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The Cases of Femen and Women of Liberia1
Feminine Features as Political Tools: The Cases of Femen and Women of Liberia1 Rasgos femeninos como herramientas políticas: los casos de Femen y Mujeres de Liberia Gabriela Caviedes2 Universidad de los Andes (Chile) Recibido: 30-11-16 Aprobado: 07-01-17 Abstract This paper is an analysis of the different ways in which feminism can be understood, using as examples the cases of the feminist movements Femen and Women of Liberia. Both are distinguished by using feminine features as political tools, and both have been an issue of interest for audiovisual productions. Each one is the main subject of two documentaries: Ukraine is not a Brothel, that concerns Femen movement; and Pray the Devil Back to Hell, that concerns Women of Liberia movement. I shall use this material in order to present each. After presenting them I will analyze them in light of the definition and division of feminism that Karen Offen, scholar of the University of California, does. I will then conclude that Femen is an example of what she calls ‘individualistic feminism’, and Women of Liberia an example of what she named ‘relational feminism’. I will also conclude that the political position they achieve is also due to the branch of feminism they represent. Key-words: Feminism, Femen, Ukraine Is Not a Brothel, Woman of Liberia, Pray the Devil Back to Hell. 1 La elaboración de este trabajo ha contado con el financiamiento de la Comisión Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología de Chile, CONICYT-PFCHA/Doctorado Nacional/2016-21160065. 2 ([email protected]). Gabriela Caviedes es doctoranda en Filosofía en la Universidad de los Andes, Chile. -
The Pussy Riot Affair: Gender and National Identity in Putin's Russia 1 Peter Rutland 2 the Pussy Riot Affair Was a Massive In
The Pussy Riot affair: gender and national identity in Putin’s Russia 1 Peter Rutland 2 The Pussy Riot affair was a massive international cause célèbre that ignited a widespread movement of support for the jailed activists around the world. The case tells us a lot about Russian society, the Russian state, and Western perceptions of Russia. It also raises interest in gender as a frame of analysis, something that has been largely overlooked in 20 years of work by mainstream political scientists analyzing Russia’s transition to democracy.3 There is general agreement that the trial of the punk rock group signaled a shift in the evolution of the authoritarian regime of President Vladimir Putin. However, there are many aspects of the affair still open to debate. Will the persecution of Pussy Riot go down in history as one of the classic trials that have punctuated Russian history, such as the arrest of dissidents Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel in 1966, or the trial of revolutionary Vera Zasulich in 1878? Or is it just a flash in the pan, an artifact of media fascination with attractive young women behaving badly? The case also poses a challenge for feminists. While some observers, including Janet Elise Johnson (below), see Pussy Riot as part of the struggle for women’s rights, others, including Valerie Sperling and Marina Yusupova, raise questions about the extent to Pussy Riot can be seen as advancing the feminist cause. Origins Pussy Riot was formed in 2011, emerging from the underground art group Voina which had been active since 2007. -
Evaluatie Ledenwerving
