospecting years. The lack of well-established transportation routes to and from the mining areas limited their productivity and marketability. Mine claims along the lake benefited from their location because they had access to wagon roads and regular boat transportation.

Mining claims in the Stehekin and Lake Chelan Mining Districts varied in size and productivity. With the exception of the Holden Mine complex, most were small and contained only a shaft and possibly a shack or shelter. Others contained two or more shafts and a more complex infrastructure including tramways, sawmills, blacksmith shops, and outbuildings. In the Stehekin Mining District, the outbuildings were often miner’s quarters, pumphouses, or stables. Along the shore of Lake Chelan the outbuildings were often frame houses, barns, shops, and root cellars. Stone (retaining) walls, fencelines, and crib docks were also common within the boundaries of developed mine claims along the lake edge.

In addition to the hard-rock or lode mining, pumice and limestone mining was also being practiced in the hills surrounding the lake. Not much is known on pumice mining but limekilns, processing areas, and outbuildings were identified along the north and south shore of the lake during the 1916-1917 Great Northern Railway Survey. Outbuildings associated with limestone mining include powder houses, shops, warehouses, and frame houses. These locations also contained wharfs, boat landings, and crib docks.

Within the APE, remnants of abandoned hard-rock and limestone mines and mine complexes are present, primarily near Cascade, Meadow, Railroad, and Lightning Creeks and Limekiln Point. Cultural resources expected within the APE associated with mining include structural features

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such as building foundations or stone retaining walls, refuse heaps, tool fragments, and artifact scatters. Some of the larger mines that had mill sites on their property had crib and loading docks that extended to the waterline and their remains would be visible along the shore and into the low water zone. Crib docks and boat landings were also constructed at the limestone mine sites and their remains may still be visible on the landscape. Miners often kept horses and their care and horseshoes, tackle, and remnants of small log shelters or corrals would indicate feeding.

Archival and map records along with analysis of archaeological remains within the APE could answer questions regarding mining techniques and practices, mining complex layout and composition, living standards or consumer choice, and possibly ethnicity. Structural features and material remains could provide archaeological data on changes in mining technologies between the late 1880s and the early 1900s. Some of the more developed mine locations may contain building foundations, stone walls, crib dock remains, refuse heaps or domestic artifact scatters which could provide information on mining complex layout and composition, living standards, consumer choice, and possibly ethnicity.

Research Question #1: Do the artifact classes and features from mining complexes along the lake differ from those in the Cascade foothills? If so, in what way?

Research Question #2: Is there evidence that mining technology improved or changed during the early 1900s as transportation networks on and around the lake improved?

Research Question #3: Are the artifact classes and features associated with the limestone mines different from others in the region? Do the kilns design features or construction materials differ from those used on other kilns from the same time period?

5.11.4.2 Logging

Beginning in the 1880s, logging in the Lake Chelan area occurred primarily along the northern half of the lake where large stands of quality timber were available. Sawmills became established at various locations along the lake and logs transported down lake by steamers. Most of the early sawmills were portable operations set up along creeks and rivers for the purpose of clearing land for settlement and providing logs for steamer fuel. During the early 1900s, logging was stimulated by the growing fruit and orcharding business, which was becoming established in the Chelan, Entiat, and Wenatchee valleys.

Initial logging operations in the Chelan area were conducted using horses, skid runs, and log flumes. Rail trams were also employed to transport logs to the water for shipment downlake by steamer. Steam donkeys were used in higher elevations to move logs to chutes. As transportation routes improved, logging trucks were used by outfits who had road access. At the head of the lake, however, there were no roads and logs were rafted together and dragged downlake by steamers to mills in the Chelan area into the 1950s.

Permanent mills were set up primarily in the Chelan area where transportation networks were well established and timber could be easily marketed. L.H. Woodin constructed the first mill in what is now Lakeside in 1888. Woodin operated at this location for many years, producing most

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of the timber needed to satisfy local demand. Pennel and Garton also had a mill in the area until 1916 as did the Chelan Box and Manufacturing Company, which operated until 1969.

The logging industry in the Chelan area did not influence settlement and development to the degree that mining did, although it did contribute significantly to it. Early settlers cleared their land for settlement and were able to sell logs to mills and steamers for extra money. This side- business helped many settlers establish and maintain stable and productive homesteads because it provided them with supplemental income during tough times. Local lumber was also used for town building and therefore facilitated community expansion. Steamers were able to operate with relative ease because of the cord wood provided by local settlers who set up portable mills on and around their property.

Although transportation networks improved over time at the foot of the lake, the lack of an established railroad line into Chelan limited the marketability of timber from the area. Unlike the logging industry west of the mountains, which provided timber for a national and world market, logging in the Chelan area mainly serviced a local or regional market. Company towns, lumber camps, and logging railroads, which were an integral part of the logging industry in the west did not develop in the Chelan area.

Within the APE, it is highly probable that cultural resources relating to logging activities are present. Cultural resources expected within the APE associated with logging include features such as structural foundations, logging debris such as machinery parts, saws, or cable, artifact scatters, remnants of log flumes, skid roads, or tramways, and tree stumps with springboard marks. Some mills or small logging operations probably had crib and loading docks where they transported logs to steamers and their remains would be visible along the shore and into the low water zone. Since horses were an important part of a successful logging operation, horseshoes, snowshoes, tackle, and remnants of shelters would indicate their use. Small temporary logging camps may also have been established uplake, primarily in the vicinity of Stehekin which may contain refuse heaps, artifact scatters, and remnant tent platforms. Specific examples of sites within the APE associated with logging include a sawmill and flume at south Navarre Peak and a sawmill and packing box site at Manson (Ethnoscience 2000).

Archival and map records along with analysis of archaeological remains within the APE could answer questions regarding logging techniques and sawmill layout and composition. Structural features and material remains could provide archaeological data on changes in logging technologies and techniques between the late 1880s and the mid 1900s as well as changes in or expansion of mill site complexes. If small logging camps were used and cultural resources such as artifact scatters and features were identified, then information relating to camp size and layout, and workers living standards could be collected.

Research Question #1: Are changes in technology reflected in artifact assemblages from sawmill or logging locations along Lake Chelan?

Research Question #2: Do the artifact assemblages and features differ between sawmill or logging locations at the foot of the lake, along the lake shore, or at the head of the lake?

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Research Question #3: Do the artifact assemblages from sawmill or logging operations along the lake indicate improvements associated with particular economic developments such as the fruit industry or with the construction of improved transportation networks in the area?

5.11.4.3 Agriculture

The practice of agriculture in the Chelan basin began in the 1880s on Indian allotments and Euro-American homesteads. Mixed farming and stock raising prevailed until the advent of irrigation systems, beginning in 1908. After that, the cultivation of fruit, specifically apples, gained almost complete predominance and shaped the landscape of the valley. The 1920s marked a turning point with the emergence of large-scale co-operative packing, storage, and shipping activities. The apple orchard landscape remains very much in evidence in the basin today, mixed with increasingly intensive residential and tourist industry development around the lower end of the lake.

Farms and orchards first appeared on flats and bench lands along the lakeshore, in the vicinity of steams and tributary rivers. These locales included Indian allotments in the Manson area north of the lake, and homesteads on the plateau above the Chelan River and along the south shore in the vicinity of Johnson’s Point at Lakeside. Homesteads and orchards also appeared in uplake valleys like First Creek, Twenty-five Mile Creek, and the Stehekin River valleys. As prime lands were taken, farming spread to higher elevations. Irrigation in the Manson area allowed orchards to spread further north onto slopes of the lower foothills of the Methow Mountains. In stark contrast to the gentle landscape of apple orchards and modest orchard farmsteads, massive processing facilities appeared at the edge of and in the heart of the small towns of Manson, Chelan, and Chelan Falls.

A number of factors have influenced the survival of structures, sites, and buildings associated with the theme of agriculture. Natural forces such as fire and flood have erased many early farmstead features. Draught and the drying up of periodic streams due to extensive logging forced some to abandon their property, particularly before and during the early years of irrigation. The raising of the lake level in 1927 inundated portions of improved farms, including established orchards and the all-important individual crib docks along the shoreline. Economic forces and the high cost of transporting produce on the lake eventually forced some uplake farms and orchards, like the Buckners, to fail. Growth and technological advances in the apple industry, along with the gradual upgrading of orchard properties over time, have resulted in the removal and replacement of older features.

A wide variety of cultural resources reflect the evolution of agriculture in the Chelan basin and can be expected in, or within close vicinity of, the project area. These range in scale from small moveable objects such as wooden apple boxes to massive packing sheds, cold storage houses, and shipping warehouses. Features associated with early-diversified farms may include first log shelters, modest farmhouses, small-scale barns, equipment sheds, chicken houses, root cellars, smoke houses, ice houses. Features associated with specialized apple orcharding are distinctive. They include the above, as well as the now rare family packing sheds and the still prevalent pickers’ cabins. Most early orchard properties fronting the lakeshore depended upon water transport for shipment of their fruit to market; hence, individual crib docks built of timbers and rock can be expected. Boundary demarcations, in the form of shoreline bulkheads, rock

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retaining walls, post and wire fencing, and orchard alignment likely remain, and give evidence of the changing configuration of agricultural property over time.

