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Competition and acculturation: VCRs and CATV uses among Koreans in the Columbus area
Han, Gwang-Jub, Ph.D.
The Ohio State University, 1989
Copyright ©1989 by Han, Gwang-Jub. All rights reserved.
UMI 300 N. Zeeb Rd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106
COMPETITION and ACCULTURATION: VCRs and CATV Uses among Koreans in the Columbus Area
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy In the Graduate School of the Ohio State University
By
Gwang-Jub Han, B.A., M.A., M. A.
The Ohio State University
1989
Dissertation Committee: Approved by Joseph Foley Thomas McCain Donald Cegala / Adviper^/ trtmenlof Communication C o p y rig h t 1989 Gvang-Jub Han VITA
July 21,1949 ...... Bom - Incheon, Korea
1976 ...... B. A., Hankuk Univ. of Foreign Studies; Political Science and Diplomacy, Seoul, Korea
1978 ...... M. A., Seoul National Univ.; Public Administration, Seoul, Korea
1976-1978 ...... Graduate Research Associate, Graduate School of Public Administration, SNU, Seoul, Korea
1978 ...... Researcher, Korea Productivity Center, Department of Industry Analysis, Seoul, Korea
1979 -1982 ...... Music Producer, Korean Broadcasting System - FM, Seoul, Korea
1984 ...... M. A., Ohio State Univ., Department of Communication
1985-1987 ...... Graduate Teaching Associate, Ohio State Univ., Department of Communication
1986 Doctoral candidate, Ohio State Univ., Department of Communication
1988 ...... Assistant Professor, Univ. of Wisconsin - Eau Claire Department of Communication and Theatre Arts
ii FIELDS OF STUDY
Mass Media ...... Professor Joseph Foley Professor John Dimmick Professor Thomas McCain
New Media and Information Society ...... Professor Stephen Acker Professor Joseph Foley Professor John Wicklein
Regulation and Policy ...... Professor Joseph Foley Professor Thomas Schwartz
Communication Theory and Intercultural Communication ...... Professor Victor Wall Professor Joseph Pilotta
International Communication ...... Professor Dallas Smythe Professor Thomas McCain
Communication Philosophy ...... Professor Brenda Dervin Professor Joseph Pilotta
Rhetorical Theory ...... Professor James Golden
Methodologies ...... Professor Donald Cegala Professor Robert Giobu Professor Godwin Berquist Professor John Dimmick Professor Warwick Blood ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
Special appreciation goes to my doctoral committee. First, to Joseph Foley, my advisor, who has provided valuable guidance, new perspective, and encouragement. I am indebted to John Dimmick, who directed my MA thesis and has shown me an elegant approach to macro social phenomena from a micro perspective. Both professors made it possible for my family and me to have a comfortable stay in Ohio and to continue to pursue my final degree. My debts to John and Joe are beyond description.
I have also benefited tremendously from consultations with Thomas McCain and
Donald Cegala. In working with the committee during my entire doctoral program I have gained many insights. Especially, my thanks also go to those who helped enlarge my intellectual curiosity: Joseph Pilotta and Godwin Berquist.
Apart from my professors, special thanks also go to my lovely wife Jung-sook and adorable children Melody and Daniel. They have watched and encouraged this "student husband and daddy" for six years. Other thanks go to my parents who have shown me true love in heaven and to my parents-in-law on the earth. Jaime Meyer, Kate Clark, Dr.
Andrew Calabrese, and Dr. Jeffery Springston also deserve my special thanks for their warm hearts, friendship, and help. Final thanks must go to Dr. Chang-ho Ahn, Dr. Bong-oh Kim, and Mr. Moon Hong who have helped us, encouraged us, and shown us LOVE. Most of all, however, my appreciation should go first and last to Him who has given me health - physically and mentally. TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... S
FIELDS OF STUDY ...... iii
VITA ...... iv
LIST OF TABLES...... vii
LIST OF FIGURES ...... ix
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1
1.1 PROBLEMS ...... 1 1.1.1 Of the VCR ...... 2 1.1.2 Of Koreans in the US ...... 9 1.2 SAMPLE COMMUNITY ...... 15 1.3 THE PURPOSE OF THIS RESEARCH ...... 21 1.4 OVERVIEW OF THE FOLLOWING CHAPTERS ...... 23
II. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 25
2.1 STUDIES ON VCR USE ...... 25 2.1.1 Earlier Stages of the Technology ...... 25 2.1.2 Marketing Studies on VCR Use in the US ...... 28 2.1.3 Cultural Studies on VCR Use ...... 31 2.1.4 VCR Use from a Global Perspective ...... 35
2.2 IMPACT OF THE VCR ...... 38 2.2.1 Media Competition ...... 38 2.2.1.1 The VCR and Broadcast TV ...... 38 2.2.1.2 The VCR and Cable TV ...... 42 2.2.1.3 The VCR and Film ...... 44 2.2.1.4 The VCR and Publishing ...... 46 2.2.1.5 Theoretical Studies ...... 48 2.2.2 Copyright and Pornography ...... 50 2.2.3 Ethnic Minorities ...... 52
2.3 THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS ...... 52 2.3.1 Diffusion Theories ...... 54 2.3.2 Uses and Gratifications Approach ...... 58 2.3.3 Acculturation, Ethnicity, and Media ...... 64 2.3.3.1 Acculturation and Assimilation ...... 64 2.3.3.2 Communication and Acculturation ...... 66 2.3.3.3 Ethnicity and Class ...... 71 2.4 Chapter Summary ...... 76
v III. METHODOLOGY...... 78
3.1 Ideological proposition ...... 78 3.2 Theoretical Proposition ...... 83 3.2.1 The Uses and Gratifications Approach ...... 84 3.2.2 Technoristic Approach ...... 89 3.2.3 Lifestyle Approach ...... 94 3.2.4 Acculturation Studies ...... 97 3.3 Methodological Proposition ...... 103 3.3.1 Questionnaire Construction ...... 104 3.3.2 Instrument ...... 106 3.3.3 Sample ...... 107
IV. RESULTS ...... 109
4.1 Demographic Characteristics of the Community ...... 109 4.2 Research Question 1 ...... 114 4.2.1 Diffusion of VCRs and Cable TV ...... 114 4.2.2 Reasons of VCR Ownership / Cable Subscription ...... 116 4.2.3 Viewing Time ...... 120 4.2.4 Programs ...... 123 4.2.5 Korean Videotapes ...... 125 4.3 Research Question 2 ...... 129 4.3.1 Structural Variables ...... 129 4.3.2 Lifestyle Variables ...... 134 4.3.3 Media Variables ...... 137 4.3.4 Discriminant Analysis ...... 143 4.3.5 VCR Use ...... 148 4.4 Research Question 3 ...... 155 4.4.1 TV Program Preference ...... 153 4.4.2 TV Viewing Time among TV only, Cable, and V CRs 156 4.4.3 Medium Choice and Audience Needs ...... 161 4.4.4 The VCR’s Impact on Korean's Daily Lives ...... 168 4.4.5 Reactions to Korean Cable Channel ...... 170 4.5 Research Question 4 ...... 173 4.5.1 Korean's Cultural Preference ...... 174 4.5.2 Acculturation and Three Groups of Variables ...... 176 4.5.3 Acculturation, Cable Subscription, and VCR Ownership.. 183 4.5.4 Acculturation and VCR Use ...... 185 4.5.5 Other Findings ...... 187
V. SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, AND CONCLUSIONS ...... 189
5.1 Summary ...... 189 5.2 Discussion ...... 195 5.2.1 Demographics ...... 192 5.2.2 Video Phenomena ...... 193 5.3 Implications and conclusions ...... 199 5.4 Suggestions for Future Research ...... 206
vi LIST OF TABLES
TABLES PAGE
1.1 Television Network Primetime Share D ecline ...... 4
1.2 Local Television Station, Share Decline in Cable Homes ...... 4
1.3 The Diffusion of the video cassette recorders, 1975 -1987 ...... 7
1.4 The Trend of Immigration from Asia and Korea, 1965 -1986 ...... 10
1.5 Foreign Students Enrolled in Institutions of Higher Education in the US, 1973-1985 ...... 11
2.1 Circulation Causalties and the Cassette Challenge ...... 47
2.2 Types of Assimilation ...... 65
3.1 The Medium, Technology, and Functions...... 92
3.2 A Comparison of Characteristics of Video Media ...... 93
4.1 Sex Distribution ...... 110
4.2 Sex by Visa Status ...... 110
4.3 Age by Sex ...... 110
4.4 Marital Status by Sex ...... 111
4.5 Length of Residency in the US by Sex ...... 111
4.6 Education by Sex ...... 111
4.7 Income by Visa Status ...... 112
4.8 Occupation by Visa Status ...... 112
4.9 Cable TV Subscription ...... 115
4.10 Occupation by Cable TV Subscription ...... 115
4.11 VCR Ownership ...... 115
4.12 Occupation by VCR Ownership ...... 116
vii 4.13 Cable TV Subscription by VCR Ownership ...... 116
4.14 Reasons lor Subscribing to Cable TV ...... 117
4.15 Reasons for Purchasing the VCR ...... 118
4.16 Reasons for Not Subscribing to Cable TV ...... 119
4.17 Reasons for Purchasing the VCR ...... 119
4.18 Cable TV and VCR Viewing Time ...... 120
4.19 Program Preference: Cable TV vs. VCR Recording ...... 121
4.20 The Quantity of Taped Videotapes at Home ...... 122
4.21 Sources and Quantity of Rented Tapes during the Survey Period ...... 122
4.22 Videotape Genre by Rental and Recording Behavior ...... 123
4.23 Korean Videotape Rental List ...... 124
4.24 Korean Videotape Rental by Day of Week ...... 125
4.25 Structural Variables by VCR Ownership ...... 131
4.26 Structural Variables by CATV Subscription ...... 132
4.27 Life Styles by VCR Ownership ...... 136
4.28 Life Styles by CATV Subscription ...... 137
4.29 Print Media Use among Koreans ...... 138
4.30 Electronic Media Use among Koreans ...... 139
4.31 Media Subscription or Ownership by VCR Ownership ...... 140
4.32 The Frequency of Other Media Use by VCR Ownership ...... 140
4.33 Media Subscription or Ownership by CATV Subscription ...... 142
4.34 The Frequency of Other Media Use by CATV Subscription ...... 142
4.35 A Comparison of Discriminant Power (VCR Ownership) ...... 144
4.36 A Comparison of Discriminant Power (CATV Subscription) ...... 145
4.37 Discriminant Analysis and Individual Variables (VCR Ownership) .. 146
viii 4.38 Discriminant Analysis and Individual Variables (CATV Subscription) 147
4.39 Structural Variables by VCR Use ...... 145
4.40 Selected Structural Variables by VCR Use ...... 150
4.41 Media Variable by VCR Use ...... 151
4.42 Selected Media Variable by VCR Use ...... 152
4.30 Life Style Variables and VCR Use ...... 153
4.44 Selected Life Style Variables and VCR Use ...... 154
4.45 TV Program Preference by VCR Ownership ...... 156
4.46 TV Program Preference by CATV Subscription ...... 157
4.47 TV Program Preference between Students and Immigrants ...... 158
4.48 TV Program Preference: Electronic Media ...... 159
4.49 TV Viewing Time among TVONLY, CABLE, and VCR ...... 160
4.50 Medium Choice Differences by VCR Ownership and CATV Subscription [part I] ...... 162
4.51 Medium Choice Differences by VCR Ownership and CATV Subscription [part II] ...... 163
4.52 The VCR’s Perceived Impact on Daily Lives [part I] ...... 169
4.53 The VCR’s Perceived Impact on Daily Lives [part II] ...... 170
4.54 Korean Cable TV vs. the VCR [part I] ...... 171
4.55 Korean Cable TV vs. the VCR [part II] ...... 171
4.56 Korean's Cultural Orientation ...... 174
4.57 Acculturation Indicators by Students and Immigrants ...... 175
4.58 The Relationship between Acculturation Variables and Media, Structural, and Life Style Variables ...... 177
4.59 Anglicization of Name by Selected Variables ...... 178
4.60 Anglicization of Children's Name by Selected Variables ...... 179
4.61 English as the Major Spoken Language with Children at Home [part I] ...... 181
ix 4.62 English as the Major Spoken Language with Children at Home [part II] ...... 182
4.63 Acculturation by CATV Subscription ...... 184
4.64 Acculturation by VCR Ownership ...... 184
4.65 Acculturation by VCR Use ...... 184
4.66 Acculturation by US Videotape Use ...... 186
4.67 Acculturation by Korean Videotape Use ...... 186
4.68 Acculturation by VCR Recording ...... 186
4.69 VCR Use by Students and Immigrants ...... 187
x LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURES PAGE
1.1 The Trend of Network Prime-time Ratings, 1975 -1985 ...... 2
1.2 Rate of Adoption of Cable TV and VCRs, 1975 -1990 ...... 6
1.3 The Trend of Immigration to Ohio ...... 17
1.4 Preferred Areas in Ohio by Korean Immigrants ...... 18
2.1 The VCR, Cable and Pay Cable Television ...... 43
2.2 Revenue Mix for Theatrical Films ...... 46
3.1 A Continuum of New Communication Technology Offerings and Consumption ...... 91
3.2 An Integrated Model of Media Use and Dependency ...... 103
4.1 Korean Videotape Rental Weekly Pattern ...... 127
xi CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
This study attempts to analyze an ethnic use of video cassette recorders (VCRs). More
specifically, this is a case study of VCR use among Koreans in the Columbus area with emphasis
upon the use, competition, and acculturation. As new forms of video delivery technology have
become available to expand the number of channels, these new media technologies not only affect
the structure of media industry but also provide an extended range of choices for almost all users
including ethnic minorities. In particular, cable TV's audience specialization and the VCR users'
fractionalization now provide opportunities for new or different uses and gratifications to
non-English speaking racial minorities who have not enjoyed equal service from existing electronic
communications media in the United States. In this context, this first chapter will address the
general lack of VCR research from a cultural perspective and the lack of Korean American study in
this field in the US as the problems. The importance of studying VCR use among ethnic groups is to
be discussed with emphasis upon the rapid diffusion of VCR technology, the historical trend of
mass media research in the US, and the sociocultural aspects, and the chapter will conclude with a discussion of the purpose of this study. Finally, each of the following chapters will be overviewed.
1.1 PROBLEMS
Despite the rapid diffusion of VCRs and related software, and their economic, historical, and sociocultural importance, there has been a lack of systematic research on the uses and impact of
"the hottest thing since TV" even in a general sense. At the same time, in spite of the socio cultural and political importance of understanding subcultures in the US, very little has been done on Koreans in the US. These two phenomena (the development of specialized media and the rapid increase of Koreans in the US) deserve more discussion. 2
1.1.1 Of the VCR
New video technology, economic interests, consumer needs being differently served, and reoriented regulation have combined to provide the impetus for the transformation of the conventional media - particularly broadcast TV which is characterized by three networks engaged in a ratings battle for the larger size of audience. This television hegemony is now being challenged by two dimensions of new television technology: cable TV and the VCR. As the Figure 1.1 shows, the TV ratings have shown continuing drops from 17.7 during the 1975-76 to 14.9 during 1985-86 and the drops have often been related to the rapid diffusion of cable television first, and the VCR next. Further, this fractionalization of the audience, once a fact of life for decades in the magazine and radio industries, is believed to have increased in the ensuing years because of the continuing growth of new video media services such as STV, DBS, SMATV etc. Accordingly, the existing relevant industries are trying to understand the future map of the media industries as soon as possible and as much as possible.
rating 18.0
17.0
16.0
15.0
14.0
19751976 19771978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986
17.7 17.9 17 2 17.0 17.5 17.0 16.5 15.3 15.1 14.4 14.9
Figure 1.1 The Trend of Network Prime-time Ratings, 1975-1985 (Atkin and Litman, 1986: 45) For example, NBC polled various industry executives on how they think the future of the networks will be affected by new media technologies. Asked to rank the top three video media technologies as the likeliest to be adopted by consumers, the media leaders chose cable TV
(60%), videos (37%) and personal computers (3%) (Advertising Age, Sept. 23, 1985:58).
Accordingly, it is natural for researchers to pay attention to the competitive aspect of new media. In particular, some observers have predicted a dark future for the commercial television networks as a result of the increased competition from the new forms of video program delivery systems. Thus, most research has been done on cable television's negative impact upon commercial television stations until 1985 when pay television showed no growth rate mainly due to the rapid diffusion of
VCRs and video tape rentals.