Evaluatie ledenwerving Een overzicht van door het Commissariaat geregistreerde activiteiten Commissariaat voor de Media 25 augustus 2009 1. Inleiding Eens in de vijf jaar worden aan omroepverenigingen erkenningen verleend voor het verzorgen van media-aanbod voor de landelijke publieke mediadienst. Op 1 september 2010 lopen de huidige erkenningen voor de omroepverenigingen af. Dit betekent dat omroepverenigingen een nieuwe erkenning zullen moeten aanvragen. De aanvraag wordt ingediend onder toevoeging van een beleidsplan. Bij dit beleidsplan dient het door het Commissariaat vastgestelde aantal leden te worden gevoegd. Deze aanvraag dient in de laatste week van de maand juli 2009 te worden ingediend. Bij de vaststelling van het aantal leden wordt uitgegaan van het aantal leden op de peildatum 1 april 2009. Het Commissariaat ging er van uit dat mede door de overgang van een systeem van A en B omroepen naar een systeem met een glijdende schaal, omroepverenigingen veel moeite zouden doen om nieuwe leden te werven. De aspirant omroepen moesten doorgroeien van 50.000 leden naar 150.000 leden, waardoor ook grote ledenwerfcampagnes in lijn der verwachting lagen. Daarom zijn in de periode 1 juni 2008 - 1 april 2009 de activiteiten op het gebied van ledenwerving systematisch door het Commissariaat gevolgd. Door het Commissariaat is een groot aantal activiteiten geregistreerd, zowel van de aspirant omroepen als van bestaande omroepen. Gedurende bovengenoemde periode bleek vervolgens dat een groot aantal nieuwe partijen als omroepvereniging tot het publieke bestel toegelaten wilde worden. Deze nieuwe omroepverenigingen stortten zich ook op het werven van leden. Na 1 april 2009 hebben de omroepverenigingen hun ledenbestand bij het Commissariaat aangeleverd. -
Nostalgia 20 3.2.2.2
MEERJARENBEGROTING 2011-2015 Colofon September 2010 Uitgave NPO Corporate website Publiekeomroep.nl Vormgeving Studio FC Klap Druk ZuidamUithof Drukkerijen Inhoud Pagina: Pagina: Leeswijzer 6 4. Programmatische bijdragen omroepen 23 Inleiding 7 5. Distributie 32 1. Algemeen 9 6. Financieel kader en begroting 33 1.1. Evenwichtig en onderscheidend aanbod 9 1.2. Verbeteren bereik 11 Bijlagen 37 1.3. Vergroten van impact 12 1.4. Veranderend mediagebruik 13 Financiële terugblik 2009 55 2. Video 14 2.1. Algemeen 14 2.1.1. Technologische innovatie en experiment 14 2.2. Paletten 14 2.2.1. Nederland 1 14 2.2.2. Nederland 2 14 2.2.3. Nederland 3 15 2.2.4. Z@PP 16 2.2.5. Z@ppelin 17 2.2.6. Nederland 24 17 3. Audio 18 3.1. Algemeen 18 3.1.1. Technologische innovatie en experiment 18 3.2. Paletten 18 3.2.1. Verrijkende paletten 18 3.2.1.1. Radio 1 18 3.2.1.2. Radio 4 18 3.2.1.3. Radio 6 19 3.2.1.4. Radio 7 19 3.2.2. Verbindende paletten 20 3.2.2.1. Radio 5 Nostalgia 20 3.2.2.2. Radio 2 20 3.2.2.3. 3FM 21 3.2.2.4. FunX 21 Meerjarenbegroting | 2011-2015 5 Leeswijzer Deze Meerjarenbegroting is de eerste in de reeks van de nieuwe Concessieperiode, lopend tot januari 2016. In het Concessie- beleidsplan, dat in maart 2010 is gepresenteerd, is een samen- hangend pakket aan ambities en doelen neergelegd. In de voorliggende meerjarenbegroting is voor een selectie van deze ambities aangegeven wat de belangrijkste doelen in het komende begrotingsjaar zullen zijn. -
Inkomend Gescand Document 1-10-2009
COMMISSARIAAT VOOR DE MEDIA Hoge Naarderweg 78 HUI 1217 AH Hilversum HUI Postbus 1426 HUI 1200 BK Hilversum HUI [email protected] HUI www.cvdm.nl T 035 773 77 00 Ulli F 035 773 77 99 Hill Ministerie van OCW E-doc Nr. De minister van Onderwijs, Datum Reg l-IQ-loo^ Cultuur en Wetenschap de heer dr. Ronald H.A. Plasterk Directie Postbus 16375 Ter behandeling aan: 2500 BJ DEN HAAG B'Advies aan/jildoening dmot bewindspersoon D Advies aan/afdoening door lid MT-OCW Datum Onderwerp D Afdoening op directieniveau 29 september 2009 Advies erkenningaanvragen G Ter kennisneming Uw kenmerk Ons kenmerk Col fcfttóSfilftpOoor; Doorkiesnummer 18895/2009014195 JariVoccolmon Boseh i 31 (005) 773 TT09 Geachte heer Plasterk, Voor de komende erkenningperiode, die loopt van september 2010 tot en met 31 december 2015, zijn de bestaande omroepverenigingen en nieuwe initiatieven in de gelegenheid gesteld een aanvraag in te dienen voor toekenning van een (voorlopige) erkenning. In de daarvoor aangewezen periode ontving het Commissariaat aanvragen van alle acht omroepverenigingen die nu al een definitieve erkenning hebben, van de twee aspirant omroepverenigingen LLiNK en MAX en van de twee nieuwe initiatieven PowNed en Wakker Nederland, dat momenteel onder de naam WNL opereert. Wij hebben alle aanvragen doorgeleid naar uw ministerie, naar de Raad voor Cultuur en naar de raad van bestuur van de publieke omroep, welke laatste twee daarover net als het Commissariaat advies zullen uitbrengen. Bij brief van 13 juli 2009 heeft u ons formeel om advies gevraagd. Bij deze adviesaanvraag hoorde een "handreiking bij de beoordeling van aanvragen voor erkenning als omroepvereniging". -
