International Labour Organization

Project to Promote ILO Policy on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples

(PRO 169)

Indigenous and Tribal Peoples and Poverty Reduction Strategies in Cameroon

Belmond Tchoumba

Centre for Environment and Development, (CED), Cameroon

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Copyright © International Labour Organization 2005 First published 2005

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ILO / CED Indigenous and Tribal Peoples and Poverty Reduction Strategies in Cameroon Geneva, International Labour Office, 2005

ISBN 92-2-117268-0 WEB PDF 92-2-117149-3

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Also available in French: Peuples Indigènes et Tribaux et Stratégies de Réduction de la Pauvreté au Cameroun ISBN 92-2-217128-4, WEB PDF 92-2-217149-7, Geneva, 2005.

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2 Acknowledgements

We wish to thank all those who, in one way or another, contributed to the undertaking of this study. Firstly, I am greatly indebted to the indigenous experts and all other specialists without whose devotedness helped ensure this study was carried out with no difficulties. These include, in particular, the following indigenous experts: Emmanuel Minsolo, Joachim Gwodog and Simon Kumbo. We are also indebted to other experts including Samuel Nnah Dobe, Thierry Georges Handja and Joseph Mougou of CED as well as Victor Amougou of CEFAID.

We also benefited from the unreserved collaboration of the Mbororo Social and Cultural Development Association (MBOSCUDA) in Yaoundé and Bamenda. In particular we are grateful to Fadimatou Dahirou, Bouba Hawe, Aliou Saliou and Musa Ndamba. The Baka, Bagyeli and Mbororo communities encountered during our field visits to Lomié, Abong Mbang, Yokadouma, Bipindi, Akom II, Kribi and Wum showed us immense hospitality and demonstrated readiness and interest to answer our questions. May they find here the expression of our profound gratitude.

Many thanks also to ILO colleagues in Yaoundé (Patricia Isimat-Mirin and Joseph Jean Marie Momo), and in Geneva (Francesca Thornberry) - for their pertinent remarks that contributed to the improvement of the final report.

3 Acronyms

ASBAK Baka Association BWI Bretton Woods Institutions CADDAP Centre d‘action pour le développement durable des autochtones Pygmées CED Centre for Environment and Development CEFAID Centre pour l‘éducation, la formation et l‘appui aux initiatives de développement au Cameroun CEFDHAC Conférence sur les écosystèmes de forêts denses humides d‘Afrique centrale CEMAC Communauté économique et monétaire d‘Afrique centrale CTS Comité technique de suivi des programmes économiques ECAM Cameroonian Household Surveys FESP Forest and Environment Sectoral Programme FPP Forest Peoples Programme GNP Gross National Product HDI Human Development Index HIPC Highly Indebted Poor countries ILO International Labour Organization IMF International Monetary fund IPDP Indigenous Peoples Development Plan ITPs Indigenous and tribal peoples INADES National Institute for Economic and Social Development MBOSCUDA Mbororo Social and Cultural Development Association MDGs Millennium Development Goals MINAS Ministry of Social Affairs MINEPAT Ministry of Economic Affairs and Land Planning NGO Non Governmental Organization NPPD National Programme on Participatory Development OD Operational Directive PADC Programme to support Community Development PPDP Pygmy Peoples Development Plan PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper RACOPy Recherche-action concertée Pygmée STDs Sexually transmitted diseases UNDP United Nations Development Programme ZICGCs Community-based hunting zones

4 Contents

Acronyms ...... 2 Acknowledgements ...... 3 Executive summary ...... 6 I. Introduction...... 9 1.1. Brief methodological overview...... 11 II. Socio-economic situation of indigenous and tribal peoples in Cameroon...... 13 2.1. The Pygmy populations...... 13 2.2 The Mbororo community ...... 20 III. National poverty reduction efforts in Cameroon...... 23 3.1. Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP)...... 23 3.2. The National Programme for Participatory Development (NPPD) ...... 24 3.3. Forest-Environment Sectoral Programme...... 25 IV. Poverty reduction strategies and indigenous and tribal peoples ...... 27 4.1. Marginalisation of the indigenous and tribal peoples in the PRSP...... 27 4.2 Indigenous peoples development plan (IPDP): A tool for the involvement of indigenous peoples in the NPPD and FESP? ...... 27 4.2.1. Scope of application of the IPDP ...... 27 4.2.2. Content of the Indigenous Peoples Development Plan ...... 29 4.2.3. The restrictive nature of the IPDP...... 29 V. Mechanisms for consulting indigenous and tribal peoples ...... 31 5.1 Consultation of indigenous and tribal peoples in the PRSP process...... 32 5.2 Some weaknesses of the mechanism for consulting the population in drafting the PRSP...... 33 VI Indigenous concepts and indicators of poverty and concurrence with national indicators of poverty ...... 37 6.1. Some national indicators of poverty in Cameroon...... 37 6.2. Indigenous concepts and indicators of poverty...... 39 6.2.1. Perceptions of poverty of the Mbororo people...... 39 6.2.2 Perceptions of poverty of the Pygmy populations ...... 41 VII. Indigenous and tribal peoples’ poverty alleviation strategies...... 45 7.1. Mbororo peoples’ poverty reduction strategies...... 45 7.2. Pygmy strategies for reduction of poverty ...... 46 VIII. Effects of poverty reduction programmes on indigenous and tribal communities...... 50 8.1. Impacts of the PRSP on indigenous and tribal peoples...... 50 8.2. Impacts of the FESP on indigenous communities...... 51 8.2.1. Marginalisation...... 51 8.2.2. Discrimination...... 52 8.2.3. Impoverishment...... 52 IX. Conclusion and recommendations ...... 53 Bibliography 58 Annexes 61

5 Executive summary

This study has been undertaken within the context of an ethnic audit of Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) in 14 countries. The essential objective of the study is to assess the degree to which the cultural specificities of indigenous and tribal peoples in Cameroon have been taken into account in national poverty reduction efforts. It analyses the socio-economic situation of indigenous and tribal communities, and describes national poverty reduction efforts and the mechanisms for the consultation and participation of indigenous and tribal peoples in the national poverty reduction strategy. The study also documents these peoples’ perceptions and indicators of poverty, and describes their strategies to fight against poverty, as well as identifying the impact of poverty reduction programmes on them.

The study has been conducted in line with the fundamental principles of the ILO’s Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (No. 169). These principles are based on a fundamental respect for the cultures, lifestyles, traditions and customary laws of these peoples. They also concern the right of these peoples to speak for themselves and to be involved in the decision- making process processes that concern them.

This study has adopted an essentially participatory approach. Consultation of the peoples concerned on the field was the basis of our methodology. A total of over 350 Baka and Bagyeli men and women in over 48 communities were consulted. A number of Mbororo, including board members of MBOSCUDA (Mbororo Social and Cultural Development Association) in the North West, and members of its National Executive Committee, were also consulted as part of this study.

In Cameroon, as elsewhere in Africa, the concept of indigenous peoples is somewhat controversial. No community in Cameroon is legally recognized as an indigenous people, although the National Constitution provides for the protection of minorities and the rights of the indigenous peoples. However, based on the principle of self-identification, our work will focus on the so-called “Pygmies”1 and Mbororo who identify themselves in Cameroon as indigenous peoples. These two ethnic groups share a common attachment to their cultures,

1 The term “Pygmy” is used here to facilitate understanding and to refer to a set of communities that cannot be named globally without referring to this term. It is clear, for instance, that in Cameroon, this term is perceived pejoratively by the groups concerned, that is the Baka, Bakola, Bagyeli and Bedzang. Members of these communities prefer to be called by their ethnonyms.

6 lifestyles and their marginalisation in political life and the development process. Their cultures and lifestyles differ significantly from those of the dominant society and their survival depends on the recognition of their rights and access to their traditional land and natural resources. They suffer from discrimination insofar as they are considered as being “less developed” and “less advanced” than the other more dominant groups of the society. These groups have been identified by the working group of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights as indigenous communities in Africa3 and the principle of respect for the lifestyle, customs, cultures and institutions as well as the self-identification of the indigenous and tribal peoples is recognised by ILO Convention No. 169 as fundamental for these peoples.

These communities are among the poorest, living in isolated and sometimes inaccessible areas. They have very limited access to basic infrastructure and services.

Following an analysis of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, the National Programme on Participatory Development (NPPD) and the Forest-Environment Sectoral Programme (FESP), the study concludes that indigenous peoples are marginalised and excluded from poverty reduction efforts in Cameroon. Their basic concerns are, consequently, not taken into consideration.

According to the Pygmy and Mbororo indigenous and tribal peoples, an efficient poverty alleviation strategy must comprise at least certain elements relating to the recognition and respect of the customary and land rights; access to forest resources, access to citizenship and justice; organisational capacity-building to ensure effective representation in decision-making processes; effective participation in the management of forest resources; equitable sharing of the benefits from forest exploitation and the conservation of biodiversity; and improvement of agriculture and culturally appropriate access to basic social infrastructure and services.

The report recommends that disaggregated data on indigenous and tribal peoples should be collected and that own perceptions and indices of poverty should be documented and

2 African Union, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, Report of the African Commission’s Working Group of Experts on Indigenous Populations/Communities, submitted in accordance with the “Resolution on the Rights of Indigenous Populations/Communities in Africa” adopted by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights at its 28th Ordinary Session.

7 incorporated into the national poverty alleviation efforts. This presupposes the establishment of culturally appropriate consultation mechanisms.

8 I. Introduction

In October 2000, Cameroon was declared eligible for the reinforced initiative for the debt relief of the heavily indebted poor countries (HIPC). Preparation of the PRSP, therefore, appeared to be a determining step towards the achievement of the requisite status to permit the complete and unconditional relief of the country’s external debt. In August 2003, the Board of Governors of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund approved the PRSP, which defines the Government of Cameroon’s priority areas in the fight against poverty, and embodies important elements of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

The Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper is presented as a document developed in a participatory manner, and adopts a dual approach - qualitative and quantitative – to poverty analysis. However, beyond official discourse on participation and consultation of the population in this process, questions still arise as to the consideration of indigenous and tribal peoples’ interests and aspirations in this context. In other words, the questions of consulting these peoples - who are among the poorest and the most marginalised of Cameroonian society - and of the understanding of their perceptions of poverty and aspirations for development, remains a challenge.

This issue becomes even more important as official approaches to the development of indigenous peoples have often focused on their assimilation or their conversion to the dominant lifestyle, rather than on a genuine social integration with due respect to their cultural identity3. Indigenous peoples are therefore victims of prejudices that portray them as “primitive, backward or uncivilised”. Thus, they are almost always sidelined in political, social and cultural life as well as in the development process in the country.

But who are indigenous and tribal peoples in Cameroon? This is a controversial question in Cameroon just as in many other African countries where almost all ethnic groups consider themselves as indigenous of the regions and localities they occupy. The report on the indigenous peoples/communities by the expert working group of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights provide a few important clues to identify indigenous peoples in Africa:

3 The Pygmies Development Projects implemented in the 1970s are a perfect illustration of this tendency to assimilate.

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ƒ Their cultures and ways of life differ considerably to that of the dominant population; ƒ Their cultures, in certain cases, face extinction; ƒ Survival of their specific lifestyles depends on the recognition of their rights and access to their lands and traditional natural resources; ƒ They suffer discrimination insofar as they are considered as less developed and less advanced than the other more dominant groups of society; ƒ They often live in inaccessible and, geographically isolated zones and suffer different forms of political and social marginalization; and ƒ They are often dominated and exploited within political and economic settings that are commonly designed to reflect the interests and activities of national majority.4

The above-stated characteristics of the indigenous and tribal peoples are closely related to those stated in the ILO Convention No. 169. According to this Convention, there are two types of criteria used to identify indigenous and tribal peoples. The objective criteria, which are outlined in Article 1 (a) and (b), describe social economic, cultural and political characteristics that differ from those of the national community. This distinction at the level of lifestyle is fundamental. The concept of prior occupation is also included among the objective criteria stated in Article 1 as regards indigenous peoples. However, the convention refers to indigenous and tribal peoples with the intention of covering a social situation rather than establishing a priority based on those whose ancestors were first to arrive a particular region. The Convention does not make any distinction in its treatment of indigenous or tribal groups. Another crucial aspect of the Convention is found in the provision concerning self- identification as indigenous or tribal. This provision is a subjective criterion as concerns the identification of these peoples and it provides that “self-identification as indigenous or tribal shall be regarded as a fundamental criterion for determining the groups to which the provisions of this Convention apply”. Based on this principle of self-identification, and other criteria stated above, several ethnic groups claim indigenous status or identify themselves as indigenous or tribal in Cameroon. Among these groups are the so-called Pygmies, Mbororo, and the Kirdi of the Mandara mountains in the Far North Province of Cameroon.5

4 Op. cit., note 2. 5 Barume, A., K., Etude sur le cadre légal pour la protection des droits des peuples indigènes et tribaux au Cameroun, International Labour Organization, 2005.

10 Cameroon does not recognize the status of these people as indigenous in the sense that is understood by this term in international law, but classifies them as marginal peoples. However, by conforming to the Operational Directive 4.20 of the World Bank, which relates to indigenous peoples, the Government of Cameroon, despite its non-ratification of ILO Convention No. 169, implicitly recognizes the status of Pygmies as indigenous.