Cable television began in the late 1940s as Community Antenna Television (CATV) and remained largely a rural medium until the mid 1970s. Cable television penetration was only
14.3% of US TV households by 1975 (Sterling, 1984:28). Home Box Office (HBO) started in 1972 and grew very slowly. This slow growth was attributed to the inability to rent top-rated films and its programs were delivered to local cable systems on video cassettes or by microwave. Both delivery systems were slow, unwieldy, and poor in picture quality (Rogers, 1986:54-6). When HBO leased a transponder on the Satcom I satellite in 1975, however, the satellite made HBO an instant hit. In
1980, about 20% of TV households in the US subscribed to cable television, growing close to 45% in 1985, and to 50% in 1987. The expectations are that it will be 60% by 1990. The Commerce
Department also projected that by 1990, cable will be in 55% of US TV households ( Video Week,
Jan. 12,1987:5; S ee Figure i.2).
As cable penetration has increased, the industry has been accused of being responsible for the decline of TV audience shares. The data of Bortz et al. (1983) shows that broadcast TV's share of non-cable homes dropped from 87.0% during the period of 1979-1980 to 86.0% during
1980-81 and 84.5% during 1981-82, respectively (See Tables 1.1 and 1.2). Basic cable homes showed more drops than non-cable homes and less drops than pay cable homes. Among the cable television subscribers, for example, the broadcast TV share dropped from 80.5% to 78.8% 4
Table 1.1 Television Network Primetime Share DecSne
Three Network Share
Year Non-cable Basic cable Pay cable Homes Homes Homes
1979-80 87.0% 80.5% 64.5% 1980-81 86.0% 78.8% 63.3% 1981-82 84.5% 75.3% 59.3%
Source: Wirth and Bloch, 1985:122
Table 1.2 Local Television Station, Share Decline in Cable Homes
Market 1979-80 1980-81 1981-82 Non-cable Cable Non-cable Cable Non-cable Cable
Top 50 93.7% 80.6 94.9% 77.0 94.7% 73.8 51-100 88.3% 69.2 88.1% 64.4 87.9% 62.5 101+ 78.3% 53.9 77.9% 50.7 78.0% 48.0
Source: Wirth and Bloch, 1985:123
75.3% during the same periods. Among the pay cable homes, it dropped from 64.5% to 63.3% and 59.3%, respectively (Table 1.1). Broadcast television's share among non-cable homes maintained similar proportions (1.2% increase in the top 50 markets, 0.4% decrease in the top
51-100 and 0.3% decrease in the101+ markets during the 1980-81 and similar proportional changes during the 1981-82) while cable homes showed a 6.8% drop in the top 50, a 6.7% drop in the 51-100, and a 5.9% decrease in the101+ during the 1980-81. This trend continued during the following season (Table 1.2). Wilson and Gutierrez (1985) quoted the Nielsen Report to explain the competition between
broadcast TV and cable TV. In Omaha, Nebraska, where cable television's penetration was only
12%, the networks' share of audience was still a strong 93% in 1985. In San Francisco, on the
other hand, where 40% of all homes subscribed to cable TV, the networks’ share had dropped
sharply to 70% during the sam e period. Similarly, in non-cable households in Tulsa, Oklahoma, the
networks had a 90% share of the audience. Yet, in homes equipped with cable, this number slide to
56%. Recent industry survey supports the same idea by revealing that American homes without
cable tune into broadcast networks 35 hours per week, while viewers in homes with basic cable
watch conventional TV for 33 hours and viewers in homes with both basic and pay cable spend 29
hours viewing ( Channels, January 1987:72).
While many studies have focused on the impact of cable TV on commercial stations, the
VCR is also watched in addition to network television. According to Gottlieb (1986:13), "Americans
watch television they do not pay for and pay for television they do not watch." Gottlieb reported that
47% of the TV households in the US were connected to cable in 1986 but only 4.1% of cable
viewers watched cable TV during prime time, compared to 43% of TV viewers who watched the
three commercial networks during the same time period. Thus, he claimed that it is the VCR rather
than cable, subscription or multi-point distribution system which is watched in the US. This idea is
strongly supported by the rapid diffusion of the VCR in the US.
In January 1987, the Commerce Department projected that there would be 40 million VCR
households in the US or 46% at the end of 1987 (Video Week, Jan. 20, 1987:3-4). An industry
survey during mid March of 1987 revealed that 51% of American TV households - more than 43
million - owned VCRs already (TV Digest, March 30, 1987:17). According to the Nielsen and
Arbitron, VCR penetration reached 46.8 million or 52% of US TV homes in 1987 [43% in 1986;
26% in 1985; and 16% in 1984. S ee Video Week, 1988: Jan.25:3-4]. A survey by F. Magid
Associates Inc. shows that nearly 60% of all TV homes owned VCRs at the end of 1987 (Channels,
Jan. 1988:83). Some 65% of American households owned VCRs this spring, including 10% that 6
40 Cable TV VCRs 30 20
1975 1977 1979 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1990 VCRs 1.4 3.0 6.0 11.1 20.0 26.0 40.0 52.0 70.0
Cable 16.0 19.0 22.0 27.0 37.0 40.0 44.0 46.0 50.0 60.0
Figure 1.2 The Rate of Adoption of Cable TV and VCRs (For VCRs, Video Week and TV Digest; for Cable, Broadcast Yearbook)
had 2 or more (T V Digest, June 27:13,1988). Meanwhile, the VCR ownership among Koreans in
the Columbus area was 42% in January 1985 and 70% in August 1987.
More than 13.3 million VCRs were sold in the US in 1987 alone and 13.2 million sets in
1986 ( Video Week, Jan. 25,1988:9 and Jan. 12,1987:5). Commerce Department data shows the
import of 17.6 million VCRs in 1986. According to TV Digest (March 16,1987:9), for the first time in
history the VCR annual sales rate was higher in February 1987 than color TV sets. The number of
retail video outlets nationwide went from virtually zero to more than 30,000 in 1987. One hundred fifteen million units of prerecorded cassettes were sold in 1987, about 65% higher than 1986's approximate figure of 75 million. Further, demand is expected to remain high for the rest of the decade, with some observers predicting that almost 70% - some 56 million - homes will own VCRs by 1990. A Wilikofsky Gruen Associates' study for Merrill Lynch (1987) predicts the retail value of
VCRs in 1995 to be $20 billion, 4 to 5 times the current level. This amount equals to network TV 7
Table 1.3 The Diffusion of the Video Cassette Recorders
Recorders Tapes Cameras & Camcorder
year unit sold %of price diff. blank rental recorded unit sold (million) Beta ($ ) rate (million) (user%) (million)
1975 .030 100 2,200 - - - --
1976 .050 60 1,300 --- --
1977 .140 50 1,200 - - -- -
1978 .402 45 1,080 - 5.7 - --
1979 .475 29 - - 11.0 - --
1980 .805 33 - - 15.0 40% - 114,465
1981 1,361 - 828 3 22.0 60% - 189,770
1982 2,075 25-30 900 6.4 33.5 67% - 295,947
1983 4,091 - 500 10 75.0 78% 9.5 413,614
1984 7,616 12 450 16 166.4 80% 25.0 488,849
1985 11,853 17 421 26 180.0 84% 48.0 516,698
1986 13,174 8.5-9 395 43 280.0 - 75.0 1,168,768
1987 13,305 - 295 51 320.0 - 110.0 1,604,153
Sources: Combined from TV Digest, Feb. 11, 1988:15; EIA Annual Report, 1985: 23-5 and 27; Video Week, Jan. 12, 1987:5; Jan. 13, 1986:4, Jan. 20, 1986:3; Nov. 24, 1986:2; Broadcasting, Aug. 20, 1985:42; Lachenbruch, 1986: 74, 1985: 6, and 1984:6; F o rtu n e , 1979:110; NAB, 1981:28; Costello and Katz, 1985: 145;7he Video Age, 1981:35-36; Advertising Age, Jan. 6, 1986: 4 and 14; and Home Video Yearbook, 1981: 142 and 146; Home video and Cable TV Report, Jan. 21,1983:3; Waterman, 1985:241 advertising, is 3 times larger than box office growth in movie industry and 10 times larger than pay
television (Video Week, Jan. 20,1986:3-4). VCR penetration surpassed cable diffusion in early
1987 (See Figure 1.2]. In short, VCRs could be at least as common in the1990s as audio cassette
recorders were in the 1970s (Rosenbloom, 1984:207; See Table 1.3).
In addition to this rapid diffusion of the VCR, it should be noted that the concerns of
communication research in the US are highly related to each of the new communication
technologies that have come on the market (Rogers, 1986:133-5). When newspapers were the
dominant mass medium in the early part of the present century, scholars were conducting research
on newspapers. When film became popular in the 1920s and 1930s, research was mounted to
determine the possible negative effects of film-viewing on children and youth. Next, Paul
Lazarsfeld was involved in theorizing about the then new medium, radio. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was television. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, it was cable television. Now, it seems, it is the
video cassette recorder.
Moreover, from a cultural perspective, the more real alternatives there are in a given society, the more internally differentiated that society will be (Thayer, 1979:43-44). The more possibilities there are for variety in ideas and tastes, the more important it will become for the media to narrow their appeal in order to attract specific segments of the mass audience. Similarly, the more subcultures there are in a given society, and the more heterogeneous those subcultures are, the greater the possibility for mass media selectivity and specialization. Toffler (1980) noted the end of the second mass wave in civilization towards a third more individualized one and described this trend of our society as a "shift from demassification of a few images to all of us [via the networks] to narrow distribution of many images to a selected group [via video]."
Finally, audience segmentation has been a very important advertising strategy since TV emerged as the most effective medium for reaching the mass audience during the early 1950s. The communication media system in the past built a mass audience by looking for commonalities in a heterogeneous society. It is now seeking to learn the distinctions between groups in society by playing to different segments of the audience and reinforcing differences between the segments to enhance the delivery of advertising messages. In other words, the media are no longer mass media
but segmented media. The VCR provides an unprecedented opportunity for fragmenting the
audience. Yet, while ethnic minorities have been regarded as marketable segments, research on
numeric minorities and new media has been virtually ignored.
Despite the importance of a VCR study among ethnic groups or an ethnic group, however,
few VCR studies have been done in the US even in a general sense. Thus, Lachenbruch (1984)
argued that VCRs received the least analysis of any of the new media developments in 1983.
Beville (1984) also lamented an appalling shortage of data on the use of VCRs in the home. The
misappreciation for VCR growth and potential in the past and the short time period of this
medium's existence are responsible for this general lack of the VCR study in communications.
1.1.2 Of Koreans in the US
The 'melting pot’ of ethnic groups or ethnic pluralism seems to be fashionable once again as
people have begun to recognize that ethnicity persists. Total integration has not occurred. There
are also positive aspects to cultural pluralism. Further, the pattern of recent immigration is different
from that of the past (Wang and Kincaid, 1982:573-4). Ethnic diversity in the US has endured and
even increased (Petersen, 1986:97-120). As Asian migration to the US steadily increased,
providing assistance in the acculturation process in beooming a priority of both the US government
and other interest groups. The diverse cultural background of the new immigrants is the centered of this concern.
The current immigration data supports the idea that the new immigrants, mostly Asian and
Hispanic, will constitute nearly 40% of the US population within a century (Bouvier, 1981:13).
Between 1977 and 1979 only 5% of immigrants came from northern and western Europe, compared to 42% from Latin America, 39% from Asia, and the remainder from other areas. The
Philippines, Vietnam, India, China, Taiwan, and Korea together comprised 34.4% and 33.6% of the total immigrant flow in 1985 and 1986 respectively. Asians comprised only 7.8% of all those naturalized during the period of 1951-1960. This figure changed to 12.9% during 1961-70,33.5% 10
Table 1.4 TheTrendof Immigration from Asia and Korea, 1965-1986
Year Total Asia Korea Total Total Asia (000) (000) /Asia /Korea /Korea (%) (%) (%)
1965 269.7 20.7 2,165 7.7 0.7 10.5 1966 323.0 39.9 2,492 12.4 0.8 6.2 1967 362.0 59.2 3,956 16.4 1.1 6.7 1968 454.4 57.2 3,811 12.6 0.8 6.7 1969 358.6 73.7 6,045 20.5 1.7 8.2 1970 373.3 92.8 9,314 24.9 2.5 10.0
1971 370.5 103.5 14,297 27.9 3.9 13.8 1972 384.7 121.1 18,876 31.5 4.9 15.6 1973 400.1 124.2 22,930 31.0 5.7 18.5 1974 394.9 130.7 28,028 33.1 7.1 21.4 1975 386.2 132.5 28,362 34.3 7.3 21.4 7 1976 398.6 189.0 30,803 47.4 7.7 7.7 1976 TQ 103.7 - 6,887 - 6.6 - 1977 432.3 157.8 30,917 36.5 6.7 19.6 1978 601.4 249.8 29,288 41.5 4.9 11.7 1979 460.3- 189.3 29,248 41.1 6.4 15.5 1980 530.6 236.1 32,320 44.5 6.1 13.7
1981 596.6 264.3 22,663 44.3 3.8 8.6 1982 594.1 313.3 31,724 52.7 5.3 10.1 1983 559.8 277.7 33,339 49.6 6.0 12.0 1984 543.9 247.8 32,537 45.6 6.0 13.1 1985 570.0 252.2 34,791 44.2 6.1 13.8 1986 601.7 258.5 35,164 43.0 5.8 13.6
SOURCE: US. Immigration and Naturalization Sen/ice, Annual Report / Statistics Yearbook
during 1971-1980 and 47.9% during 1981-1986. In contrast, Europe’s 72.3% in the same sector during the period of 1951-1960 decreased to 62.4% during 1961-1970, 30.8% during
1971-1980, and 17.0% during 1981-1986. Considering that ethnic groups from Asia and Latin
America could become the majority in some US states, Leszczynski (1984) even argued that the ending of mass immigration from Europe actually facilitated the "acculturation of European ethnics." 11
Table 1.5 Foreign Students Enrolled in Institutions of Higher Education in the US, 1973-1985
Year Total East Asia %to Korea %to Total Total
1973 125,110 27,216 21.8 1974 154,580 30,720 19.9 -- 1975 179,340 33,860 18.9 -- 1976 203,070 34,400 16.9 -- 1978 263,990 41,600 15.8 -- 1979 286,340 45,710 16.0 -- 1980 311,880 51,650 16.6 - -
1981 326,300 56,060 17.2 6,150 2.0 1982 336,990 60,710 18.0 11,360 3.4 1983 338,890 66,520 19.6 13,860 4.1 1984 342,110 80,720 21.2 16,430 4.8 1985 343,780 80,720 23.5 18,660 5.4
Source: Digest of Education Statistics
More specifically, Koreans have been one of the most rapidly increasing immigrant groups
in recent years (See Table 1.4). The number of Korean residents in the US was only 7,000 as late
as 1950. It was the 1965 Immigration Act that increased the number and growth rate of
Koreans to an unpre- cedented level. The 1970 Census counted Koreans for the first time as a distinct ethnic group. Korea was the second largest country represented in the US in 1985 and the third in 1986 in terms of the number of immigrants admitted. Korea was also one of the top 15 countries during the fiscal years of 1975-1986 in the non-immigrant sector. In particular, the number of students to the US from Korea has also been increasing dramatically. The Digest of
Education Statistics counted Koreans as a single group starting in 1981. Korean students comprised 17.2% of the students from Asia in 1981, which increased to 23.5% in 1985 (See Table
1.5). The majority came to seek higher education and then decided to remain in the US permanently. 1 2
In the 1970 Census, about 69,510 Koreans were enumerated for the first time as a separate
ethnic group. 380,000 Koreans were officially reported to live in the US in the 1980 Census.
According to the Korean Times (March 10,1982:2), the number jumped up to 640,000. During
1976-1986,51.4% of all Korean immigrants were naturalized. The most dense Korean population
areas such as Los Angeles, New York and Chicago were estimated to be 180,000, 120,000 and
100,000 respectively as of June 1980. The Korean Central Daily (January 7,1987) reported that
more than 50,000 Koreans became permanent residents or American citizens in 1986 alone. While
the INS (Immigration and Naturalization Service) reported 473,449 accumulated Koreans in 1985, it
was estimated that there were more than 1 million Koreans in the US by 1987, considering sampling
error as well as unlisted and illegal residents. The Koreans in Los Angeles and New York are
estimated to be more than 600,000 and 250,000, respectively. A Korean sociologist estimated
that there were 94,000 Korean residents in the Chicago area in 1987 (The Korean Central Daily,
Jan. 29,1988:1). It is also reported that Koreans currently comprise 16% of all Asians in Chicago
( The Korea Times Chicago, Jan. 22,1988:1).
