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Home , Andersonstown, Bobby Storey, Dominic McGlinchey, Eamon Collins, Gerry Adams, Gerry McGeough

The Troubles: 1981

Chair: Evan Liebgott Co-Chair: Braden Goodwin Crisis Director: Thomas Poole

University of North Carolina Model United Nations Conference November 2 - 4, 2018 University of North Carolina

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Table of Contents

Letter from the Crisis Director 3

Letter from the Chair 4

The English in : A Brief Summary 5

Committee Topics 12

Positions 14

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Letter from the Crisis Director

Dear Delegates,

I’m excited to welcome you to UNCMUNC X, and to our committee, :

1981. My name is Thomas Poole and I am a sophomore here at UNC Chapel Hill studying

Political Science and Chinese. I was born and raised in Raleigh, North Carolina, and participated in MUN for three years at Enloe High School.

The tumultuous relationship between Ireland and the , specifically the Troubles, are subjects that I have been interested in for a while, and also subjects that

I thought would translate well to the world of MUN. The IRA, and the United Ireland movement as a whole, could have gone in many different directions during this period, and ultimately chose a path of violence. I’m interested to see where you all will differ in your approach, if at all, and if you will ultimately succeed where your real life counterparts failed.

No matter what, I’m sure there will be plenty of insane crisis arcs, heated debates, and probably a cheeky betrayal or two. I can’t wait to meet you all this November.

Tiocfaidhárlá,

Thomas Poole, Crisis Director [email protected]

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Letter from the Chair

Dear Delegates,

Welcome to UNCMUNC X and the Troubles committee. My name is Evan Liebgott and I am a sophomore majoring in economics with a minor in Spanish. In my free time, I enjoy reading nonfiction, watching television, going to the gym, and hanging out in the arboretum. I grew up in Cincinnati, OH and relocated to Greensboro, NC during high school. I never had the opportunity to do MUN during high school so I just picked it up last fall, and it has been one of the best parts of my college experience! In fact, this is my first time ever chairing a committee! I am really looking forward to hearing all the ideas you guys have regarding the issues facing the IRA.

Best,

Evan Liebgott, Chair [email protected]

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The English in Ireland: A Brief Summary

The Normans Arriving in Ireland in 1169

For most of history before century, the Irish and English engaged in a peaceful coexistence. However, the Norman drastically changed the power dynamics between the Irish and their neighbors across the Irish Sea. With England united under a powerful monarch, the Normans were quick to take advantage of the weaker Irish petty-kings. in 1169 and 1170 would establish Norman rule over most of Ireland for the next 350 years.

Over the course of those three and a half centuries, English authority over Ireland slowly eroded as they turned their focus to the continent and the ongoing Hundred Years’

War. The Fitzgerald's had become de-facto rulers of Ireland, and were increasingly resisting

English rule. This prompted Henry VIII to invade in 1536 and attempt to re-establish control. However, this was easier said than done. The Tudor Reconquest of Ireland took more than 60 years to complete, and left hundreds of thousands dead.

Following the long and violent series of to take back Ireland, the English wanted to take measures to ensure future passivity. In 1609, King James I began colonizing the northern third of Ireland, giving large tracts of land, known as plantations, away to eager settlers. This mass migration of Scottish and English colonists led to the dilution of Irish

6 culture and language in the region, as well as religion. The English desired to pacify

Ireland, and thought that an influx of protestants and English speakers would help quell dissent. These differences would be the spark for many future sectarian conflicts, including the Troubles.

The Ulster Plantation’s disastrous effects quickly became clear. During the seventeenth century, the English and Irish fought two religious wars. The Irish Wars of

Confederation and the Williamite would, combined, lead to the deaths of almost 1 million people, and further establish the Anglican Church in Ireland. In 1695, after the end of these conflicts, the English passed in order to further restrict the rights of

Catholics and other denominations.

Tensions would boil over again in 1798, when 50,000 Irish rose up in what would be known as the United Irishmen Rebellion. Even with foreign support from the

French, the rebellion was a failure. As punishment, Ireland was stripped of its union status, had its parliament dissolved, and was fully incorporated into the new United Kingdom of

Great Britain and Ireland

Though there was sporadic violence during the nineteenth century, there was not much traction for a large-scale uprising like the . Rather, much of the conflict took place in the halls of Parliament. The Irish Parliamentary Party fought tooth and nail for much of the second half of the century to achieve “Home Rule”, which was the

7 reinstatement of the Irish parliament. In 1914, it looked like Home Rule was finally going to become a reality.