This study aims to assess the participation of indigenous peoples in poverty reduction efforts in Cameroon, in particular in the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP). It also identifies and analyses indigenous peoples’ own perceptions and indicators of poverty. Consultation and participation of indigenous and tribal peoples in the processes concerning them are the fundamental principles of ILO Convention No. 169.

Financial and time constraints could not allow for an in-depth analysis of the so-called Pygmies and the Mbororo, or for a consideration of those who identify themselves as indigenous or tribal peoples in Cameroon. However, it is worthy to note that, this is a first and partial case study, which will be followed up in an appropriate manner in Cameroon.

After a brief description of the methodology used, the report analyses the socio-economic situation of the indigenous and tribal peoples in Cameroon, and then goes on to describe national poverty reduction efforts and the mechanisms of consultation and participation of indigenous peoples in those efforts. The report also details the perceptions and indicators of poverty from these peoples’ own points of view, and defines their strategies to fight poverty as well as identifying the impact of poverty reduction programmes on indigenous and tribal communities. The report concludes with recommendations for the consultation and participation of the indigenous and tribal peoples in national poverty reduction efforts.

1.1. Brief methodological overview This study was carried out in several stages. Firstly, documents on national poverty reduction efforts in Cameroon, in particular the PESP, NPPD and FESP, were analysed. Most importantly, indigenous communities were consulted on the field as well as the associations representing them, those that defend their rights and all resource persons likely to provide clarifications on the subject. We, thus, interviewed three indigenous associations: MBOSCUDA for the Mbororo, at their head Office in as well as its representation in the North West Province; ASBAK of Lomie and CADDAP in Abong Mbang, for the Baka.

11 Several organisations working for and with the indigenes, and especially the Pygmies were consulted in Abong Mbang, Bipindi, Lomie and Yokadouma. Finally, we held discussions with experts of the HIPC Technical Committee for the Follow-up of Funds.6

Regarding community consultations, plenary discussions were organized with all the components of the communities, and more targeted discussions were organized with specific sectors of those communities (women and youth). On a whole, over 350 Baka and Bagyeli (men and women) were consulted in over 48 communities. Approximately twenty Mbororo, including board members of MBOSCUDA in the North West and the members of the national executive committee, were also consulted during this survey.

Consultations with the concerned communities, such as those held in Yokadouma, Djoum and Bipindi, were in certain cases moderated by indigenous experts. In other cases, consultations were moderated by persons with sound working experience with the communities. In each case, the choice of the working language depended on the area: Baka, Bagyeli and Fulfulde are indigenous languages.

Major discussion themes during these community consultations were: ƒ Participation of indigenous peoples in national poverty reduction efforts in Cameroon; ƒ Consideration of the needs and interests of the indigenous people in poverty reduction efforts; ƒ Perceptions and indicators of poverty from the indigenous point of view; ƒ Indigenous peoples’ own poverty reduction strategies; and ƒ Capacity-building needs of indigenous peoples, in order to enable them to better participate in poverty reduction efforts in Cameroon.

6 Detailed list of persons and organisations encountered can be found in the appendix.

12 II. Socio-economic situation of indigenous and tribal peoples in Cameroon.

The poverty situation of indigenous peoples can only be understood and analysed within a global context of poverty in Cameroon. This analysis remains a difficult exercise insofar as it is practically impossible to have access to disaggregated data on indigenous peoples. National statistics are almost always presented in a general manner with a regional differentiation in certain cases. Never have specific data been presented for specific ethnic groups. This practice, based on the concept of national unity, does not take into account the specificities of indigenous peoples, who are supposed to be placed on the same footing as other components of the national population. This does not reflect the reality.

The poverty indicators used in the PRSP are those advanced by development agencies. These include in particular, the GNP per capita and the HDI. The GNP is an index of income that has been the subject of criticism, particularly with respect to its relevance as a tool to measure poverty or development. Major criticisms concern distribution, under-evaluation of services, non-consideration of cost-free activities, and depreciation of human or ecological capital. The HDI, on the other hand, gives priority to longevity, educational levels and the quality of life. These indices do not account for the specific situation of indigenous peoples in that they are not concerned with environmental, land tenure, cultural and human rights issues, or the political participation of these peoples.

This chapter relates to data that is often fragmentary and dispersed, and sometimes of questionable reliability, collected from several sources. The absence of reliable data underscores the need to take into account more systematically the problems related to the collection of data specific to the situation of the indigenous peoples.

2.1. The Pygmy populations The Pygmy populations in Cameroon are divided into three major ethnic groups. The first and largest is the Baka. This group numbers close to 40,0007 people, occupies about 75,000 km² and is situated to the south east of the country. The second group, the Bakola (which some

7 Very approximate figures based on the census of father Dethemmes in the 1970s. It is urgent that this demographic data is updated.

13 authors wrongly mistake for the Bagyeli8), numbers about 3,700 people and occupies about 12,000 km² in the southern part of the coastal region, more precisely in the Subdivisions of Akom II, Campo Bipindi, Kribi and Lolodorf. The third group, the Bedzang, with less than a thousand people, lives to the north west of Mbam in the region of Ngambe-Tikar.9 The Pygmies probably account for about 0.4 % of the entire population of Cameroon.

The Pygmies are men and women of the forest par excellence, whose existence is organized around the forest and its resources. They greatly depend on the forest from where they obtain the essential products needed for their subsistence (honey, fruits, wild yams, caterpillars, snails etc). They thus consider the forest as their “bread basket”. The well being of Pygmies is fundamentally dependent on life in the forest. Not only does it provide the means of livelihood, but it is also a source of peace and security for them.

While Pygmies are traditionally hunters-gatherers, their lifestyle is undergoing changes because of the various forms of pressure exerted on them and their milieu. Agriculture is becoming a more and more important activity. Some sources rank it second among the activities performed by the Pygmies after hunting. These changes in the local economies of the Pygmies are some of the indicators of the extent to which they have been sedentarized.

According to the results of an investigation conducted by Loung from 1983 to 1991 and cited by Bigombe Logo10 there are probably four major categories of Pygmy occupations today: • traditional hunter-gatherers (6% of the Pygmy population); • hunters-gatherers-farmers (38 %); • farmers-hunters-gatherers (35 %); and • farmers-hunters (21 %).

This investigation confirms that the economy of the Pygmy population is still centred around the forest and its resources through hunting, fishing and gathering. The forest remains the

8 Vallois, 1949 and Dikoumé 1997. It should be stated here that in the Bipindi and Akom II areas, the Pygmy populations identify themselves as being Bagyeli, and not Bakola. It is believed that while there are many similarities between them, they speak a language slightly different to that of the Bakola, which are found especially in the Lolodorf Subdivision. This assertion is shared by Biesbrouck (1999), who conducted several field investigations with the Bagyeli of Bipindi. 9 The Bedzang living in the Savannah zone may be of Baka origin, as testified by the reflux of the latter towards the South.

14 major provider of the resources needed for subsistence. However, gradual adoption of agriculture is part of a strategy to fight for survival. The homes that practise it are almost self sufficient in terms of food and they acquire a certain degree of autonomy vis-à-vis their Bantu neighbours as opposed to those homes that may be considered as purely forest dependent. Although these changes contribute to the improvement of food security, they are also accompanied by a number of social changes. Male/female relationships are thus modified, and this is quite often to the detriment of women, who become more dependent on men for the clearing of their farms, and gradually loose the social means of power that they traditionally exercise over men.11

Traditional hunters-gatherers are victims of the depletion of forest resources as a result of the exploitation to which these resources are subjected, and the restriction or ignorance of their right of access to resources or their cultural identity.

We had earlier emphasized that there are no disaggregated data on the socio-economic situation of the Pygmy population. Those at our disposal are approximate, or are based on judgements that are at times very subjective, and their reliability is questionable.

Even in the absence of reliable data and indicators, it is easy to recognize that the development situation of Pygmies in Cameroon is a matter for serious concern. They constitute the weakest and the most vulnerable group of Cameroonian society. Their poverty may be evaluated on the following four plains: financial, cultural, access to basic social services and respect for their human individual and collective rights.

At the material level, it is very difficult to estimate the income levels of the Pygmy population. Their essential income is derived from marketing of agricultural and/or forest products (game, fish and other non timber forest products). Their harvests hardly suffice to guarantee self-sufficiency as the marketing of forest products, especially those from hunting, is prohibited. Some Pygmies also work in the plantations of their Bantu neighbours or even on forest exploitation sites. In most cases, their contracts remain precarious and their earnings are always insufficient in relation to the magnitude of their needs. The average income of the

10 Patrice Bigombe Logo “Les Pygmées et les programmes de développement au Cameroun, repenser les approches et responsabiliser les pygmées” in Mutations, 17 August 2004.

15 Pygmies is less than one-third of the income of the other Cameroonians that live in the same regions.

Collection of forest products (© CED)

The Pygmies have very limited access to basic social services. Such services are often non- existent in the locations in which they live, as they generally live in almost inaccessible areas. However, it should be emphasized that if such services are available, they are not always adapted to the specific situation of the peoples they are intended to assist. In some regions, such as the Djoum Sub Division, the problem of access to education arises less in terms of availability of educational infrastructure than in terms of adaptation of the education system to the lifestyles of the populations this education is aimed at. Similarly, the availability of health centres does not guarantee that they can be visited by the Pygmies, who are often the victims of numerous prejudices. Traditional medicine remains the predominant means of treatment among the Pygmies. They have an established reputation in this domain, and many Cameroonians visit them in search of healing and power.

11 Baka women’s control over men is exercised through rites performed by the former in order to procure luck for the latter in their hunting activities. See Abéga (1998) on this subject.

16 Pygmies suffer from poverty-induced illnesses such as scabies, malnutrition, parasite infections, tuberculosis, diarrhoea etc. A survey on the health situation of the Bulu and Baka, carried out by F.J Louis12 in the Bulu region of the Dja Division of Cameroon, portrayed the deplorable health situation of children aged between 2 and 6 years in these two isolated communities. One in four children was ill at the time of the survey, one in four children had had diarrhoea during the preceding week and one in three had had the same infection a month earlier. There was also a record level of infections from faeces disposal and a high prevalence of persons with a previous history of measles, particularly among the Pygmies who had been victims of an epidemic before the survey (with a difference in number of persons affected between both communities explained by the fact that both groups hardly intermingle and that the Pygmies were not vaccinated).

The infant mortality rate among these peoples is estimated at 9.1% from 0 to 12 months, and 18.2% from 0 to 5 years. Life expectancy, according to the survey by Father Delhemmes in 1978 quoted by Abèga13 may be about 23 years for the Baka, compared to a national average of 52.4 years for the same period. This implies that the Baka have half the life expectancy of other Cameroonians. However, it must be recognized that these data are old, obviously, outdated and need to be updated.

AIDS does not spare the Pygmies. A survey by Ndumbe14 conducted among the Pygmies of east Cameroon showed only 0.7 % of seropositives to HIV 1 anti-bodies. Ten years later in 2003, a screening campaign organised by the Chantal Biya Foundation in the same region of Yokadouma revealed that the rate of HIV infections, which was lower among the Pygmies, had risen to 4%.15 Although this rate is lower than the national average, it is still a cause for concern and may be justified by the gradual opening up of the regions inhabited by the Pygmies to “modernity”. This concern is serious, particularly as there is no certainty that measures have been taken to ensure medical care fore diagnosed HIV patients. The cost of

12 Louis, FJ et al, 1993. 13 Abèga, 1998. 14 Ndoumbe et al, 1993. 15 This information was published by the press, in particular on national radio, by the officials in charge of the screaming campaign. It has not been published in any scientific journal and therefore should be considered with prudence.

17 anti-retroviral drugs is certainly not within the reach of the Pygmies who lack the financial means.16

At the cultural level, the issue of socio-economic development of the Pygmies arises with particular reference to the non-recognition and/or non-respect of their cultural identity. Expressions such as “under developed,” “backward,” “primitive” and even worse terms are often used to refer to these people. These negative stereotypes, and discrimination, are additional to the dispossession of their ancestral lands and natural resources in the interests of large-scale forest exploiters, agro-industrial companies and conservation organizations. This leads to their impoverishment and threatens their culture and their survival as a people.

In fact, Pygmies are excluded from participating in the benefits of forest exploitation and biodiversity conservation of the areas situated in their traditional territories.17

Very few Pygmies have birth certificates and/or national identity cards, which are essential for them to obtain citizenship and enjoy the full range of rights associated with it.18 No Pygmy village has legal status despite all efforts made in this area. In fact, the Pygmy communities found along major roads have been in these areas since the 1960s, during which there was a concerted campaign to encourage them to sedentarize. Pygmies, then, settled on lands offered to them by the Bantus by virtue of the customary relations between the two groups. These Bantus consider the Pygmies as their “property” and treat them as such. The Pygmy communities almost always settle at the outskirts of Bantu villages, and their camps are considered only in their capacity as attachments or parts of those villages. Some hold that camps have an instable and transitional character, even though the settlement of these Pygmies dates back several decades. One talks of Pygmy camp of this or that village rather

16 Aside from the Chad-Cameroon Pipeline corridor where Baka and Bakola benefit from a specific anti-AIDS programme, it is not certain that Pygmies in other regions of the country enjoy such attention, despite their specific vulnerabilities. 17 Forestry laws in Cameroon provide for a mechanism of sharing the fruits of large-scale forest exploitation between the State, decentralised local authorities and local communities. It happens that most local communities scarcely have access to these benefits, and even when they do, the Pygmies are systematically denied their share. They almost never participate in the committees in charge of managing these resources and scarcely receive any benefits. The same holds for fallouts of game hunting in the so-called protected areas. 18 During the last presidential election of 11 October 2003, many, elite from regions inhabited by Pygmies subsidised an operation to issue national identity cards - valuable documents that are ordinarily very costly - to the Pygmies. However, this has not facilitated access to citizenship to a great number of individuals. Numerous children remain deprived of birth certificates, and those who had not reached voting age as of the pre-electoral period will have to wait for future elections in order to benefit from the goodwill of these occasional benefactors.