Despite the rapid and recent increase of Asians in general and Koreans in particular,
Koreans were not included in an issue of The Journal of Social Issues (1973, Vol.3, No.3) which was
devoted to the study of Asian Americans (Kitano and Sue, 1973:3). Of 482 articles on Asian
Americans listed in the Asian American Reference Directory of 1976, only eight concerned Korean
Americans (Tsai,1977). Of 1,053 articles related to racial and ethnic minorities, 75% dealt with black
Americans and black-white relations while only 6% focused on Asian Americans. These Asians were mostly on Japanese and Chinese Americans (Pettigrew, 1980: xxix).
According to Hurh and Kim (1982:235), about 84% of all research done on Korean
Americans (129 out of 154) has been accomplished since 1976. It is thus argued that this lack of study on Koreans is due partly to the ethnocentric and problem oriented research trend and partly to the disinterest of the majority to the numeric minorities in the US. Hurh and Kim (1982) provide three factors which are particularly relevant to the relative lack of research on Korean Americans: (1) the majority of Korean immigrants came to the US after 1970, and the time has been too brief to 13
attract American researchers; (2) there were very few Korean social scientists in the US; and (3)
Koreans seemed to be regarded as another 'model minority’ similar to Japanese and Chinese
Americans, although the majority of Korean immigrants in this period were more highly educated
professionals who opened small businesses shortly after arriving in the US. In other words, Korean
culture and language are still very foreign to the majority of Americans, even though 33,000
American soldiers died in Korea during the Korean War, thousands of American troops still remain in
Korea today, and various mass media have frequently reported on the invasion of Korean
computers, VCRs, and cars into American market.
Most of the Korean American studies conducted during the '70s and the early '80s were
related to acculturation or intercultural communication from an interpersonal communication
perspective. In addition to very limited research, few case studies have been conducted on the
use of media in general and no concerning the new media in particular. However, a positive
relationship was found between an assimilative attitude toward the US and immigrants' use of the
media (Ryu, 1977). At the same time, there is a clear pattern of Asian Americans' dependency on their own media in everyday life (Hur, 1981; Kim, 1980). Further, the members of ethnic groups use their specialized ethnic media and other ethnic communication channels to strengthen ties within groups (Fathi, 1973). Considering these factors together, the increased use of prerecorded videotape in recent years implies that video cassette recorders not only provide an additional channel of American media content to ethnics but also may slow down any acculturation process among ethnic minorities. VCR use is not only a link with the language and culture of the country of emigration, it is even a tool for maintaining up-to-date knowledge of the domestic events of their homelands.
Most Korean-American studies include some interpersonal and media variables. However, the VCR is not included because those studies were conducted before the VCR was introduced to the US or before the number of VCR owners becam e the critical m ass. While earlier studies were historical or descriptive in handling subjects, recent studies have employed complicated theoretical models and computer applications. In doing so, these empirical studies provide fairly clear-cut 14
explanations about Korean-American media use patterns or behavior. At the same time, these
studies dangerously generalize their findings, underestimating or exaggerating the media use
among the Koreans in the US. Further, their sample areas were limited to Los Angeles, Chicago,
and New York. However, the Koreans' media use itself may be affected not only by socio
demographic factors but also by geographical area of residence. Considering the importance of
accessibility of media from a functional perspective, a study on the ethnic use of new media in a
non-metropolitan area is of importance.
Meanwhile, cable television also provides opportunities for some new or different uses and
gratifications by ethnic minorities based on audience specialization. For example, the Nationalities
Broadcasting Network (NBN) is now serving ethnic groups hooked up to cable TV in the Cleveland
area. The cable broadcasts include some locally produced programs, but much of the programming
is imported from European countries. Access Columbus Community TV (ACTV) in Columbus, Ohio
provides another good example. The International Council for Cultural Programming, promoted by
the Department of Communication at OSU, produces programs jointly with ACTV (Channel 18/21)
to raise the visibility of international culture in Columbus. The best example can be found in the
Spanish International Network (SIN). The network now reaches 90% of US Latinos through its
owned or operated stations (SCII) and SCIPs affiliates via cable system and a low-power repeater
signal UHF (Gutierrez and Schement, 1984).
Similarly, the possibility of a Korean cable channel which can be distributed to Koreans in
big cities via satellite is now being considered by some Korean businessmen, although there are
already various forms of existing mass media for Koreans in the US. There are Korean language
radio, television (UHF) and cable television channels already in New York, Los Angeles, Chicago,
Philadelphia, and Washington, D.C. Though Korean television in the US is a fledgling operation at this point, its success should prompt communication scholars to raise questions about the possible impact of the VCR on an ethnic community as well as on the larger culture. Given these factors, can we consider VCR use as a "counter-media imperialism" paradigm? Does the VCR diminish the US domestic monopoly on video entertainment to ethnic minorities? 1 5
1.2 DESCRIPTIVE OVERVIEW OF THE SAMPLE COMMUNITY
In order to appreciate the communication environment of ethnic groups in the US, it is necessary to detail the historical basis of their current position within the larger society and to examine their access to ethnic support from outside host country. The Korean communities in the
US are now able to import Korean national newspapers, journals and books in addition to benefiting from the indigenous music and television industries. This is a cultural infrastructure not available to the aboriginal communities. Moreover, the portability of print media in the past becomes the reality in electronic media today via video cassettes in the US.
Columbus, one of the fastest growing cities in the US, is described as "a town in which almost everything is likely to happen and in which almost everything has" (American Automobile
Association Tour Guide, 1987). In fact, this city is on the cutting edge of scientific and technological progress. The term "state of the art" is synonymous with the city which ranks with Washington, D.C., and Moscow as a center for scientific and technological information. Some 150 high-tech companies are located in Columbus. These businesses made Columbus one of the first areas to offer cable and interactive cable television, the electronic newspaper, and the 24-hour banking machine. The city is also a center for retail banking, insurance, and real estate. At the same time, it is also one of the most demographically average cities in the country. Columbus offers an ideal cross section of consumers for the testing of new products. So many fast food chains developed their menus there that Columbus has often been referred to as 'Test Market, USA."
When it comes to entertainment, Columbus is a big city. 17 musicians play annual subscription series at Battelle Memorial Auditorium. The Columbus Symphony Orchestra, directed by Christian Badea, plays a regular nine-concert season at the Ohio Theatre as well as pops and chamber music concert during the summer season. The Youth Orchestra, the Pro Musica Chamber,
Cantari [a professional chorus], Opera Columbus, and Ballet Met all contribute to the cultural offerings. The Columbus String Quartet consists of two Korean violinists, a Japanese violist, and an
American cellist. Professional theater and Broadway shows visit area stages on a regular basis, although the bulk of theater presentations are produced by community performers. 16
With regard to media, there is one daily newspaper, the Columbus Dispatch, there is a wide variety of magazines and journals, 4 VHF and 4 UHF regular TV channels, 16 cable channels, and
13 FM radio stations including 2 classical music channels. Despite the absence of major league sports teams, OSU football, basketball, and ice hockey are very popular. Baseball and horse racing are also popular spectator sports. Columbus is also the home of the Memorial Tournament, a professional golf event. The city's population was estimated to be 1,093,300 at the end of 1986 by
AAA and 1,301,600 during the same period by 1987 Survey of Buying Power.
Meanwhile, the trend of the immigration to Ohio shows that the Asian population has increased while the European population has decreased in number. According to Census data,
Asians comprised only 2.2% of all immigrants before 1950, 5.5% during 1950-59, 13.8% during
1960-64, 22.2% during 1965-69, 39.2% during 1970-74, and 46.8% during 1975-80. In contrast, Europe's immigrants 76.7% before 1950 decreased to 72.5% during 1950-59, 56.5% during 1960-64, 52.1% during 1965-69, 36.2% during 1970-74, and 20.5% during 1975-80 (See
Figure 1.3).
Koreans' preference of residential areas also reflects this general trend. Currently, the most preferred city in Ohio is Cleveland. However, Koreans tended to prefer to start their American lives in Columbus to other cities in Ohio. During the 1950s, more Koreans intended to live in
Columbus than in Cleveland or Cincinnati (See Figure 1.4). Cleveland was preferred by the
Koreans during the early 1960s. Cincinnati was the most desirable area to the Korean immigrants during the period of early 1970s. Koreans preferred Columbus and Cincinnati until the mid-70s.
However, 1980 census data shows that Cleveland and Columbus continued to keep the interest of the Korean immigrants during the late 1970s, while Cincinnati began to lose its popularity among the Koreans. Both Toledo and Akron have also been preferred by Korean immigrants in recent times. Overall, however, the number of Korean immigrants intending to live in Ohio has decreased from 760 in 1975 to 587 in 1986. 17
70.000
60.000
50.000
40.000
30.000 Asia 20.000 Europe 10,000 Korea nm m ttm ittttitm m i 1 im hiim m m i > ■ » ' ......
Before 1950 1950-59 1960-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-80
All 116,480 63,427 20,806 28,430 28,033 45,009
Europe 89,352 47,692 11,760 14,811 10,141 9,239 76.7% 75.2% 56.5% 52.1% 36.2% 20.5%
Asia 2,566 3,510 2,873 6,310 11,001 21,062 2.2% 5.5%, 138% 222% 39.2% 46.8%
Korea 10 241 371 896 2,203 2,290
Figure 1.3 The Trend of Immigration to Ohio (1980 Census)
Among the early Korean immigrants in Columbus, only four people were identified and personally interviewed by this researcher because most had moved to other areas or passed away.
The first one was Mrs. Maria Grant who is now working as a manager of one of the leading
American fast food restaurants. In 1953 she married Douglas Grant who had been to Korea during the Korean War, came back to Columbus in 1953, and is now a retired policeman. The second person was Mr. Bong M. Lee who, after he had studied in Nebraska during the 1950s, came to 18
500 Cleveland
400 Columbus
300
200
Toledo 100
Before 1950 1950-59 1960-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-80
Columbus 5 42 31 74 326 334 848.0% 73.8% 176.2% 440.5% 102.5%
Cleveland 5 35 59 173 355 467 700.0 /o 168.6% 2932% 2052% 1315%
Cindnatti - 30 29 60 374 277 96.7°/ 206.9?/ 623.3% 74.1% Toledo 12 58 109 131 137 - 403.2*2 > 187.9°/ 1202% 104.6% 2> t'- Akron “ 13 55 118 196 <6 <6 CO 'o 112.2* i 214.5% 166.1%
Figure 1.4 The Preferred Areas in Ohio by the Korean Immigrants
Columbus in 1961 when he was offered a job as an accountant with an oil company in Columbus.
He now owns two restaurants in Columbus. The third interviewee was Mr. Pyungcho Kim. He came to Columbus in 1960 after studying chemical engineering at MIT. Kim married an American woman 1 9
and has been working for the Battelle Memorial Institute since then. The last person was Dr. Young
H. Kuh, a professor at Ottobein College in Westerville. He came to OSU in 1961, earned his Ph. D.
in business management in 1963, and married an intern student at the medical school named Dr.
Han. They met at a farewell party for a Korean who just earned a Ph. D. at OSU.
Of course, there were some more Koreans before these people. According to the alumni
record of Wesleyan University, one Korean bishop from California studied at the Wesleyan
University during the early 1930s. A woman from Korea also attended the same university during
1949 and 1952. She became the president of Euwha Women's College and the Minister of
Education in Korea. The OSU alumni record also shows that there were some Koreans in
attendance before 1960. Dr. Kim is now a professor at Seoul National University in Korea, finished
his final degree in Education Policy during the '50s and served as a member of the South Korea
representatives at the peace talk between South and North Korea. However, the number of
Koreans was very small until the mid '70s.
Lee's Market, the first Korean grocery store in Columbus, started its business in 1972. But the market was not a specifically Korean grocery store but a general Oriental one which targeted
Japanese as well as Chinese. The Korean Association was founded in Columbus during the '60s
not by the immigrants but by the Korean students who attended OSU. As the number of Korean immigrants increased during the '70s, the president of the Korean Association was elected from the immigrants. The elected leader voluntarily am the association until the mid '70s when the number of
Koreans in the community increased beyond the means available to support them. The first Korean restaurant started its business during this period. The first Korean church began worship service in
September 1979 with a congregation of around 30 members. Unlike the metropolitan areas such as
Honolulu, New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago, the Korean community in Columbus area is very unique in terms of its occupational composition: The group is a new and literally highly professional group. At the same time, Columbus is still an isolated community in terms of volume and of the availability of Korean style entertainment. The Korean Directory in Central Ohio (1987) cites 851 households which includes the
residents in satellite cities of Columbus and 355 students at Ohio State University. Thus, it is
roughly estimated that Koreans in the Columbus area number 3,000-3,500. This estimate includes
those not listed in the Korean directory. In terms of occupation, this community can be described
as a "skilled professional group” counting 30 medical doctors and more than 30 Ph.D. s at OSU,
Battelle Memorial Research Institute, Comingware, Chemical Abstract, and AT&T. There are now
five Korean churches, four Korean grocery stores, and two Korean restaurants in Columbus. There
are also 8 dental technicians, more than 10 registered nurses, 7 public officers, 8 real estate
brokers, 18 Honda company workers, some computer technicians, and many businessmen who
own Japanese or American style restaurants or American grocery or wig stores. In 1987, the
International Scholars and Students Service at OSU reported that 351 Korean students were
enrolled. Of course, there are some people who work at restaurants as kitchen helpers, waiters,
waitresses, and house keepers or baby sitters. However, the numbers who belong to this category
is small compared to those people who have professional or regular jobs, and most of them were
identified as females married to Americans or young immigrants who had not stayed long enough to
get better jobs.
Despite the rapid increase in numbers and occupational diversification, Korean style
entertainment is not available. Korean daily newspapers from Chicago and magazines from various
places are available by subscription. In contrast, no Korean radio, television or cable television
exists in the Columbus area. There are no coffee houses nor Korean bars. Thus, one of the most
important functions of the Korean Association is to provide entertainment opportunities, such as
Christmas parties, the Fund raising parties for the community school, tennis matches, softball games, and golf tournaments, all of which provide a means to socialize.
For example, when two distinguished Korean musicians, David Kim and Dong-il Han, had their joint recital at OSU for the Korean Community School 1987 fund raiser, all tickets were presold.
Such enthusiasm is an example of the community support. At the same time, however, it implies the lack of Korean entertainment in the area. Korean grocery stores subscribe to the Korean daily 21
newspapers from Chicago and provide them for their customers to read at their store while
shopping. Korean residents now have access to Korean TV programs via video cassettes
containing not only Korean entertainment programs but also news about Korea. Videotapes may
be rented from 4 Korean grocery stores. Koreans can enjoy delayed telecast in their own homes
two days later in Los Angeles, 5 days later in Chicago, and about 10 to 14 days later in Columbus
from its original broadcast in Korea.
Overall, what is the cultural meaning of the relationship between the specialization of media
or fragmentation of audiences and ethnic minorities in the US? Despite the historical, economic,
political and sociocultural need to understand ethnic groups and new media use, the uses of VCRs
and cable TV and their impacts on ethnic groups, particularly on Koreans, have been virtually
ignored by researchers.
1.3 THE PURPOSE OF THIS RESEARCH
This research intends to analyze the VCR use among the Koreans - an ethnic minority
whose English is not their first language - in the Columbus area with emphasis upon uses, medium
competition, and the acculturation process. From a multi-media environmental view, we have seen
some trade-off between audience's increased uses of video tape and cable TV alternatives in place
of conventional network broadcasting for their entertainment needs. Moreover, there is the
increasingly important aspect of tape rentals cutting into traditional movie going, a condition
reminiscent of the effects of television’s introduction.
People make trade-offs between various media according to what is available, accessible, convenient, and cheaper to sen/e a particular need in a given situation. In other words, considering the new video media as extensions of existing media [in the sense that video cassette and cable are
related to broadcast television and also to the user], it is natural for the old media to adjust themselves and specialize in various ways in order to survive. Cable TV and the VCR can thus compete against each other as functional alternatives because both can provide new or different needs and gratifications for the Koreans in the US. If the new media work as functional alternatives, 2 2 this leads to the reallocation of consumers' limited resources -- free time and disposable income.
However, a new medium does not necessarily replace an older one, but only some of its functions.