Oksana Shachko (1987–2018), Co-Founder of FEMEN
IN MEMORIAM _____________________________________________________________ Oksana Shachko (1987–2018), co-founder of FEMEN Gender, feminism, and performative protest This last July, FEMEN co-founder Oksana (or Oxana) Shachko was found dead in her apartment in the Paris suburbs from what appears to have been a suicide.1 Shachko was a revolutionary feminist who offered her body for her cause; she was also an artist, trained and practiced in painting Orthodox icons from her childhood. Born in western Ukraine amidst the post-Soviet eco- nomic devastation, she had wanted to dedicate her life to the church and then to communism before committing to feminism in her late teens.2 She had been forced to flee to France in 2013 when Ukrainian authorities (under the admin- istration of pro-Russia President Viktor Yanukovych) launched proceedings against FEMEN for terrorism. They had found some weapons and a portrait of Vladimir Putin with a target, which FEMEN alleges had been planted. By most accounts, Shachko was a person whose full-bodied beliefs ordered her life, leaving little room for self-care. Outside of Ukraine, she seems to have gotten lost, disconnecting from FEMEN and struggling to find a new role by returning to her Orthodox-related art. According to one of her closest friends, it was exile that killed her.3 FEMEN has received a tremendous amount of attention and sparked much controversy over the last decade, but Shachko’s death is good moment to con- sider FEMEN from her perspective. Phenomena such as FEMEN have multiple versions and change over time, and Shachko’s FEMEN is distinct from the FEMEN we see now. -
Pussy Riot & Femen
FEMEN protest in Kiev during 2010 Ukrainian election Sisters Kick Some Patriarchal Ass Pussy Riot & FEMEN Change the Face of Feminism By Chandra Niles Folsom It didn’t take long for jailed Pussy Riot members Maria Alyokhina and Nadezhda Tolokonnikova to get back to kicking some patriarchal ass after being sprung from the Russian Gulag. Alyokhina and Tolokonnikova had been in the slammer for almost two years for slamming President Putin in song at a Moscow cathedral and posting it online. Since their release by Putin, just before the Winter Olympics held in Sochi, they have spoken out about their experiences to journalists, appeared on television and were introduced onstage by Madonna in New York at Amnesty International’s Bring Human Rights Home concert. They topped it off by performing in protest just outside Olympic Park during the games. The band was in town to protest what they said was lack of freedom of speech and to record a new music video called "Putin Will Teach You To Love Your Country." And as they have become well accustomed, Pussy Riot members were attacked by security officials and beaten. www.youtube.com/watch?v=ivT-I-yxtdY Donning their traditional colorful ski masks, Pussy Riot was performing when they were pepper-sprayed by a Russian Cossack before other Cossacks jumped in, publicly flogging and unmasking them. One of the band's posse said that the Cossacks shouted at them, “You sold yourselves to the Americans!" A day earlier, band members had been detained and held for several hours at a police station nearby. -
Ukraine Female, Naked and Right: Sexual Activism the Ukrainian Way