18 than the Pygmy village. Consequently, there are many land disputes between both ethnic groups.

The official non-recognition of Pygmy villages has a series of political, economic and social implications. Politically, they are not represented by themselves but by the villages to which they are associated. It is rare for any authority or an official tour to stop at the camps. The Pygmies have to go and meet them in the officially recognized village.

At the economic level, Pygmies almost never benefit from forest taxes and scarcely enjoy the fruits of forest resource exploitation due to the non-recognition of their rights as inhabitants neighbouring the forest being exploited.

Socially, the people live in a permanent situation of insecurity under threats of imminent expulsion as one camp leader confirmed in this statement:

When we arrived in this village, the village head gave us the land we occupy today. We could farm any where without being worried. But since he died, his son, who has become the head, causes us a lot of problems. He prevents us from farming and building other houses on land that is ours.

Without refuting this allegation, the Bantu perception of land conflicts is slightly different, as one Bantu village head confirmed:

The Pygmies are under my responsibility. My parents adopted them and I don’t understand why we should keep arguing with them over land that belongs to us. My brother suggested to them that they should go back to the bush since he wanted to farm on the land occupied by Pygmies. They refused to go under the pretext that their ancestors’ bones were buried there. We understood them. So, there is no problem between us.19

In a nutshell, the absence of infrastructure, inaccessibility to appropriate health services and educational infrastructure, their exclusion from a genuine participation in their own

19 These statements are drawn from a study on land disputes among the Bagyeli and Bakola, undertaken by the C.E.D in 2004.

19 development, and the denial of rights to their own cultures and languages, accentuates the Pygmies’ marginalisation and impoverishment.

2.2 The Mbororo community

The Mbororo belong to the group of Fulani, one of the largest ethnic communities in Central Africa. They are found in at least eighteen African countries including: Nigeria, Niger, Guinea, Senegal, Mali, Mauritania and Cameroon. The Mbororo population in Cameroon is estimated at 1.85 million with about 120,000 to 130,000 living in the grass field plateau of Bamenda in the North West Province. They are found in almost all provinces of the country.

The Mbororo are nomadic herdsmen whose life depends on cattle rearing and grazing. Boutrais says this about them:

Isolated in the almost inaccessible grazing fields, these Chabbal Fulani (Mbororo) have developed a real pastoral civilization. Others regard them as people apart, accustomed to cold, rain and reputed for their wealth in cattle. Yet, the proceeds from cattle breeding hardly suffice to cover all the family needs. Whereas sahelian breeders diversify their activities in agriculture and trade, Chabbal Mbororo often assert that they only know how to work with animals and they admit that they are incapable of performing any other activity.20

To a Mbororo, the cow is not only a source of wealth, but also and above all a guarantee of food and existential security. The larger and healthier the herd, the healthier and happier the Mbororo.

Like the Pygmies, Mbororo lifestyle is dynamic and is adapted to ever-changing environmental conditions. In the North West, for instance, because of the high population density, the Mbororo traditional nomadism has give way to transhumance as a reaction to demographic pressure in this region of the country, which translates into the reduction of grazing areas. Agriculture is gradually gaining ground as a source of income and a means of ensuring alimentary self-sufficiency.

20

Young Mbororo girl (© CED)

The Mbororo, like the other indigenous peoples of Africa, suffer from marginalisation of their pastoral life due to official policies. They have very little access to social infrastructure and have to cover long distances to reach the nearest health centres or schools. Illiteracy rates remain very high among the Mbororo for want of educational infrastructure and because of an educational system that is ill adapted to their lifestyle. Apparently, parents themselves have no interest in sending their children to school.

Today, the Mbororo live in a precarious situation. They are victims of social exclusion on the part of sedentary farmers and policy makers. Land security is not guaranteed. In fact, the in the North West, grazing areas are regularly claimed and invaded by farmers in search of more fertile arable lands. They are always considered as “foreigners” on the very land they have occupied for many decades. They often have to pay a high price for their very existence. In case of land conflicts, when grazing areas are invaded and converted into farming areas by the farmers, it is always considered the fault of the Mbororo, and they must pay the price. Consequently, there is a reduction in herd sizes, with far-reaching consequences on the living

20 Boutrais, J., 1996.

21 standards of the Mbororo population, and on their ability to meet various financial needs. As a result, many Mbororo who were cattle owners, have become professional shepherds working for other Mbororo or none Mbororo cattle owners.

Discrimination and prejudice are common currency for the Mbororo of Cameroon, and many human rights issues pertaining to them have been reported by human rights defence organizations and organizations for the protection of the rights of indigenous peoples.21

In spite of this bleak picture, the Mbororo have made considerable efforts to organise, in order to defend their individual and collective human rights. Through MBOSCUDA, these people’s own problems are raised more effectively at national and international levels. This association also attempts to bring some solutions to the existential problems of these people. In the North-west Province, a number of initiatives have been undertaken in order to build the economic and organisational capacities of the Mbororo people and communities. A micro- credit system facilitates the financing of women’s access to activities that they identify themselves. MBOSCUDA also offers legal assistance to the Mbororo and helps them to defend their rights and seek negotiated solutions to farmer-grazier conflicts. Thus in summary, MBOSCUDA appears to be a representative organization and an indispensable partner in the fight against poverty among the population.

We can conclude here that the situation of indigenous and tribal peoples in Cameroon, the status of the Pygmies and Mbororo are similar in many respects.

These peoples are victim of the non-respect of their fundamental rights and, in particular, the right of access to land and natural resources. Their lifestyles are not recognized, and therefore not respected. On the contrary, they are considered by dominant groups as ‘‘backward, underdeveloped, retrograde or primitive’’. They do not have access to social services and their lifestyles are under threat. They are not given the right to cultural liberty, that is, the right to live according to their own customs. Development efforts undertaken in their favour are rather intended to convert them to dominant models without taking into account their cultural specificities.

22 III. National poverty reduction efforts in Cameroon

Cameroon, along with the wider international community, has placed poverty reduction at the centre of its concerns. In this respect, it has, along with 190 other countries, subscribed to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the first of which aims to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger in the world by 2015. In the context of the achievement of the MDGs, and within the framework of the reinforced initiative for debt relief of heavily indebted poor countries, Cameroonian authorities developed a Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) that was approved by the Board of Governors of the World Bank and IMF in August 2003. This document comprises important elements of the MDGs and defines the priorities of the Cameroon government in the fight against poverty. The poverty reduction strategy document is divided into seven strategic parts and the rural sector occupies a prominent position in the document.

The National Programme on Participatory Development (NPPD) and the Forest-Environment Sectoral Programme (FESP) are components of the comprehensive document on rural development that comprises other programmes such as the Community Development Support Programme. Our interest in the NPPD and the FESP as concerns this survey is because of the attention they give to the indigenous peoples through the Indigenous Peoples Development Plan.

3.1. Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP)

Established by international finance institutions (World Bank and International Monetary Fund) as part of the reinforced debt relief initiative for heavily indebted poor countries and supported by a number of foreign donors, the PRSP defines the national strategy for growth, with a special emphasis on poverty alleviation.

The ultimate objective of the PRSP is to “sustainably and effectively improve the living standards of the population by addressing the major causes of poverty.” In other words, the PRSP will contribute to the attainment of the MDGs, the first of which has been transposed into the national context as ‘‘the elimination of extreme poverty and hunger by reducing by

21 For this subject, see reports of survival International www.survival-international.org/fr/tc%20Mbororo.htm, and Amnesty International http://www2.amnesty.se/uaonnet.Nsf /0/1b37a1f79db9d49ac1256bd70048c84b?OpenDocument.

23 half the number of Cameroonians living below the poverty line and who suffer hunger” by the year 2015.

The seven strategic points of the PRSP include inter alia: the enhancement of a stable macro- economic framework; the fostering of growth through diversification of the economy; the stimulation of the private sector as a catalyst of growth and partner in the provision of social services; the development of basic infrastructure; natural resources and the protection of the environment; the speeding-up of regional integration within the CEMAC framework; the building of human resources, the social sector and the integration of disadvantaged groups into the mainstream of the economy; and improvement of the institutional framework, administrative management and governance.

It is intended that the PRSP be implemented in a participatory manner. The implementation will be placed under the responsibility of a committee in charge of the supervision and coordination of government action for the attainment of the completion point, and the Technical Committee for the follow-up of economic programmes (FTC) as regards technical aspects.22 Follow-up measures and indicators are identified and include the follow-up of implementation, impact assessment and participation.

According to its authors, the PRSP is evolving and will be continually refined as new sectoral strategies are prepared and implemented. We hope that the recommendations of this study will be taken into consideration during future revision of the document and that the indigenous and tribal peoples will be implicated in the process.

3.2. The National Programme on Participatory Development (NPPD)

The NPPD is an important component of the poverty reduction strategy of the Government of Cameroon. It aims at reducing poverty substantially by the year 2015 by: ensuring that the development of the milieu is handled by the local community or actors; facilitating access to basic social services; guaranteeing food security and the income of the population; and improving local governance. The NPPD is part of the local development component of the PRSP rural development strategy. Its medium term objectives include:

ƒ building the capacities of councils and rural communities;

24 ƒ providing technical and financial support to councils and rural communities; ƒ contributing to a coherent decentralised assistance; and ƒ creating fora for consultation and participatory planning in favour of communities.

The NPPD comprises the following components: ƒ rural communities development support fund; ƒ support to councils in the gradual decentralisation process; ƒ capacity building at local levels; and ƒ management, coordination, follow-up and evaluation.

Implementation and follow-up of the NPPD will involve a number of organs at the national provincial, council and local (village) levels. The NPPD, that will last for 15 years, will be implemented in three phases. The first phase will undertake activities in the North, Centre, West and South provinces. In the South province, only Akom II, Campo and Ma’an rural councils will be concerned.

3.3. Forest-Environment Sectoral Programme

The forestry sector is one of the major pillars of Cameroon’s economy. Timber from the forests accounts for 20.2% of exports and comes second among export products after oil. The forestry sector in Cameroon contributes about 9% of the GDP.

In the mid-1990s, Cameroon adopted a new Forestry Policy. One element of this policy concerned the sector’s contribution to economic growth and the fight against poverty through the granting of part of the tax revenues to local authorities, the creation of jobs and the creation of community forests. Over the last ten years, the implementation of this forestry policy has faced a number of difficulties including the lack of a coherent programme for the forestry sector. The actions undertaken are fragmentary, disjointed and often unrelated. The definition of the FESP as a mechanism for the implementation of the forestry policy aims to fill the gaps thus identified.

The global objective of the programme is “to guarantee the sustainable exploitation, management and preservation of the forestry and wildlife resources that meet local, national, regional and global needs of the present and succeeding generations”. More specifically, the

22 To date, participatory follow-up remains a problem.

25 programme aims to sustainably improve the living conditions of communities bordering the forest through a sustainable management of the forest ecosystems. The FESP is part of the PRSP component on natural resource management of the Rural Development Integrated Strategy.

The FESP has 5 components: ƒ Environmental management of forest activities, further divided into three sub- components that include: environmental regulations and funding mechanism; environmental monitoring; and environmental information and sensitisation. ƒ Development of production forests and exploitation of forest products divided into five sub-components, namely: zoning of the national territory; development of production forests; exploitation and transformation of timber products; exploitation of non-timber forest products; and the handling and follow-up of disputes. ƒ Biodiversity conservation and exploitation of wildlife resources. This is divided into 8 sub-components including: biodiversity conservation through a representative network of national and regional protected areas; improvement of knowledge of resources; promotion of populations’ access to the management of wildlife resources and protected zones; conservation of protected zones and protected wildlife; the contribution of wildlife and protected areas to local and national economies; establishment of a legal and institutional framework that guarantees a coherent and concerted management; setting-up sustainable funding mechanisms for protected areas in Cameroon; and updating the national strategy on biodiversity management. ƒ Community management of forest and wildlife resources with three sub-components comprising: community forestry; access to and management of resources; reforestation and regeneration of forest resources; and community management of energy-forest resources. ƒ institutional reinforcement, training and research.

The FESP, like aforementioned programmes, receives support from foreign multilateral (World Bank) and bilateral donors. It is foreseen that the programme will be implemented over a ten-year period, in two phases of five years. It also comprises a development plan for the Pygmy population.

26 IV. Poverty reduction strategies and indigenous and tribal peoples

This section examines the place given to indigenous peoples/communities in poverty reduction strategies in Cameroon. In other words, it examines whether poverty reduction efforts in Cameroon, and in particular the PRSP, NPPD and FESP, take into account the specific situation and cultural specificities of indigenous and tribal peoples.