Thus, the use of VCRs should be considered in conjunction with other media use and with non media related free time activities.
New media may transform the home into a new social environment via some inherent technological characteristics of the medium. The new media technology may offer not only new gratifications but also may make traditional gratifications more easily obtainable (Cherry, 1978:42;
Williams et al., 1985:246; Williams, 1987:229). In this sense, the technological aspect of a medium may be analyzed as the sole factor in greater audience participation (Billings, 1986:201). However, it is not possible to estimate the magnitude of the social consequences of new video technologies by examining only the intrinsic characteristics of the technology because technology is a necessary, but not sufficient component of the future media environment. The most reliable foundation for prediction of the structure and character of the new media environment is consumer behavior, although what is most uncertain is the consumer response to the newly created, marketed, or modified needs (Rosenbloom, 1984: 198-204; Urban, 1984:312-3). Accordingly, the basic mechanism, as Thayer (1979:46) noted, is inherent in the social and personal uses to which people put the media and their fare.
In short, the purpose of this case study is to provide in-depth information to the following specific research questions:
(1) How do Koreans in the Columbus area use cable TV and VCRs? (2) Do Korean VCR owners and cable television subscribers differ from non-owners and non-subscribers in socioeconomic demographics, life styles, or in their use of other media? If any, can one differentiate VCR owners or cable subscribers based on these variables? (3) Do Korean VCR owners and cable TV subscribers differ from non-owners and non subscribers in television program preference, television viewing time, and in their choice of a specific medium? How do video media compete against one another? (4) What are the relationships between the general media use including the VCR and the acculturation process of Koreans in the Columbus area? More specifically, are their any significant differences existing between the heavy Korean videotape users and non-users and between heavy American tape users and non-users in terms of acculturation? 23
1.4 OVERVIEW OF THE FOLLOWING CHAPTERS
This first chapter, INTRODUCTION, has discussed the importance of this case study with
emphasis upon media environment and a sociocultural perspective in examining the impact of the
VCR on a non-English speaking ethnic minority in the United States. Secondly, the reasons for
selecting the Koreans in the Columbus area were explained by pointing out the rapidly increasing
number of immigrants and students from Asia in general and from Korea in particulary during recent
years, the lack of Korean-American studies from the media environmental perspective, and the
isolated circumstances in terms of Korean electronic media service and entertainment
opportunities. Finally, the purpose of this study was presented.
The second chapter, LITERATURE REVIEW, discusses various VCR research examples in
order to reveal that American researchers have paid a great deal of attention to the competition
between the VCR and other media industries. European and Asian scholars, on the other hand,
have been more concerned with the sociocultural impact of the medium on people in a broader
context. Accordingly, in addition to user surveys in the US, the implications of the studies
concerning competition between VCRs and other existing media such as regular television, cable television, films, and magazines will be reviewed. At the same time, many case studies conducted outside of the United States will also be examined in order to adequately address the impact of the
medium in a relatively comparative mode. Then the relationship between acculturation and media will be discussed followed by examination of some fundamental concepts such as acculturation and assimilation, the relationship between ethnicity and class, and acculturation and communication.
Three important dimensions in acculturation study -- interpersonal communication, language, and mass communication - will also be discussed.
Chapter three, METHODOLOGY, will examine and extend the discussions in the previous literature review. An integrated approach will be presented by relating those studies the literature reviews [ which are currently scattered or conducted independently but interrelated theories or approaches ] to the different groups of questions. After presenting the research direction and questions, the sampling procedure and administration will be addressed. In the chapter four, RESULTS, demographic characteristics of the sample community will be reported, followed by VCR and cable television use, and each research question will be answered one by one. Overall uses will be described with focus upon the impact on other media use and free time related activities. Finally, the possible impact of the VCR on the acculturation process among the Koreans will be addressed by analyzing the relationship between the new media use and some selected independent variables in the acculturation process.
Chapter V, SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, AND CONCLUSIONS, will first summarize the findings, discuss them in conjunction with the previous findings in the literature review, and will draw some conclusions. At the same time, sociocultural and politico-economic implications of the media use will be presented. Finally, the theoretical and methodological limitations of this study will be addressed. Some suggestions will also be made for future research in this field. CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter will overview the literature on VCR use and acculturation. The existence of
VCR technology is too recent to be included in acculturation research, and the topic of acculturation has held little attention to VCR researches in the US. However, it is important to combine these two different groups of studies which have been conducted independently in order to understand the particular influences of the technology on the Koreans in the US. Thus, the first section of this chapter will review the VCR studies in the US as well as abroad. The second section will deal with the relationship between acculturation and media, and the last section will provide relevant theories.
There is only one world but many cultures. There is one VCR technology but many different uses and research approaches. These variously scattered studies on VCR use will be discussed as follows in the first section: (1) earlier stages of the technology; (2) marketing studies;
(3) studies of culture; and (4) the VCR’s use from a global perspective. The second section will discuss the impact on (1) existing media industries; (2) copyright and pornography; and (3) ethnic minorities. The third section presents useful theoretical considerations regarding (1) diffusion theory, (2) the uses and gratifications approach, and (3) acculturation studies.
2.1 STUDIES ON VCR USE
2.1.1 Earlier Stages of the Technology
Video recording is not new, although the technology has advanced and the market has changed considerably over time. The world's first video tape recorder (i.e., VTR), developed by
Bing Crosby Enterprise in 1951, required 12 recording heads and needed tape at the rate of 100 inches per second. The first practical VTR was developed by Ampex, a little-known California firm
25 26
until that time. The commercial introduction of magnetic video tape recording occurred in late 1956
and was used in television stations to record and broadcast programs at different hours than those
originally set by the networks, so that viewers in one time zone were not tied to the viewing patterns
of audiences in other zones (Slatkin, 1971:36). The CBS Evening News was the first electronically
recorded delayed broadcast from the East to the West coast using the then new Ampex "Quad"
recorder, which served as the industry standard for more than two decades (Rosenbloom, 1984:
206). The unit cost about $100,000 - 120,000 (Castello and Katz, 1985: 147; The Home Video
Yearbook, 1981:141). When Ampex introduced the VTR at a broadcast convention in 1956, the
company sold $4 million worth within four days (Meigs, 1986:153).
Naturally, the development of video tape recording for broadcast television led to efforts to
adapt it for other markets. The most significant market was ctosed-circuit television. Their application
use a different technology than broadcast video tape recording, giving a picture of less clarity but at
a lower cost and with more flexibility. It was largely employed by educational institutions, hospitals,
government departments, business training purpose, and hobbyists (Slatkin, 1971: 38). VTRs
were commonplace in TV stations by the mid-'60s, but most used massive reels of two-inch tape
and were expensive (Meigs, 1986:154). Still, they were not attractive to the ordinary consumers
due to a small tape size black-and-white format, reel to reel loading, a lack of standardization, and
poor picture quality (Williams, 1982:45).
As with broadcast videotape, closed-circuit video recording has been significantly improved
over the years, and the improvements in one area have been adopted in the other. Continuing technical advances in the magnetic materials of recording tape and recording heads, micro
electronic circuitry, imaginative design of tape formats, tape handling systems, and video circuits
have yielded dramatic advances in product features and performance such as better picture quality, smaller size, reduced cost, and improved editing techniques (Cass, 1981:104; Rosenbloom, 1984:
206). These technological advances encouraged interest in home videotape recording and playing. The major step in the evolution of home oriented videotape was the development of tape cartridges and cassettes which were considerably easier to use than the earlier videotape 27 recorders. The cartridge eliminated the need for consumers to learn to wind tape around the record and playback heads, a process which require some time and skill, and increased the opportunity for errors (Radio Electronics, 1974:33).
However, the efforts in marketing home videotape equipment met with only limited success. According to The Home Video Yearbook (1981:141), some 75 different home video recorder-players were available by 1972. Sony introduced 3/4-inch U-matic color recorders into the
US in 1972. Sony's price was around $1,600. Electronic Video Recording [EVR] and Cartrivision were two formats developed especially for consumers during the early 1970s. EVR from CBS stopped their manufacturing in late 1971 with an estimated loss of $25-$30 million. Avco's
Cartrivision players were priced at $1,600 and dropped out of the market after a brief appearance in
Sears. These recorders were still not within the range of the consumer market but Sony’s U-matic became standard for institutional and business use.
It was not until 1975 that a videotape recorder made it successfully into the home. Sony's
Betamax introduced to the US late in 1975, was promoted extensively and sold significant numbers of VCRs. The original model containing a VCR and a IV set, was priced at $2,200. Within a year, a consumer could purchase a VCR with a built-in tuner/ timer and one- hour recording capability for less than $1,200 (Costello and Katz, 1985: 147-8). Betamax sales were quite modest in comparison to those of TV receivers or audio components but the first year's sales of 100,000 units convinced many investors that the VCR market was a large and valuable one {Wall Street Journal,
March 28,1978:1; Broadcasting, July 23,1979:48).
After a second year of strong Betamax sales, most major producers of consumer electronics marketed VCRs, including JVC's VHS. Meanwhile, Sony and JVC began searching for market supporters. As other Japanese companies joined the market, Sony signed up Zenith and began manufacturing Beta machines which carried the Zenith name. Then, in 1977, RCA introduced the VHS format into the US with 4-hour recording capability (See Lardner, 1987 for format competition). While several big companies targeted the 1977 holiday season to sell video cassette recorders, the remaining competitors launched major promotional campaigns for 1978. 28
RCA alone committed about $4 million to its holiday advertising budget, and Sony is estimated to have spent a similar amount (Broadcasting, Nov. 7,1977:38-9). After about a year, only Beta and VHS were left.
While Beta argued that picture quality was better with its format, VHS fans noted that their systems allowed more hours per tape. VHS used a 1/2-inch videocassette, and the overall size of the VHS is slightly larger. This machine could record for two hours on a single cassette, giving them a big advantage over Betamax. VHS started to gain over Beta with support from RCA, General
Electric, and Magnavox. Within a year VHS captured about 40% of the market (Costello and Katz,
1985:148-9). Although Sony managed to increase the recording time from one hour capability, first to two hours and later to three (while VHS increased its recording time to 8 hours), and decrease the price of its players, it was never been able to overtake VHS. The main selling point in the competition among different brands (aside from price) was the length of time a VCR could record without the cassette being changed ( Broadcasting , Oct. 20,1977:30),
Thus, the following reasons were responsible for the failure of the Beta format in competition with VHS: 1) Prices for the equipment were relatively high in its introductory stage;
2) market penetration of color TV sets was considerably below today's level [even though the
Sony video required Sony TV set]; 3) playing time for each Beta tape was shorter than that of VHS;
4) until 1980 scant attention was devoted to providing a store of prerecorded material to back up the devices’ record and playback appeal; and 5) later, the band wagon effect [ For VCRs penetration rate in the US, see Figure 1.3 or Table 1.3].
2.1.2 Marketing Studies on the VCR Use in the US
Since the earliest stage, the idea of communication research has attracted researchers for several reasons. First of all, it offered a good opportunity for an empirical study of questions about behavioral and attitudinal change in new settings. Ample funding sources and a large volume of easily quantifiable data were also available from the media industries. Further, the relation of media to public policy became a pressing research task as well, particularly during war crises. In addition, 29
the practical needs of newspaper publishers and radio broadcasters to know the motivations of their audience in order "to serve them more efficiently" encouraged researchers to conduct comparative studies of radio and print audiences which provided funding and important sources of data (Davis and Baron, 1981: 28-30; Czitrom, 1982:126-9; Wimmer and Dominick, 1987:381). According to
Lazarsfeld (1940:332), "broadcasting in America is done to sell merchandise; and most of the other possible effects of radio become submerged in a strange kind of social mechanism which brings the commercial effect to its strongest expression." Similarly, the earlier VCR studies were dominated by relevant industries and published as private reports.
Many studies in this category have indicated that compared to the US population at large,
VCR households are better educated, have higher incomes, are more likely to hold professional or managerial jobs, tend to be urban, and are relatively young (Dominick, 1980:4; Rothe et at., 1983;
Mediastat, 1982:473; Benton and Bowers, 1983). While Mediastat (1981) reported that 35.6% of the VCR households subscribed to cable/pay cable, Rothe et al. (1983) found that cable subscribers were significantly more likely than non-subscribers to own VCRs (21% versus 10.6%).
A survey for the Motion Picture Association of America indicated that 5.2% of homes with cable access contained a VCR and that 5.4% of homes without cable access owned a VCR. The figures, from April 1982, show that 5.3% of all households owned video cassette recorders (NPD Special
Industry Service 1983b:78 ). A Showtime study in 1985 found that about 35% of VCR owners subscribed to pay cable, compared to 21% of non-owners.
Time-shifting and replaying of prerecorded theatrical films were the most popular uses of the VCR as video cassette recorders offer the audience the opportunity for time-shifting
(Kalba-Bowen, 1978: 72%; Field Research, 1978: 75.4%; Crossly Surveys, 1978:82.4%; Arbitron,
1978: 73%; Nielsen, 1984:77%; NPD Electronic Media Tracking Service, 1983:84% ; Levy, 1980a
& 1983; Levy and Fink, 1984; and Waterman, 1984 etc.). In other words, early adopters of this technology noted that it was utilized to complement over-the-air programming (Levy, 1980 and
1981). Movies were the most popular genre for recording. Even though different surveys reported
different proportions of this media behavior this was probably due to their different categorizations
and time gaps between the studies. For example, Arbitron found that 36% of all recordings were
movies. Mediastat accounted 27% of all recordings were movies. Levy (1980a:329; 1980b:24; and
1981:404) reported that movies accounted for the largest percentage (27%) of videotape
recordings and playbacks. The major source of program recording and replaying were the
commercial networks and their affiliated stations (77% - Levy, 1981; Nielsen, 1983-4; NPD
Electronic Media Tracking Service, 1983). A Benton and Bowers survey carried out in 1983
showed that pay television was the primary recording source (57%) followed by TV movies (35%).
According to a 1987 Nielsen Report on TV, network affiliates provided 72% of taped programming,
independent stations 12%, pay cable 9%, public broadcast stations 4%, and cable origins 3%.
Prime-time programs account for 42% of VCR recording. This recording was made 46% of the time
with the TV set off, 36% with the TV on the same channel, and 18% on a different channel ( Video
Week, May 1, 1987:8 ). Video cassettes also hold implications for the structure of the film and
television program industry and increased commercial zapping ( Field Research, 1978:18%; Crossly
Surveys, 1978: 25%; Arbitron, 1978: 30%; Benton and Bowers, 1983: 59%; NPD EMTS, 1983:
68%; and York and Kitchen, 1983: 63%). Thus, the advertising industry is contributing to media
environmental change.
When home video first began as an industry, one of its primary selling points was the availability of sexually oriented cassette tapes. About 39% of prerecorded tapes purchased by the consumer were 'x' rated films in 1980 (Levy, 1980a). Recently, according to Taub (1986:48), adult titles still account for 10 - 20% of some retailers’ rental business. While Agostino et al. (1980) contended that the impact of VCRs on broadcast audiences and revenues was increasing only minimally, Levy (1980b) noted that VCR ownership, in the long run, might be increasing the total size of the television audience.
Economist (1987) reported that in New York as many video cassettes are currently rented in a week as were rented in the whole year of 1982. A survey research by Statistical Research in 31
late 1986, those "obsessive duty tapers" actually looked at their tapes on the average of 1.6 times
per cassette. While 59% watched once, 17% twice, 16% watched three or more times, and 8%
never watched (Channels, May 1986:72). According to AGB TV Research, playing purchased
prerecorded cassettes is now the main use of VCRs, taking up almost half the time spent with
machines. VCR owners used their machines average of 7 hours per week, spending 49% of their
time viewing prerecorded cassettes, 23% of their time shifting, 17% playing back home - recorded
tapes, and 11% recording the channel to which TV is tuned (T V Digest, March 21, 1988:13).
According to the same report, a weekly average of 3.5 of their hours occurred during prime time.
Prerecorded tape viewing is a weekend phenomenon: 23% played back on Saturday night, 19%
Friday, and 16% on Sunday. Sunday is the most popular night for taping, accounting for 26%, while
Friday is the most frequent night for playback, accounting for 25%. VCR owners are time shifting
more than they actually watch (23% vs. 17%).
2.1.3 Cultural Studies on VCR Use
The studies conducted so far have shown their interests in the context of the VCR's impact
on the existing media industries. However, the video technology affect not only the media
industries but also the adopters' daily lives. Thus, it is also necessary to review the studies which are
concerned with the VCR's social impact. Most of the following studies were conducted outside this
country.