However, the onset of the First World War caused the British to delay the implementation of Home Rule. Irish anger over this, combined with concerns of British military weakness due to the ongoing war and threats of forced conscription led to rapidly rising tensions. This set the stage for young Padraig Pearse to lead a daring rebellion.

On Easter Sunday, 1916, Pearse would lead a revolution known today as the Easter

Rising. Though the rebels were successful at first, heavy shelling by the eventually force Pearse to stand down. Following the , many of the ringleaders were extra-judicially executed. Though the attempt to seize and found a new Irish parliament ultimately failed, the and their leaders became martyrs.

Peace would not last for long. In

January of 1919, the Irish War of

Independence began. Led by heroes like Michael Collins and Easter Rising veterans and Éamon de

Valera, the war lasted two years. While a peace treaty was signed in 1921, the A group of soldiers march through Dublin

8 violence continued. Critically, the treaty allowed for Ulster to remain a part of the U.K. and turned Ireland into a dominion under the British, giving the Irish more autonomy.

In 1922 the broke out between pro-treaty and anti-treaty forces.

Tragically, many of those who had fought together mere months ago were fighting and killing each other, and many of the Independence movement leaders perished. In 1923 the

Civil War ended with an anti-treaty victory, bringing a semblance of peace to the Emerald

Island for the next 40 years.

Following the partition in

1921, Catholics faced extensive discrimination in .

The Irish civil rights movement began in the early 60s to combat housing and job discrimination, and A civil rights demonstration in Northern Ireland also unfair political practices such as gerrymandering and voting restrictions. While the movement remained peaceful for many years, it soon sparked a 30 year long wave of violence known as the Troubles.

In response to Irish demands for civil rights, Ulster loyalists became increasingly militant, trying to disperse the crowds by force. Over time both sides would build up their military capabilities until, in 1969, forces from both sides clashed for two days in .

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Even though British security forces tried to stamp out the conflict, violence quickly spread across Northern Ireland.

The IRA, a name that had been used on and off since the

1860s, was re-founded in 1969 with the goal of defending nationalist neighborhoods in

Northern Ireland. However, the Loyalists and Republicans clash in the streets of Derry group quickly began splitting over politics and strategy. Some members were staunch Marxists and supported a defense- only strategy. Others were left-leaning nationalists, and supported introducing offensive attacks into their repertoire. This would lead to the creation of the Marxist Original IRA, and the nationalist Provisional IRA.

Over the next two years, violence continued, but peaked in 1972. In January of that year, British security forces shot 13 Irish men dead at a peaceful protest in Derry, an event that came to be known as . The public was outraged and enrollment in the pro-retaliation Provisional IRA increased sharply. The Original IRA, dwarfed by their rival organization, disbanded in May.

Due to the rapidly escalating violence and the perceived incompetence of the ruling

Northern Ireland government, the United Kingdom established temporary direct rule. In

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1973, they held elections for the newly established “Northern Ireland Assembly”, which was meant to divide power between nationalists and unionists. His new government signed the

Sunningdale Agreement, a treaty that would have created a power-sharing agreement between the Nationalists and the Unionists. However, neither side was all that enthusiastic about it, especially the Unionists, who viewed it was a betrayal by the British. A massive general strike and boycott forced the agreement to be voided in 1974.

The PIRA’s initial strategy was to force the United Kingdom to withdraw by inflicting heavy losses on the military and undermining British public support for the conflict, much like the IRA’s strategy during the War of Independence. However, as the conflict continued throughout the mid and late 70s, the IRA decided to begin a new strategy known as The Long War.

Rather than mass, open violence, The Long War turned the conflict into a war of attrition and put more focus on the PIRA’s political wing Sinn Fein. As 1980 drew near with no end to the conflict in sight, many residents of Northern Ireland began to turn against the conflict entirely. The “Peace People” as they were known, organized massive rallies against political violence. However, due to accusations by the PIRA that the Peace People were collaborating with British security forces, the movement faltered.

In 1977, PIRA member received 14 years in for firearms possession. While in prison, he became a key organizer for Republican prisoners, putting together a variety of protests against what he and others regarded as inhumane conditions.

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In 1981, Sands and other inmates began a , demanding access to education, mail, and the right to communicate with their fellow prisoners. During the strike, Sands was famously elected to Parliament in his home county.