4.1. Marginalisation of the indigenous and tribal peoples in the PRSP

The PRSP does not make any reference to indigenous peoples, populations or communities. The only reference to Pygmies and Mbororo is made furtively in the section dealing with the consultation of the population. Pygmies, Mbororo and fishermen are among the “specific groups” that may have been consulted. The document does not state, either, what makes these groups specific. The definitions and perceptions of poverty of these peoples are not mentioned explicitly.

In the poverty reduction strategies presented in chapter 3 of the PRSP, no mention is made of the rights of the indigenous people of the culturally appropriate strategies to be adopted in order to address the multiple problems of the indigenous peoples presented earlier in this study.

4.2 Indigenous Peoples Development Plan (IPDP): A tool for the involvement of indigenous peoples in the NPPD and FESP?

4.2.1. Scope of application of the IPDP

The lack of consultation with indigenous and tribal peoples in the process of elaboration of the PRSP appears to have been addressed in the NPPD and FESP. In fact, the World Bank played a determinant role in the process of formulating these documents. It will also contribute substantially to the funding of their implementation. Its contribution to the implementation of the NPPD, for example, is estimated at approximately 50 million US dollars.

27 These two programmes, focused essentially on the rural world, will have a significant impact on the rural population in general, and indigenous and tribal peoples in particular. In this respect, the programmes are subject to the World Bank’s Operational Directives and, in this particular instance, to its OD 4.20 relating to indigenous peoples.

The scope of application of this Operational Directive covers indigenous and tribal peoples and other ethnic minorities. By this, we mean “social groups with a cultural and social identity distinct from the dominant society and which identity renders them vulnerable and likely to be marginalized in the development process”.

This definition of the indigenous and tribal peoples is similar to the criteria outlined in ILO Convention No.169 (see Chapter 1), and the criteria for identification outlined by the Working Group of Experts on Indigenous Populations/Communities of the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights (ACHPR).

Through this Operational Directive, the Bank aims to ensure that investments are made with due respect for the dignity, rights and cultural specificities of indigenous peoples. In other words, OD 4.20 aims to ensure that World Bank-funded projects do not have a negative impact on indigenous communities. On the contrary, these projects should be able to produce culturally compatible socio-economic benefits.

In general, although Cameroon has not ratified ILO Convention No. 169, this Convention is recognized as the foremost international legal instrument on the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples. This Convention may be considered as a reference in actions aimed at reducing poverty among indigenous and tribal peoples in Cameroon. The fundamental principles of this Convention include: respect for the culture and lifestyle of these peoples, non-discrimination, and the principles of consultation and participation of these peoples in development processes concerning them. The convention also guarantees the right of these peoples to decide on their own priorities for the development process, and presupposes that positive steps are taken to improve the status of the indigenous and tribal peoples.

28 4.2.2. Content of the Indigenous Peoples Development Plan

In the context of the FESP and the NPPD, the Indigenous Peoples Development Plan was built around the analysis of risks facing the so-called Pygmy population of Cameroon in the implementation of these two programmes, and the measures to mitigate the risks thus identified. The plan also defines the mechanisms of participation of these populations in various aspects of coordination, implementation and monitoring of the NPPD and FESP.

Major risks identified under the Indigenous Peoples Development Plan are: worsening marginalization; more limited access to basic social services (education, health care, potable water, etc); loss of control over their ancestral lands (this is no longer just a risk but a reality); loss of social and cultural identity; greater dependence on dominant majority peoples; and a weak ability of indigenous peoples to defend their rights.

Furthermore, limited access to citizenship (lack of national identity cards, birth certificates, etc), the official non-recognition of Pygmy villages and the legal non-protection of their traditional lands are some of the impediments to development. Based on these observations, and with a view to mitigating the risks identified and to respecting the cultural specificities and the rights of the Pygmy population, the IPDP focuses on establishing equal cultural, organizational, financial, technical and legal opportunities for indigenous peoples.

4.2.3. The restrictive nature of the IPDP

Unfortunately, the authors of this plan had a limited perception of the notion of indigenous and tribal peoples. They did not take into account the principle of self-identification and thus those peoples who identity themselves as indigenous, tribal or ethnic minorities in Cameroon. This is the case with the Mbororo, Mafa and Kirdi of the mountainous region of northern Cameroon, to name just those whose marginality is recognized by public authorities. The plan so developed focused only on the Pygmy population, thus limiting itself to a Pygmies development plan rather than a genuine indigenous peoples development plan. The same was true for the IPDP formulation within the framework of the construction of the Chad- Cameroon pipeline for the exploitation of Chadian petroleum. Once again, this plan concerned a very select Bakola and Bagyeli population in the Lolodorf, Bipindi, and Kribi

29 Subdivisions in the south west of Cameroon although the negative impact of this gigantic oil project on the Mbororo in the northern part of the country has been documented.

30 V. Mechanisms for consulting indigenous and tribal peoples

More than ever before, the principle of consultation and participation of indigenous and tribal peoples in decisions, projects and programmes that may affect them is now recognised by a number of international organisations and is often enshrined in national laws. The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, ILO Convention No. 169, and O.D.20 of the World Bank are some of the international legal and policy instruments that recognise the right of peoples to be consulted and to participate in the running of public affairs and in any initiative that is likely to affect them.

As a legal reference, it should be emphasised that the consultation and participation of indigenous and tribal peoples in matters affecting them is a basic principle of ILO Convention No. 169 and constitutes the conceptual underpinning of this study. The right to be consulted is provided for in Article 6 of the ILO Convention No. 169 as follows:

1. In applying the provisions of this Convention, Governments shall:

a) Consult the peoples concerned, through appropriate procedures and in particular through their representative institutions, whenever consideration is being given to legislative or administrative measures which may affect them directly;

b) Establish means by which these peoples can freely participate, to at least the same extent as other sectors of the population, at all levels of decision-making in elective institutions and administrative and other bodies responsible for policies and programmes which concern them;

c) Establish means for the full development of these peoples' own institutions and initiatives, and in appropriate cases provide the resources necessary for this purpose.

2. The consultations carried out in application of this Convention shall be undertaken, in good faith and in a form appropriate to the circumstances, with the objective of achieving agreement or consent to the proposed measures.

The principles of consultation and participation outlined in Convention No. 169 are related to the right the peoples concerned have to decide their own priorities for the process of development (Article 7.1)

31 5.1 Consultation of indigenous and tribal peoples in the PRSP process

Two types of consultation mechanism, which are complementary, were used in the process of elaboration of the PRSP. Authorities began with a quantitative analysis of poverty and then carried out a qualitative analysis that was marked by what were termed participatory consultations.

As regards the quantitative analysis of poverty, the work that was done was aimed at assessing the magnitude of poverty and identifying its forms and determining factors. Here, authorities drew inspiration from the findings of the two Cameroonian Household Surveys (ECAM I of 1996 and ECAM II of 2001). In concrete terms, these activities were aimed at updating poverty-related statistics.

Activities carried out during the qualitative analysis were aimed at gathering information on the definition of poverty, its indicators, and on efficient strategies for the fight against poverty. This qualitative evaluation was marked by multi-phased participatory consultations. Consequently, meetings, seminars, conferences and discussions bringing together academics, representatives of civil society, various social groups and specific populations were organised to better draw up dependable poverty alleviation strategies. This was therefore the widest ranging operation, in terms of participants, ever organised in Cameroon. Numerous players from varied backgrounds are said to have taken an active part in the exercise: public authorities, development partners, rural communities, Members of Parliament and other local elected officials, civil society organisations, economic operators, socio-professional organisations, development committees, religious groups, etc.

It is also said that consultation meetings were held with various associations bringing together youths, women, street children and handicapped persons, and the so-called “specific groups” including the Mbororo, Pygmies and fishing communities. While making it possible to appreciate the way the peoples saw poverty, these participatory consultations are said to have also helped in making an inventory of the poverty alleviation strategies that they had drawn up.

In view of the foregoing, the process for preparing the PRSP seems to have effectively been “participatory” with the involvement of virtually all the actors concerned with poverty reduction. The people of all 58 administrative divisions of Cameroon were consulted. They had an opportunity to make known their views on poverty and identify its indicators. See appendix 2 of the documents in which identified poverty indicators have been listed

32 according to provinces. On reading that appendix, one may wonder if the need to summarise did not water down some peculiarities observed at the level of divisions or if not only certain points of view of majority and dominant groups were take into account.

5.2 Some weaknesses of the mechanism for consulting the population in drafting the PRSP

It should however be noted that the methodology that was used in these consultations was not specified. It is only known that:

“some one hundred facilitators and rapporteurs from both civil society and public administration, divided into 16 teams, were drilled on the methodology of consultations during the seminar to launch the second wave of participatory consultations…”23

Similarly, among the persons who were consulted it is hard to say with precision what fraction was made up of rural populations, much less the number of indigenous peoples that were consulted. The document only makes mention of consultation with specific populations, including “Pygmies and Mbororo.”

The participatory process for the preparation of the PRSP was subject to criticism from both Cameroonian civil society, and from international observers. Lagarde summarises the criticism in the following words:

“Therefore it was never really a piece of work done in collaboration, rather it was a dictated exercise undertaken in a bid to reach the decision point, under conditions that mistook speed for haste. It should however be underscored that the artificiality that characterised this process is undoubtedly not unique to Cameroon and the methods used in this country. It finds justification more in the extremely tight schedule imposed by the BWIs, where some preconditions had to be met before endorsement could be given for the mandatory stages that culminate in the decision point. Here again, we find the dilemma in which many developing countries find themselves: having to comply with some conditions dictated by a schedule that is often drawn up in advance in order to obtain funds. The country acts without any prior reflection nor adaptation of its own…These different elements therefore show that the weaknesses of the participatory process, in its poor and hasty organization by the government, did

33 not actually give the population the opportunity to give any meaningful opinion on the various issues. As such, there was little contribution to the discussions that were organized for each of the sectors…”24

Field investigations in the context of the present study, both with the Mbororo and the Pygmy peoples, confirm the observations of Lagarde. No organisation representing or working with these populations participated in the consultation process.25

The so-called Pygmies do not have the same organisational capacity as the Mbororo. However, there are Baka associations in the districts of Lomié and Abong Mbang, notably ASBAK and CADDAP. Neither of these two organisations remembers having been consulted during the formulation of the PRSP. Virtually all the people we consulted during the course of this study, in the Baka communities in Djoum, Lomié, Yokadouma or the Bagyeli in Bipindi and Akom II seem never to have heard anything about the PRSP, except in the media.

Still concerning the Pygmies, none of the organisations working with these people under the umbrella organisation RACOPy was involved in the popular consultation process. Yet, this network counts some twenty organisations with proven experience of work with the Baka, Bakola or Bagyeli people, the majority of which are based in the exact areas where these populations live.

Their involvement, or that of MBOSCUDA, would certainly have made it possible to have a broader expression of the views of those peoples who are among the poorest in the country and for whom marginalisation constitutes a real concern.

Although the preparation of the PRSP did not take into account the cultural identities of indigenous peoples, this does not seem to have been the case with the preparation of the FESP and the NPPD.

Because of the requirements of the World Bank and in particular those of its Operational Directive 4.20 relating to indigenous peoples, a specific programme for the development of these peoples was prepared within the framework of the FESP and the NPPD. This

23 Appendix 2 of the PRSP. 24 Lagarde, 2003. 25 In 1996, the Mbororo created a national association to, among other things, defend the rights and interests of Mbororo people, and promote their culture. This association, MBOSCUDA, has its headquarters in Yaoundé and a very active branch in Bamenda, in the North-West province. This association has more than 10,000 members. Neither in Yaoundé nor in Bamenda, were MBOSCUDA officials involved in any consultation process within the framework of the elaboration of the PRSP.

34 programme primarily aims to mitigate the negative impacts these populations could suffer in the implementation of these programmes.

In spite of the omission of the other indigenous and tribal peoples from the process of elaboration of the IPDP, it can be considered that there was an attempt to correct the marginalisation of the Pygmy populations in the preparation of the PRSP and the taking into account of their cultural identity in the implementation of the NPPD and the FESP. Indeed the aim of the PPDP is "to ensure that the development process upholds total respect for the dignity, rights of the person and culture of indigenous populations, in other words, the Pygmy populations of Cameroon”.26

The process of preparation of the PPDP was also participatory. It involved consultation with relevant public administrative services (MINED, MINEPAT), development or conservation projects working with Pygmy communities, NGOs (CERAD, SNV, INADES Formation), including the members of RACOPy and indigenous associations. Baka and Bakola are said to have also been consulted within their respective communities. Meetings were said to have been organised in 5 Baka and Bagyeli settlements, in the Upper Nyong and Ocean divisions respectively. Discussions during these meetings with the populations were centred not only on the potential impacts and mitigating measures of development initiatives but also on the experiences of community forest management, Pygmy/Bantu relations, and the various NPPD expected results.27

According to the author of the PPDP, direct consultations with the populations concerned in the 5 communities were organised in the form of meetings in the presence of the entire population. Specific meetings would also have been organised with the youth and women of these communities. Although the language of communication is not mentioned in this process to consult the Baka, Bagyeli and Bakola populations, it could have been culturally suitable had the consultation not been "hasty and overly partial".28 The geographical distribution and duration of the mission to formulate the programme clearly illustrate the partiality that characterised the consultation and the results it can yield. Indeed the 5 communities consulted

26 See the terms of reference of the NPPD’s study to draw up a Pygmy Peoples Development Plan. 27 For more details see the final document of the PPDP on the websites of the World Bank or the NPPD www.pndp.org.