A wide variety of archival sources – including Great Northern Railroad/Chelan Electric Company maps, historic photos, census records, and Lake Chelan Reclamation District documents and photos, and records of the Lake Chelan Fruit Growers and Trout-Blue Chelan – could provide greater depth of information on the evolution of agriculture in the Lake Chelan basin. Such research could illuminate the spatial organization of 20th century farms and orchards, further define property types associated with orcharding, and document many aspects of the economic, social, and environmental impacts of irrigation.

Structural features and material remains in the APE could provide archaeological data on physical components of farms and orchards prior to lake inundation, and help to document the historic link between agriculture and lake transportation.

Research question #1: What was the scale and scope of Indian fruit cultivation on north shore allotments? To what extent did these influence early settlers’ orchards?

Research question #2: What forces triggered the influx of “irrigation pioneers” to the Lake Chelan basin in the 1900s? Did these newcomers differ socially, economically, geographically, and/or ethnically from earlier homesteaders and if so, in what ways?

Research question #3: How did the morphology of the packing shed, and the process and economics of packing, change over the course of the 20th century?

Research question #4: What has been the labor history of the Lake Chelan apple industry and how is that reflected in the evolution of pickers’ housing forms over time?

5.11.4.4 Recreation and Tourism

Tourists began visiting the Lake Chelan area during the 1890s as word about the unparalleled beauty and wildness spread. Fishermen from the Yakima area came north to fish at Lake Chelan and along the Stehekin River; the fishing was said to be “world class”. The area also offered visitors the opportunity to hunt, hike, camp, boat, horseback ride, and swim. Tourists would often arrive in Chelan and take a steamer uplake to local inns, hotels, and recreation areas. Places like Stehekin, Moore’s Point, and Purple Point were popular stopovers for tourists. During the early 1900s, pristine wilderness was becoming more and more accessible to tourists as transportation networks to and from the head of the lake improved.

Improved transportation networks on and along the lake contributed a great deal to the tourist industry and resulting economy. More and more people were coming to Chelan interested in taking a steamer to the head of the lake. Quality accommodations had been available to tourists in Chelan and Lakeside at the foot of the lake, since the 1890s. The Lakeview House in Lakeside was constructed in the 1890s and became a hub for boat arrivals and departures. The Campbell Hotel, a prominent feature on the landscape even today, was the first hotel built in Chelan. The hotel was a booming success and people often raved about the great food, beautiful views, and elegant decor. Steamboats moored at Lakeside began transporting tourists to various

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points on the lake. A trip to the head of the lake would take a whole day and so many tourists spent one or more nights uplake relaxing, fishing, hunting, or hiking. Several successful hotels opened during this time, many in the vicinity of the head of the lake. These accommodations ranged in size and elegance but all boasted a clean bed and good food. Along the lakeshore and at the head of the lake, tourists could stay at Havarene Lodge, Lucerne, Field Hotel, Moore’s Inn, Mountain View House, or the Rainbow Lodge. During the 1920s, the Golden West Lodge was built in Stehekin and made available to tourists.

The face of tourism began to change by the mid-1920s. The advent of the automobile changed what tourists wanted to see and do. Suddenly visitors to the area preferred to vacation at the foot of the lake and drive to local attractions. They also favored “day excursions” uplake versus extended visits as before. Services uplake, especially overnight accommodation, suffered as an outcome. During this time, tourists’ needs also began to change. They weren’t as hardy as before and wanted more convenient and comfortable facilities.

In 1927, the Chelan Power Company constructed a dam at the foot of the lake and raised the lake level over 20 feet. Many of the early establishments uplake had to either move their business to higher ground or sell them to the power company. The Field Hotel was demolished and the property inundated. The Havarene Lodge was moved to higher ground but lost a large portion of their lakefront property. The Moore Inn also lost frontage. The Golden West Lodge was unaffected since it had been constructed atop Purple Point.

The tourist industry began to wane during WW II, when people stopped taking personal vacations. Many establishments uplake closed. After the war, tourism resumed and continues to be an important part of the local Chelan economy. Boats still play an integral role in the tourist industry by transporting visitors to the head of the lake, which is only accessible by boat.

Within the APE, it is highly probable that cultural resources relating to recreation and tourism are present. Cultural resources expected within the APE would most likely be associated with the early accommodations along the lakeshore and near Stehekin that were inundated or abandoned after dam construction. They include structural features such as foundations and stone retaining walls, domestic refuse heaps, non-native vegetation and garden remnants, and artifact scatters. Many hotels or inns along the shore had small docks where guests were received and their remains would be visible along the shore and into the low water zone. Some of the inns had horses and livestock, and horseshoes, tackle, and remnants of chicken houses or small log pens would indicate their care and feeding. Specific examples of sites within the APE associated with recreation include the remains of the Field Hotel and Moore Inn (Ethnoscience 2000).

Archival and map records along with analysis of previously identified archaeological deposits within the APE could answer questions regarding the layout of the facility, construction techniques, economic change and status, and consumer choice. For example, relative frequencies of different types of food containers, bottles, and tin cans could provide information on consumer choice and economic status. Refuse heaps may also indicate economic change and the introduction of commercial products into the pioneer lifestyle. Structural features could provide archaeological data on construction styles, household organization, economic status, and

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subsistence practices. Information gained from these investigations could strengthen the relationship between historic archival documentation and archaeological data.

Research Question #1: Do the artifacts and features from sites such as the Moore Inn vary from those identified at other locations such as the Field Hotel? Do the artifact types indicate economic differences between tourist facilities?

Research Question #2: In what ways did the changing needs of tourists during the mid-to- late 1920s and beyond influence the kinds of services and products offered by tourist businesses along the lake such as the Havarene Lodge, Lucerne, or the Moore Inn?

5.11.5 Town Building

Towns and villages arose in the Lake Chelan basin between the late 1880s and 1915. In that brief span of twenty-five to thirty years, the area emerged from relative obscurity to a region renowned for its fruit industry and its scenic attractions. Town builders as well as homesteaders were drawn to the area’s combined advantages - its extensive waterways, its potential for hydroelectric power, and its array of natural resources. Boosterism reigned supreme in the late 1890s and first decade of the 1900s, as towns competed for residents, investors, and commercial ascendancy.

Towns that survived occupied strategic locations, both in terms of transportation and an accessible natural resource base. Chelan claimed the foot of the lake, short overland routes down to the Columbia, and arable land on a rolling plateau. Lakeside had a deep-water harbor, an easy route through Knapp’s Coulee down to the Columbia, and bordering farmlands. Manson was backed by the largest pocket of arable lowlands on the entire lakeshore, and enjoyed a practical mid-point location on the lake. Chelan Falls fronted the Columbia, claimed the mouth of the Chelan River and gorge, and boasted the basin’s only railroad line. Stehekin occupied the head of the lake and served as a gateway via the Stehekin River valley deep into the Cascades.

The survival of historic resources associated with town building in the project area has been influenced by several factors. Many settlements along the lake simply failed to emerge as full- fledged towns owing to lack of transportation links or inadequate access to resources. Of the towns that prospered, features along the lake shore – such as early streets, commercial buildings, docks and boathouses, small manufactories and shops, boat yards, houses and outbuildings, fences, shoreline vegetation, garden plots, and domestic landscaping – were lost in varying degrees with the raising of the lake level in 1927. This event more than any other altered the course of each town’s development. Today, these pre-dam waterfront features survive only as archaeological sites. Since 1927, historic buildings in towns throughout the project area have been lost through the normal sequence of use, abandonment, and redevelopment. Economic shifts have triggered decline or, conversely, intensive new development, and both trends have brought about the loss of historic fabric.

Surviving resources associated with town building within the APE are expected in the form of pre-dam archaeological sites clustered around the lakeshore. These may include rock foundations of waterfront commercial buildings or industries, stone retaining walls, tool fragments from boat yards or box factories, refuse heaps, and artifact scatters. Most towns had

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public docks, some with recreational pavilions extending out over the water and, as more substantial structures, these remains might be visible along the shore and into the low water zone. Crib docks and boat landings were also constructed at individual home sites within town limits, and their remains may still be visible on the landscape. Remnants of residential lakefront properties in town, including stone foundations, bulkheads, and rock fences, are likely to exist.

Early maps, local newspapers, historic photographs, and Chelan PUD survey and inundation records could answer questions regarding townsite history within the APE. Such research could illuminate town layout, waterfront industries and businesses, boat yard activities and techniques, living standards or consumer choice, and possibly ethnicity. Structural features and material remains could provide archaeological data on the physical growth and evolution of towns between the late 1880s and 1927, and help to answer important questions about local economies prior to the lake overflow.

Research question #1: How were communities economically, socially, and functionally affected by the 1927 raising of Lake Chelan?