Sixty-six days after the

strike began, Bobby Sands passed

away. The furious public accused

the United Kingdom of human

rights abuses against political

prisoners. 100,000 people

A mural commemorating Bobby Sands in Derry attended Sands’ funeral in .

PM commented, “Mr. Sands was a convicted criminal. He chose to take his own life.” Public support was reaching an all-time high, and the PIRA was poised to recruit and act like it had not done since the aftermath of Bloody Sunday. Now, the future is up to you.

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Committee Topics

Peace or War?

Beginning in 1981 the PIRA began utilizing their political wing, Sinn Fein, more often. This increased involvement in politics created some divide amongst members of the

PIRA. Some felt Sinn Fein should not participate in the British system of government, while others felt more political involvement could induce change from the inside.

One topic the committee will have to confront is the delicate balancing act between political and military action. Continued violence against civilians may rapidly reduce Sinn

Fein’s political influence, while a cessation of hostilities entirely may leave Sinn Fein without much bargaining power. It is in the committee’s hands to decide what route would be best to take.

Internal Politics

It has been more than a decade since the PIRA split with the Original IRA but the ideological differences among IRA members continue. Following the Original IRA’s end in

1972, many of its former members returned to the PIRA. As a result, the tensions between

Marxists and more moderate sectors have been rising as of late, and soon they may reach a boiling point.

Every member of the committee will have varying political views and it will be imperative that you balance the many competing interests. Maybe the IRA embraces

13 hardline , left-wing nationalism, or liberal democratic values. No matter what, the issue of political alignment will come to a head.

Arms and Money

As a full-fledged paramilitary force, the PIRA needs resources to continue operating.

Whether it’s arms for engaging directly in combat, or money for propaganda, securing access to essential resources will be key to success. Making this task difficult is the United

Kingdom and other international peacekeeping bodies such as the United Nations and

Interpol, who will be keeping a close eye for smuggling or financial discrepancies.

Through the

course of the

Troubles, the IRA

armed themselves in

a variety of ways.

Smuggling alcohol

and other high value

goods, laundering

money through real

estate, and securing

A pro-Republican mural in Belfast the support of foreign donors or even foreign governments were all key to keeping the IRA’s fight alive. It will take ingenuity and caution to keep your supply chains running and secure a consistent access to money and arms.

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Positions

Gerry Adams

Adams is a young up-and-coming political activist and IRA member. Hailing from Belfast, Adams has become an impressively high ranking member in Sinn Fein for his young age, and is a vocal proponent of using politics to achieve the

IRA’s aims. He chose to follow the PIRA during the IRA’s split during the late 60s, and prefers left-wing nationalism to strict orthodox Marxism. As a rising star in the political world,

Adams is able to throw his weight around with Sinn Fein more than most.

Martin McGuinness

A natural ally to Adams in many ways, McGuinness (a native of Derry) is another young political activist and Sinn Fein member. An avid supporter of focusing the IRA on the political battle, McGuinness was originally an Official IRA member before later joining the PIRA. While sympathetic to

Marxism, McGuinness is not a firebrand like some other members. Unlike Adams, McGuinness is staunchly against continued violence against civilians, and has flirted with more pacifist approaches in the past.

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Siobhán O'Hanlon

One of the organization’s youngest members, at just 18

O’Hanlon is the niece of fellow committee member .

While her sister Eilis is a Unionist and a pacifist, Siobhánis neither. She believes in forcing the British out of Northern

Ireland by any means necessary, including indiscriminate violence, and is a firm anti-Marxist. She has connections to bomb-makers in Belfast, something that can be taken advantage of in committee.

Seamus Twomey

Twomey is a veteran of the IRA, having first joined in the 1930s.

During the 1960s split between the Official IRA and the PIRA,

Twomey sided with the PIRA and actively fought against the leftward shift in politics. He was a key organizer in the bombing campaigns of the late 60s and early 70s, and is also a former Chief of Staff for the entire organization. Due to his deep roots in the organization, Twomey has access to a personal weapons stockpile.

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Martina Anderson

Anderson was born in in 1962, and grew up there during the notorious “Battle of Bogside”. With nine siblings, she comes from a large family of Irish Republicans. At the age of 18, she joined the IRA and was just recently released from prison following firearm charges. She is indifferent towards the internal political struggles ongoing in the IRA, though she supports political solutions over violence. Her connections in her hometown of Derry allow her special access to information from the city.