J. C. Baulin et al. (1983), in France, attempted to explain the central role that the VCR
played in the lives of people. Their study revealed that the VCR functions not as a new medium,
but as a secondary object which introduces new uses of pre-existing media such as cinema and television. This secondary characteristic of the VCR has two meanings: on the one hand, the VCR has become a familiar, almost "trivial piece of furniture which does not trigger a revolutionary change in social life" or in the existing patterns of cultural consumption. On the other hand, the VCR affects the existing uses of other media by bringing new dimensions, the most conspicuous of which is the mastery over the pattern of cultural consumption. 32
The VCR appears less trivial in the transformation it brings about in the school and the
family. The spread of television has coincided with a social transformation in the role of family.
Members of the family, according to the authors, emphasize their own personal fulfillment even at
the cost of family cohesion and togetherness. Women attracted by careers leave the home for long
hours of outside work, and children give priority to "peer-oriented activities" if they find them more
gratifying than family centered interaction. The VCR, say the authors, has come to reinforce this
"selfishness without regrets or feelings of guilt.”
Roman Gubem (1985), in Spain, was interested in the way that the VCR is affecting the way
people behave. Gubern starts his analysis with the concept of Homo electronlcus [electronic man] who has become Homo otiosus [leisure man] and argues that contemporary people have found in
the VCR a suitable instrument for their increasing leisure time. All mass communication technologies except film have been oriented to private home consumption: newspapers, stereo,
radio and television. The video cassette recorder, which can be characterized by "decentralization
of sources, diversification of content, possibility of feedback, and mastery over the programs," has
aggravated the sedentary nature of the contemporary person.
Gubem also found in the use of the VCR five possible advantages: (1) in a society which tends to be fragmented, VCRs could foster family cohesion; (2) information and entertainment can be gained in the comfort of the home; (3) VCRs save the users from having to brave the noises and insecurity of life in the city (e.g., when going out to the movies); (4) VCRs save time and money; and
(5) VCRs increase the amount of information available to users and increase the degree of participation in their viewing. In contrast, the private leisure which is emphasized by VCRs undermines the social value of public activities by reinforcing the tendency to substitute genuine human contacts by "the professional smiles of PR men and stewardesses." The diffusion of VCRs has a second negative impact: the widening of the gap between cultures, between rich and poor people (although this consequence is not really new but a common trait of the m ass media).
Ever since the VCR began to be widely available in industrialized countries, public concern has been expressed about the possible negative effects of video viewing on young children. In 33
Sweden, for example, Keith Roe conducted research in 1981 and 1982 to find out "what young people do with the video grams.” The results showed that young people watch video cassettes with peers, largely in the absence of parents and siblings. While TV viewing tends to be a family-based activity in Sweden, video has a clearly group-oriented character. Among 15 year-old viewers of video only 2% stated that they view it with their parents as opposed to 77% who viewed with friends. Roe also found that the low television users were also low video watchers.
Two different patterns emerged among the frequent viewers of video: (1) one was adopted by those children who looked for violence and pornography in video and (2) the other by those who selected TV programs to be recorded and watched at a more convenient time. The research also related the use of video to the leisure activities of adolescents because these articles play an important part in the quest for autonomy and self-identity during the time when family and school authority are questioned and the influence of peers increases. The use of video was, in fact, an active selection in terms of individual and group identity - a deliberate signal of distance, of disapprobation of a culture dominated by adults who have labelled them ” failures."
Regarding their school achievement, Roe found a clear tendency for low achievers to use video more than high achievers. Violence, war films and horror films were all clearly associated with lower achievement while there was an identifiable relationship between high school marks and the viewing of recorded television programs. Rather than blaming the video, Roe called for attention to the fact that low achievers had low grades before video arrived. There was, according to the research, no evidence that video caused greater truancy or that it was responsible for a decrease in the time devoted to home work.
In the US, research on children's use of the VCR was undertaken by Greenberg and Heeter
(1985) who were concerned about "information inequities" and "knowledge gaps": How do children with access to VCRs differ from those without access? They found that ethnicity, gender and grades in the sample school in Michigan were not related to VCR access, but two family structure variables differentiated VCR ownership. Having at least one parent at home who did not work full time diminished the child’s likelihood of having a VCR. Approximately 50% of the children without 34
VCRs had a mother who did not work full-time, compared with 40% of the children with VCRs.
Parallel proportions for those without VCRs whose father was at home (10-14%) were also
significantly higher than those with VCRs (5%). The results also showed that VCR owners had
more computers and subscribed to more cable television than non-VCR owners. However,
personality variables were not consistently different between VCR and non-VCR youth. It was
claimed that youth with VCRs evidence very different media behavior than youth without VCRs.
They watched more TV of every variety, went to more movies, read more books or newspapers and
magazines, and had more access to cable, pay cable and computers. They also found that the
parents in VCR households were more likely to be away during the day, have higher income, and
have more education.
In Taiwan, Wang (1986) showed that the VCR has been used largely to circumvent
government restrictions on viewing. Taiwan had enjoyed considerable economic growth and, in
1984, the government was able to claim that by 1989 every family would have a home computer and
a VCR. By 1984, 14.4% of all households had a VCR. Wang (1986:365) quotes Ho Yi-mo who
argues that the long term dissatisfaction of television audiences in Taiwan nurtured a demand for a
different genre of video materials and in turn "paved the way for VCR.” Video provided an
opportunity to see material which was banned from government television, notably Japanese television programs. These programs are, of course, imported illegally. American and Hong Kong tapes were also popular. Wang explained the reason for the Japanese tape's popularity from a historical perspective. The older generation on Taiwan, which was a Japanese colony for 50 years, still retained an interest in Japan. Most of the viewing took place in the evening for entertainment, killing time or relaxation. It was found that 31% of the families bought VCRs out of frustration with television programs, as compared with 5.8% who bought them to record the programs. In addition,
"VCR syndrome," low working morale in the morning had also been attributed to late evening VCR viewing. In addition to a lack of respect for copyrights, curiosity for what could not be shown on TV or in movie houses had led to a demand not just for quality programs, but such things as pornographic films. In short, the Taiwanese wanted to see "something different." 35
Agrawal (1986) claimed that many more applications of video were being "invented" in India
that were far from its original uses for "time-shifting" and viewing special television programs.
Agrawal also pointed out that the "video wave" had resulted in increased disinterest in television
and cinema viewing. The video, according to Agrawal, will divert household resources from
consumer items such as refrigerators, and air conditioners to VCRs or color television monitors,
although it may stimulate the national economy by opening up new job opportunities for a large
number of skilled men and women. It is also noted that the government media policy of providing
education, information and entertainment to everyone in the country cannot work in the situation
where the individual video owner decides "what he or she will view, at what time and in whose
company a program will be viewed."
Rao (1987) argued that video in India had not diversified the content of communication nor
brought "newer frontiers of knowledge and experience" within the reach of its consumers. She
differentiated collective public viewing and selective family home viewing. Often the audience,
dominated by male, college going youth between the ages of 14 to 20 years, was in search of
content stimuli not generally available in film theatres. She also argued that their stimuli is the
"vicarious pleasure of breaking the cultural taboo" by viewing contents such as sex and sexual
violence and not a response to "paucity of media entertainment." Considering the lack of social
differentiation of class in the public place viewing, and close friends, relatives or neighbors in home
viewing, she noted that there was greater socialization among peer group members due to video.
She also contended that video, unlike TV, seems to have impacted on the film-going habits of people. The importance of children’s role in the selection process of programming led her to claim that media must first fulfill entertainment needs, before extending its function to other aspects of education.
2.1.4 VCR Use from a Global Perspective
Despite dealing frequently with the topic of video cassettes in the international scene, especially in Third World countries, there is little scientific research on this complex subject. In 36
addition to the questionable reliability of the data sources and researchers' language barriers in the subject countries, it seems that most studies have tended to deal with too many countries from too many analytical perspectives in too short a space and a time.
The diffusion of video recorders depends upon a host of factors which vary considerably from country to country. While Heeler and Heeter (1985) claim that economic, policy, and television and other media factors are principal in explaining the global diffusion of video, Boyd and Straubhaar
(1985) suggest that price, government restrictions, income distribution, and broadcast television content are key variables. Despite the different terms used by each researchers, both point out similar variables.
According to Boyd and Straubhaar(1985), price and government restrictions are closely related. The price of a VCR has dropped dramatically over the last few years and this has stimulated their purchase. In many countries, however, governments have kept the price of VCRs artificially high by imposing Import tariff barriers. Price and income are obviously closely linked. The level of
"disposable income" and general wealth are key factors in explaining the extent of VCR ownership.
In the Middle East, for example, the oil-based economies of the Gulf states and Saudi Arabia have given their inhabitants a very high standard of living. The 1983 annual income per capita in Kuwait was $17,880, and Kuwait has the highest density of home videos in the world. Over 85% (cf.
Intermedia reported 92%) of all Kuwaitee households possess a machine. In contrast, VCRs are regarded as status symbols and luxury items for the rich in poorer countries. It is estimated that there were only 778,000 VCRs in the whole of Africa in 1983. The cost of a VCR was much higher than in the US. Consequently, VCRs in Africa are almost an exclusive privilege of socio- economic elites who use their VCRs mainly to show foreign-made video cassettes. Even though the VCR is a luxury item in poorer countries, it is found in the homes of the less wealthy across Asia
The spread of VCRs across the Middle East to other countries has been, in large part, due to skilled workers, teachers, and doctors who work in the Gulf. Until about 1980, the most popular gift a returning worker could bring home was a stereo system or a color television set. Since then it has been the VCR. In a similar fashion, workers from Asian countries like India, Thailand, Taiwan, 37
the Philippines, Indonesia and Korea have been able to take back to their countries VCRs
purchased at lower prices. Probably the most important variable in explaining the spread of the VCR
is, according to Boyd and Straubhaar, the variety of content available on broadcast television. In
Saudi Arabia, for example, the limited programming available on government television, allied to a
complete ban on public cinemas, positively encouraged the purchase of VCRs. In Italy, the VCR is
in only 2% of television homes, compared to 25% in Germany and 12% in France. One reason for
this low penetration is the abundance of over-the-air TV programming. According to Schaefer
(1985: 406),
The impact of VCR is not a passing phenomenon, mainly due to the fact that the present TV networks throughout most European countries do not provide for a greater choice in entertainment. This explains why country with the greatest TV choice in Europe - Italy - has the lowest VCR penetration within the European community and why many other countries have higher VCR penetration than the United States.
According to Heeter and Heeter (1985), their correlational data supported no relationship
between government taxation and VCR penetration. While TV coverage and VCR penetration were
related for low income developing countries, TV channel availability was a significant positive
predictor of VCR penetration, controlling for GNP, urbanization and population size among high
income developing countries.
Meanwhile, pirating and smuggling material which is subject to official censorship is well established in many countries. The Saudi Arabian government, for example, was unable to prevent the widespread showing of the controversial British documentary Death of a Princess, which was regarded as anti-Saudi. The program was simply recorded off-air in London and flown the next morning to Saudi Arabia. In Taiwan, the Copyright Holders Association complains that the courts are reluctant to take action against pirates although Taiwan has comprehensive copyright laws that would stamp out piracy if enforced (Lent, 1985:10). India amended both its Cinematograph and
Copyright Acts in 1981 and 1984 respectively to deal with video (The actual reason for the government was fearing loss of easy revenue from entertainment taxes. See, Kumar, 1985 :19). 38
The results, however, have not been very encouraging. It was reported in 1984 that illegal taping in
Japan robbed film-makers of about $77.9 million in potential revenues (Connection 26, Feb. 25,
1985:6).
In Latin America the use of video for social development has become important. Video can provide one way in which groups who feel that their point-of-view is not being given a fair hearing by the mass media to influence the public, particularly in countries where political repression has excluded opposition groups from access to the mass media. Video, or "guerilla television," as an alternative communication medium is found in Brazil, Chile, Peru and Venezuela. It was also reported that the Salvadorian guerrillas use video cameras to tape their activities to tell their side of the story. The Salvadorian Armed Forces, the opposition, also has a camera team in the field taping scenes of guerrilla destruction (Brooke, 1984:5). Palestinian students in Middle Eastern countries illegally distributed taped speeches to interested viewers (Ogan, 1985:3). A videotape labelled
Playboy Lovers, smuggled through customs, was later seen in many Philippine living rooms for its political content - a Japanese documentary on the assassination of opposition leader, Benigno
Aquino (Trumbull, 1983: A-9).
The demand for VCRs is so widespread and universal that even in the Soviet Union the government has been forced to rethink its initial "heavy-handed effort to prevent the introduction" and use of video players. By the end of 1985, the Soviet Union had started mass producing video players (Traub, 1985) based on the PAL and SECAM systems ( Intermedia, 4/5, 1983), making available a limited but growing selection of ideologically safe films, and opened video stores that rent movies overnight. The government announced in October 1985 that it planned to produce 60,000 video players a year by 1990 and 120,000 by the end of the year 2000 {International Herald Tribune
Dec. 14-5, 1985).
2.2 IMPACT OF THE VCR
Most earlier VCR research in the US was conducted by private firms or related industries and published as private report forms. Accordingly, media industries have been concerned about the 39
competitive aspect of the new media. In contrast, researchers in some other countries in Europe
and Asia have paid attention to the sociocultural aspects of the VCR in a broader context. Policy
makers and legal experts have directed their interests in relation to copyright and pornography.
Informed by these different perspectives, the following section will discuss the Implications of the
studies regarding: (1) media competition, (2) copyright and pornography, and (3) acculturation.
2.2.1 The VCR and Media Competition
2.2.1.1 The VCR and broadcast TV
The impact of the VCR on TV audiences is very important to the broadcasters and
advertisers because the size of the audience determines the price that broadcasters can charge for
their commercials. Television programs exist primarily to deliver an audience for the commercials.
According to a study by Walter Thompson USA, there are some 58 million "flippers" - viewers who
usually flip around to some degree rather than watching a show from beginning to end. Flippers
constitute 34% of all viewers and 56% of the 18 to 24 age group. At the same time, 18% are
"zappers" those who avoid commercials by fast-forwarding through them while watching on a VCR.
The numbers are likely to grow even larger as more homes get remote control devices [42% of
American homes now have them; Channels, January 1987:72]. Advertisers are naturally concerned
about the potential for commercial deletion. In particular, many commercials are time related, and if
people watch the programs sometime later, the advertising is useless. Worse yet, many people
record programs and then never watch them and so never see the commercials (Mingo, 1985:56;
Schlesinger, 1986:43; Levy, 1980a & 1984; AGB TV Research, 1987).
In contrast, broadcasters argue that what little evidence there is suggests that far from all time-shifted program material has the commercial matter zapped, and the viewing made possible by
VCR time shifting represents 'a bonus audience' for advertisers. If people watch the taped programs several times, or if they show the programs to friends, then the commercial may receive greater exposure than was intended. Gross (1982:95) argues as follows: 40
If the rating service is using a diary method for which people write down the programs they watch each day, should the program be indicated in the diary at the time it is taped or the time it is watched? If a person watches the tape several times, should the rating be increased? If the person who tapes the program loans the tape to a friend, the rating service probably never records the viewership of the friend.
The size of audience upon which the cost of the commercial is based is determined by
ratings. In many ways, VCRs play havoc with the time-honored ratings system. Generally, the
program is counted as being viewed when it is taped, especially if the rating service uses an
audimeter or other mechanical measuring device which simply indicates what channel is tuned in at
what time in particular homes. In actuality, the program may not be viewed at that time at all. This
raises the question of what type of audience composition should be credited to a program.
According to Beville (1984:110-1), if time shift ratings are based on playback, rather than off-the-air
recording, PBS and pay cable may gain shares and commercial networks might be unaffected while
others might lose.
Some assert that cassettes will aid networks, will prove profitable without significant
negative effect on network finances, or will be more profitable than network operations “whatever
their impact on networks' ( Merchandising, March 1979: 39). A corporate program manager for
Papas Telecasting does not believe that VCRs threaten broadcasting. A senior vice president and
general manager of KTLA Los Angeles sees VCRs as an aid to traditional broadcasting. If
broadcasters continue to possess significant market power in advertising, according to Wirth and
Bloch (1985:122-3), they may be able to increase the price per thousand or per rating point for
which they sell their audience to advertisers and maintain revenue levels in spite of significant
audience decline. Therefore, broadcasters' revenue levels can be expected to be relatively
unaffected even by cable and other new delivery technologies at this point of time and in the near future. Webster (1986:89) also argues that the broadcast networks still command the "lion’s share of the m ass audience" and will do so for a very long time to come. He goes further:
Nor is it likely that any one channel will attract a n " addicted” minority that watches it and nothing else. Even viewers of the Spanish-language station spent the majority of their time with English-language programming. 41
However, some international data gathered by the Motion Picture Association of America in
1984 illustrates the complexity of the relationship between VCRs and other video delivery systems.