Research question #2: How were individual businesses, industries, and residences affected by the shoreline expansion? Did most of these businesses and industries re-establish themselves, or did they disappear? Did most residents remain within the same community and if so, how did they rebuild their property?

Research question #3: What specific components of the built- and natural environments of Chelan, Lakeside, Manson, and Stehekin were lost in the inundation? How did new plats, road realignments, and town centers change, diminish, or improve the character of earlier communities?

5.11.6 Water and Power Develo pment

5.11.6.1 Irrigation

Small-scale, private irrigation efforts began in conjunction with settlement in the late 1880s. Large-scale, organized irrigation projects began in 1906, under the auspices of the Wapato Irrigation Company. Development of that major system (known as the “Manson Project” continued well beyond World War Two, into the 1970s.

Wherever topography and proximity of a running water source allowed, homesteaders developed ways and means to water their modest acreage. By contrast, the Manson Project grew to encompass 4,360 acres on the north shore of Lake Chelan. Other, far smaller systems watered the lands to the northeast of Chelan, on Howard Flats, as well as lands along the upper Chelan River and on the south shore of the lake west of Chelan Butte.

Factors influencing the survival of resources associated with the theme of irrigation are related to continuity of use. In uplake locations, where farming and orcharding were abandoned, few traces of early private systems survive. A notable exception is the Buckner Homestead, where the historic orchard and irrigation system have been revived and maintained in recent years by the National Park Service. Rising lake levels in 1927 inundated private pump houses in use

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along waterfront orchards on the south shore of the lake. In the Manson reclamation area, and uplake from it within the boundaries of the former collection system, structural features of the early system have fallen victim to fire, periodic replacement and upgrades, and finally (since 1979) abandonment.

Surviving cultural resources associated with irrigation in the APE will likely include foundations of pre-1927 pump houses along the shoreline. Most features related to the Lake Chelan Reclamation District’s system at Manson are situated well above the project area. However, there may be visible evidence of the tramway at Coyote Creek, drainages ditches entering the lake, and/or later elements of the system added in more recent decades, such as the siphon at Manson, designed to draw water directly from the lake.

Archival research into Lake Chelan Reclamation Company records – including early maps, surveys, correspondence, and photographs - local newspapers of the period, and research into the Richard H. Lord Papers at the Lake Chelan Historical Museum will likely provide more detail on the early development of the Wapato Irrigation District. Archaeological sites associated with early irrigation systems at waterfront orchards within the APE could offer a better understanding of individual efforts to irrigate lands outside the reach of the organized irrigation districts.

Research question #1: What process was employed in the Wapato Irrigation District’s purchase of Indian-owned allotment lands? How were prices determined and what was the impact on individual Indian families?

Research question #2: What were the social impacts of reclamation on the north shore of Lake Chelan? How did the “Manson Project” affect those dry land farmers already homesteading in the higher lands above the allotments? Who were the irrigation pioneers to the north shore, and how did their arrival change the social and economic, and demographic balance of the earlier Lake Chelan settlements?

Research question #3: What have been the visible impacts of irrigation on the cultural landscape of the Lake Chelan basin? In what ways is the landscape now defined by patterns of agriculture established by irrigation?

5.11.6.2 Hydroelectricity

The development of hydroelectric facilities in the Lake Chelan basin was concentrated into a relatively brief time frame between the 1890s and the 1920s. Small power plants were installed on private property throughout these decades, and more modern versions of these single-family facilities do continue in use to the present day. A succession of more ambitious community projects occurred at the close of the 19th century as towns took shape. Industrial-scale 20th century development began in 1926, with the construction of Washington Water Power’s Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Project.

Any small tributary stream flowing out of the Cascades offered a potential source of power production. Uplake farms, settlements, mines, and mills particularly relied upon these little private power plants. The physiography of the Lake Chelan basin steered most commercial power projects toward the lake’s outlet at Chelan, and the more substantial and long-lived

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developments took place there. Chelan and Lakeside enjoyed electrical service from 1903, when the so-called Kingman powerhouse was put into operation on the Chelan River. Subsequent dam, water conveyance, and powerhouse construction associated with the Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Project took place between the lake outlet and the mouth of the Chelan River, in the area now called the bypassed reach.

The survival of cultural resources associated with hydroelectrically development is related mainly to the success and continued existence of the 1920s Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Project. This system superceded early systems on the Chelan River. With its acquisition by the Chelan PUD, the vital role of the facility as a primary source of power generation in Chelan County continues, ensuring its survival. Unlike other hydroelectric facilities in the state of Washington where major system upgrades have diminished historic character, the Chelan plant remains a remarkably intact specimen of 1920s technology and engineering.

The various components of the Project itself are the only identified cultural resources associated with this theme in the APE. The entire plant – including the dam, intakes, power tunnel, and powerhouse - constitutes the centerpiece of the Chelan PUD’s historic resource base. Other resources associated with earlier hydroelectric facilities in the area, such as remnants of earlier dams upstream, or the site of the Kingman powerhouse, have yet to be identified as archaeological sites. Such properties may possess little integrity owing to intensive disturbances within the gorge during construction of the present system. Archeological remains related to the four construction camp sites may well be extant, however, and may include some of the unidentified features provided in the survey report.

Archival records in possession of the Chelan PUD, including historic photographs, drawings, maps, and construction documents, likely are the best source of information relating to the history of the Project itself. Early (Great Northern/Chelan Electric Company) lakeshore surveys, later inundation files, and construction camp records could shed further light on little known aspects of the Project. Local newspapers – particularly from the year 1927 – may prove the best source on the cultural impacts of shoreline inundation. Structural features and material remains along the Chelan River could help to illuminate pre-1926 hydroelectric developments, as well as to reveal more about the varying layout, function, and physical make-up of the four construction camps.

Research question #1: How did the 1903 dam and Kingman powerhouse project take shape, how did it function physically, and what role did it play prior to purchase by the Chelan Electric Company?

Research question #2: What was the scale and scope of the Great Northern Railroad’s plan for development of the hydroelectric potential in the Chelan basin? What was the mandate of the Chelan Electric Company?

Research question #3: How were 1913-1917 lakeshore surveys administered, how were lands acquired, and how were these overflow rights transferred to the Washington Water Power Company?

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Research question #4: Who were the early operators of the Chelan powerhouse and what was the nature of the company community in Chelan Falls? Do the operators’ cottages reflect hierarchical differences related to position within the company?

5.11.7 CCC

The CCC, established during the 1930s, is said to be one of the most successful government programs that came out of the New Deal. It provided unemployed men with jobs and skill training during a time when both were scarce. Jobs focused on forestry practices, trail and road maintenance and construction, fire detection and suppression, and telephone line installation in national and state forests and parks. Some CCC units constructed administrative and recreation buildings, residences, trail shelters, and lookouts. Many of these CCC structures and features are still in use today; several which are in the Lake Chelan area.

The CCC was organized by several federal and state agencies including the Department of Labor, the United States Army, and the Department of Interior and Agriculture. The program was very structured, with a minimum six-month term, daily schedules, and a small stipend, much of which had to be sent home to dependents. CCC enrollees resided in camps and were provided food, clothing, and skill training. The camps were fairly large, up to 24 buildings, and contained barracks, a mess hall, recreation center, school, and administrative facilities. The majority of enrollees were white, but black enrollees were present in small numbers. Most CCC camps were segregated although there were a few which were desegregated. Desegregated camps may have been a regional variation and would not likely have been acceptable in other parts of the country (Holstine et al. 1994:9.3).

For administrative purposes, the country was divided into nine corps areas, which were further subdivided into districts headquartered at military installations (Holstine et al. 1994:9.2). Four districts were established in Washington State, and those camps in the Lake Chelan area were part of the Fort Lewis District. Two CCC camps were present in the lake Chelan area, Camp Chelan on the north side of the lake and Camp 25 Mile Creek on the south side. Several side or “spike” camps were also established at Stehekin, Lucerne, Prince Creek, Concully, Safety Harbor Creek, Deadwood Creek, Arab Creek, Washington Creek, and in early 1940, Chelan. Side camps were not as large as the main camps but were used when travel time to the worksite from the base camp was extensive or if an area needed to be constantly monitored for fire danger. The side camp at Lucerne was the only camp scheduled to operate year round (Holstine et al. 1994:9.20).

Camp Chelan was established early on in the CCC program at Coyote Creek, approximately 33 miles northwest of Chelan. The camp was considered one of the most remote in Region 6, which may be why it housed an all-black contingent from New York City. The exact structure and composition of the camp is unknown, and it appears that the camp only lasted a few years.

The main base camp for all work projects along Lake Chelan was Camp 25 Mile Creek. The camp was built prior to 1936 and contained at least 15 wooden buildings and a water tower. Over 165 men lived at the camp and completed a variety of significant improvement projects including trail and bridge construction, telephone line installation, and road maintenance. These men were responsible for the construction of the Stehekin Bridge and the Lake Shore Trail, and

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installed miles of telephone line between Stormy and Grouse mountains and the towns of Chelan and Stehekin.