Roseanna Brown

Brown, a native of Belfast, is an actor, entertainer, and most importantly an IRA intelligence officer. Born in 1945, she was forced to raise seven children by herself after her husband left.

In 1970, she joined Sinn Fein, which led her to joining the

PIRA in 1971. As an intelligence officer, she was famous for seducing Unionists and other high value targets, extracting as much information as possible before she had them assassinated. As a working class women, she is sympathetic to Marxist ideas and is not opposed to using violence.

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Joe Cahill

Born in 1920 and serving in the IRA since 1940, Cahill is one of the longest serving members of the PIRA, and was instrumental in its founding. He is a staunch anti-Marxist, as he helped found the PIRA to keep the organization from drifting too far left. He believes violence is an important tool in the IRA’s fight. Cahill was formerly in charge of arms importation and thus has some contacts Libya for later use.

Eamon Collins

Hailing from a small town in Armagh County, Collins is one of the

IRA’s most interesting figures. He joined the PIRA in 1974 after he and his father were assaulted by British soldiers. At university, he became a dedicated Marxist and went on to return to his hometown and continue his involvement with the IRA. Over the years he has been responsible for the deaths of at least five people. However, Collins has become increasingly disturbed by the IRA’s indiscriminate violence and is now a staunch pacifist. From his time at Queen’s University in Belfast, he has contacts among some of the students there.

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Rose Dugdale

Dugdale was born to a wealthy English family in 1941. She was a debutante in her early years, before becoming radicalized while studying at university and visiting Cuba. She became involved in the Irish civil rights movement before moving on to become a member of the IRA. She famously stole more than $8 million worth of paintings from the Russborough House in

Ireland. She is a hardline Marxist and not afraid to use violence. Her connections to the aristocracy give her a lot of money to work with.

Martin Ferris

Ferris, born in 1952, was a player before he joined the PIRA. He primarily focuses on securing income for the IRA, most often through bank robbery. While he has been to prison multiple times for his daring raids, he was released in 1977. He is indifferent to the internal political struggle between Marxism and other left-wing ideologies and prefers not to use violence, though he is open to it when necessary. As an arms smuggler, he also has some contacts in America.

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Jim Lynagh

Born in 1956, Jim Lynagh joined the PIRA in the early 1970s. In

1973, he was injured when the bomb he was delivering prematurely exploded and would spend the next five years in prison. During this time, he studied the ideology of Mao Zedong, becoming an ardent

Maoist. Following his release, he embarked on multiple brutal attacks against Ulster politicians, earning him the grisly nickname “The Executioner.” He leads a small band of Maoist paramilitaries in collaboration with Pádraig McKearney.

Padraig McKearney

McKearney was born in 1954 into a family with lineage in the

IRA. Both of his grandfather’s had fought for them in the Irish

War of Independence. Following his education at Catholic school, McKearney joined the PIRA in the early 70s. In 1973 he was sentenced to seven years in prison but was released early in

1977. Following the deaths of his brother and uncle at the hands of British soldiers, he became increasingly violent. He would eventually join up with fellow IRA member Jim

Lynagh to run a small sect of Maoist IRA members.

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Patrick Magee

Magee, who was born in Belfast, spent most of his childhood in the English city of Norwich before returning to Belfast at the age of 20. Shortly following his return, he joined the

PIRA, and was involved in a series of bombings before serving a short prison sentence in the mid-70s. Magee is largely ambivalent towards the internal politics of the IRA. His remorse for the deaths of innocents during his earlier bombings has led him to promote more careful methods of attack that avoid harming civilians. As a former Norwich resident, he has some contacts there who are sympathetic to the cause.

Proinsias MacAirt

MacAirt was born in 1922 and is thus one of the IRA’s longest serving members. As a young man he joined the Irish

Republican youth group Fianna Éireann, which led to his arrest in 1942 for performing illegal military drills. He also participated in the IRA border campaign of the late 50s and early 60s. He took a leave from the Republican movement following the campaign but came out of retirement in the late

60s to help found the PIRA and the new Sinn Fein. Tempered by old age, he is not as passionately concerned with the methods or politics of the organization. Much like some of the other senior members of the group, he has access to a weapons stockpile from the Irish

Civil War.

