The Troubles: 1981
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Candidate Name Constituency Amount Assigned Total Expenditure on the candidate by the national agent € € 1. Micheal MacDonncha Dublin Bay North 5000 2.Denise Mitchell Dublin Bay North 5000 3.Chris Andrews Dublin Bay South 5000 450.33 4.Mary Lou McDonald Dublin Central 4000 5.Louise O’Reilly Dublin Fingal 8000 2449.33 6. Eoin O’Broin Dublin Mid West 3000 7. Dessie Ellis Dublin North West 3000 8.Cathleen Carney Boud Dublin North West 5000 9.Sorcha Nic Cormaic Dublin Rathdown 5000 10.Aengus Ó Snodaigh Dublin South 3000 Central 11.Màire Devine Dublin South 3000 Central 12. Sean Crowe Dublin South West 3000 13.Sarah Holland Dublin South West 5000 14.Paul Donnelly Dublin West 3000 69.50 15.Shane O’Brien Dun Laoghaire 5000 73.30 16.Caoimhghìn Ó Caoláin Cavan Monaghan 3000 129.45 17.Kathryn Reilly Cavan Monaghan 3000 192.20 18.Pearse Doherty Donegal 3000 19.Pádraig MacLochlainn Donegal 3000 20.Garry Doherty Donegal 3000 21.Annemarie Roche Galway East 5000 22.Trevor O’Clochartaigh Galway West 5000 73.30 23.Réada Cronin Kildare North 5000 24.Patricia Ryan Kildare South 5000 13.75 25.Brian Stanley Laois 3000 255.55 26.Paul Hogan Longford 5000 Westmeath 27.Gerry Adams Louth 3000 28.Imelda Munster Louth 10000 29.Rose Conway Walsh Mayo 10000 560.57 30.Darren O’Rourke Meath East 6000 31.Peadar Tòibìn Meath West 3000 247.57 32.Carol Nolan Offaly 4000 33.Claire Kerrane Roscommon Galway 5000 34.Martin Kenny Sligo Leitrim 3000 193.36 35.Chris MacManus Sligo Leitrim 5000 36.Kathleen Funchion Carlow Kilkenny 5000 37.Noeleen Moran Clare 5000 794.51 38.Pat Buckley Cork East 6000 202.75 39.Jonathan O’Brien Cork North Central 3000 109.95 40.Thomas Gould Cork North Central 5000 109.95 41.Nigel Dennehy Cork North West 5000 42.Donnchadh Cork South Central 3000 O’Laoghaire 43.Rachel McCarthy Cork south West 5000 101.64 44.Martin Ferris Kerry County 3000 188.62 45.Maurice Quinlivan Limerick City 3000 46.Seamus Browne Limerick City 5000 187.11 47.Seamus Morris Tipperary 6000 1428.49 48.David Cullinane Waterford 3000 565.94 49.Johnny Mythen Wexford 10000 50.John Brady Wicklow 5000 . -
The Logic of Violence in Civil War Has Much Less to Do with Collective Emotions, Ideologies, Cultures, Or “Greed and Grievance” Than Currently Believed
P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 This page intentionally left blank ii P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 TheLogic of Violence in Civil War By analytically decoupling war and violence, this book explores the causes and dynamics of violence in civil war. Against prevailing views that such violence is either the product of impenetrable madness or a simple way to achieve strategic objectives, the book demonstrates that the logic of violence in civil war has much less to do with collective emotions, ideologies, cultures, or “greed and grievance” than currently believed. Stathis Kalyvas distinguishes between indis- criminate and selective violence and specifies a novel theory of selective violence: it is jointly produced by political actors seeking information and indi- vidual noncombatants trying to avoid the worst but also grabbing what oppor- tunities their predicament affords them. Violence is not a simple reflection of the optimal strategy of its users; its profoundly interactive character defeats sim- ple maximization logics while producing surprising outcomes, such as relative nonviolence in the “frontlines” of civil war. Civil war offers irresistible opportu- nities to those who are not naturally bloodthirsty and abhor direct involvement in violence. The manipulation of political organizations by local actors wishing to harm their rivals signals a process of privatization of political violence rather than the more commonly thought politicization of private life. Seen from this perspective, violence is a process taking place because of human aversion rather than a predisposition toward homicidal violence, which helps explain the para- dox of the explosion of violence in social contexts characterized by high levels of interpersonal contact, exchange, and even trust. -