Within the APE, features, structures and possibly sites related to CCC activities are present. Cultural resources expected within the APE would include trail segments and intact structures such as guard stations and trail and campground shelters. Intact trail segments include the Lakeshore Trail and the Box Canyon Trail and a guard station has been recorded at Lucerne. Trail and campground shelters make up the majority of CCC works in the APE and are present at Graham Harbor campground, Big Creek Campground, Mitchell Creek, Fish Creek/Moore Point, and Meadow Creek. The Chelan Ranger Station is another CCC structure present in the APE. Remnants of CCC side camps may also be present along the shoreline primarily at Safety Harbor Creek, Prince Creek, Lucerne, and Stehekin. These camps would be evidenced on the landscape by structural features such as foundations, stone retaining walls, and building footings and debris, refuse heaps, and domestic artifact scatters. Crib docks would also have been common at these sites since boat transportation was used to transport men from one location to another. Their remains would be visible along the shore and into the low water zone. Sections of the telephone line installed between Chelan and Stehekin may also be present. Specific examples of sites within the APE associated with the CCC include the CCC side camps at Lucerne and Big Goat Mountain, the Lucerne Guard Station, and the trail structures and administrative facilities mentioned above (Ethnoscience 2000).

Archival records along with analysis of previously identified CCC works within the APE could answer questions regarding construction styles and materials, as well as the effect of the CCC on tourism and the environment. Comparative studies could be undertaken between CCC structures elsewhere in the state and those in the Lake Chelan area. Differences may exist in the location or type of structures built or kinds of building materials used. Abandoned CCC side camps may also contain intact archaeological deposits associated with their occupation. Archival and map records along with analysis of archaeological deposits within the APE could answer questions regarding camp layout and composition, consumer choice, living standards, and possibly ethnicity or racial diversity. For example, relative frequencies of different types of food containers, bottles, and tin cans could provide information on consumer choice, living standards and possibly ethnicity. Refuse heaps and artifact scatters may also indicate camp layout and composition, ethnicity or racial diversity, and living standards. Structural features could provide archaeological data on camp development or layout, and construction styles. Camps that were only occupied for a short time may contain tightly bracketed artifact assemblages which could yield high resolution data with maximum chronological control. Information gained from these investigations could strengthen the relationship between historic archival documentation and archaeological data.

Research Question #1: Do the artifact classes or features at CCC side camps along Lake Chelan indicate variation in living standards from one camp to the next?

Research Question #2: Are the artifact classes and features different from other CCC side camps occupied in the Cascade foothills during the same time period?

Research Question #3: Are the construction styles, methods, or materials from CCC works around Lake Chelan different from other works in the Cascades? If so, how?

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Research Question #4: Do the artifact assemblages from CCC side camps indicate racial diversity or ethnicity?

5.11.8 USFS, NPS, WSFGD

Government agencies such as the USFS, NPS, and to a lesser degree the Washington State Fish and Game Department (WSFGD) have played a significant role in managing the natural resources of the Lake Chelan basin. Beginning in the 1890s, individuals concerned about the depleting forests and impacts of industry and development on the environment in the North Cascades embarked on a crusade to protect America’s natural resources. Their efforts resulted in the establishment of the Washington Forest Reserve, later referred to as the Washington National Forest. Thousands of acres were set aside on both the east and west sides of the North Cascades for recreational purposes as well as for federally monitored resource utilization. This early national forest was managed by the USFS whose purpose was threefold: 1) to preserve a perpetual supply of timber for home industries; 2) to prevent destruction of the forests and watersheds; and 3) to protect local residents from unfair competition in the use of forest and range (Steen 1976).

The USFS were responsible for a number of significant projects in the Lake Chelan area. Forest rangers constructed and maintained trail systems, camp and trail shelters, guard and ranger stations, and an extensive phone line from Chelan to Stehekin. They also regulated logging and mining activities, conducted land surveys, assessed homestead claims, and were responsible for fire management.

Over the years, the Washington National Forest boundary and name changed and in 1968, a newly created national park, the North Cascades National Park, absorbed much of what was once the Washington National Forest. The park service and park proponents had battled years of opposition, primarily from the USFS who felt that the park service was a direct threat to their domain. The purpose of the NPS was to promote and regulate the use of national parks and national monuments, creating areas where people can go to be free of the impacts of industry and civilization. During the 1970s, the two agencies realized that they both had significant interests in the North Cascades, and in order to properly manage the resources they needed to work together. The NPS managed areas at the head of the lake, had a visitors and administrative complex at Stehekin, and oversaw activities in the Stehekin Valley. They also maintained trail systems and campgrounds.

Besides the USFS and the NPS, the Washington State Fish and Game Department (WSFGD) also played a role in the management of resources in the Lake Chelan area. In 1903, a fish hatchery was constructed in Stehekin near the Field Hotel that distributed fry throughout the state. The facility operated at this location until the 1920s but was moved when construction of the Chelan dam got underway. The facility found a permanent location in 1926, when it was moved across from the Stehekin schoolhouse (Luxenberg 1986). A log pole building that is now used as the Stehekin Valley Community Center was built and used until the 1930s when the state terminated its operation (Luxenberg 1986).

Within the APE, features, structures and possibly sites related to the USFS, NPS, and WSFGD are present. Cultural resources, both standing and remnant, associated with governmental

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activities expected within the APE would include portions of the original USFS phone line, the Chelan Ranger Station, the old Purple Point Ranger Station which is currently a private residence, remnants of the Deer Point Ranger Station and old administrative facilities at Lucerne, both exposed during low water, and remnants of the original fish hatchery and water conveyance system near the Field Hotel evident during low water. The boundary of the Golden West Lodge Historic District, part of the National Park Service complex at Stehekin, abuts the lake and is therefore considered within the APE. Remnant resources would be evidenced on the landscape by structural features such as foundations, stone retaining walls, building footings and debris, wood stave pipe fragments, mechanical debris, refuse heaps, and artifact scatters. Crib docks would also have been common at these sites since boat transportation was used to transport forest officials from one location to another. Their remains would be visible along the shore and into the low water zone.

Archival and map records along with analysis of archaeological deposits within the APE could answer questions regarding the layout of the hatchery facility and Deer Point and Lucerne administrative structures, construction techniques and styles, and possibly consumer choice and living standards. Comparative studies could be undertaken between USFS or early hatchery structures elsewhere in the state and those in the Lake Chelan area. Differences may exist in the type of structures built or kinds of building materials used. Refuse heaps and artifact scatters may indicate camp layout and composition, consumer choice and living standards. Structural features could provide archaeological data on building layout, and construction styles.

Areas within the APE, which have standing structures associated with governmental activities, can answer more generalized questions regarding construction styles and techniques or changes in land management policies. Background research on the history of USFS and the NPS may also provide information on the effects that these agencies had on tourism, the environment, local industry, or settlement.

Research Question #1: Are the construction styles, methods, or materials from USFS and NPS structures, be they standing or remnant, around Lake Chelan different from other government facilities in the Cascades? If so, how?

Research Question #2: Do the locations and kinds of USFS facilities in the Lake Chelan basin reflect the USFS’s evolving management strategies? If so, how?

Research Question #3: Do the artifact classes, construction materials, or features from the early hatchery site and its water system at the head of the lake differ from other hatchery facilities from the same time period?

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Figure 5-1: Explorer's Routes Through the Lake Chelan Basin, 1814-1879.

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Figure 5-2: Some Early Explorer's Routes through Lake Chelan Basin, 1882-1887.

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Figure 5-3: Early Homesteads along Lake Chelan 1886-1900

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Figure 5-4: Weaver Homestead at Stehekin, c.1927.

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Figure 5-5: "Cockeye" Wilson's Cabin at Domke Creek, c. 1927.

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Figure 5-6: The Ed Christie Homestead as depicted on an 1896 GLO (top) and 1914 Great Northern Railway map (bottom) indicating improvements.

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Figure 5-7: Abandoned Homestead on Stehekin Flats, c.1927.

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Figure 5-8: Lt. Thomas Symons surveyed the White Bluffs to Camp Chelan Wagon Road in 1879 (Symons 1882, Map 14)

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Figure 5-9: The Lake Chelan Stage Road linked the Columbia River to Lake Chelan (Lindsley photo #445, 1909: North Central Washington Museum).

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Figure 5-10: The Great Northern Railroad Bridge crossed the mouth of the Chelan River by 1914 (1926, Chelan PUD).

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Figure 5-11: The Coast published a somewhat fanciful map of transportation features in the Lake Chelan area in 1902. The electric railway from the Columbia to Chelan, was never built (The Coast 1902, Vol. 4, no.1: 121).

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Figure 5-12: Long Jim in dugout canoe, date unknown (Hackenmiller 1995).

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Figure 5-13: Lady of the Lake near Twenty Five Mile Creek, 1907 (Hackenmiller 1998).