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Greenwich Academic Literature Archive UKRAINE FEMALE, NAKED AND RIGHT: SEXUAL ACTIVISM THE UKRAINIAN WAY Maria M. Pasholok Reports. 2014 raised perhaps the biggest concern in legal terms as two homophobic bills were pending in parliament, proposing fines or a prison sentence of up to six years for the production, publication or Introduction distribution of materials aimed at the “promotion” The image of young, blonde Ukrainian women with of homosexuality among children.4 The same year, half-naked bodies and sexual rights slogans paint- Rada – the Ukrainian parliament – twice postponed ed on their breasts has become one of the most consideration of amendments to the Labour Code recognisable and scandalous phenomena world- protecting against discrimination on the grounds of wide in recent years. They are Femen,1 one of the sexual orientation. best-known feminist carnivalesque protest groups, All this happened at the time of a serious po- founded in Ukraine to fight for sexual equality and litical and military crisis that is still unfolding in sexual and political freedoms. Ukraine as a result of the 2014 Euromaidan move- Despite the obviously provocative component of ment5 which led to the re-election of parliament and their spectacular protests (or even performances?), the annexation of the Crimean peninsula by Russia the group largely owes its worldwide popular- in March 2014.6 ity to new media and the internet. For example, in It is important to understand that the Euromaid- 2010 Google searches for “Femen” had surpassed an movement in Ukraine started as a desire among searches for “feminism” and “sextremism” (a term citizens of the country to join the European Union coined by the group leaders).2 Focusing on Femen (EU). -
Multilingual Discourses Vol. 2.1-2. (Summer 2015) 62 Marine Gheno
62 Multilingual Discourses Vol. 2.1-2. (Summer 2015) Marine Gheno The FEMENist Connection: Ruptures and Agency in FEMEN France he logo adopted by FEMEN is the letter Ф, “F” in Cyrillic, hand- drawn to resemble a chest with two breasts (see fig. 1). The T group announces already with this iconography a desire to explore nudity as an activist practice. FEMEN activists are known (and famous) for inscribing the messages of their protest directly on their bare breasts and other parts of their bodies, thus claiming nudity as a way towards freedom through a “naked war” (fig. 2). The use of multiple languages on FEMEN’s demonstration signs in France, such as English and French, Arabic, Russian, Ukrainian and more depending on the topic (fig. 2), enables the group to draw a wider, and transnational, audience. FEMEN has been vocal in favor of abortion rights and gay marriage, in protest against the extreme-right party Front National, and the oppression of Muslim women by Islamism. The group claims to defend a universal and transnational new feminism promoting all women’s liberation using breasts as weapons. While successfully bringing women issues to the forefront of the mainstream media, their method is also criticized for embodying and reproducing Western standards of beauty as well as imposing Western Marine Gheno 63 neoliberal views of freedom on the non-Western other, namely Muslim women. Nudity as a form of activism is very powerful: “Because they disrupt sacrosanct dichotomies of public/private and visible/hidden, naked bodies constitute a uniquely explosive site of protest” (Eileraas 41). -
Bijlage Bij Het Advies Aan De Vlaamse Regering Betreffende De Nieuwe Vrt-Dienst Lineaire Televisie- Omroep Ketnet Jr
/ bijlage 6 ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// BIJLAGE BIJ HET ADVIES AAN DE VLAAMSE REGERING BETREFFENDE DE NIEUWE VRT-DIENST LINEAIRE TELEVISIE- OMROEP KETNET JR. Internationale benchmark ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// www.vlaamseregulatormedia.be INHOUD 1 Inleiding .................................................................................................................................................................................. 5 1.1 Situering 5 1.2 Werkwijze 5 2 Denemarken ......................................................................................................................................................................... 