The variation in the ratio of VCRs to television receivers across countries (US 5.4, France 8, West
Germany 13.6, Britain 30, Australia 18, Italy 1.8, and Japan 29.4) suggests that VCRs are being
used by viewers in European and Asian countries to substitute for broadcasting television (Wirth
and Bloch, 1985:129-30 and Schaefer, 1985:406; Wang, 1986; Agrawal, 1986; Wade,
1985:22-28). The highly ranked countries in Europe have per capita incomes in a range similar to
that of the US, but they have fewer television alternatives, and more broadcasting on a non
commercial basis.
VCRs may affect broadcast programming in other ways. If someone buys or rents a cassette
movie, the time spent watching the movie subtracts from the time spent watching broadcast TV, a
true reduction in ratings. When people are watching television in general as opposed to watching
specific programs, they are much less discriminating about what they watch. If they feel like
watching TV on Friday night, for example, they will watch the one that they like best from all the
programs available, even though it may not be particularly appealing. These 'least objectionable
fare' viewers can increase a program's ratings. But if viewers have a program on a video cassette
recorder as an option, that will become their choice for the evening. In short, even where programs
do not compete for a limited dollar budget, they do compete for the limited amount of available time.
The degree to which prerecorded tapes actually diverts viewers' time from broadcasting
appears to be minor. The Nielsen diary study showed that VCR owners watched an average of only
1.8 prerecorded tapes in 1982, a very small proportion of total household viewing. The 1983-84
Nielsen Update Report showed a similar proportion. The rapidly increased use of rented tapes and
prerecorded sales in 1985,1986 and 1987, however, showed more time related competition between VCR use and regular television use. In addition, there is likely to be a greater indirect
impact via the program supply market. 42
2.2.1.2 The VCR and cable TV
As the VCR began changing the way people relate to television,-it also began changing
cable television. Cable industries were not particularly perceptive about the growing impact of the
VCR. Rather, the home video industry was regarded with the same scepticism as other competitors
such as DBS, SMATV and MDS. However, the unexpected boom in the sales of VCRs has
prompted some questions as to whether they might not seriously erode the market for pay TV
services. With the booming sales and rentals of videos, no one truly questions that there has been
some impact, but some in the industry suggest that pay TV and the VCR industry are more
synergistic than competitive.
A survey by Nation's Business in 1984 showed that 24% of the cable subscribers who
owned a VCR primarily watched, rented or purchased video tapes, 45% primarily recorded
programming from their TV, and 31% used it equally for recording TV shows and watching rented
movies. A study by both Showtime/The Movie Channel and Group W Cable has indicated that
cable and video cassette recorders are complementary program delivery technologies
(Broadcasting, Feb. 18,1985: 69-70; Advertising Age, Feb. 18,1985: 61). It is believed that VCR
owners are heavy entertainment consumers of all media and pay TV gives them more programming
to tape. For a substantial portion of the potential viewing audience, pay cable and VCR ownership is
thus 'not an either/or proposition.' The executive vice president of Warner Brothers TV called the
impact of the VCR as 'much an opportunity for cable as it is a challenge' (Kerver, 1984:65)
Most cable operators believe cable customers are more likely to own VCR's than the general
television household. This leads the cable industry to become "VCR friendly” and many cable
companies have introduced VCR installation as a new service (Rothbart, 1985: C13-18; Kerver,
1984: 65). A vice president of Rogers Cable systems suggested that perhaps VCRs would not be an attractive alternative to pay networks "if there is more original programming." According to him, pay TV has three distinct advantages over home video: (1) it removes the inconvenience of Monday morning tape return; (2) better picture quality; and (3) no problems of films being out of stock. 43
50 m.
45 43.3 38.9 40 37.3 42.3 35 34.1 29.3 30
25 23.2 23.5 17.6 22.6 20 17,9 19.7 15.9 14.8 21.6
CablsTV VCRs 5 3 4 W "" I 2 .8 1.5 f .
75 76 77 78 79 ’80 81 82 83 *84 85 86
Figure 2.1 The VCR, Cable and Pay Television (Video Week, Feb. 24,1986:4-5)
However, Neil Austrian, chairman and chief executive of Showtime/The Movie Channel, has listed VCR use as a fundamental and negative change from pay cable's perspective (Traub,
1986:65). Subscribers who once depended upon pay TV for "uncut, commercial free, at-home movies" can now get them cheaper and faster. Almost any movie seen on pay cable can be rented about three months earlier from a videoshop for a small amount of money (Waterman, 1985:229-
SI). It looks as though subscribers who once purchased basic and pay TV to complement each other are now purchasing basic cable and a VCR (Figure 2.1). In other words, the pay services are not worth what subscribers have to pay. As a result, the growth of pay television flattened in
1985 and 1986. In 1986, HBO's October's primetime ratings were the lowest since the cable service has been rated: an average under a 7 rating (Broadcasting, Nov. 3,1986:35). 44
Nielsen Home Video Index Data also shows that cable is static as VCR penetration deepens. If one looks at the Designated Marketing Areas (DMAs), VCR penetration in Anchorage reached 61%, while cable reached 35% and pay TV 30%. In Fairbanks, VCR penetration was 57% with 38% cable and 35% pay cable subscription. Las Vegas ranked the third at 53% of VCR penetration. Here, cable was 39% and pay TV was 30%. In contrast, for the bottom five cities, where VCR penetration is between 34-35%, the cable subscription rate is much higher than that of the top five cities, where the pay TV subscription rate is still lower than that in the top five ( Video
Week, May 5, 1986: 2; November 10, 1986: 2-3). VCR penetration continues to out rank pay cable, which Nielsen estimated at 26.2% in November 1986 and 26.1% in July 1986 (TV Digest,
March 30,1987).
An analysis based on correlation coefficients by Levy and Pitsch (1985:76 and 83-4) also reveals that VCRs and broadcast television are complements while cables and VCRs are substitutes. Also, if VCR prerecorded movies significantly cut into the pay cable movie audience, this would shift cable viewing to VCR play-back viewing and, thus, may improve broadcast shares.
Thus, the authors argue that their statistical evidence tends to support the proposition that "the video product market should be broadly defined - to include (at least) broadcast television, cable and video cassette recorders." In fact, according to AGB TV Research, VCRs are far more prevalent in pay TV households (64%) than basic and non-cable homes (both 48%). Further, non-cable homes view an average of 8.9 minutes of prerecorded tapes during prime time per evening - 25% more than 7.1 minutes in pay-TV homes. It is also found that pay cable households spend 2.9 hours weekly taping programs - 45% more than non cable homes - but playback 26% less. Non-cable homes play tapes 5.1 hours versus 4.3 in basic and pay homes (TV Digest, March
21, 1988:13).
2.2.1.3 The VCR and film
Beville argues that VCRs have a much greater impact on theatrical movie attendance and production than on television audience levels (Electronic Media, March 17,1986:56). In Britain and 45
Australia, where VCR penetration is high, theater attendance has dropped significantly. In 1981,
the Philippine government estimated a loss of $2.1 million in cinema taxes in Manila because of a
30% drop in attendance. The Indian film industry has asked the government to stop public showing
of films via video cassette recorders (Communication Research Trends, June 2,1985).
In Britain, however, while the first half of the 1980s showed a 48% decline in audience
attendance, it was up by 18% in 1985, and this trend continued with another 18% increase for the
first quarter of 1986 (Screen International, June 2,1986. Cited from Docherty et al., 1986:27). One
recent study in the US concluded that it is not clear whether VCR ownership caused increased
movie viewing or whether avid movie viewers were more likely to purchase VCRs (Murray and
White, 1987).
A causal relationship has not yet been established, and US box office receipts are
continuing to soar even as VCRs proliferate. Micky Hyman, chief operating officer of the Cannon
Group Inc. argues that "home video will never replace theatrical viewing. Seeing a film in a theater
with a lot of people is just a different sort of experience from watching it at home." Says Malvin
Goldman, whose company operates 13 theaters in the Washington area: "Look at it this way: 99% of the homes in America have kitchens, and there are more restaurant meals being served than ever before." (Time, December 24,1984:53). In fact, video tape’s impact on domestic theater demand
has been slight. Both real box office revenues and theater admissions have remained roughly constant since 1977, despite the rapid growth through 1983 of VCRs and pay television services.
According to the Motion Picture Association of America, theatrical film revenues from the broadcast networks have apparently declined during this period but not nearly as much as pay television and home video income has increased (Waterman, 1985: 238). Paramount has even encouraged theater owners to set up video tape stores in theater lobbies by publicizing survey data which state that theater attendance and cassette sales are actually complementary. The study contends that large percentages of cassette buyers prefer to see the movie in a theater before purchasing a tape of it (Sutherland, 1984). 46
80%
70 Box O lice 60
50
40
30
20 Netwo rk/syn Pay TV ^ A> w . v « wvvvxx>tx>«Rios(vw y v !
O tier
1980 1983 1984 1985 1986
Vtftfaw 1980 1983 1984 1985 1986
Box Office Rentals 75% 57% 51% 43% 42%
Pay Television 5% 12% 11% 11% 10%
Video Cassette 1% 16% 26% 34% 36%
Network/Syndication 14% 9% 8% 8% 8%
Other 4% 6% 4% 4% 4%
Total ($ million) 2,785 4,575 5,330 5,705 5,890
Figure 2.2 Revenue Mix for Theatrical Films {Channels, May 1986:4)
However, video recordings affect the time-release sequence for the dominant programming of theatrical feature films. This time-release sequence has been the pattern of the first and sub-run theaters, pay TV, TV networks, and TV syndications. According to an industry report, the structure of revenue sources in film industry has been drastically changed by the advent of video cassette programs. In the early 1970s, there were only a few film delivery sources or so called "windows". As 47
Table 2.1 The Circulation Causalities( in millions of copies) and the Cassette Challenge( in mfllions of Dollars)
Year 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986
Playboy 5.5 5.5 5.0 4.2 4.2 4.2 - 3.4
Penthouse 4.8 4.4 4.1 3.9 3.5 3.5 --
Hustler 1.8 1.5 1.4 1.2 1.2 1.0 --
Qui 1.0 0.9 0.9 0.7 0.5 0.3 --
Porno Video - --- 4.6 5.7 7.8 9.2
Source: Newsweek, August 4,1986:51 and 54.
the other windows were added later, they not only transformed the viewing habits of audiences but
restructured the way movies make money (Zacks, 1986:40). The Economist (June 20,1987:49)
also reports that video cassettes in 1986 became the largest single source of wholesale revenue for
the American film industry, some $2 billion compared to $1.6 billion from theatre distribution.
2.2.1.4 The VCR and Publishing
Levy and Fink (1984) point out that in the certain future cases the VCR will help modify the
fleeting and ephemeral quality of the television messages by offering an alternative to reading in
certain cases: "How-to-do-it" books and magazines, for example, will be at a certain disadvantage
with "how-to-do-it" video cassettes. Noble (1988) also notes the importance of personalized
and specialized content for video cassettes. According to Video Week (Nov. 23,1987:4), video
publishing is growing 25% per year. Excluding children's titles which comprise 43% of non theatrical market, video publishing hit $100 million in 1987. Fairfield Group research predicted that children's video would comprise 15% of the video market in 1988 ($321.7 million) followed by music at 5.5% ($118.5 million), adult at 4% ($93.1 million), and all other non theatrical at 9% ($197.5 48 million). While Gallup survey in 1986 found 17.5% of book sellers stocked video cassettes,
Cahners research in 1987 showed that 30% of book sellers were in home video business (Video
Week, June 1,1987:1).
In addition, video cassettes can substitute for some adult-oriented magazines such as
Playboy, Penthouse, Hustler and Qui. According to Newsweek (August 4,1986), video cassettes are responsible for the fall of the Playboy empire - the circulation causalities of adult magazines.
The average circulation of adult magazines has decreased as Table 2.1 shows, while sales and rentals of porno tapes are climbing. This is demonstrates the fact that VCRs have uses other than for watching movies.
2.2.1.5 Theoretical Studies
Levy (1980a) and Levy and Fink (1984) found that VCR users are actively altering the broadcast schedule and that VCR users attempt to maintain and perhaps increase those gratifications associated with certain types of television programs. In other words, the VCR which provides audience members with greater choices is also increasing levels of selectivity. More specifically, the authors identify four factors which affect the decision to record a television program for future viewing: (1) seriality of content, (2) frequency of program transmission, (3) the availability of other broadcast and (4) competition from other sources for the viewer's time and attention. Their analysis focuses on overall replay behavior and on the relationship between playback and the frequency of program transmission. The other three factors are not taken into account because the relevant data were not available. The results of their study show that although VCRs have the capability of reducing the transience of television, this capability is at present greatly limited. Their study also suggests that if daily and weekly programs are not played back during the first week after recording, it is unlikely that they will ever be replayed. This finding is also supported by the Nielsen
Homevideo Index which claims that about 30% of the VCR recordings are never played back within
21 days of recording ( Channels, Feb. 1988:112). Some staff reports by the FCC's office of Plans and Policy have suggested the possible substitutability of TV programming (Levy and Setzer, 1982; Gordon, Levy, and Preece, 1981;
Setzer, Franca, and Cornell, 1979). Levy and Pitsch in 1985 also attempted to obtain quantitative evidence on substitutability between cable and VCRs. The authors developed some simple partial equilibrium models under the assumption that the quantity demanded (of VCR or cable services) is determined by income, population, tastes, prices, and the prices of substitute and complementary goods (1985:58-9). Various combinations of some simple equations were used to separate basic cable and pay cable. The pay cable results suggest that broadcast television and pay cable can be substituted. The VCR results imply that pay cable and VCRs are also substitutes. This seems to imply that broadcast television and VCRs are substitutes also. However, their empirical results suggest that they are complements. The authors thus conclude that VCRs may serve as a substitute for cable when used to play prerecorded tapes in place of some pay-cable programming.
The authors also concluded that VCRs serve as a complement to broadcast television when used to time-shift broadcast programming. The researchers, however, admit that this empirical study has its limits in the lack of equilibrium in the VCR market.
Dimmick et al. (1987) extended the niche theory to the concept of media uses and gratifications, focusing on the audience's choice of medium to gratify needs. There are those mediums which are functional alternatives since they have the capacity to meet similar audience needs. The criterion for the choice, then, becomes the medium's superiority in satisfying the unique needs. In 1986, Dimmick attempted to ascertain the relative superiority of cable, VCRs and broadcast television to gratify entertainment needs. The study found that there is more use of the
VCR for owned or rented content, especially movies, than for time shifting in the Columbus area.
The responses to 27 questions of gratifications sought and gratifications obtained were classified in three different dimensions: cognitive, affective, and variety/time use. Broadcast TV and cable are the most similar in gratifying audience needs on the affective dimension, while the VCR and broadcast TV are least similar. It was also found on the cognitive dimension that cable is superior to 50
both TV and the VCR. Meanwhile TV is superior to the VCR for gratifying these cognitive needs.
On the affective dimension cable is superior to both TV and VCR but the VCR is superior to
broadcast television for affective gratifications. On the time-use/variety scale the VCR is superior to
both cable and broadcast TV while cable is superior to TV. The report concludes that the high
similarity of TV and cable in serving entertainment needs, and the superiority of cable over TV on all
three scales provides an explanation for the decline in the audience of broadcast television.
2.2.2 Copyright and Pornography
Copyright law originated in technological change - the printing press - and at each stage in
the history of copyright law, technological innovation has been a central problem to policy makers.
In the cinema market during the 1930s, for example, replication was strictly controlled. Distribution
was only through a limited number of theaters, and filmmakers did not part with ownership of their
works. The film market today, however, consists of many outlets: theaters, broadcast television,
cable television, video cassettes, special education service, hotels, air lines, and 16 mm markets.
The same production devices once used only by the copyright owners are now widely owned, and
copyright owners are confronted with the problem of controlling unauthorized copying of protected
properties. Unlike television and cable television, VCRs are not regulated by any government
bodies such as the FCC or local city councils. The price of both machines and tapes is dependent
upon what the market will bear (Gross, 1981). The cassette market, however, has experienced
government attention in the form of a copyright court case and a related Congressional hearing, but
formal regulation is not part of the industry. In addition to copyright concerns, pornography is
another issue related to the video.