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Figure 5-14: A 1928-1930 Highway Map of State of Washington shows vehicular routes in and around Lake Chelan in approximately today’s configuration. State Highway 10 spanned the mouth of the Chelan Gorge.

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Figure 5-15: 1887 GLO Map Depicting Chinese “Store” at Mouth of Chelan River.

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Figure 5-16: Mining Claims in the Chelan Mining District, c. 1896 (from Hodges 1897)

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Figure 5-17: Mining Claims in the Stehekin Mining District and Cascade Foothills, c.1897 (from Hodges 1896)

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Figure 5-18: Black Warrior Mine Portal at Horseshoe Basin (date unknown).

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Figure 5-19: Mining in Upper Stehekin, Horshoe Basin (date unknown)

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Figure 5-20: Aurelia Crown Mines, Timbering at the Mouth of Molybdenite Tunnel, 1907.

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Figure 5-21: Deer Fly Mine Blacksmith Shop and No. 5 Tunnel, c. 1907.

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Figure 5-22: Oscar Getty’s Pack Train along Railroad Creek (date unknown).

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Figure 5-23: Horses Pulling Logs in Snow, c. 1909.

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Figure 5-24: Tug and Raft of Logs Heading Downlake from Stehekin (date unknown).

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Figure 5-25: Sawmill at Antillon Lake, c. 1909.

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Figure 5-26: Double-decker barges hauled sheep uplake to summer range lands in the 1910s (Christopher Long Collection #83-84-108, n.d.: North Central Washington Museum).

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Figure 5-27: Boys harvesting walnuts at J. Shephard’s Springdale Ranch on Lake Chelan (Lindsley photo #653, n.d.: North Central Washington Museum).

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Figure 5-28: The "Lady of the Lake” transported apples harvested at uplake orchards to Chelan. Here apples are loaded at Rosedale Ranch, Twenty-five Mile Creek, in 1907 (Christopher Long Collection #83-84-12, 1907: North Central Washington Museum).

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Figure 5-29: The Lake Chelan Fruit Growers packed and shipped local fruit at Chelan Station (Skockum Collection #90, n.d.: North Central Washington Museum).

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Figure 5-30: Field Hotel at Stehekin, c. 1911.

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Figure 5-31: Photo of Steamer “Dexter” with Passengers at Purple’s Landing, (date unknown).

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Figure 5-32: Lake Survey Crew at Rainbow Lodge, c. 1927

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Figure 5-33: Lakeview House in Lakeside, 1907.

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Figure 5-34: Havarene Lodge on Lake Chelan, 1927.

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Figure 5-35: Shreve’s Cabin (private summer residence) on Lake Chelan near Stehekin, date unknown.

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Figure 5-36: Tourists Recreating on Beach at Lake Chelan, date unknown.

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Figure 5-37: Two Hours Fishing on Stehekin River, c. 1920s.

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Figure 5-38: Steamers Transporting Passengers To and From Uplake Resorts, date unknown.

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Figure 5-39: Figure Skating on Lake Chelan, c. 1900.

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Figure 5-40: Tourists enjoying the lake by automobile, date unknown.

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Figure 5-41: An early view of Chelan from the south in 1901 shows numerous braided trails in outlying areas (Christopher Long Collection #83-84-137, 1901: North Central Washington Museum).

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Figure 5-42: St. Andrew’s Episcopal Church in Chelan was designed by Kirtland Cutter and completed in 1898 (Christopher Long Collection # 83-84-19, n.d.: North Central Washington Museum).

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Figure 5-43: A Sanborn Fire Insurance Company map of downtown Chelan in 1945 shows the impact of the automobile on business and the built environment.

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Figure 5-44: Lakeside in 1907 was a bustling waterfront community (Lindsley photo # 515, ca.1907: North Central Washington Museum).

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Figure 5-45: A Sanborn Fire Insurance Company Map of 1929 illustrates the relationship of Chelan Falls to the power plant, the State Highway, the railroad, and Chelan Station.

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Figure 5-46: Photographer Lindsley captioned this 1910 image "Where Sky and Lake Reconcile" (Lindsley photo #457, 1910: Wenatchee National Forest)

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Figure 5-47: The Stehekin School, built in 1921, serves younger valley children (n.d., Wenatchee National Forest).

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Figure 5-48: The Stehekin post office and dock, just prior to the raising of the lake (June 11, 1927: Chelan PUD).

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Figure 5-49: Early Manson perched on the waterfront, just uplake from the present-day business district (n.d.: Chelan PUD).

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Figure 5-50: The Wapato Irrigation Project was commonly known as "the Manson Project" (Gurr photo, n.d.: Chelan PUD)

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Figure 5-51: The 1903 Chelan River dam remained in service for nearly twenty-five years (October 22, 1925: Chelan PUD).

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Figure 5-52: The "Kingman Powerhouse" of the Chelan Water Power Company stood less than a mile below the present dam on the Chelan River (Christopher Long Collection #83-84-102, n.d.: North Central Washington Museum).

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Figure 5-53: Washington Water Power established a survey office at Twenty-five Mile Creek in preparation for filling of the reservoir (September 25, 1926: Chelan PUD).

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Figure 5-54: A Sanborn Fire Insurance Company map for 1929 shows the extent of Camp #1 at the dam.

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Figure 5-55: A longitudinal section of the Lake Chelan Hydroelectric Power Plant illustrates the relationships between intake, tunnel-penstock, and powerhouse (n.d.: Chelan PUD).

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Figure 5-56: The powerhouse was built much as shown in this schematic elevation (n.d.: Chelan PUD).

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Figure 5-57: The Chelan Powerhouse operators’ cottages (#4, 5, and 6) were built to house local employees of the plant (October 29, 1927: Chelan PUD).

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Figure 5-58: Raised lake levels inundated residences on the south shore of Lake Chelan (June 24, 1928: Chelan PUD).

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Figure 5-59: 25 Mile Camp on Lake Chelan, c. 1930.

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Figure 5-60: High Bridge on Cascade Wagon Road, Lake Chelan, date unknown.

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Figure 5-61: USFS Boat “Ranger” Used to Transport Employees and Supplies, (date unknown)

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Figure 5-62: Chelan Ranger Station, 1989.

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Figure 5-63: The Golden West Lodge at Stehekin, date unknown.

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6.0 SITE SIGNIFICANCE EVALUATION AND SUMMARY

By Lynnelle Peterson, Sherri Deaver, Ethnoscience

with Contributions by Lara Rooke and Glenn D. Hartmann, Hemisphere Field Services

As the National Register is oriented toward the recognition of physical properties the concept of a “property type” is an important tool in the organization of sites and the application of the National Register criteria. A property type is a “grouping of properties defined by common physical and associative attributes” (NPS 1991b: Appendix IV). Property types have been identified for prehistoric, TCPs and historic sites found within the Lake Chelan project area during the 1999 field investigations. Each of the sites identified within the project area have been placed within one or more of the defined property types. It should be noted that prehistoric sites can potentially belong to both a prehistoric property type and a TCP type.

Sites have been evaluated within two contexts, humanistic (National Register Criteria A, B, or C) and scientific (National Register Criterion D). Prehistoric archaeological sites are generally associated with scientific values, with camps and village sites accorded particular significance as they contain a greater diversity of data sets than other site types, and thus provide increased potential for analysis and interpretation. Sites or areas used by Native Americans for traditional practices possess humanistic values. These include hunting, fishing, and gathering localities; vision quest sites; trails; and natural features included in traditional belief systems.

6.1 PREHISTORIC PROPERTIES

6.1.1 Cultural Material Scatter Property Type

This property type includes sites which contain a variety of cultural materials such as lithics, culturally modified bone, fire-cracked rock (FCR), and groundstone, but lack surface or subsurface features besides hearths or pits used for similar function (e.g., roasting pits). The wide range of materials often associated with sites of this property type suggest that more intensive occupations were associated with a variety of activities. Although subsurface productivity is often variable, sites associated with this property type often exhibit the greatest potential to yield data pertinent to archaeological research questions.

6.1.2 Lithic Scatter Property Type

This property type includes sites that are composed only of lithic detritus. The decreased diversity of artifact types is believed to correspond with a decrease in the range of activities conducted. Therefore, the range of research questions is limited; however, with sufficient quantities of material these sites can often provide important clues concerning the lithic technology of prehistoric populations, resource procurement and cultural adaptation.

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6.1.3 Rock Art

Rock art sites in the Chelan project area are petroglyphs, painted images placed along the river’s edge. In some cases, the petroglyphs are partially inundated. It is often assumed that this is evidence of the river/lake level changing overtime. Osmundson and Hulse (1962:13) have suggested that in some cases, seasonal inundation of pictographs may be a result of their function as seasonal indicators. More than one band, tribe or group may have an ongoing association with any given site and interpret it in terms of their particular cultural and spiritual traditions. Within any given tribe there may be multiple interpretations of particular panels, motifs and/or sites. This is partially a function of the diversity within modern tribal communities but is also a product of the fact that all belief systems allow for multiple interpretations.