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Kevin McKenna

McKenna, born during the mid-1940s, joined the IRA around

1965 before emigrating to Canada shortly after. His time in

Canada was short lived however, as rising tensions in Ireland in the early 70s led him to return. McKenna would begin rapidly rising up the ranks, establishing himself as one of the organization’s key members. McKenna was known for butting heads with more militant members such as McKearney and

Lynagh, and strongly promoted an increased focus on political action. He was also an anti-

Marxist, as he believed Marxism would not be palatable for voters.

SeánMac Stíofáin

Stíofáin was born in to an Irish mother and an

English father. Before joining the IRA he spent some time with the Royal Air Force during the 1940s. He joined the IRA in the early 50s and participated in a arms raid that would lead to his imprisonment for half a decade. As the 60s continued, Stíofáin became increasingly concerned with the IRA’s continued drift towards the left. In 1969, he broke off from the IRA and formed the PIRA along with some like- minded individuals, and became its first Chief of Staff. However, in 1973 he was imprisoned, causing him to lose favor with PIRA leadership for his sloppiness. From then on Stíofáin would serve as a lower-ranking member. He is staunchly anti-Marxist, is not opposed to violence, and also has access to contacts in Greece from his days in military prison.

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Danny Morrison

Morrison was born in the prominent Republican stronghold of , Belfast in the year 1953. Following the

1969 Northern Ireland riots, Morrison came to believe that the IRA needed to be reformed in order to defend Catholics living in Ulster. He worked with a young and other left-nationalist figures to reform the organization throughout the 70s. While not entirely opposed to violence, he is staunchly against the killings of civilians, Protestant or Catholic. He prefers using Sinn Fein as a political arm to indiscriminate killing. As a friend of Adams, Morrison supports left-wing nationalism over orthodox Marxism. As editor of the , a widely circulated Republican publication, he can publish wide-reaching speeches and manifestoes.

Thomas Murphy

Thomas Murphy hails from on the border between the and Northern Ireland. A

Republican sympathizer, he joined up with the South Armagh brigade from across the border. The South Armagh Brigades was instrumental in smuggling both across the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland, as well as abroad. He is in favor of a military approach towards the conflict, seeing an extensive guerilla warfare campaign as the only path to victory. He is ambivalent on the nationalist-Marxist split, and

23 could be swayed either way. Due to his connections in Ireland, he has no trouble smuggling items across the border.

Dáithí Ó Conaill

Ó Conaill was born in County in the year 1939. His uncle was killed during the Irish War of Independence before he was born, inspiring him to become involved in

Irish at a young age. He fought during the

IRA’s 1957 border campaign, and was later credited with being the first to introduce the to Northern

Ireland. During the 1971 IRA split, he sided with the nationalists over the Marxists. He is totally opposed to the use of politics to achieve the IRA’s goals, believing that Republicans should not seek political office, and supports a violent approach instead, and is also a staunch anti-Marxist. As a man famous for his use of car bombs, Ó Conaill has an easier time assembling and deploying them.

Bobby Storey

Bobby Storey was born in Belfast to a family that was indifferent to the political struggle between Republicans and

Unionists. However, as he grew up, his exposure to violence in

Belfast, especially Bloody Sunday, emboldened him to join the

IRA. At the age of 17 he was arrested and charged with illegal arms possession, but he later escaped. Storey is sympathetic to Marxist ideas, and supports

24 a balanced use of politics and violence to achieve the IRA’s goals. As an organizer of a prison break, Storey is adept at organizing prison escapes and breaking out himself.

Gerry McGeough

McGeough was born in in 1958, and joined the East Tyrone Brigade at the age of 16. As a young man, he was involved in violence across Northern Ireland, and even travelled abroad to secure arms and funding. He is a staunch anti-Marxist, going as far as to try to push Sinn Fein further right, not common among Republicans. He generally supports the use of violence over political efforts. Due to his extensive travels and weapons dealings, with some effort he is able t to procure especially exotic and advanced weapons from the continent.

Dominic McGlinchey

Born in , County Derry, McGlinchey grew up in a household with strong roots in .

Beginning at 17 he was active in the IRA, and was arrested in 1977 for hijacking a police vehicle. While in prison he was introduced to the ideas of Marxism-Leninism, and become an ardent Marxist. His extreme devotion to violence against

Unionist and his far-left views often but him into conflict with IRA leadership. His unique viewpoints in the organization has caused some members to come out in support, and thus

McGlinchey has access to a small group of three loyal supporters.