John F. Morrison Phd Thesis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository 'THE AFFIRMATION OF BEHAN?' AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE POLITICISATION PROCESS OF THE PROVISIONAL IRISH REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT THROUGH AN ORGANISATIONAL ANALYSIS OF SPLITS FROM 1969 TO 1997 John F. Morrison A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2010 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3158 This item is protected by original copyright ‘The Affirmation of Behan?’ An Understanding of the Politicisation Process of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement Through an Organisational Analysis of Splits from 1969 to 1997. John F. Morrison School of International Relations Ph.D. 2010 SUBMISSION OF PHD AND MPHIL THESES REQUIRED DECLARATIONS 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, John F. Morrison, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 82,000 words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in September 2005 and as a candidate for the degree of Ph.D. in May, 2007; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2005 and 2010. Date 25-Aug-10 Signature of candidate 2. Supervisor’s declaration: I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of Ph.D. -
The Counter-Aesthetics of Republican Prison Writing
Notes Chapter One Introduction: Taoibh Amuigh agus Faoi Ghlas: The Counter-aesthetics of Republican Prison Writing 1. Gerry Adams, “The Fire,” Cage Eleven (Dingle: Brandon, 1990) 37. 2. Ibid., 46. 3. Pat Magee, Gangsters or Guerillas? (Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 2001) v. 4. David Pierce, ed., Introduction, Irish Writing in the Twentieth Century: A Reader (Cork: Cork University Press, 2000) xl. 5. Ibid. 6. Shiela Roberts, “South African Prison Literature,” Ariel 16.2 (Apr. 1985): 61. 7. Michel Foucault, “Power and Strategies,” Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972–1977, ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon, 1980) 141–2. 8. In “The Eye of Power,” for instance, Foucault argues, “The tendency of Bentham’s thought [in designing prisons such as the famed Panopticon] is archaic in the importance it gives to the gaze.” In Power/ Knowledge 160. 9. Breyten Breytenbach, The True Confessions of an Albino Terrorist (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1983) 147. 10. Ioan Davies, Writers in Prison (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990) 4. 11. Ibid. 12. William Wordsworth, “Preface to Lyrical Ballads,” The Norton Anthology of English Literature vol. 2A, 7th edition, ed. M. H. Abrams et al. (New York: W. W. Norton, 2000) 250. 13. Gerry Adams, “Inside Story,” Republican News 16 Aug. 1975: 6. 14. Gerry Adams, “Cage Eleven,” Cage Eleven (Dingle: Brandon, 1990) 20. 15. Wordsworth, “Preface” 249. 16. Ibid., 250. 17. Ibid. 18. Terry Eagleton, The Ideology of the Aesthetic (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990) 27. 19. W. B. Yeats, Essays and Introductions (New York: Macmillan, 1961) 521–2. 20. Bobby Sands, One Day in My Life (Dublin and Cork: Mercier, 1983) 98. -
Direct Furniture Andersonstown Road Belfast
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Prison Administrators' Authority to Force-Feed Hunger-Striking Inmates
Washington University Journal of Law & Policy Volume 23 Disabilities January 2007 What They Can Do About It: Prison Administrators' Authority to Force-Feed Hunger-Striking Inmates Tracey M. Ohm Washington University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_journal_law_policy Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Tracey M. Ohm, What They Can Do About It: Prison Administrators' Authority to Force-Feed Hunger- Striking Inmates, 23 WASH. U. J. L. & POL’Y 151 (2007), https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_journal_law_policy/vol23/iss1/6 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Journal of Law & Policy by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. What They Can Do About It: Prison Administrators’ Authority to Force-Feed Hunger-Striking Inmates * Tracey M. Ohm I. INTRODUCTION Prison inmates throughout history have employed hunger strikes as a means of opposition to authority.1 Inmates engage in hunger strikes for a variety of reasons, often in an attempt to gain leverage against prison officials2 or garner attention for the inmate’s plight or cause.3 Suicide is a motivating factor for some inmates.4 When a * J.D. Candidate (2007), Washington University in St. Louis School of Law. The author wishes to thank Professor Margo Schlanger for her guidance and expertise. 1. This Note examines hunger strikes undertaken by competent prison inmates. Analysis of hunger strikes by incompetent individuals or nonprisoners invokes different considerations. -
Family Support Hubs Belfast H&SC Trust Geographical Areas & Contact