If there is a tribal consensus on the appropriate treatment of petroglyph and pictograph sites in the Plateau, it is that all deserve respect. Respect is shown by preserving the sites from disturbance by human agents. However, disturbance does not necessarily include the modern use and modification of these sites by tribal people. Just as a vision questing structure may be modified, usually added to by contemporary people seeking visions, rock art panels may also be modified under very strict ceremonial conditions, usually at the direction of a spirit helper. Petroglyphs and pictographs, in addition to being an appropriate place for medicine people to seek spiritual guidance, also function in modern tribal communities as teaching tools used by elders to instill cultural identity and pride.

Petroglyphs and pictographs, because they are recognizable as Indian, are an important symbol of ethnic identity (Deaver 1986; Sundstrom 1992). This is demonstrated by the current antipathy of many tribal peoples to petroglyph and pictograph motifs being used in secular contexts, e.g., decorating shirts. The fact that petroglyphs and pictographs are valued by the non-Indian as art may encourage their theft and destruction by collectors.

6.1.4 Houses and House Pits

Conical mat/brush/bark/pole lodges and long lodges are occasionally represented in the archaeological record by house pits, circular to square in the former and oblong with rounded or straight ends in the latter case, and excavated to various depths. Covering materials were acquired on the site except when mats were used. Thus housing/transportation costs would be minimal. Housing transportation costs are a function of whether people used canoes or horses or dogs and people to move housing components over land, mat/hide weight, and whether or not poles were moved between sites or procured on site or cached at localities routinely used. However, set up time may have been significant or may have required group efforts. In the case of winter long lodges, excavation costs may have been significant. Mats were used and reused at various housing sites and for other purposes, e.g., drying berries (Schaeffer 1934-35?; Teit 1900, 1927-28). It has been suggested that minimal population numbers for a site containing house pits can be calculated by dividing total site floor area by 4.08 sq. meters (c.f. Doxiadus 1976; Narrol 1962; Wissner 1974; Deaver 1984).

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6.1.5 Burials

Burials and cemeteries are not generally considered eligible for the National Register unless they are associated with individuals of transcendent importance (Criterion B) or are associated with historic events (Criterion A) although there are exceptions and criteria considerations that may make such locations eligible for the National Register. Criteria C and D would not be applied in relationship to burials that may be documented in the Lake Chelan APE. Generally, burials are sacred or religious locations and should be avoided if at all possible. Burials in the project area may occur as primary inhumations in ground pits, as primary or secondary inhumations in talus pits, or as burials in caves or rockshelters.

Two burials have been documented in the project area (Galm 1986, Galm and Fredin 1987, Site form 45CH310). Another burial has been documented on an adjacent landform in the lake area (45CH460). In both cases, the burials were found during construction activities and consultation was carried out through the Confederated Colville Tribes History and Archaeology Department. The materials from both areas were reburied at different locations. In both cases, there is a good chance that more human remains are present. In the river portion of the project area burials have been documented at 45CH201 and 45CH296. Site 45CH201 is adjacent to the Columbia and north of the project area. Site 45CH296 is east of the project area and is a partial cemetery dating from 1880 to 1905. It was excavated in 1984 and 1985 and consultation was conducted through the Confederated Colville Tribes History and Archaeology Department. The remains of 13 individuals and the associated grave goods were placed in new burial boxes and returned to the Colville Confederated tribes for reburial (Boreson 1985).

6.1.6 Rock Features

This property type includes a variety of features that may be composed of circular or linear rock piles or depressions. These features are often called cairns, alignments, or pits. Rock features may have served a variety of functions including storage pits, burial covers, trail markers, ceremonial structures, fish weirs or traps, and blinds, jumps or drive lines (Mierendorf 1986). Association of other cultural materials with these features can often provide information towards an understanding of the structures function and in some cases its relative age.

6.1.7 Traditional Cultural Properties

In 1990, the National Park Service (NPS) issued Bulletin 38 to provide guidelines for evaluating sites as Traditional Cultural Properties (TCPs). For the purposes of this project, the guidelines establish a means by which a cultural property is evaluated from the perspective of a “community’s historically rooted beliefs, customs and practices”. Bulletin 38 is applicable to all ethnic groups that maintain a separate coherent identity within American society. In the project area, history demonstrates that the groups most like to have TCPs in the area are the Chelan or Entiat. TCPs are places important to tribes in the preservaton and continuation of the community’s traditional lifestyle. TCPs can be, but are not limited to, religious areas, sacred areas, resource gathering area (plant, animal, fish, and mineral), places associated with stories and legends, archaeological and ethnographic sites, habitation sites, camp sites, rock art locations, special use sites, trails, and places with Indian names.To date the project area is known

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to contain sites that are tribally affiliated. Consequently the following discussion focuses on the potential for Chelan or Entiat TCPs.

Bulletin 38 gives many examples of TCPs but does not clearly demonstrate how one is to be recognized or documented. The usefulness, appropriateness and the relevance of the guidelines has been widely debated among archaeologists, ethnographers, federal and state cultural resource managers with regulatory responsibilities under Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA), and various state and federal advisory bodies, including State Historic Preservation Offices and the Advisory Council of Historic Preservation. Recent examples of this are the ’s 1999 reaffirmation of the 50 year rule (Shull 1997) and the rejection of the notion that cultural integrity can exist without physical integrity (Harper 1999) and the seemingly never ending battle over TCP district boundaries (Shull 1999; Fandrich et al. 1999).

For example, the cultural place/site ‘Mik Mik’ is described as a TCP. The location is associated with sumesh (spiritual power) and oral history data indicates that it was used in the early 1900s for vision questing by the Chelan. There is an association with spiritual power and with historic time since we have two specific examples of young men at the turn of the century being directed by their families to dive into the lake at this location to seek their guardian spirits. This location is associated with a theme or a broad pattern of history that has cultural significance for members of the Yakama Nation and the Confederated Colville Tribes seeking guardian spirits (Schuster 1995; Smith 1987). Mik Mik is recognized by the large rock projecting out of the water that marks the location.

In order for a site to be recommended for listing as a TCP, sites must demonstrate two types of integrity: integrity of relationship and integrity of condition (Parker and King 1990:10). Integrity of relationship is established by demonstrating that the site is recognized by contemporary groups as being important in their cultural heritage. This is generally done by collecting oral histories and/or written documents which establish the tie between the group and the site. The tie established must generally be at least fifty years old with only rare exceptions (Shull 1997). Integrity of condition is established by demonstrating that the physical nature of the site is sufficiently intact and the qualities which make the site significant to the cultural group are still present and recognizable. TCPs not eligible to the National Register of Historic Places may be eligible for State or Tribal registers of historic places.

Locations that have associated intangible spiritual attributes may or may not have archaeological materials present. In either case, they are not TCPs since the spiritual values are not tied to a physical referent, i.e., they are not properties as defined by the NHPA (Parker and King 1990:9). For example, cairn sites may be identified by Native American cultural representatives as marking areas of spiritual compatibility between the spiritual aspects of the physical environment and people. These spiritual qualities are recognizable but intangible. The necessity to respect these areas is clear to the tribe and is an important traditional culture value. In order for them to be considered potential TCPs and hence covered by NHPA there would have to be a direct linkage between the cairns and the spiritual qualities of the area. This is often not the case (Deaver 1999). Based on the NPS guidelines (Parker and King 1990), potential impacts to a vision quest site built 20 years ago would not be a NHPA issue (Shull 1997).

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However, it is important to remember that there are exceptions to the standards identified in Bulletin 38 such that

6.2 HISTORIC PROPERTIES

6.2.1 Farmstead/Agriculture

Within this category of sites there are two primary subgroups; farmsteads and irrigation. These subgroups have some different characteristics and must, therefore, be considered using separate evaluation criteria.

Farmsteads are usually isolated buildings or groups of structures, separated from other farmsteads by pastures, cultivated fields or orchards. The farmstead complex generally consists of two distinctive units: the domestic unit and the agricultural unit, but such divisions were not immediate during the initial settlement. The original dwelling provided necessary shelter for the first winter and ranged from tents to log buildings hewn from available logs. As soon as possible, the settlers would expand and modernize to gauge their success, often by constructing a substantial wood frame building to replace the original dwelling. If the original building was substantial, it would continue to be utilized as an outbuilding or it might be incorporated into the newer larger dwelling. Other features within the domestic units vary and there is often a disparity between farmsteads, between what is included in the domestic unit or the agricultural unit. Buildings or structures found in the domestic unit can include, but not be limited to, an outhouse, a root cellar, and an icehouse.

The agricultural unit is not as well-defined as the domestic unit and is often spread over a large area. Fences often define the working spaces. Buildings associated with the agricultural unit may include numerous animal buildings such as chicken coops, hog pens, barns, sheep sheds and loafing sheds. Bunkhouses, farm shops, blacksmith shops and workshops are generally located within the agricultural unit. Buildings or structures associated with the workings of the farm (e.g., corrals) might also be situated at a distance from the farmstead complex. Farmsteads generally exhibit a combination of both historic and contemporary buildings that illustrate how the farm operation expanded over the years.