28 Indigenous NGOs and associations regrouped under RACOPy made a critical analysis of the PPDP in which they expressed their concerns about the consultation mechanism which according to them did not allow for a wider opinion of the populations. The content of the programme reflects this consultation. These organisations made proposals which unfortunately were not taken into account in the final document.

35 only in the districts of Bipindi, Akom II and Lomié could not represent the diversity of the conditions of the Baka, Bagyeli and Bakola people all over the national territory.

36 VI Indigenous concepts and indicators of poverty and concurrence with the national indicators of poverty

6.1. Some national indicators of poverty in Cameroon

Chapter 2 of the PRSP is devoted to the characteristics of poverty in Cameroon. It recognizes that poverty is a complex phenomenon with many ramifications. A two-pronged quantitative and qualitative approach made it possible to establish some characteristics.

On a purely quantitative and monetary level, the annual overall consumption of households was considered an indicator of the standard of living and was used to determine the poverty line. It was thus evaluated at 231 547 CFA F in 2001. That corresponds to a 40.2% poverty index. This situation obviously varies according to area. The incidence of poverty is thus higher in rural areas (49.9% against 22.1% in urban areas). In rural areas, poverty is more serious in the forest zones (55.4%).29 The level of poverty of a State or an individual is assessed according to income levels. Somebody is therefore said to be poor if his income is below a given threshold that is necessary for the satisfaction of his basic needs. The World Bank has set this threshold at 1 or 2 US dollars per day. In Cameroon, 17.1% of the population lives on less than 1 US dollar per day compared to 50.6% who live on less than 2 US dollars per day.

In terms of human development, Cameroon, with its 16 million inhabitants, is one of the poorest countries in the world.30 It is ranked 61st out of 95 developing countries with a human poverty index of 39.9% and a human development index of 0.64. With this, Cameroon was classified 141st out of 177 countries in 2004. The GNP in 2002 was estimated at 26.84 billion US dollars, that is to say a GDP per capita of 2,000 US dollars, while 42% of the population does not have access to a developed water point. Seventy-nine percent of the total population has access to health care. Life expectancy at birth in Cameroon is estimated at 46.8 years. The infant mortality rate in 2002 was estimated at 95%.31

In addition to its material aspect, poverty in a country can also be measured using the level of access of the population to social services and facilities such as schools, health, roads,

29 For more details see Chapter 2 of the PRSP. 30 Fifty-one percent of the population of Cameroon is made up of women and more than half of them live in rural areas. The population is young with 42.4% being below the age of 15. 31 All this data is drawn from the UNDP World Report on Human Development, 2004, and is comparable, except for a few differences, to that published by the African Development Bank in its 2004 report on Africa’s development.

37 electricity, potable water, etc. For instance, one could talk of the rate of schooling, student- teacher ratio in primary schools, the death rate, vaccination coverage or the rate of chronic malnutrition.32 It can clearly be seen that poverty indicators at the national level are primarily quantitative. They fall short of analysing the major causes of poverty.

Within the framework of the participatory consultations that preceded the drafting of the PRSP in Cameroon, poverty seems to be perceived by the population in both its material aspects and in terms of access to social services. The population therefore defines poverty as "lack of financial resources to satisfy basic needs"; but also as "the difficulty to have access to drinking water, electricity, basic commodities, the lack of roads, means of communication…”

According to the authors of the PRSP, this perception of poverty is comparable with the characteristics of poverty as highlighted by quantitative methods, in particular the Cameroon household survey.

Within the framework of the participatory consultations the populations also identified the factors of impoverishment, which contribute to keep them in a perpetual state of poverty, which they decry. Those factors include:

• lack of roads which means that whole areas are cut off from the rest of the country; • absence of an attendant policy for farmers following the liberalisation of the agricultural sector; • poor governance characterised inter alia by corruption, impunity, attempts to exchange public services with money; • insufficient infrastructure and equipment in the social sectors; • agro-ecological problems such as drought, migratory birds, problems of water, access to land, farmer-grazer conflicts, etc; and • social dysfunctions such as a weakened spirit of solidarity, declining moral standards, increasing tribalism, insecurity coupled with a high crime wave, etc.

Do indigenous and tribal peoples define and characterize poverty in the same way? Which differences or similarities are there between their perceptions of poverty and its indicators and those of other populations? Are the indicators identified at the national level adequate to take into account the perceptions and indicators of the indigenous and tribal peoples?

32 See chapter 2 of the PRSP.

38 6.2. Indigenous concepts and indicators of poverty

Various peoples and various cultures have different perceptions of poverty, wealth or well- being. The socio-economic context also influences the definition of poverty. In the field, we observed that, for indigenous and tribal peoples, poverty is a very complex phenomenon. It has a material dimension, expressed in terms of total destitution and in terms of lack of the revenue necessary to satisfy basic needs.

According to indigenous peoples, poverty also has a socio-cultural dimension and translates into the incapacity to assume one’s cultural choices.

Thus, the Baka of Yokadouma or Moloundou, who still depend essentially on the forest and its resources for survival, will have a perception of poverty different from that of the Bagyeli of Kribi (which is relatively “developed”) for whom agriculture is becoming increasingly significant or from that of the nomadic Mbororo herdsmen.

6.2.1. Perception of poverty by the Mbororo people

The Mbororo distinguish two essential elements in the definition of poverty: the availability of cattle and land adequate to conduct their pastoral activities. The Mbororo are nomadic herdsmen who practice extensive cattle rearing which requires vast areas of land for pasture. It is not necessarily a nomadic lifestyle (pejoratively interpreted to be a disorderly movement of people from one place to another) especially in areas with high population density such as the North-West province of Cameroon. Here, the Mbororo are more or less sedentary, and only the animals cause them to make seasonal movements in search of water and pasture. This is what is referred to as transhumance. Thus, anything that can hinder the qualitative and quantitative growth of the herd or limit access to land is definitely a factor of impoverishment. A Mbororo woman from Wum in Menchum division expressed this in the following words: "our life is linked to the land and to the cattle and our survival depends on the cow and the land". Beyond access to land, it is mainly a question of land security that concerns the Mbororo, in a context of population growth and increasingly strong land-related pressures.

The Mbororo therefore define a poor person as one who does not have a big herd and/or who does not have enough land on which to feed their animals. Under these conditions, the youth can no longer get married, and are forced to migrate to big cities in search of jobs, which are not always easy to find. There, young men take up small jobs or simply become vagabonds, while the girls get into prostitution. This leads to the disintegration of the social fabric and

39 exposes youth to the threat of HIV/AIDS and other STDs. Poverty also manifests itself through malnutrition, limited access to education and health care, the depletion of pastures (invasion by ferns), the absence of or limited access to grazing infrastructure, recurring conflicts between farmers and stockbreeders, limited access to potable water, land insecurity, decreasing livestock, etc.

The Mbororo also identified the farmer-grazer conflicts as a factor leading to impoverishment. Indeed, in the event of destruction of crops, even when such crops are found in pasture areas, the compensation demanded is often disproportionate compared to the real damage suffered. Similarly, when farmers invade pastoral land and destroy the fodder species planted by the Mbororo, the Mbororo are always considered to be at fault and have to pay for damages they did not cause. The cost of these compensations is often evaluated at several cattle. In Bamenda this situation is summarized by the following remarks:

"We have no rights here. We are always considered as strangers even after 50 years settlement. We suffer from destruction of pastures and farms and we live constantly on bribery. "

Decreasing herds affect Mbororo men and women differently. Some men reconvert themselves to become hired shepherds with all that comes with it as difficult working conditions and ridiculous wages. According to a Mbororo man we met during this study, "when we look after somebody else’s cows, we are paid only 30 000 CFA F to look after a herd of 100 cows for 5 months, and if they cause destruction to the crops, we do not get paid".

For the women, the loss of a herd means loss of the principal source of income, which is the sale of milk and butter. That also results in food deficiencies in children for whom the principal source of protein is precisely the cow's milk.

A phenomenon that seems advantageous for the women was also noticed following the destruction of the economies of the Mbororo people. Indeed, the reduction or even destruction of livestock generally leads to women taking-up agricultural activities. Farming has the inconvenience of being tedious, especially for women who are not used to it, but it contributes to ensure a certain financial autonomy for them. They are actually the main controllers of their agricultural production and do what they want with it, which is not always the case with livestock production, which is controlled by the men.

40 6.2.2 Perception of poverty by the Pygmies

In the Pygmy communities also, a poor person is somebody who has nothing, who does not eat to his satisfaction, who does not live in a comfortable house, but also who does not have a wife or husband, who is poorly dressed, etc. The Baka use the expression mandate to describe their state of destitution. Literally, it means there is nothing, "no food, no game in the forest, no clothes, no pots, no plates, no salt, no money, etc". For most of them, these material indicators of poverty are actually only the tip of the iceberg. It is at this point that the socio- cultural context becomes interesting in the perception of poverty by the Pygmies - it has to do with the nature of local economies, and the way of life in particular.

In the Bipindi-Kribi area, for example, in addition to the material indicators, poverty is also seen through some other indicators which represent not only the changes that have occurred in the living patterns, but also the problems which come with these changes. These include the lack of land due to land conflicts, lack of agricultural and fishing tools, malnutrition, food insufficiency, lack of financial means and sources of income, etc.

This area is characterized by a more significant settled life for the Bagyeli. They are indeed more sedentary than nomadic and agriculture is gradually becoming their principal economic activity. Unfortunately, this settled life comes with many land conflicts between the Bagyeli and the Bantus who are the customary owners of the land located along the principal road.33 These indicators of poverty are similar to those of the Baka who live along the major roads such as in Abong Mbang or Djoum.

Under the sedentary conditions marked by the development of agriculture, poverty is also characterized by the relations of stewardship between the Pygmies and their Bantu "Masters". The former constitute a cheap labour force subject to all sorts of hard work as confirmed by these remarks heard in a Baka village we consulted within the framework of this study:

"the Bantus know who works on the farm and who does the hunting. We have realised that when the Bantus want to contact us, they leave their homes very early in the morning and come to force us to go with them. They do not even give us time to eat. When you refuse, problems start and they bear a grudge against you… ".

33 In a consultation report of the oil consortium responsible for the construction of the Chad-Cameroon pipeline, it is written: "land tenure was a problem in 8 of the 23 settlements visited. Especially those settlements near the road or close to the Bantu village often had problems. In fact, it appears as if rights to land of Pygmies are only valid as long as the Bantu villagers do not need it." CED has also documented land problems of the Pygmies along the route of the Chad-Cameroon pipeline.

41 The situation is no different for the Bagyeli in Akom II sub-division, where

"Bantus sometimes seize our game because they know that we do not have national identity cards and so we cannot complain to the authorities. The trade by barter we make with them keeps us in a perpetual state of dependence ".

Under these conditions, poverty affects the women more than men. Women now bear almost all the household chores and do extra work because of the major role they play in agricultural activities. This situation leads to an imbalance in the male-female relationship, characterised by a stronger dependence of the latter on the former.34 The Pygmies consider the poor person as that woman who does not have a husband to fell trees and clear farms, or that man who does not have a wife to produce the food necessary for the survival of the family.

On the other hand, Pygmy populations who maintain a certain close relationship with the forest and who live in or around protected areas or in forest concessions (as in Djoum, Akom II, Lomié and Yokadouma) identified, in addition to what has been described above, more specific indicators of poverty. It is true they perceive poverty mainly as a state of total destitution, mandate, but they also lay particular emphasis on their relationship with the forest and their participation in decision-making processes relating to the management of forest and resources. Thus, the Baka and Bagyeli peoples of these areas are poor because they no longer have access to the forest and its resources, because a decision has been taken to create protected areas on their ancestral lands without seeking their opinion, because these areas are managed without taking them into account and because they are excluded from the sharing of the benefits of forest exploitation and conservation.35 In the area of Yokadouma, especially around the Lobeke National Park, Baka peoples said that food insufficiency and limited access to health care are additional indicators of poverty. According to a Baka met during this study,

34 Traditional Pygmy society is known for its egalitarian nature and women are particularly respected for the capacity they are said to have to control the men’s hunting activities through typically female rites. The reduction in hunting therefore leads to the waning of this power. 35 Cameroon’s forest law provides that part of the forest revenue should be shared among the neighbouring populations of forests under exploitation. A recent report financed by Forest Peoples Project (a British NGO) and not yet published reveals that the Baka are completely excluded from the distribution of forest revenue and from the distribution of the benefits of conservation, which come from fees paid by the safari. They are also excluded from the management of community forests, as shown in an article by Samuel Nguiffo, published during the ministerial conference on the AFLEG (African Forest Law Enforcement and Governance) process held in October 2003. In a speech addressed to the authorities during a cultural festival organized in August 2004 with the support of CED, some Baka from Djoum denounced this marginalisation and discrimination of which they are victims.

42 "when our parents were living there (in the national park), they had everything; even if someone fell seriously sick, they took something to treat him. Today the law stops us from getting there.... ".