Family Support Hubs Belfast H&SC Trust Geographical Areas & Contact Details Please use the ‘Area profile’ link below to assist in identifying Ward area / appropriate Hub. Enter family postcode and from the ‘Geography’ drop down menu, select Ward Area profile - NINIS: Northern Ireland Neighbourhood Information Service (nisra.gov.uk) Greater Falls Family Support Hub Area covered: Lead Body Organisation: Contact Details: Falls, Blackie River Community Blackie River Community Group Clonard Group 43 Beechmount Pass Beechmount Belfast wards. Co-ordinator: BT12 7NF Deborah Burnett Tel: 028 90 319634 Chair: Mob: 07465685367 Peter Lynch [email protected] Greater Shankill Family Support Hub Area Covered: Lead Body Organisation: Contact Details: Shankill wards; Greater Shankill Greater Shankill Partnership Partnership Spectrum Centre Shankill, 313 Shankill Road Woodvale, Co-ordinator: Belfast Glencairn, Joanne Menabney- BT13 3AA Highfield, Hawell Tel: 028 90 311455 Crumlin (part) Mob: 07585480733 Chair: Dympna Johnston [email protected] Inner East Belfast Family Support Hub Area Covered: Lead Body Organisation: Contact Details: Inner East Wards; NI Alternatives East Belfast Alternatives Isthmus House Island, Co-ordinator: Isthmus Street Ballymacarrett, Rosy Mc Lean Belfast Woodstock, BT6 9AS The Mount, Chair: Sydenham, Mandy Maguire Tel: 028 90 456766 Bloomfield, [email protected] Orangefield, Ballyhackamore Ravenhill Lower North Belfast Family Support Hub Area Covered: Lead Body Organisation: Contact Details -
Identity, Authority and Myth-Making: Politically-Motivated Prisoners and the Use of Music During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1962 - 2000
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queen Mary Research Online Identity, authority and myth-making: Politically-motivated prisoners and the use of music during the Northern Irish conflict, 1962 - 2000 Claire Alexandra Green Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 I, Claire Alexandra Green, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Date: 29/04/19 Details of collaboration and publications: ‘It’s All Over: Romantic Relationships, Endurance and Loyalty in the Songs of Northern Irish Politically-Motivated Prisoners’, Estudios Irlandeses, 14, 70-82. 2 Abstract. In this study I examine the use of music by and in relation to politically-motivated prisoners in Northern Ireland, from the mid-1960s until 2000. -
These Are the Future Leaders of Ulster If the St Andrews Agreement Is Endorsed
The Burning Bush—Online article archive These are the future leaders of Ulster if the St Andrews Agreement is endorsed “The Burning Bush” has only two more issues to go after this current edition, before its witness concludes. It has sought to warn its readers of the wickedness and com- promise taking place within “church and state”, since its first edition back in March 1970. The issues facing Christians were comparatively plain and simple back then, or so it seems now on reflection. Today, however, the confusion that we sought to combat McGuinness (far right) in IRA uniform at the funeral of fellow within the ranks of the ecumenical churches and organi- IRA man and close friend Colm sations, seems to have spread to the ranks of those who, Keenan in 1972 over the years, have been engaged in opposing the reli- gious and political sell-out. The reaction to the St Andrews Agreement has shown that to be so. It is an agreement, when stripped of all its legal jargon and political frills, that will place an unrepentant murderer in co-leadership of Northern Ireland. How unthinkable such a notion was back in 1970! Today we are told, it is both thinkable and exceeding wise! In an effort to refocus the minds and hearts of Christians we publish some well- established facts about those whom the St Andrews Agreement would have us choose and submit to and make masters of our destiny and that of our children. By the blessing of God, may a consideration of these facts awaken the slumbering soul of Ulster Protestantism. -
The 1916 Easter Rising Transformed Ireland. the Proclamation of the Irish Republic Set the Agenda for Decades to Come and Led Di
The 1916 Easter Rising transformed Ireland. The Proclamation of the Irish Republic set the agenda for decades to come and led directly to the establishment of an Chéad Dáil Éireann. The execution of 16 leaders, the internment without trial of hundreds of nationalists and British military rule ensured that the people turned to Sinn Féin. In 1917 republican by-election victories, the death on hunger strike of Thomas Ashe and the adoption of the Republic as the objective of a reorganised Sinn Féin changed the course of Irish history. 