In order to be recommended under Criterion A of the NRHP, a farmstead must have an important association with rural land settlement in the Chelan river and lake region in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Although the introduction of modern buildings is inevitable in a functioning farmstead, a complex of earlier buildings should dominate the complex. The farmstead must contain two primary buildings, the house from the domestic unit and one or more structures from the agricultural unit, in order to reflect the historic character of the farmstead. These buildings are essential components of the farmstead and should retain original elements of scale, proportions, material and location. Contributing outbuildings such as docks, root cellars, chicken coops, etc., also convey the operation of the farmstead associated with either the domestic and/or the agricultural units.

In order to be recommended eligible under Criterion B, a farmstead must have a documented historic association with rural settlement in the Lake Chelan region in the late nineteenth and

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early twentieth century. The farmstead must have a documented association with a prominent individual important to local, regional, state or national history. The farmstead must be associated with the productive life of the individual, as ownership alone is insufficient cause for recommendation.

An examination of the historic documents indicates that some individuals are repeatedly mentioned as important in the history of the Lake Chelan project area. Most of these people were early homesteaders. They include Wapato John, Long Jim, Cultus Bob, Captain Charles Johnson, Ignatius A. Navarre and Benjamin F. Smith. In addition, David Correll, T.A. Wright and L.H. Spader are noted as having developed and/or promoted the fruit industry of the region on both a local and state level. As with Criterion A, both the domestic and the agricultural unit must be present to reflect the historic character of the site.

In order to be recommended under Criterion C, a farmstead must embody the distinctive characteristics of a type, period, or method of construction. The farmstead must have a documented historic association with early rural land settlement in the Lake Chelan region in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The distinctive characteristics of the construction method must be retained (NPS 1991a: 46). The property may have had alterations, but must possess an amount of historic fabric and workmanship expressive enough to reflect their historic significance. Interiors should be considered in assessing the degree to which historic fabric is retained and the property’s ability to convey its historic character. Additions and modifications must not impair the quality of historic integrity of the individual building or the site as a whole. In many cases, the site may not exhibit sufficient integrity to be determined eligible, but individual buildings within the site may retain integrity and be individually eligible.

In order to be recommended under Criterion D, farmsteads must have a documented historic association with rural land settlement in the Lake Chelan region in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. The location must be original in order to have the potential to yield important information pertaining to early land settlement in the region, the agricultural processes found within a farmstead, and social history of its occupants. Farmsteads must demonstrate, through accepted archaeological techniques, the likelihood that they contain data relevant towards answering one or more developed research questions. The potential information must be unique to the site and generally not obtainable from other sources of documentation (e.g., probate inventories).

Irrigation is a subgroup within the defined agricultural sites property type. Sites associated with irrigation can include pump houses, irrigation ditches, or irrigation systems. They are often associated with a variety of related components such as headgates, pipes, etc. Most irrigation systems in the Lake Chelan region diverted water from free-flowing streams or major water sources.

In order to be considered under Criterion A, an irrigation site must represent activities that contribute at the local, state or national level. A site that provided water to an individual or a single organization is not considered significant. The property must have a direct association with agricultural development and hold local importance to agricultural businesses in the region and/or have state or national importance. The irrigation system must be well-documented as to

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its development. The site must retain sufficient integrity to reflect its historic appearance and character. The property must have a direct association with agriculture and the development of irrigation in the region. Setting and feeling should continue to convey rural agricultural qualities. Although changes to an irrigation system may have occurred, these changes should be compatible to a degree with the original design, materials and workmanship.

In order to be considered significant under Criterion B, an irrigation property must have a direct association with an individual or individuals important to local or regional history. The property must be a good representation of the person’s significant contribution.

In order to be considered significant under Criterion C, an irrigation property must demonstrate distinctive engineering or construction characteristics.

Criterion D is not likely to apply to this property type.

6.2.2 Timber

This property type includes those sites that are associated with the development of the timber industry. Sites and features associated with this property type include sawmills, flumes, tramways and timber related campsites.

To be considered eligible under Criterion A, a site must have an important association with the development of the timber industry in the Chelan river and lake region in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The presence of a sawmill in its original location, and demonstrating its original design, workmanship and materials is generally required to convey its historic character. Secondary features such as flumes or tramways may also be present, but are of less importance.

In order to be recommended eligible under Criterion B, the site must have a documented association with a prominent individual important to the timber industry at the local, regional, state or national level. The timber site must be associated with the productive life of the individual as ownership alone is not enough. The historic documents suggest people important to the development of the timber industry within the project area include L.H. Woodin, A.F. Nichols and Christopher Robinson. These men are associated with timber industry development in Lakeside.

In order for a site to be eligible under Criterion D, it must have a documented historic association with the timber industry in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. The materials must be in their original location and demonstrate, through accepted archaeological techniques, the likelihood to address one or more of the developed research questions. The potential information must be unique to the site and the information must not be available from other sources of documentation.

6.2.3 Historic Debris Scatters and/or Dumps

Historic debris scatters consist of isolated scatters of historic debris consisting of cultural materials that have been randomly or intentionally deposited. Historic debris scatters generally represent a single deposit. A historic dump represents multiple deposits of refuse spread over a

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period of time. Scatters and/or dumps may be homogeneous and consist of all the same materials or they may exhibit a diversity of refuse. These sites do not contain any evidence of occupation. Often dumps will contain both historic and modern debris, indicating continuous usage over time. Extensive work has been conducted on the archaeology of contemporary dumps but within a prescribed context. Scatters or dumps usually lack context.

For a historic scatter or dump to be recommended under Criterion A it must have a documented historic association with a defined historic context. The site must have integrity of location and be able to convey its historic character by the presence of historic cultural materials (integrity of materials). Integrity of design and workmanship are irrelevant. It is unlikely that a historic scatter or dump would be recommended under Criterion B or Criterion C.

In order to be recommended under Criterion D, a historic scatter or dump must demonstrate through accepted archaeological techniques the likelihood that it contains data relevant toward the proposed research questions. If the site can be associated within a narrow time frame and the origin of the trash can be associated with one of the historic contexts developed for the Lake Chelan project, historic dumps can be a valuable resource. If the origin and temporal context is uncertain, it is unlikely the data obtained from this property type will be important.

6.2.4 Mining

This property is associated with sites and or features that are associated with the development of the mining industry. Sites and/or features that may be included within this property type can include adits, processing complexes (e.g., stamp mills), docks, roads, railroads, etc.

To be considered eligible under Criterion A, a mining site must have an important association with the exploration and development of mining in the Chelan river and lake region in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Exploratory adits that were not part of an extensive mining operation would not be eligible, but mill sites that indicate the establishment of mining in the region may be eligible.

The primary building associated with a mining operation must be present and in its original location to convey its historic character (integrity of location and materials). Associated structures such as docks may also be present, but are of less importance. The primary building or structure should retain sufficient integrity of design and workmanship to convey its historic character.

In order to be recommended eligible under Criterion B, the site must have a documented association with a prominent individual important to mining at the local, regional, state or national level. The mining site must be associated with the productive life of the individual as ownership alone is not enough. The histories most often attribute the development of mining within the project area to James Holden, William Sanders and Henry Dumpke. Crocker Perry was also an important figure in the exploration and development of mining activity within the project area.

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In order to be recommended under Criterion C, a mining site must demonstrate distinctive engineering or construction characteristics associated with ore extraction or processing. The property may have had alterations, but must possess a sufficient amount of historic fabric and workmanship to reflect its historic significance.

In order to be recommended under Criterion D, a mining camp must demonstrate through accepted archaeological techniques the likelihood that it contains data relevant toward the proposed research questions. If the site can be associated with a narrow time frame and the origin of the artifacts can be associated with one of the historic contexts developed for the Lake Chelan project, historic dumps can be a valuable resource. If the origin and temporal context is uncertain, it is unlikely the data obtained from this property type will be important.

6.2.5 Tourism/ Recreation

This property type is associated with sites that are predominantly associated with recreation activities or tourism. This can include hotels, cabins, docks, parks, trails, and campgrounds.

To be eligible under Criterion A, the site must have had a direct involvement in the events or activities that contributed to the promotion and development of tourism to the Lake Chelan region. A mere association with the tourist industry is not, in and of itself, significant. Generally the primary building associated with a tourist site must be present and in its original location to convey its historic character (integrity of location and materials). Associated structures such as docks may also be present, but are of less importance. The primary building or structure should retain sufficient integrity of design and workmanship to convey its historic character.

Under Criterion B, a site is eligible if it is associated with an individual who actively promoted and was successful in developing the Lake Chelan region as a tourist attraction. The local historic documents identify four individuals as being associated with the development of the tourist trade in the Lake Chelan Region. These include C.C. Campbell who owned the Campbell House and Chelan Hotel, M.E. Field, who owned the Field Hotel at Stehekin, Colonel J.R. Moore who built Moore Inn at Moore Point and Joseph Darnell, who owned the Lakeview Hotel at Lakeside. Each of these individual are associated with an establishment that housed tourists. Therefore, the building associated with this activity must be present. Although changes may have occurred, the fabric and feeling of the structure should be retained to convey its historic character.