In 1976, a year after Sony introduced its Betamax into the United States, MCA-Universal
Studios and Walt Disney Productions brought a suit against Sony maintaining that the recording of their copyrighted programs for television broadcasts infringed their copyrights. They also claimed that the corporate defendants were liable for that infringement on the theory of contributory
infringement. The defendants, the Sony Corporation with its distributor and advertising agency 51 along with certain retail stores, contended that home copying for home use was not an infringement and that even if it were, they could not be liable.
In 1979 (Betamax I), the District Court for the Central District of California rejected the copyright owners' contention by holding that home use recording was either implicitly exempted by legislative history or comprised a fair use of the copyrighted work. In 1981(Betamax II), the Ninth
Circuit, adopting a more literal interpretation of the Copyright Act 1976, reversed the district court and held that off-the-air television programs, even for private home use, constituted infringement of the copyrighted works (659 F. 2d at 969).
In 1982, the US Supreme Court granted certiorari to hear Sony's appeal from the circuit court's decision in Betamax II and framed the questions presented on appeal in narrow legal terms:
Does home video recording constitute copyright infringement? If so, is the sale of VCRs per se contributory infringement; and is fair use limited to productive use and precluded from being intrinsic use? (50 US L. W. 3973). In a closely divided five to four decision, the Court held that the sale of VCRs does not constitute contributory infringement of the producers' copyright (Betamax III in 1984.104 S. Ct. at 796).
October 1986, Jack Valenti, Hollywood's chief spokesman, urged Congress to require that all video cassette recorders contain technology to prevent illegal back-to-back copying of prerecorded video tapes (Electronic Media, Sep. 29,1986:23; Video Times, August 1985). VCR owners by mid-1986, according to Valenti, owned more than 72 million unauthorized copies of prerecorded tapes. This stands in stark contrast to 95 million legitimate videos sold to dealers from
1980 to 1985. The new devices from CBS/Fox (which can black out the picture of a copied movie for 15 to 20 seconds at intervals of about 30 seconds) and from Macrovision (which can distort the picture), however, still require that a prerecorded video cassette include technology that matches the anti-pirating circuitry in the VCR. In contrast, the Sharp Corporation began to sell twin-deck tape recorders (which have two recording heads and can make two separate tapes at once) in the Middle
East in 1985. According to an official in Sanyo Electric, all the big Jap an ese makers of video cassette recorders have shelved the twin-deck models they had developed because of the piracy 52 implication (Asami, 1985:6). Samsung, a Korean electronic manufacturer, also designed two 8mm
VCRs in one.
Meanwhile, pornography is another issue in the era of "new sensuality" not only in the print media, cinema (Hachem, 1983), and broadcast or cable television (Electronic Media, Nov. 3,1986:
8) but also in home video. When home video first began as an industry, one of its primary selling points was the availability of sexually oriented cassette tapes. More than 30% of the survey respondents in 1983 reported that watching adult movies was one of the important reasons for their
VCR purchase. Pornographic films accounted for 20% of all video sales to home consumers. Some
40% of all VCR owners, 9% of all Americans, bought or rented a pornographic film in 1984 (Press,
1985:61). Thus, the VCR is revolutionizing the honeymoon (Canby, 1985:14) and stimulating scholastic pornographic study (Brummett, 1988: 202-216). Today, according to Taub (1986:48), adult titles still account for 10 to 20 percent of some retailers' rental business. Five percent of the total video cassette sales in 1988 was predicted to be "x” rated.
Based upon a 2,000 page report prepared by the Attorney General's Commission on
Pornography in late 1986, US Attorney General Edwin Meese announced that they had plans to attack pornography, including obscene material distributed through cable television and home video (Electronic Media, Oct. 27,1986: 53-4). Finally, federal reinforcers were armed with a law enabling them to close down video stores who carry even a single "obscene" tape ( Video Review,
April 1988:16).
2.2.3 The VCR and Ethnic Minorities
Some European countries such as Belgium, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Britain have seen some ethnic minorities' "creative exploitation of video cassette" technology.
Considering that the significance of ethnic minority media is highly dependent upon the model of minority-majority relations which is invoked, assumptions regarding assimilation or a pluralist alternative become crucial. For example, Husband et al.'s (1985) study has examined the video use among Polish,
West Indian, and Asian communities in two British cities and has shown a distinctive pattern of usage among the Asian communities. The high level of video ownership and use is an indication of the extent to which the existing broadcast media do not meet the needs of Asian and other minority communities in Britain. For example, the proportion of households having a video w as 61% for the
Gujarati community, where the Asian community studied was a large population, compared to 16% in the Polish community and 33% in the Caribbean community. All of the samples indicate that rental of prerecorded tapes is an important element of video ownership, although there is an interesting variation in the proportion of households who use the video to record from television.
While 93% of the Polish sample had access to video for time-shift purpose, 86% of the Caribbean sample and only 59% of the Gujarati sample did so. The data revealed that using video to watch
Indian language films was a very important aspect of video use and the fact that almost 40% of the
Gujarati sample reported that not taping programs from television channels may be a reflection of the extent to which those channels neglected the interests of the Gujarati community. Among the VCR owners, 7% of the Polish sample, 17% of the Caribbean sample, and 54% of the Gujarati sample used their video to record home and community events for family viewing. Given that 72% of the
Asian sample who watched such home videos shared them with friends and relatives and 13% sent them to friends overseas, the visual family newsletter seemed to be becoming a reality in that community. Video was also used for advancing the user's collective arms. Entertainment programs, anti-racist organizations, Asian women's groups, religious leaders had videos which were transported to London for reproduction and distribution to followers in a number of English cities.
According to a case study by Michaels (1985), the use of video among an Aboriginal
Community is shown to have considerable social and political power. In another example, it was argued that the extensive use of VCRs within the Turkish community in Belgium was resulting in a significant reduction in exposure to Belgium television and, hence was facilitating a more culturally and linguistically homogeneous home environment. There is also evidence from some school teachers that children from such Turkish families are encountering greater difficulty in learning 54
French. The heavy use of imported Turkish newspapers and video programs within this community
was linked to the suggestion that such patterns of behavior might contribute to the marginalization
of the Turkish communities within Belgium.
2.3 THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS
In addition to the previous review of studies on the VCR, two different theoretical areas are
relevant for the study of the VCR: (1) diffusion theory and (2) uses and gratifications research. In
addition to these two, (3) a third theoretical discussion of acculturation studies will be required in
order to adequately study the Korean's VCR use in the US.
2.3.1 Diffusion Theories
Diffusion is the process by which "an innovation is communicated through certain channels
over time among the members of a social system" (Rogers, 1983:35). In other words, the main
elements in the diffusion of new ideas about the VCR are, put them in Rogers' formula, (1) a
technological innovation, (2) which is communicated through certain channels, (3) over time, (4)
among the members of a social system. A technology is a design for instrumental action that
reduces the uncertainty in achieving a desired outcome. In particular, VCR technology, which
consists of hardware and software has a relative advantage over broadcast TV or cable television.
According to a generalization of diffusion theory, mass media channels are more effective in
spreading certain knowledge of innovations and interpersonal channels are more effective in forming and changing attitudes toward the new idea, thus influencing the decision to adopter reject the new idea. Generally, most individuals evaluate an innovation through the subjective evaluations of near-peers who have adopted the innovation not on the basis of scientific research by experts
(Rogers, 1983:36). Rogers also specified five adopter categories: (1) innovators, (2) early adopters,
(3) early majority, (4) late majority, and (5) laggards. Rate of adoption is defined as "the relative speed" with which an innovation is adopted by members of a social system. 55
Until 1962, there were only 5 diffusion publications in communication literature, and Rogers
did not even consider communication as a diffusion research tradition. However, the
communication tradition of diffusion research ranked as the second largest type of publication by
1968, accounted for 8% of the total. In 1981, the communication diffusion area showed rapid
growth in its publications which reached 372 (12% of the all diffusion literature). One of the early
concerns of communication researchers was the diffusion of news events carried by the mass
media. In the early 1960s, communication researchers also began to investigate the transmission
of technological ideas.
One of the special advantages of the communication research tradition is, according to
Rogers (1983:73), that it can analyze any particular type of innovation. In other words, there are no
limitations, such as the education tradition's focus on educational innovation, the rural sociologist's
main emphasis upon agricultural ideas, or the medical sociologist's concern with family-planning
methods. This lack of a message-content orientation perhaps allows the communication researcher
to concentrate on the process of diffusion (Rogers, 1983:74).
Generally, a new industry is created by a major process or product innovation and develops
technologically as less radical, follow-on innovations are introduced. Four phases typically occur in
the development of a new high-technology industry: (1) innovation, (2) imitation, (3) technological
competition, and (4) standardization. Most innovations which result from research activities need to
be packaged in a form ready to be adopted by users. This stage is usually called
"commercialization,'' which is the production, manufacturing, packaging, and distribution of a
product that embodies an innovation. It is common that several innovations have a functional
interrelatedness, or at least they are so perceived by potential adopters. -
According to diffusion theory, an individual's socioeconomic status is highly related to their degree of change agent contact which in turn is highly related to their degree of innovativeness.
Thus, some claim that change agencies cause increased inequality among their audiences through the introduction of innovation clusters. It is also noted that even when a special effort is made to eliminate socioeconomic status as a factor in the adoption of a technology cluster, status variables 56
still may impact on the consequences of the technology cluster.
For example, "Green Thumb" is a computer-based information system that delivers frames
of weather, market, and other information on request to a farmer on his home TV set. The "Green
Thumb" boxes were provided by the US Department of Agriculture to 200 small, medium, and
large-sized farms at no cost for 15 months in 1980-1981. Although socioeconomic factors did not
influence access or adoption of this technology cluster, the degree of use of the "Green Thumb”
system by a farmer was somewhat related to his socioeconomic status. The manager of larger farms
value information as a factor in farming success more highly. They depend on such information as
an important ingredient in their decision making, and they are willing to devote time and effort to
information acquisition (Case et al., 1982).
Those possessing the first knowledge of an innovation are characterized by more
education, higher social status, greater exposure to mass media channels of communication,
greater exposure to interpersonal channels of communication, greater change agent contact,
greater social participation, and more cosmopolitaness (Rogers, 1983:206). In other words, the
earlier adopters are no different from later adopters in age, but they have more years of education,
have higher social status, a greater degree of upward social mobility, a commercial rather than a
subsistence economic orientation, and a more favorable attitude toward credit. These
characteristics of adopter categories indicate that early adopters have higher socioeconomic status
than late adopters.
Meanwhile, the "Cancian dip" questions whether the relationship between innovativeness
and socioeconomic status is linear. According to the Cancian theory, individuals of low-middle
socioeconomic status are more innovative than individuals of high-middle status, especially in the
early stage of diffusion of an innovation when the degree of uncertainty about the innovation is greatest (Cancian, 1981). In other words, Cancian proposed that the high- middle individuals catch up and pass the low-middle individuals, thus resulting in a more linear relationship between socioeconomic variables and innovativeness. 57
However, the "Cancian dip" hypothesis is a complicated thesis to test with empirical data.
Cancian’s work has set off a wide variety of retests, refutations, and discussions of this theory. In 23 of the 49 data sets, the "Cancian dip" was supported in that the low-middle individuals were more innovative than the upper-middle. In 26 of the 49 situations, however, the "Cancian dip" was not found (Cancian, 1979a:73). Thus, it is no longer safe to assume that socioeconomic status and innovativeness are related in a linear fashion at an early stage in the diffusion process (Rogers,
1983:256).
Despite this controversy, diffusion theory has been built up through investigations of a wide variety of innovations, but only in recent years have scholars begun to investigate the adoption of new communication technologies. In his recent work, Rogers (1986) summarized three important ways in which the diffusion of communication technologies differ from the spread of other innovations: [1] the critical mass, [2] a relatively high degree of reinvention, and [3] the focus on implementation and used, rather than just on the decision to adopt. Whether measured by income, occupational prestige, or in years of formal education, innovative individuals are relatively more elite than those who adopt later or reject. Rogers (1986:133-4) explained the basic reasons for the innovativeness relationship as follows: [1] the new media represent a non-trivial cost which socio-economic elites are in a better position to pay: [2] the more-educated are more likely to aware of the importance of information and to feel a need for it; and [3] certain high-prestige occupations are key figures in the coming information society, and they are technically more competent to use the new communication technologies.
Do innovators innovate because they are rich, or are they rich because they innovate?
Although wealth and innovativeness are highly related, economic factors do not offer a complete explanation of innovative behavior. Thus, Rogers (1983) added personality variables and communication behavior. In fact, past research showed many important differences between earlier and later categories of innovations in terms of these three different categories of variables.
Compared to the conventional mass media of radio, TV, film, and the press, the new media of the computer-based communication systems mainly provide information to their users. In contrast, 58 cable television and VCRs are predominantly utilized for entertainment purposes. Whether they are utility-oriented or entertainment oriented, mass media channels are relatively more important than interpersonal channels for early adopters. As the level of awareness knowledge in a social system increases up to about 20 to 30 percent, there is very little adoption; however, once this threshold is passed, further increases in awareness knowledge lead to increases in adoption.
Finally, consequences of innovations need to be noted. Consequences are the changes that occur to an individual or to a social system as a result of the adoption or rejection of an innovation. Consequences are classified as (1) desirable versus undesirable, (2) direct versus indirect, and (3) anticipated versus unanticipated. It is often difficult to avoid value judgements when evaluating consequences as desirable or not. In fact, many innovations cause both positive and negative consequences, and it is usually difficult to manage the effects of an innovation so as to separate the desirable from the undesirable consequences.
2.3.2 Uses and Gratifications Approach
Uses and gratifications researchers have offered their data in explanation of the connections between audience motives, media gratifications, and outcomes (Wimmer and
Dominick, 1987:382). This perspective examines the uses to which people put their media behaviors and the gratifications that people derive from media. This perspective is also concerned with the question of whether different media or different content are fundamentally equivalent
(Jeffres, 1986).
The uses and gratifications approach has its roots in the 1940s when researchers became interested in why people engaged in various forms of media behavior, such as radio listening or newspaper reading. The first results of a uses and gratifications study were made public in 1940 when the Office of Radio Research published Radio and the Printed Age (Takeuchi, 1986:32).
According to the report, the educational role that was expected of radio which broke the monopolization of informative knowledge by the print media had not filled sufficiently, at least judging from the rating of the serious programs. People who had shared less in the benefit of the 59 printed words listened to radio programs often, but the programs which they tuned to were entertainment programs such as comedies, variety shows, soap operas and quiz programs.
So Herzog chose one of the quiz programs and, through detailed interviews, analyzed what kind of gratification the listeners received from this program. The results showed that the radio listeners received various gratifications from quiz programs such as self-esteem about one's intelligence level, freeing oneself from certain frustrations, compensation for one's intellectual inferiority complex, identification with the contestants in the quiz contest, a satisfaction in increasing one's knowledge, effectiveness in everyday life available by talking about the quiz programs, contentment in anticipating the potential winner of the game, and joy from laughing at the mistakes and embarrassment of the contestants (Lazarsfeld, 1940:65-90). Herzog (1944) also identified three types of gratifications associated with listening to radio soap operas: emotional release, wishful thinking, and obtaining advice. Berelson (1949) took advantage of a New York newspaper strike to ask people why they read the paper.
The early studies were primarily descriptive, seeking to classify the responses of audience members into meaningful categories. The responses were put in five major categories: reading for information, reading for social prestige, reading for escape, reading as a tool for daily living, and reading for a social context. Suchman (1942), Waples et al. (1940), Warner and Henry (1948), and
Wolfe and Fiske (1949) followed a similar research trend. The theoretical coherence of the early studies was "hampered by conceptual and methodological shortcomings" (Palmgreen et al.,
1985:13). However, many were inspired by the practical needs of newspaper publishers and radio broadcasters to know the motivations of their audience in order to serve them more efficiently (Davis and Baron, 1981:28-30; Wimmer and Dominick, 1987:381).
The second stage of this research trend began during the 1950s and continued into the
1960s. However, there were few reports on uses and gratifications study in the 1950s. In fact, even in the 1940s uses and gratifications studies were less in number than the campaign effect studies. This was probably due to the priority of government agencies utilizing mass communications media in order to get the population’s understanding and support of their policies, 60
politicians and political parties who needed to attract the votes of a large electorate, and he
producers who tried to attract as many consumers as possible to his/her products.