Another Baka we spoke to added that:

“if you do not collect fruits, you cannot have soap; if you do not go fishing, you cannot eat salt; if you do not cultivate plantains to sell you cannot buy clothes. I am dirty and without clothes because I do not do anything. I have already been forbidden from entering the forest. They [conservation organisations] have chosen a place where there is a lot of meat, a lot of wild yams”.36

Here, the Baka attribute poverty to the “disturbances caused in the forest by all these strangers who have invaded it”37 and who prevent them from entering there freely. They say here that “there currently exist too many laws which prohibit just anything… the forest no longer has anything and they no longer want to see us there whereas we are not the ones who have destroyed and continue to destroy the forest.”

Judging from the foregoing, it can be said that there are some similarities between the poverty indicators at the national level and those of indigenous and tribal peoples, notably with regard to material and financial aspects. The rate of schooling was clearly identified by the two communities as an indicator of poverty. In several places, the Baka or Bagyeli Pygmies noted: "we are poor because our children do not go to school". They actually think that they are dominated and exploited because they are uneducated. Same with the standard of living which is expressed here in terms of the precariousness of housing or food security, limited access to health care, potable water, etc. Conversely, national poverty indicators do not take into account the socio-cultural aspect of poverty, do not make any reference to issues concerning the basic rights of the people, nor environmental degradation or intercommunity relations which are however essential in the definition of an effective strategy for poverty alleviation among these peoples.

This means that national poverty indicators, in the absence of reliable data, do not give a complete picture of the specific situation of indigenous peoples and can therefore be said to

36 See the film produced by FPP entitled Indigenous Peoples and Protected Areas: From principles to practice. www.forestpeoples.org. 37 Forest exploiters, conservation organisations and safaris constitute what the Baka regard as the foreigners who invaded the forest.

43 be ineffective for use in drawing-up poverty alleviation strategies for this segment of the national society.

44 VII. Indigenous and tribal peoples’ poverty alleviation strategies

Chapter 3 of PRSP sets out the national growth and poverty reduction strategy. In addition to its macroeconomic aspects, strengthening of the rural sector constitutes a significant element in this strategy. That is even more understandable since poverty affects mostly the rural populations who "occupy a strategic position and constitute the mainstay of the economy". In this connection, several programmes have been set up, notably the NPPD, FESP and the SPCD (PADC).

At least for the NPPD and FESP, a study has been undertaken to assess the risks of the implementation of these programmes for the Pygmy peoples. Such an analysis should be done for Mbororo and other indigenous or tribal peoples of Cameroon. Beyond the risk assessment, it seems necessary to include the strategies of indigenous peoples in all initiatives aimed at poverty alleviation in Cameroon.

The promotion and protection of the individual and collective rights of indigenous and tribal peoples constitute a precondition without which no meaningful development can be possible, meaning that without these guarantees, marginalisation and, consequently, the impoverishment of these peoples could be exacerbated.

The strategies developed by the peoples in question are based on the same considerations as the poverty indicators they identify. Their aim is therefore to provide appropriate and lasting solutions to the various questions raised within the framework of this study.

7.1. Mbororo peoples’ poverty reduction strategies

The Mbororo centre their poverty reduction strategies around three essential elements, namely: the recognition and protection of their collective rights of access to land; the security of persons and property; and the improvement of grazing conditions. If these three conditions are met, it goes without saying that their education, health, and food security situations will be improved.

For many Mbororo, land protection must go beyond the demarcation of pastoral areas, to include issuance of individual and collective land titles. It will also have to go hand in hand with checking the expansion of industrial agriculture (industrial cultivation of tea in the North-West province of Cameroon) and of private ranches, whose expansion is undertaken to the detriment of the Mbororo populations.

45 Moreover, the Mbororo identified some actions which are likely to encourage and develop extensive cattle rearing and improve their living conditions. Some of those actions are:

• improving pastures (rehabilitation, enrichment, etc). The Mbororo are skilled in this domain (in terms of ethno-botany), which could be enhanced. The effectiveness of this action depends on a clear policy of farmer-grazer cohabitation, characterised by a consensual delimitation of agricultural lands and pastoral areas;

• improving the quality and increasing the quantity of livestock by developing animal rearing facilities such as water supply, veterinary services and vaccination centres. This is a forgotten element in the PRSP, despite the huge taxes paid on cattle each year by the stockbreeders;

• access to basic social infrastructure and services in respect of their ways of life. This will entail, for instance, bringing school and health centres nearer to the Mbororo communities, as MBOSCUDA is doing with a certain degree of success in some Mbororo areas; and providing Mbororo communities with drinking water for both people and cattle. With regard to health, emphasis should be laid on primary healthcare and especially on reproductive health for women;

• providing assistance for agricultural activities which contribute to give women a certain degree of financial autonomy. Here, diversification of production and more especially the cultivation of leguminous plants can contribute to greater food protein, thereby compensating for losses resulting from a reduction in the consumption of cow milk;

• developing Mbororo handicrafts is likely to enhance the know-how of women and contribute to improve their revenue, thereby ensuring greater financial autonomy;

• strengthening the capacity of organisations that represent the Mbororo people in order to ensure that they are effectively represented in the decision-making processes on issues that affect them.

7.2. Pygmy strategies for reduction of poverty

The paternalistic approaches to indigenous peoples development have shown their limits. For several decades, "development experts" have been claiming to have a better knowledge of the development problems of Pygmies and more suitable solutions than those of the Pygmies

46 themselves. Very little attention was paid to what these people had to say. This approach plunged Pygmies into a sort of sit and wait attitude which makes it very difficult for any true consultation process to take place and could limit development strategies to an open list of needs such as: "build us houses, build us schools, give us agricultural tools". In some cases, individual strategies tend to take precedence over collective and community strategies.

However, after serious discussions with these populations on the various sites of the consultation, we noted that, for the Pygmies as for the Mbororo, the question of the recognition and protection of the collective rights of access to land and forest resources is quite significant and is one of the major priorities of the people. For those living near protected areas and forest concessions, the question of land rights arises mostly in terms of restitution of the ancestral areas confiscated and set aside either for large-scale forest exploitation, or for biodiversity conservation or for agro-industry. The fact that these lands are classified as permanent forest estates subjects the people to live in a permanent situation of illegality, and thus places them at the mercy of conservation agents and other forest concessionaires.38

On the other hand, in areas where the Pygmies are increasingly sedentary, stigmatisation and land conflicts are on the increase. A perfect illustration of this is the case of a Bagyeli village where the lands on which these populations have been living for several decades were almost completely sold by their Bantu neighbours, leaving the Bagyeli peoples with the only option of moving and settling some where else.

According to these populations, for any poverty reduction strategy to be meaningful, it must start by recognising their rights to cultural freedom, that is to say the right of a people to exist and live according to its own choices.39

This will therefore require that development for the Pygmies should be hinged on priorities that they themselves identify. From the consultations undertaken with the Pygmies for this study, it emerged that the main actions to be undertaken in order to reduce poverty should consider the following points:

38 Cameroon’s forest estate is subdivided into two: the non-permanent estate on which the local populations are authorized to undertake their activities, but which the Bantu populations have claimed by virtue of customs, and the permanent forest estate which is meant to remain a forest and on which protected areas and forest concessions are created. In this last category, the access of local populations, including the indigenes, is strongly controlled or even prohibited. 39 On cultural freedom, see UNDP’s recent Human Development Report 2004, entitled Cultural liberty in today’s diverse World.

47 ƒ recognition and respect for land rights and access to forest resources. This was portrayed as an unequivocal condition: "we want to have freedom of movement in the forest to carry out our activities in it", "to go hunting and sell game to have money". For the populations living near urban centres, this entails recognising their rights in the areas in which they live and where they are always regarded as strangers: "all that is around us belongs to Bantus, it becomes difficult to progress because the situation of lands and houses is very worrisome".

ƒ improvement of agriculture, particularly in areas where these people no longer have the right to use the forest, and are subjected to external pressures for them to settle permanently.

ƒ Access to citizenship and justice. For many Pygmies, access to justice and citizenship are closely related. They think that they are victims of a lot of abuse for which they cannot complain because they do not have national identity cards. We were present (in the course of this study) when members of the family of a Baka who was involved in a fatal accident found it very difficult to get compensation just because they did not have birth certificates to prove their relation to the victim.

ƒ Strengthening organisational capacity to ensure the effective representation of the peoples concerned in decision-making processes. “Before, we did not know what to do; but now we understand the need for us to come together to make known our grievances”.40 ƒ Effective participation in the planning and management of forest resources. All decisions relating to the management of forest resources are always imposed from above, and the peoples concerned are subjected to those decisions without any possibility of modifying their substance. In such cases, participation is limited to informing people on their duty to comply with the decisions taken at the central level. For instance, the Baka peoples say: “we should be informed, we should be given the opportunity to speak, do not ask us to keep quiet”.41 For example, they wish to be consulted by large-scale logging companies before any forest exploitation activities are carried out on their ancestral lands with a view to agreeing on the protection of forest species (such as the maobi (Baillonela toxisperma) or sapelli (Entandophragma cylindricum)) with a great socio-cultural value for the Baka.

40 Testimony of a Baka we met during consultation within the framework of this study.

48

ƒ equitable sharing of the benefits of forest exploitation and biodiversity conservation. The fact that the Pygmies are left out in the sharing of revenue generated by the management of forest resources is a corollary of the failure to recognize their rights on the lands they have occupied for thousands of years.

ƒ compensation for lands allocated to agro-industrial companies.

ƒ culturally appropriate access to basic social facilities and services. The Pygmies also raised the point that access to schools, healthcare, potable water and roads to their communities should be included as key elements in the poverty alleviation strategy. With regard to drinking water, it was stressed that: “if we had water here, we would suffer less from disease, and so we can fight against poverty ".

41 Ibid.

49 VIII. Effects of poverty reduction programmes on indigenous and tribal communities

It would be premature to carry out an assessment of the impact of poverty alleviation initiatives on indigenous or tribal communities since the said initiatives are relatively recent. The PRSP was adopted in 2003 and its implementation has barely been in place for one year. The situation is the same with the NPPD, whose three-year pilot phase is not only limited in geographical coverage, but has also been delayed in its implementation. It could be said that the NPPD is still being set-up. During consultations with the indigenous peoples on the field, we noticed that the NPPD, at least in Akom II sub-division, which constitutes one of the pilot areas in the south-eastern part of Cameroon, is still in the phase of identifying possible partners from civil society. But the implementation of the various strategic activities of the FESP has been going on for more than ten years with the adoption of the new forestry policy of Cameroon. Only the Pygmy peoples’ development plan is still in hibernation.

This chapter does not take into account the many initiatives developed by NGOs and other associations that are making efforts, to varying degrees of success, to contribute to poverty alleviation among indigenous peoples, but not always with the political support they need.

8.1. Impacts of the PRSP on indigenous and tribal peoples

The report of the evaluation of the first year (April 2003 - March 2004) of implementation of the PRSP shows significant progress in the process of reducing poverty in Cameroon. Many initiatives that were launched during this year are reported to have made it possible to improve the living conditions of the population. Agricultural production is said to have increased, thereby improving the revenues of the rural populations. It is estimated that more than 66,000 projects, of which 40,000 were for peasant organisations, received funding. Furthermore, 65 fish farmers received young fishes from a young-fish breeding station set up for this purpose. Work was done on rural roads; there was improved access to education and health care. It is not clear from reading this report whether indigenous peoples, in particular the Pygmy and Mbororo peoples, benefited at any point from the thousands of projects that were financed within the framework of the HIPC funds. No mention is made of efforts made to develop the traditional activities of these populations. With this, it can be concluded that the tendency to marginalise and discriminate against indigenous and tribal peoples continued during the implementation phase of the PRSP. MBOSCUDA could not submit a draft project

50 to the Technical Committee for the follow-up of economic programmes (TMC), due to the procedural complexity and hazards. The procedure seems inaccessible to them and so is not worthy of interest. The only project proposal for the improvement of cattle rearing which could have been beneficial to the Mbororo people of the North-West province simply did not find funding.

8.2. Impacts of the FESP on indigenous communities

The effects of the implementation of the Forest Policy on Pygmies are well known and documented. They can be summarized quite simply as marginalisation, discrimination and impoverishment. It should be noted that no action has yet been undertaken to mitigate the impacts of FESP on the Pygmy populations, in spite of the existence of a Pygmy Peoples Development Plan approved by the Government and its development partners.