In order to be recommended under Criterion C, the location must embody the distinctive characteristics of a type, period, or method of construction. The hotel or other structure must have a documented historic association with the development of tourism in the Lake Chelan region during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The distinctive characteristics of the method of construction must be retained (NPS 1991a: 46). The property may have had alterations, but must possess a sufficient amount of historic fabric and workmanship to reflect their historic significance. Interiors should be considered in assessing the degree to which historic fabric is retained and the property’s ability to convey its historic character. Additions and modifications must not impair the quality of historic integrity of the individual building or of the site as a whole.

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This property type is not likely to contribute pertinent information to the developed research questions and it is unlikely to be considered eligible under Criterion D.

6.2.6 Power Development

This property type is associated with sites and features that are associated with the production and transfer of power.

In order to be eligible under Criterion A, this property type must include a dam and a powerhouse. Other structures that may be associated include intakes and penstocks, tunnels, warehouses, gauging stations, pump houses, operator’s houses, equipment storage areas, etc. All components must retain physical integrity (integrity of design, workmanship and materials) and reflect their original historic appearance and character. Minor repairs are acceptable if they maintain the historic fabric of the dam. Integrity of location and setting are essential.

In order to be eligible under Criterion B, the dam must have documented historic association with an individual or individuals important to local, regional, state or national history. The dam must have a strong direct association with this individual or organization. Integrity of location and setting are essential. The physical integrity of the dam (design, workmanship and materials), must be retained to convey the historic appearance and character of the dam during it association with the important individual(s).

In order to be eligible under Criterion C, the property must represent an important engineering development in the design or construction or it must be a good representative of the work of an important engineer or builder or display distinctive visual design characteristics that link it to the period of construction. The property must be in its original location as this was determined by environmental factors. The property must retain physical integrity (design, workmanship and materials) to convey the original architectural elements. Minor repairs are acceptable if they maintain the historic fabric and do not affect form.

This property type is not likely to contribute pertinent historic or archaeological information and is unlikely to be considered eligible under Criterion D.

6.2.7 Transportation

This property type is associated with the different modes of transportation utilized in the Lake Chelan and Chelan River project area. This property type includes sites associated with railroads, roads, and boating.

Under Criterion A, all sites associated with transportation must have been constructed prior to 1950. It is assumed that the 50-year consideration will usually result in more recent properties not being considered eligible. Locally, significant properties must be recognized through documentation as a viable element within the circulation network rather than a minor road, spur, or boating dock developed during the period of land settlement. It should have played a specific role in the social and economic development of a particular area. The sites that are well- documented, in terms of their establishment and maintenance, and which are considered a good representative of the property type, may also be considered significant under Criterion A.

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Criterion B is not likely to be applicable.

Transportation sites are often not significance under Criterion C. Eligibility associated with this property type must generally demonstrate design philosophy or specific engineering solutions to transportation problems. In most cases, transportation sites employ a simple design and are not significant. Bridges associated with roads, however, may be an exception. A bridge which represents an important engineering development in the design or construction or is a good representative of the work of an important engineer or builder or displays distinctive visual design characteristics may be eligible under Criterion C. The property must be in its original location and retain its physical integrity (design, workmanship and materials) to convey the original architectural elements. Minor repairs are acceptable if they maintain the historic fabric and do not affect form.

Criterion D is not likely to apply to this property type.

6.2.8 Rural Historic Landscapes

Rural historic landscapes is an important property type that is eligible for listing in the NRHP. National Park Service Bulletin 30 has defined a rural historic landscape as a “geographical area that historically has been used by people, or shaped modified by human activity, occupancy, or intervention, and that possesses a significant concentration, linkage, or continuity of areas of land use, vegetation, buildings and structures, roads and waterways, and natural features” (McClelland et al. n.d.: 1). Rural historic landscapes “possess tangible features, called landscape characteristics, that have resulted from historic human use” (McClelland et al. n.d.:2). Landscape characteristics are the “tangible evidence of the activities and habits of the people who occupied, developed, used, and shaped the land to serve human needs” (McClelland et al. n.d.: 3).

Bulletin 30 has designated requirements for landscape characteristics to be considered significant under Criterion A at the local level. The landscape characteristics must be associated with an established context. The property must “have had a direct involvement in the significant events or activities by contributing to the area’s economy, productivity, or identity as an agricultural community” and must “cogently reflect the period of time in which the important events took place” (McClelland et al. n.d.: 13).

Significance under Criterion B is often unrelated to historic land use but may represent a person or persons important contribution to a region.

Significance under Criterion C must illustrate architectural or engineering merit by its physical qualities. Properties must retain a significant amount of historic design features. Historic land use patterns that are representative of traditional farming methods and historic farmsteads that contain some architecturally significant buildings can be considered under this criterion.

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6.3 SUMMARY

By Glenn D. Hartmann, Hemisphere Field Services

The rich and varied history of human adaptation to the Lake Chelan basin provides a contextual backdrop for evaluating archaeological sites, TCPs, and historic properties within the Lake Chelan project APE. Chapters 2-5 identify numerous research domains by which archaeological sites and historic properties can be evaluated for NHRP significance. Chapter 4 provides a brief ethnographic overview with information applicable to TCP concerns; however, the PUD has contracted with the CCT and YN for detailed TCP statements. These studies presently are being assembled and meaningful discussion of TCP significance in this overview is therefore premature. Contextual setting information for evaluating the NRHP eligibility of built environment properties is presented in Chapter 5. A discussion of property types and NRHP criteria of significance, as applied to the Lake Chelan project, has been presented in this chapter. Sufficient information with which to evaluate most sites for NRHP eligibility is presently unavailable. In 1999, Ethnoscience conducted cultural resource inventory of all portions of the Lake Chelan APE except for the lands within the Lake Chelan National Recreation Area managed by the National Park Service. Although the Lake Chelan National Recreation Area was slated for to document historic-era cultural resources in 2001, the drawdown of Lake Chelan was not low enough to feasibly conduct this survey. These lands will be surveyed during the drawdown in year 2002. The results of all survey work will be combined into a single document that will include evaluations of eligible properties following completion of the survey in 2002.

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7.0 REFERENCES CITED

Albright, H. and R. Cahn 1985 The Birth of the National Park Service, The Founding Years, 1913-33. Howe Brothers, Salt Lake City, UT and Chicago, IL.

Allen, J.R.L. 1970 Physical Processes of Sedimentation. American Elsevier Publishing Company, Inc. New York.

Ames, Kenneth M. 1988 Early Holocene Forager Mobility Strategies on the Southern Columbia Plateau. In Early Human Occupation in Far-Western North America: the Clovis-Archaic Interface, edited by J. Willig, C. M. Aikens, and J. Fagan, pp. 325-360. Nevada State Museum Anthropology Papers No. 21. Carson City.

2000 Review of the Archaeological Data. In : Cultural Affiliation Report, September. Internet publication of the National Parks Service, available at: www.cr.nps.gov/aad/kennewick/ames.htm

Ames, Kenneth M., D. E. Drummond, J. R. Galm, and R. Minor 1998 Prehistory of the Southern Plateau. In Plateau, edited by D. E. Walker, Jr., pp. 103-119. Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 12, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

Ames, Kenneth M. and A. G. Marshall 1980 Villages, Demography, and Subsistence Intensification on the Southern Columbia Plateau. North American Archaeologist 2(1):25-52.

Ames, Kenneth A. and H. D. G. Maschner 1999 Peoples of the Northwest Coast: Their Archaeology and Prehistory. Thames and Hudson, New York.

Anastasio, Angelo 1972 The Southern Plateau: An Ecological Analysis of Intergroup Relations;. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 6(2):109-229.

Anderson, E. 1967 “Chelan Chamber Looks at Past.” In Wenatchee World. January 15.

Axline, J. 1993 Monuments Above the Water: Montana’s Historic Highway Bridges, 1860-1956 . Environmental and Hazardous Waste Bureau, Montana Department of Transportation, Helena.

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Bacon, C. R. 1983 Eruptive History of and the Crater Lake Caldera, Cascade Range, U.S.A. In Arc Volcanism. Journal of Volcanology and Geothermal Research, 18:57-115.

Baker, Victor R. 1970 Paleohydrology of Catastrophic Pleistocene Flooding in Eastern Washington. Geological Society of America Special Paper 144.

Barkeley, L. 1994-1995 “The Way It Was.” In History Notes Vol. XIII: 7-13. The Lake Chelan Historical Society, Washington.

Barrett, S. W. 1980 Indians and Fire. Western Wildlands, Spring:17-20.

Beckham, Stephen D. 1998 History Since 1846. In Plateau, edited by D. E. Walker, Jr. pp. 149-173. Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 12, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

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