7 2.1 Situering 7 2.2 Kinderaanbod 7 2.2.1 Kinderaanbod publieke omroep 7 2.2.2 Kinderaanbod private omroepen 7 2.3 Analyse 8 2.4 Deelbesluit 12 3 Duitsland .............................................................................................................................................................................. 13 3.1 Situering 13 3.2 Kinderaanbod 13 3.2.1 Kinderaanbod publieke omroep 13 3.2.2 Kinderaanbod private omroepen 14 3.3 Analyse 15 3.4 Deelbesluit 18 4 Frankrijk .............................................................................................................................................................................. -
Reserving the Right to Be Complex: Gender Variance and Trans Identities in the Greek Legal Order
Reserving the Right to Be Complex: Gender Variance and Trans Identities in the Greek Legal Order R. KASAPIDOU PhD 2020 Reserving the Right to Be Complex: Gender Variance and Trans Identities in the Greek Legal Order Roussa Kasapidou A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of Manchester Metropolitan University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Business and Law Manchester Metropolitan University 2020 Table of Contents Table of Contents Abstract 9 List of abbreviations 10 Acknowledgements 12 Chapter 1. Introduction 16 1.1. Having Questions 16 1.2. Thesis Structure and Chapter outline 23 Part A. Theories, Disciplines and Worlds 30 Chapter 2. Queer and Feminist Theorising and Trans Studies 31 2.1. Claiming a Voice, Establishing a Field 31 2.2. Epistemological Tensions, Gender Ontologies and Border Wars 37 2.3. Letting a Thousand Trans Theories Bloom 45 2.4. At the Same(?) Time, Somewhere Else… 51 Chapter 3. Theories of Trans Engagement with Law and the State 64 3.1. Trans Rights 65 3.2. Civil Registration, Gender Classification and the Modern State 77 3.2.a. Civil Registration as a (Gendered) Mode of Modern State Governance 78 3.2.b. Sexology, Law and the Categories in-between Categories 86 3.2.c. Interpretation as an Instance of Power 91 Chapter 4. Methodology 96 4.1. Accountable Epistemologies: 5 RESERVING THE RIGHT TO BE COMPLEX Positionality in Knowledge Production 97 4.2. Doing Trans Research from Somewhere Specific 99 4.3. Research and Analysis: The Reasons, the Ways, The Sources, The Challenges 105 4.3.a. -
Daughters of Feminism
Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche Cattedra di Sociology Daughters of Feminism To be (or not to be) a feminist of the post-everything generation Relatore Candidata Prof. Lorenzo De Sio Chiara Modugno Matr. 074312 Anno accademico 2015-2016 1 Contents Introduction: on why choosing postfeminism, and a structural outline 3 1. Chapter 1: The postfeminist triad: Girl Power, Chick Lit and Gender Maneuvering 6 1.1 Introducing postfeminism: ‘posting’, the axis, and the four tenets of postmodernity 6 1.2 Girl Power: a ‘nineties way’ of doing feminism 12 1.3 Chick Lit or ‘I don’t need feminism’ 17 1.4 Gender Maneuvering, from pariahs to alternative femininities 22 2 Chapter 2: Postfeminism in ‘real life’: Femen, the makeover show and Riot Grrrl 27 2.1 “Our God Is a Woman!”: Femen and sextremism 27 2.2 The ugly duckling is turned into The Swan, or ‘the makeover takeover’ 34 2.3 Revolution Girl Style Now! Riot Grrrls DIY ‘pink’ revolution 40 3 Chapter 3: Finding the perfect match: when theories meet phenomena 46 3.1 Girl Power and Femen, the unexpected power duo 47 3.2 Chick Lit and The Swan: the body mirrors the soul 53 3.3 Riot Grrrls’ Maneuvering of femininities 60 Conclusion: postfeminist fluidity, from politics to culture 67 Bibliography 72 Abstract (Italian) 78 2 Introduction: on why choosing postfeminism, and a structural outline I am not free while any woman is unfree, even when her shackles are very different from my own. - Audre Lorde It is really funny how even cool chicks are sort of like, ‘Our moms covered that feminism thing and now we’re living in a post-that world’, when that just isn’t true.