8.2.1. Marginalisation

Pygmies are not involved at any level of the process of decision-making that affects their lives. The zoning of the forest, the allocation of forest concessions and the creation of protected areas are done without consulting the populations most affected by these initiatives. That is not only contrary to international standards but also contrary to certain provisions of the forest law, particularly those relating to the consultation of local populations during the classification of forest massifs.42 This marginalisation could be seen in the remarks of a Bagyeli man we spoke to within the framework of this study “We do not know what a reserve is, nobody has told us, nobody asked for our opinion”.43 Moreover, in the Eastern province of Cameroon, mechanisms for the participatory management of the Lobeke National Park that were set up to encourage and facilitate the involvement/participation of local populations in the management of protected areas do not include the Baka populations, who in certain cases make up about two thirds of the total population.44

42 See J. Nelson and L. Hossack, Indigenous Peoples and Protected Areas in Africa: From principles to practice, which treats in detail, following case studies in several African countries, the contradictions between the principles relating to the protection of the rights of indigenous populations and the practice of conservation. Three cases were studied in Cameroon with the Baka of the Lobeke national park and Dja and the Bagyeli of the Campo Ma`an National Park. 43 See also John Nelson, 2004. Biodiversity Conservation and local populations in Central Africa: Reconciling the rights of local populations and the conservation of ecosystems. Or Nelson and Tchoumba, 2003, “Pipelines, Parks and People, Bagyéli document land use near Campo Ma`an National”, in Cultural Survival Quarterly, Volume 28, Issue 1. 44 Managers of protected areas in the south-eastern part of the country have created community-based hunting zones (ZICGCs) and wildlife resource enhancement committees. There is very little or no Baka representation in

51

8.2.2. Discrimination

The sharing of revenue generated by forest exploitation or the conservation of biological diversity is undertaken in a discriminatory manner. The Pygmies are completely left out. To date, no project has been carried out to benefit these populations.

The procedures for access to community forests are extremely complex and are only beneficial to Bantu populations. Only one community forest was allocated to the Pygmies of Bosquet in Lomié sub-division. The management of this community forest was not suitably worked-out. It is no longer operational and has rather contributed to ignite conflicts within the beneficiary community.

8.2.3. Impoverishment

Industrial forest exploitation destroys the means of existence of Pygmy populations while the creation of protected areas deprives them, without compensation, of their ancestral land from which they derive all the products and elements necessary for their subsistence.

The forest management approach now being followed is a real threat to the very survival of the Pygmy peoples and their culture which is closely related to the forest.

However, all these problems have something positive about them in that they make the Pygmies to become aware of the need for them to be organised in order take care of themselves and defend their rights, and thus ensure their survival.

these committees, and these people benefit very little from the fallout of sustainable hunting. Moreover the limits of the ZICGCs are determined without the prior consultation of the Baka. This has led to numerous conflicts between these populations and the park managers.

52 IX. Conclusion and recommendations

There was little or no consultation of indigenous and tribal peoples during the preparation of poverty reduction strategies. This leads to very little consideration for their concerns, their aspirations and their rights in poverty alleviation initiatives in Cameroon. Indigenous peoples have, through no fault of their own, been excluded from the monitoring and evaluation mechanisms of poverty alleviation initiatives in Cameroon.

When specific projects or programmes are developed for them, as is the case with the Pygmy peoples’ development plan, they are not informed of their contents and their implementation is always delayed compared to other programmes. They are developed without any real dialogue with the people concerned. This accounts for the unsuitability observed between the development programmes and the major aspirations of the indigenous peoples.

The proposed development initiatives are more often that not aimed at assimilating indigenous and tribal peoples or worse still converting them to the dominant way of life rather than truly integrating them through the respect of their cultural identity. Thus the "developed" or "civilised" Pygmy is the one who has become a farmer, who lives like the others and who no longer lives on hunting and gathering. Efforts are therefore being made in the areas of agriculture, education and health without taking into account the basic rights of these populations and following culturally unsuitable approaches.45

Efforts to reduce poverty among indigenous and tribal peoples will not be productive if their right to cultural liberty is not recognised. Abéga refers to this as the right to be different if these people are to be the architects and designers of their own development.46 In this connection therefore, we recommend that:

ƒ national poverty reduction efforts must include the perceptions and strategies of indigenous peoples and should adopt an approach based on the recognition of their collective rights as a people with their own cultural peculiarities;

ƒ national efforts to reduce poverty must take into account the land and resource use patterns of indigenous and tribal peoples, including those of the nomadic people and shifting cultivators;

45 The Vulnerable Indigenous Peoples Development Plan drawn up within the framework of the Chad-Cameroon Pipeline project is a clear illustration of this approach to the development of indigenous peoples. Actually, its principal areas of intervention are agriculture, education and health, the implementation of which does not take into account the particular problems of the populations, in particular those related to access to land. 46 Abéga, 1998.

53 ƒ national poverty reduction efforts must integrate an approach based on basic human rights, in particular the internationally recognised rights of indigenous and tribal peoples;

ƒ it is necessary to have disaggregated, up-to-date and reliable data on indigenous and tribal peoples, collected according to indigenous indicators of poverty. Relevant studies should therefore be undertaken to have a better understanding of indigenous peoples and their ever-changing aspirations so that they can be taken into account in national poverty reduction strategies;

ƒ indigenous and tribal peoples should be consulted and should take an active part in the definition, implementation, follow-up and evaluation of their own development priorities; and their traditional skills must be identified and included in poverty alleviation strategies;47 and ƒ Their traditional knowledge should be identified and integrated into poverty reduction strategies.

It is recognized that, in order for there to be effective consultation and participation of indigenous populations, there must first be a political will to recognise their rights as governed by international legal instruments.48 Moreover such will should be centred on the following essential elements:

ƒ Training of stakeholders on matters relating to the rights of indigenous peoples as provided for by relevant international and regional conventions;

ƒ Training of public administration and other actors working with indigenous peoples on culturally suitable techniques of communication;

ƒ Strengthening the organisational capacities of indigenous peoples and supporting them in the formulation of their concerns and interests, so that they can participate on an equal footing in the processes which affect them;

ƒ Supporting indigenous organisations and/or other organisations (NGOs) with proven experience in collaboration and communication with these peoples to be part of consultation processes; and

47 See the recommendations of the seminar on Multiculturalism in Africa: how to realise peaceful and constructive integration in situations concerning minorities and indigenous peoples, held in Arusha, Tanzania from 13 to 15 May 2000. 48 ILO Convention No. 169, African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, etc.

54 ƒ Strengthening the capacity and seeking the services of indigenous experts in the processes of consulting with indigenous communities.

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Nelson J. et Tchoumba B., “Pipelines, Parks and People, Bagyéli document land use near Campo Ma’an National”, in Cultural Survival Quarterly, Volume 28, Issue 1, April 2003.

Nkoumbele F., Koppert G., Ngima Mawoung G., Draft report on the IPP consultations in the Kribi-Lolodorf area, June 28 to August 04, 2001, Douala, September 2001.

République du Cameroun, MINEPAT, Indigenous People (Pygmy) Development Plan for the Particpatory Community Development Programme (Final report prepared by Kai Schmidt- Soltau), May 2003.

Republic of Cameroon, Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, August 2003.

Republic of Cameroon, Progress report on the Implementation of the PRSP April 2003 –

57 March 2004, http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2004/cr04334.pdf.

Survival international website, www.survival-international.org/fr/tc%20mbororo.htm.

The World Bank Group, Operational Directive (OD) 4.20 on Indigenous Peoples, September 1991.

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Commission on Human Rights, Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights, Working Group on Minorities, Sixth Session, 22-26 May 2000. Report of the seminar on Multiculturalism in Africa: Peaceful and constructive group accommodation in situations involving minorities and indigenous peoples" held in Arusha, United Republic of Tanzania 13-15 May 2000. UN Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/AC.5/2000/WP.3.

African Union, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, Report of the African Commission’s Working Group of Experts on Indigenous Populations/Communities, submitted in accordance with the “Resolution on the Rights of Indigenous Populations/Communities in Africa” adopted by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights at its 28th Ordinary Session.

UNDP, Human Development Report 2004: Cultural liberty in today’s diverse World www.undp.org.

58 Annexes

Annexe 1 Terms of Reference: Indigenous and tribal peoples’ participation in poverty reduction efforts in Cameroon

I Background

Although there is a general lack of disaggregated data, it is broadly recognised that indigenous and tribal peoples (ITPs) live in more severe poverty situations than the general population of almost any given country. As a consequence of this, they are affected by poor health, have limited access to basic services, their communities are marked by social disintegration, conflict, massive out migration etc.

On the other hand, indigenous and tribal peoples, representing distinct cultures, have their own perceptions and indicators of poverty and well-being as well as their own strategies for poverty reduction. Nonetheless, these diversified concepts of poverty are often not included in national poverty reduction strategies. This situation reflects the general political marginalisation of these peoples.

In short, the challenge to development posed by ITPs is twofold: on the one hand, indigenous peoples have the same right to development, resources and services as all other peoples. On the other, it must be recognized that the nature of their aspirations for development, resources and services may be fundamentally different from those of other peoples. Development strategies must thus be designed to overcome the marginalisation and at the same time ensure the rights of indigenous peoples. This can only be achieved with the full consultation and participation of the people concerned, in accordance with the provisions of ILO Convention No. 169.

Recognising the challenge that ITPs pose to development efforts, the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (PFII) decided to focus on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) at its Fourth Session in May 2005, particularly focusing on MDGs related to poverty and education. Along the same line of analysis, the ILO’s Programme to Promote the Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work (Declaration) is initiating an “ethnic audit” of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs)

59 in 14 countries, looking at the extent to which these PRSP-processes have taken indigenous issues into account.

In order to supplement but not duplicate these efforts, the Project to Promote ILO Policy on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples (PRO 169) has designed a short-term initiative in order to:

ƒ Document indigenous and tribal peoples’ own perceptions of poverty and poverty reduction strategies and existing gaps, similarities and contradictions with national poverty reduction efforts; and ƒ Give recommendations for the consultation and participation of indigenous peoples in national poverty reduction efforts.

The initiative has been designed as a short-term exercise, in order to allow for the presentation of the findings and recommendations to the PFII in May 2005. The project is, however, also intended as an initiation of a longer-term process, focusing on the implementation of the recommendations for ensuring consultation and participation of indigenous peoples in poverty reduction efforts.

Two case studies will be prepared for this initiative: One on Cambodia and the other on Cameroon. These will be combined into one report for presentation at the PFII.To this end, the immediate objectives of the present initiatives have been built into the planning and preparation of a longer-term project in Cambodia as well as linked to ongoing projects with ITPs in Cameroon. The development objective will be pursued through longer-term project interventions to be designed during 2005.

II Objectives

Development objective

Indigenous and tribal peoples are adequately consulted in an appropriate manner, and participate fully in national processes and strategies to reduce poverty and achieve the MDGs in selected countries.

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Immediate objectives

ƒ Contribute to the discussion of appropriate national poverty reduction strategies in two selected countries by preparing case studies on ITPs notions of poverty, including recommendations on ITPs consultation and participation in poverty reduction efforts; ƒ Contribute to the work of the PFII in its mandate to advise the UN system on the implementation of the MDGs through contributing to the ILO “ethnic audit” of PRSPs in selected countries; ƒ Assess the extent of indigenous participation in the formulation of the PRSP for Cameroon; ƒ Analyse the relevance of the Cameroonian PRSP for indigenous and tribal peoples; ƒ Develop recommendations on ITPs consultation and participation in poverty reduction efforts (to feed into a national workshop on indigenous issues); and ƒ Identify capacity-building needs in respect of indigenous participation in the PRSP (this may include capacity-building for indigenous peoples, government, NGOs or other relevant actors).

The project is designed with an understanding that the overall objective can only be achieved through long-term project support. The achievement of the two immediate objectives will serve to initiate this longer-term process of establishing regular mechanisms for consultation and participation of indigenous peoples in poverty reduction efforts in two selected countries.

III Outputs

ƒ 1 country report – in French and English - describing national efforts for poverty alleviation, and presenting indigenous views on poverty and poverty reduction. The report will identify possible mechanisms for consultation and participation of indigenous communities in poverty reduction efforts at various levels.

ƒ 1 country level discussion where ITP and government representatives, donors, UN agencies and other interested parties can discuss the findings and recommendations of the study.

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IV Methodology

The main methodology will be to undertake participatory consultations in selected indigenous communities, to gather the views of indigenous men and women on key issues. As such, the consultant will undertake the following tasks:

ƒ Culturally appropriate consultations with selected indigenous communities to gather their views on: o Indigenous concepts and notions of poverty; o Indigenous indicators of poverty; o Indigenous strategies to combat poverty; o Effect of poverty alleviation programs on indigenous communities; o Consultations and participation in national poverty reduction efforts; and o Use of indigenous knowledge in poverty reduction strategies. ƒ National level research on o Available data (existence of disaggregated data) on poverty-levels among indigenous and tribal peoples; o National poverty reduction strategies (PRSPs); o Appropriateness of national poverty indicators; and o Existing mechanisms for consultation and participation in national poverty reduction strategies.

The consultant will work with indigenous resource persons to undertake the study, in particular for community consultations. The methodology for consultations with indigenous communities, and selection criteria for identifying these communities, will be developed further in consultation with these resource persons.

The methodology and workplan for the exercise will be agreed with the ILO before the research is undertaken.

Consultations with indigenous communities will be undertaken in an appropriate language.

62 The implementing organisations and the consultant will coordinate closely with the consultants working for Declaration on the ethnic audit of PRSPs.

The final country report will, in a simple way outline the contrasts, similarities and gaps between existing national poverty reductions efforts and indigenous views on poverty. The report will be presented English and French and translated into other national/indigenous languages as necessary.