1916-1917 Pádraig Pearse Ruins of the GPO 1916 James Connolly Detainees are marched to prison after Easter Rising, Thomas Ashe lying in state in Mater Hospital, Dublin, Roger Casement on trial in London over 1800 were rounded up September 1917 Liberty Hall, May 1917, first anniversary of Connolly’s Crowds welcome republican prisoners home from Tipperary IRA Flying Column execution England 1917 Released prisoners welcomed in Dublin 1918 Funeral of Thomas Ashe, September 1917 The British government attempted to impose Conscription on Ireland in 1918. They were met with a united national campaign, culminating in a General Strike and the signing of the anti-Conscription pledge by hundreds of thousands of people. In the General Election of December 1918 Sinn Féin 1918 triumphed, winning 73 of the 105 seats in Ireland. The Anti-Conscription Pledge drawn up at the The Sinn Féin General Election Manifesto which was censored by Taking the Anti-Conscription Pledge on 21 April 1919 Mansion House conference on April 18 1919 the British government when it appeared in the newspapers Campaigning in the General Election, December 1918 Constance Markievicz TD and First Dáil Minister for Labour, the first woman elected in Ireland Sinn Féin postcard 1917 Sinn Féin by-election posters for East Cavan (1918) and Kilkenny City (1917) Count Plunkett, key figure in the building of Sinn Féin 1917/1918 Joseph McGuinness, political prisoner, TD for South Longford The First Dáil Éireann assembled in the Mansion House, Dublin, on 21 January 1919. -
Extremism and Terrorism
Ireland: Extremism and Terrorism On December 19, 2019, Cloverhill District Court in Dublin granted Lisa Smith bail following an appeal hearing. Smith, a former member of the Irish Defense Forces, was arrested at Dublin Airport on suspicion of terrorism offenses following her return from Turkey in November 2019. According to Irish authorities, Smith was allegedly a member of ISIS. Smith was later examined by Professor Anne Speckhard who determined that Smith had “no interest in rejoining or returning to the Islamic State.” Smith’s trial is scheduled for January 2022. (Sources: Belfast Telegraph, Irish Post) Ireland saw an increase in Islamist and far-right extremism throughout 2019, according to Europol. In 2019, Irish authorities arrested five people on suspicions of supporting “jihadi terrorism.” This included Smith’s November 2019 arrest. An additional four people were arrested for financing jihadist terrorism. Europol also noted a rise in far-right extremism, based on the number of Irish users in leaked user data from the far-right website Iron March. (Source: Irish Times) Beginning in late 2019, concerns grew that the possible return of a hard border between British-ruled Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland after Brexit could increase security tensions in the once war-torn province. The Police Services of Northern Ireland recorded an increase in violent attacks along the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland border in 2019 and called on politicians to take action to heal enduring divisions in society. According to a representative for the New IRA—Northern Ireland’s largest dissident organization—the uncertainty surrounding Brexit provided the group a politicized platform to carry out attacks along the U.K. -
Violence and the Sacred in Northern Ireland
VIOLENCE AND THE SACRED IN NORTHERN IRELAND Duncan Morrow University of Ulster at Jordanstown For 25 years Northern Ireland has been a society characterized not so much by violence as by an endemic fear of violence. At a purely statistical level the risk of death as a result of political violence in Belfast was always between three and ten times less than the risk of murder in major cities of the United States. Likewise, the risk of death as the result of traffic accidents in Northern Ireland has been, on average, twice as high as the risk of death by political killing (Belfast Telegraph, 23 January 1994). Nevertheless, the tidal flow of fear about political violence, sometimes higher and sometimes lower but always present, has been the consistent fundamental backdrop to public, and often private, life. This preeminence of fear is triggered by past and present circumstances and is projected onto the vision of the future. The experience that disorder is ever close at hand has resulted in an endemic insecurity which gives rise to the increasingly conscious desire for a new order, for scapegoats and for resolution. For a considerable period of time, Northern Ireland has actively sought and made scapegoats but such actions have been ineffective in bringing about the desired resolution to the crisis. They have led instead to a continuous mimetic crisis of both temporal and spatial dimensions. To have lived in Northern Ireland is to have lived in that unresolved crisis. Liberal democracy has provided the universal transcendence of Northern Ireland's political models. Northern Ireland is physically and spiritually close to the heartland of liberal democracy: it is geographically bound by Britain and Ireland, economically linked to Western Europe, and historically tied to emigration to the United States, Canada, and the South Pacific.