63 Annexe 2 Methodology paper

I Introduction

The Constitution of the Republic of Cameroon affirms in its Preamble that the State assures the protection of minorities and of the rights of indigenous peoples in conformity with the law. These two notions of “ethnic minority” and “indigenous peoples” remain controversial. However, even in the absence of a definition of these terms, it is generally accepted that indigenous peoples and minorities in Africa were united with their ancestral lands and resources by strong spiritual and historical links. In numerous countries, these groups have been left out of political life and the development process, and suffer the consequences of national policies that do not take their cultural specificities into account. The characteristics of indigenous peoples, as describes above, reflect the criteria for identifying who are indigenous and tribal peoples, outlined in ILO Convention No. 169.

In Cameroon, many ethnic groups claim indigenous status. These include the so-called “Pygmy” peoples. This study will focus primarily on those groups who display the criteria mentioned above. The indigenous status of the so-called Pygmy populations is implicitly recognized in the context of a number of programmes that have been elaborated in their favour such as the NPPD, the PSFE and some activities within the context of the Chad- Cameroon pipeline project. These specific programmes were elaborated in conformity with Operation Directive 4.20 of the World Bank.

Currently, the Pygmy peoples in Cameroon are geographically dispersed, reflecting three main ethnic groupings. The first, the Baka, is the biggest. There are more than 40,000 Baka, and they occupy 75,000 km² in the south-east of Cameroon. The second group, the Bakola (which are occasionally called the Bagyeli), constitutes a population of approximately 3,700 people, and occupies 12,000 km² in the central coastal region, more precisely in the districts of Akom II, Bipindi, Kribi and Loldorf. Finally, the third group, the Bedzang, with a population of less than a thousand, inhabits the area north-west of Mbam, in the Ngambé- Tikar region. Combined, the Pygmies represent about 0.4% of the total population of Cameroon.

It is more and more recognized that the recognition of the cultural specificities of indigenous

64 and tribal peoples constitutes one of their fundamental rights. It is necessary to take as out starting point their own social, economic and political systems, their methods of land and natural resource management, and their own philosophy and traditions in order to elaborate innovative development models that are based on the real needs of these peoples.

To which degree have cultural specificity, and other questions concerning indigenous and tribal peoples been taken into account in poverty reduction efforts in Cameroon?

This is the question that constitutes the central preoccupation in this study that aims to analyse the national Poverty Reduction Strategy paper of Cameroon that was approved by the direction of the World Bank and IMF in August 2003. This document integrates many important elements of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and defines the priorities of the Government of Cameroon in respect of the fight against poverty. Other sectoral documents could also be the object of our analysis. This includes specifically the PSFE and NPPD, whose contribution to poverty efforts are undeniable, and which were prepared with the support of international financial institutions.

The ILO is responsible for the only international Convention that specifically protects indigenous and tribal peoples. The principles of consultation and participation, and of non- discrimination, enunciated in ILO Convention No. 169 constitute the basis for this study. This document thus outlines the methodology that will be used for this undertaking.

II Objectives of the study

This study aims to evaluate the level of participation of indigenous peoples in efforts to reduce poverty in Cameroon, and in particular in the elaboration of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP). The study will also take into account other initiatives that aim to contribute to national poverty reduction efforts. This concerns in particular the National Programme for Environmental Management, the National Programme for Participatory Development (NPPD), and the Sectoral Programme for Forest and Environment (SPFE). In addition, the study will analyse the perceptions and indicators of poverty from the indigenous peoples’ own perspectives.

2.1 Methodology and approach

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The methodology for this study is an essentially participatory one. It will integrate the points of view of indigenous peoples, and state and non-state actors in the area of poverty reduction. Three main methodologies are envisaged: ƒ A desk and literature review; ƒ Working sessions and field visits; and ƒ Information exchanges with, and advice from, ILO offices in Yaoundé and Geneva.

Desk and literature review

This will consist of the collection and analysis of documentation of relevance to poverty reduction in Cameroon, and to the participation of indigenous peoples in this process. The principal documents consulted will be: the PRSP, and documents concerning other national programmes designed to contribute to the reduction of poverty, in particular the NPPD and SPFE. There are also a number of documents, researched, or compiled by various actors, including civil society, that analyse in a critical manner the process of elaboration of the PRSP. This review will enable an evaluation of the contribution of indigenous peoples to the elaboration of these documents, and an evaluation of their pertinence for indigenous communities.

The document review will be complemented by working sessions and field visits.

Working sessions and field visits

Working sessions will be organized with actors that have played a role in the process of elaboration of the PRSP. This will include state actors, NGOs and donors.

Visits to indigenous communities will be undertaken for the purposes of obtaining their perspectives and points of view on national poverty reduction efforts. Particular efforts will be made to identify these peoples’ own perceptions and indicators of poverty, their strategies for reducing poverty, and their capacity-building needs. This information will enable a better understanding of the degree to which the cultural specificities of these peoples have been taken into account in poverty reduction efforts in Cameroon.

66 Consultation with the communities in question will be undertaken in a culturally appropriate manner, with the collaboration of indigenous experts, and other non-indigenous local consultants with a long experience of working with indigenous peoples.

Choice of locations

In order to take into account the different socio-economic and ecological circumstances in which indigenous peoples live, and to ensure representativity, consultations will take place with the Bagyeli in the subdivisions of Bipindi and Akom II, and with the Baka in the subdivisions of Djoum, Abong-Mbang, Lomié and Yokadouma. In each of these sub- divisions, a minimum of five communities will be consulted in depth. It will also be possible in this context to take advantage of the diversity of the situations affecting these communities, which may be more or less isolated; live near to, or far from protected areas; or near to, or far from industrial logging areas. It is possible that perceptions of poverty are also influences by such factors.

The Mbororo in the north-west province will also be consulted, due to their large numbers and their dynamism.

Choice of consultants/local experts

In order to ensure adequate communication with indigenous communities, a certain number of local consultants or experts will be placed under the supervision of a principal consultant. Priority will be accorded to indigenous experts chosen on the basis of their experience. In this regard, the CED is currently working in Djoum, Bipindi and Akom II with local indigenous (Baka and Bagyeli) resource persons. These persons will be requested to conduct the consultations with the communities in question. In addition, the CED has a good working relationship with an important network of local partners working on questions relating to indigenous peoples. These partner organizations (APPEC, AAFEBEN, CEFAID, PERAD etc.) have the necessary experience and competencies to communicate with indigenous peoples. In the context of this participatory consultation, local experts will be selected from these organizations.

Language of communication

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Community consultations will be undertaken to the extent possible in indigenous languages. In cases where the resource person does not speak the indigenous language in question, a translator will be employed for the working sessions. The CED works with a network of partners that are experienced in working directly with the so-called Pygmies. These partners fall under the umbrella RACOPy (Recherche-action concertée Pygmée). Thus, preference will be given to hiring local consultants from these organizations.

Data collection

The collection of data in the field will be undertaken using a number of complementary methodologies: ƒ Semi-structured interviews with indigenous and non-indigenous resource persons, conducted on the basis of a guide that will be prepared in advance; ƒ Discussions with representatives of NGOs working with the indigenous populations, and, where they exist, with organizations that are representative of indigenous peoples; ƒ Focus group discussions in the heart of the communities in question. In this regard, particular attention will be paid to the participation of indigenous women and youth; ƒ Local workshops with representatives of indigenous communities in particular regions to share the results of the research.

All consultations will be based on the following 5 themes: ƒ The participation of indigenous peoples in poverty reduction efforts in Cameroon; ƒ The extent to which indigenous needs and interests have been taken into account in poverty reduction efforts; ƒ Indigenous peoples’ own perceptions and indicators of poverty; ƒ Indigenous peoples’ own strategies for poverty reduction; and ƒ Capacity-building needs for the peoples in question, with a view to ensuring their effective participation in national poverty reduction efforts.

68 Annexe 3 Indigenous indicators of poverty

Mbororo in the north west Pygmies in Lomié- Pygmies in Bipindi-Kribi province of Cameroon Yokadouma-Akom II

No access to education Poor agricultural techniques Poor agricultural techniques

No wealth an well being Absence of fishing equipment Absence of fishing equipment

Poor access to health facilities No money to purchase land No money to purchase land

No access to market to sell No access to market to sell Land insecurity forest produce forest produce Decreasing numbers of No access to forest for hunting No access to forest for hunting livestock

Absence /diminution of grazing No place to farm on No place to farm on land

Malnutrition Living in squalor Living in squalor

Recurrent Farmer-grazier No utensils to cook with No utensils to cook with conflicts

Poor access to clean drinking No money to purchase No money to purchase water kerosene for the lamp kerosene for the lamp

Incapable of defending ones Lack of knowledge of hunting Lack of knowledge of hunting rights techniques techniques

Invasion of grazing land by ferns Poor feeding and clothing Poor feeding and clothing

Absence ou faible accès aux No fields No fields infrastructures d‘élevage

Marginalisation and Marginalisation in relation to discrimination natural resources management

Limited access to land and Victims of corruption forest resources

69 Prostitution No access to forest royalties

No participation in the creation Robbery of protected areas and forest concessions management

70 Annexe 4 Indigenous Peoples Development Plan: Key issues and action

Objective Activities

Establish equal legal opportunities ƒ Establish equal legal conditions for indigenous peoples. ƒ Provide ID-cards to indigenous peoples ƒ Establish equal legal conditions for indigenous settlements. ƒ Establish community forests and traditional hunting/gathering areas for indigenous communities. Establish equal technical ƒ Assist indigenous peoples to establish action opportunities plans (local level). ƒ Assist them to participate equally in the elaboration of communal development plans. Establish equal financial opportunities ƒ Offer indigenous peoples AFDCR-financed projects at subsidized rate (1/3 of with activity 1.2). ƒ Offer special programmes for indigenous peoples to benefit from the job creating opportunities within the PNDP program (teachers & ongoing and health centres in IP villages health personnel).

Establish equal organizational ƒ Assist indigenous peoples in decision- opportunities making processes. ƒ Provide training in intercultural communication to civil servants and councillors working in subdivisions with IP population. ƒ Assist indigenous peoples to establish independent bodies at the various levels to facilitate the above stated activities. ƒ Include representatives of the IP in the various PNDP committees. ƒ Establish a participatory impact of the monitoring and evaluation system for the IPDP of the PNDP. Establish equal cultural opportunities ƒ Inform and sensitize indigenous peoples on the risks of the development process. ƒ Build the capacity of indigenous peoples on the basis of their traditional knowledge, culture and ways of life. ƒ Create communication fora for exchanges between indigenous peoples, and accompany a process of mutual understanding.

Source : PDPP.

71 Annexe 5 Schedule of data collection

1. Communities

Date Community Subdivision Makordzong Bipindi Loundabele Bipindi Bokwi Bipindi Bikouala Bipindi Ndtoua route Bipindi 24 – 27 November 2004 Bitombo Bipindi Bissiang I Bipindi Bissiang II Bipindi Awomo Bipindi Nkon‘ovoumba Bipindi Mashouer œ Mashouer Bipindi Yaniboti Bipindi Bitsomam Abong-mbang Nyaminkoum Bipindi Ebimimbang Bipindi Menzo Abong-mbang Mbalam Abong-mbang 1 – 6 December Cyrie Abong-mbang 2004 Kwoamb Abong-mbang Bandevouri Bipindi Madola Kribi Ngouangvoule Bipindi Bidou Bipindi Le bosquet Lomie Damayo Bipindi

72 Mbingam Wum Bipindi Bipindi

8 December 2004 Madjoue Yokadouma 21 December 2004 Aviation Abong-mbang Melel Yokadoum 3 to 8 January Adjela bangue Yokadouma 2005 Ntiou zaïre Yokadouma

2. Administrative authorities and associations

Date Organisation People met Town 05 December CADDAP Members Abong-mbang 2004 06 December ASBAK Members Lomié 2004 Ms Fadimatou Dahirou (secretary general) Amina 23 December Adji women’s group 2004

Staff Mboscuda north wsr 04 January 2005 MBOSCUDA 05 January Para legal of Wum 2005 REFLECT facilitator Bamenda Mbinjam

Board members of Mboscuda North west 06/01/05

06/01/05 FEDEC M. Mbarga Yaounde Comité technique M. Ateba (expert in charge Yaounde 18/01/05 de suivi fond of education issues PPTE

73 Annexe 6 Communities consulted

Arrondissement Communauté Hommes Femmes Total Ntion 16 14 30 Landjoue 9 12 21

Yokadouma Kana 2 3 5 Madjoue 4 6 10 Bangue 28 21 49 Ntion Zaire 15 15 30 Bosquet 22 23 45 Kouame 16 12 28 Abong Mbang Cyrie 14 7 21 œ Mindourou - Bitsoman 5 4 9 Lomié Menzo 2 0 2 Mbalam 14 17 31 Aviation 2 13 15 Ndamayo 6 4 10 Makoredzong 4 3 7 Loundabele 7 2 9 Bokwi 8 5 13 Bikoualo 7 7 14 Ndtoua route 9 3 12

Bipindi Bitombo 4 2 6 Mashuer 11 8 19 mashuer

Yanebote 5 3 8 Nyaminkoum 6 7 13 Ebimimbang 4 0 4 Mabolo 3 4 7 Kribi Bandevouri 6 4 10

Madola 2 2 4

74 Ngouangoule 2 4 6 Bissiang 1 7 4 11 Bissiang 2 1 3 4 Bilolo Awomo 4 7 11 Nko‘ovoumba 2 5 7 Akom II Ako‘azam Nkolkouk 3 4 7

75