In addition, there was a methodological problem. As the new medium developed, the
public and the critics began to worry about the bad effects of the entertainment media and
researchers often mentioned the necessity of studying these effects through empirical research.
However, many of the empirical studies could not reach the core of the problem and failed to find
the significance of entertainment communication for the audience. One of the reasons was the
methodological limitations of uses and gratifications studies. For example, the research was done
by case study and not by any established procedure; therefore, the greater part of research results
depended on the interviewing skills and insight of the analyzer. Further, as the case studies were
not supported by a large number of cases, many of the suggested discoveries could not support
generalized conclusions (Takeuchi, 1986:35).
In the 1960s, however, uses and gratifications studies began again to catch the interests of
researchers, and some remarkable empirical studies were made public in the 70s. In this phase, the
emphasis was on identifying and operationalizing the many social and psychological variables that
were presumed to be the antecedents of different patterns of consumption and gratification
(Blumler and Katz, 1974: 13). For example, most influential has been the fourfold typology
(surveillance, correlation, socialization, and entertainment) posed by Lasswell (1948) and refined by
Wright (1960). Schramm, Lyle, and Parker (1961) found that children's use of TV was influenced by
individual mental ability and relationships with parents and peers, among other things. Gerson
(1966) concluded that race was important in predicting how adolescents used the media.
Greenberg and Dominick (1969) identified that race and social class predicted how teenagers used television as an informal source of learning. Focused on the utility of media-person interactions
rather than the maintenance of equilibrium within a system, later studies that developed typologies
signaled "convergence on individual differences over more traditional functionalist concerns"
(Palmgreen et al., 1985:15). 61
The third phase of development attempted to use gratification data to provide explanations of such other facets of the communication process with which audience motives and expectations may be connected (Blumler and Katz, 1974:13). The uses and gratifications studies during this period challenged the limitations of the past in two aspect. One was the attention paid to the psychological and sociological conditions by which media exposures are motivated. The other was the attempt to inquire into the satisfactions the audience drew from mass communication by sample surveys and to use the quantitative procedure in order to categorize these satisfactions. Among the assumptions of the approach during this period, Katz et al. 's (1974:20) description of the uses and gratifications approach was the most influential: (1) The sociological and psychological origins of
(2) needs, which generate (3) expectations of (4) the mass media or the sources which lead to (5) differential patterns of media exposure (or engagement in other activities), resulting in (6) need gratifications and (7) other consequences, perhaps mostly unintended ones.
In short, key elements and assumptions of this approach from a number of studies (Katz et a)., 1974; Lundberg and Hulten, 1968; Wenner, 1977; Katz, Gurevitch, and Haas, 1973; McQuail et al., 1972; Rosengren and Windahl, 1972) can be summarized as follows: (1) The audience is active.
(2) Much media use can be conceived as goal oriented. (3) competing with other sources of need satisfaction. (4) Substantial audience initiative links needs to media choice. (5) Media consumption can fulfill a wide range of gratifications. (6) Media content alone cannot be used to predict patterns of gratifications accurately. (7) Media characteristics structure the degree to which needs may be gratified at different times. (8) Gratifications obtained can have their origins in media content, exposure in and of itself, and/or the social situation in which exposure takes place (Palmgreen et al.,
1985:14).
More specifically, a growing number of studies have been dedicated to the specification and testing of hypotheses about (1) gratifications and media consumption, (2) the social/psychological origins of gratifications, (3) the relationship between gratification sought and obtained (4) gratifications and media effects, (5) expectancy-value approaches to uses and gratifications, and (6) audience activity (Rosengren and Palmgreen, 1985). In this classification, the 62
"active audience" is a key concept in the uses and gratifications paradigm (Levy, 1983; Rouner,
1984; Palmgreen, 1984), and the concept has been used extensively in mass communication research because audience activity is "fundamental to the study of mass communication effects in general and central to the uses and gratifications approach in particular" (Levy, 1983:109). Rouner
(1984:173) also insisted that this "mosaic tenet" of audience activity is important. According to
Palmgreen (1984), it constitutes "one of the essential underpinnings of the approach."
Accordingly, if activity is guided by motivations for media use and expectations concerning different media channels, audience members should differentiate among these channels on the basis of gratifications sought and obtained. For example, Katz et al. (1973) showed that audience members differentiated among five different media - radio, television, newspapers, books, and movies - on the basis of perceived gratifications obtained. Their study covered a broad range of possible uses and gratifications; (1) cognitive needs, related to strengthening one's knowledge, understanding, and information; (2) affective needs, related to strengthening emotional, pleasurable, and aesthetic experiences; (3) integrative needs, related to strengthening credibility, status, confidence, and stability; (4) needs related to strengthening contact with family, friends, and the world; and (5) needs for escape and tension release. They concluded that "books cultivate the inner self; films and television give pleasure; and newspapers, more than any other medium, give self-confidence and stability." Lometti et al. (1977), using multi- dimensional scaling, showed that respondents differentiated among six media and two interpersonal channels along three dimensions. Lichtenstein and Rosenfeld (1983) found some interesting comparisons across the media by asking college students to rate how much of each 10 reasons for exposure applied to their use of seven mass media. The researcher concluded that utility-based exposure varies considerably from medium to medium, although there is considerable variance across content categories within each medium.
In practice, however, the concept of "audience activity" is not easily defined (Rubin,
1986:293). In other words, the notion of audience activity has received "little conceptual development" (Levy and Windahl, 1981). For example, this concept has been used as (1) the 63
"tunneling process of media, program, and content selection"; (2) utility of the process of choice; (3) intentionality -- the audience member's motivation, personality, and individual cognitive processing structure; (4) involvement; and (5) "imperviousness to influence" (Biocca, 1988:51-80). By attempting to "cover everything the audience member does," argues Biocca, it "ends up specifying little and excluding nothing." Thus, the origin of the active audience construct was an
"overreaction." Then, what is the overall meaning of activity? Is it possible, by definition, for the audience not to be active?
The basic intellectual or ideological structure underlying the concept of the active audience is the liberal ideals of individual rationality. The question of the source of activity or the "locus of control" lies at the heart of the active versus passive audience debate. Locus of control, according to Biocca (1988:54), can be defined as "the place or agent wherein resides the major determining or causal force of the content and orientation of the audience member's cognitions and behavior."
Does this locus of control lie in the social origins of motivations, in the content and the communicator, or in the individual? How much real control lies in the audience member? Is the individual "active" for him/herself or "active" as an agent of social structures and forces?
In addition, audience needs were not directly related to television use, for television use could not be predicted from the perceived needs of audience members (Kippax and Murray, 1980:
335-60). It is also noted that habitual television viewing does not explain content-specific viewing of news or comedy programs. Windahl (1981) supports the idea by articulating that media use may be instrumental or habitualized and that individuals tend toward one of two types of viewing. According to Rubin (1984:67-77), the utility, selectivity, and intentionality of audience activity should be related to the conceptual distinction between ritualized and instrumental media use.
Considering many antecedent causes and interactions, "active audience” seems like an inappropriate level for a host of phenomena. The influence of the form is by no means fixed or independent but is channeled by existing cultural traditions, other media traditions, and media institutions (Biocca, 1988). To a degree, individuals might view ritualistically or instrumental^ in accordance with variable background, time, and situational demands (Rubin, 1984). Further, the 64
increased choice potential of certain new media changes the concept of the relationship between
media and audience vis-a-vis selection. Thus, it is suggested that future research on new media
should look at individuals as participants (Williams, 1987:234). The term "user was also suggested
for the new media.
2.3.3 Acculturation, Ethnicity and Media
Since an important part of this study is the use of VCRs by Koreans many of whom are new
immigrants or temporal residents students, an examination of acculturation is essential. The
meaning of acculturation and its relation to assimilation and media will be discussed in this section.
First of all, such core concepts as culture, acculturation, assimilation, and ethnicity will be discussed
by examining their definitions and typologies. The communication aspect of acculturation will be
briefly presented and followed by three different approaches to the acculturation process: (1) the
interpersonal approach, (2) the linguistic approach, and (3) the mass communication media
approach. Finally, the concept of ethnicity will be related to class in order to explain the concept of
"ethclass."
2.3.3.1 Culture, acculturation and assimilation
Culture is the "mass of life patterns" (Adler, 1976:366). In other words, it is a result of
consensus and a "perspective shared by members of a group" (Shibutani and Kwan, 1965:573).
Both concepts, acculturation and assimilation, are intertwined with each other. According to the
Social Science Research Council (reported in Redfield, Linton, and Herskovits, 1936:149),
acculturation is those phenomena "which result when groups of individuals having different cultures
come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original cultural patterns
of either or both groups." Barnett et al. (1954:974) defined acculturation as "culture change that is
initiated by the conjunction of two or more autonomous cultural systems. In contrast, Fairchild
(1925:397) referred assimilation to the notion of amalgamation. Berry (1951:217) defined the term as the process whereby groups with different cultures come to have a common culture.' By 65
Table 2.2 Types of Assimilations
Subprocess or Condition Types of Stage of Special Term Assimilation
Change of cultural patterns Cultural or behavioral Acculturation to those of host country Assimilation
Large-scale entrance into Structural None clubs, cliques, and Assimilation institutions
Large-scale intermarriage Marital Assimilation Amalgamation
Development of sense of Identificational None peoplehood based exclusively Assimilation on the host society
Absence of prejudice Attitude receptional None Assimilation
Absence of value and power Civic Assimilation None conflict
Source: Milton M. Gordon (1964), Assimilation in American Life, New York: Oxford University Press
emphasizing less tangible dimensions such as values, memories, sentiments, ideas, and attitudes.
Berry related assimilation to the fusion of cultural heritages and distinguished it from biological mixture [amalgamation] and from the political concept, naturalization. Taft (1953:49- 52) defined it as the process whereby immigrants and the native population "become more alike as a result of interaction." Zubrzycki (1956: 76) understands it as the extreme form of positive adjustment.
Accordingly, a host of typologies on patterns of minority responses toward the host society have been developed by anthropologists and sociologists based upon the immigrants' attitudes toward the host culture, although assimilation is not an either-or phenomenon but rather a continuum of process and degree (Shoemaker et al., 1987:594). Wirth (1954), for example, distinguished among pluralist, assimilator, secessionist, militant and other types of assimilation 66
including submission, withdrawal, avoidance, and integration. Simpson and Yinger (1972) also drew
lines along acceptance, avoidance, and aggression. Among the six assimilation variables
formulated by Gordon (1964:74-81), cultural assimilation [^acculturation] is likely to be the first type
of assimilation to occur, followed by or subsequent structural assimilation (See Table 2.2).
Similarly, Hur (1976) distinguishes limited assimilation [=acculturation] and total assimilation
[^structural assimilation]. Hur et al. (1979) developed a hypothetical model of critical stages in
adaptation process: excitement, exigency, resolution, optimum, identification crisis, and marginality-
acceptance. Considering that these typologies were developed for comparison purposes, and that
no single culture system may encompass the totality of a person, Ryu (1982) employed simple
dichotomies for the categorizing of Korean Americans: traditionalist versus integrations! and
organizationist versus individualist.
In other words, assimilation is seen as a process actively involving the immigrant and is a
matter dependent upon his or her own course of action. Assimilation is considered to be a type of
process involving the host society's decision to accept the member of another culture (Yoo, 1983:
5-6). Assimilation also implies an essentially "unilateral approximation of one culture in the direction
of the other, albeit a changing or ongoing other." Hence, socialization, urbanization, and
secularization are not acculturation processes unless they are cross-culturally introduced rather than
developed within a single culture (Barnett et al., 1954:974). In contrast, the resocialization of the
individual, or the reforming of status-image and values is usually called assimilation. In short,
acculturation is the establishment of mutual modification and adaptations which will enable the two
groups to live together. Thus, acculturation is a necessary but not sufficient condition of
assimilation (Broom and Shevky, 1952).
2.3.3.2 Communication and Acculturation
The early impetus to the systematic analysis of acculturation came mainly from the anthropologists and then sociologists. A great deal of acculturation discussion was linked to communication, although this communication aspect was introduced only in recent acculturation 67
research. For example,
Every structural pattern and every single act of social behavior involves communication in either explicit or implicit sense (Sapir, 1931:78)
Culture includes then all that is communicable Communication creates, or makes possible at least, that consensus and understanding among the individual components of a social group which eventually gives it and them the character not merely of society but of a cultural unit Communication maintains the concert necessary to enable them to function, each in its several ways... It is by communication that tradition is transmitted... Thus the function of communication seems to be to maintain the unity and integrity of the social group in its two dimensions -- space and time (Robert Park, 1933:191-2)
The establishment of this shared set of values, or "shared- frame-of reference," requires communication between the members of the groups... for pluralism to work successfully, there must be awareness of the agreement to tolerate each other's values. This implies at least some interaction between the members of the sub-cultural groups in the society...when persons with differing sets of values are in communication, the extent to which their interaction will lead to convergence of their norms will be partly dependent upon the degree to which their shared frame of reference involves an agreement on pluralism as a social value (Ronald Taft, 1953:45-55)
Men live in a community in virtue of the things which they have in common; and communication is the way in which they come to possess things in common ...... Each would have to know what the other was about and would have to have some way of keeping the other informed as to his own purpose and progress. Consensus demands communication (John Dewey, 1966:4-5)
While ethnic groups represent smaller cultures within nations, communication has been a
crucial factor in facilitating their acculturation and acted as the 'cement' holding these ethnic groups together. Since culture may be defined as "a perspective shared by members of a group,” and culture is imprinted in the individual as a pattern of perceptions that is accepted and expected by others in a society, the development of consensus would depend on people's participation in communication channels (Kim, 1978). In this sense, the overly simplified "monistic" conceptualization of the acculturation process in the previous research is criticized as one of the most important shortcomings. In reality, acculturation is not only in the hands of the immigrants but also in the hands of the host society (Kim, 1979:437). Accordingly, relationship between communication and culture become questions of relationships between ethnic heritage and 68
communication (Jeffres, 1983:220). Thus, it is not surprising that much ot the research in ethnicity
has focused on questions of assimilation: how immigrants blend into American society and how
other influences erode ethnic identification and weaken intragroup ties.
Meanwhile, it has been criticized that the linkage between communication and acculturation
has scarcely been taken beyond the conceptual stage. However, complex models employing
communication concepts have been introduced in the last two decades to account for ethnicity.
Most acculturation studies have treated a selected number of communication variables as parts of
larger institutional systems such as family, school, community, church, personality, interpersonal
communication, and mass media. For example, Goldlust and Richmond (1974) presented a
multivariate model of immigrant adaptation that focused upon ethnic identification and included the
following factors: low reliance on ethnic mass media, low ethnic social distance, dissimilarity of
spouse and friends, education and qualifications, cognitive acculturation, length of residence and
low age of arrival, satisfaction, primary integration, and new self-definition of ethnicity. From the
system perspective, Kim (1979:442-7) has provided 8 constructs for a theory of communication and
acculturation: intrapersonal communication, image of self, motivation for acculturation, knowledge of
host language, interpersonal relationship, mass media behavior, communication environment, and
interaction potential. However, most of the variables in the previous acculturation studies can be
classified as consisting of an interpersonal communication approach, a linguistic approach, or a
mass communication approach.
2.3.3.2.1 Interpersonal Communication Approach
Laumann's (1973) model places the structure of interpersonal networks between individual
characteristics and ethnic identification as well as political and occupational attitudes. A host of
studies have employed interpersonal communication variables in their study of acculturation. For
example, DeFleur and Cho (1957) examined the frequency of visits exchanged with Caucasian friends. Neighborhood relationship among the Jewish children was included in Geismar's study
(1954). Johnston (1963:297) analyzed immigrants social contacts. Investigation of interpersonal 69 relationship with Caucasians in social situations in Lazerwitz (1954:12), Uyeki (1960:472),
Weinstock (1963:335), and Palisi (1966:28) are the similar examples. Telephone conversation with
Caucasian friends as well as with ethnic friends, the potentials for interpersonal interactions, social gatherings, association membership, ethnic composition in neighborhood in Hagata are also other examples. All of these studies pooled communication behaviors in the broad index of acculturation.
Most of the researchers, however, were not attempting to understand acculturation as a communication process. Communication variables were treated as something indicative of acculturation, rather than something contributing to acculturation (Kim, 1978:21).
The importance of communication activities in influencing acculturation grows as a function of the amount of time an immigrant spends in the United States. Chang (1972) examined the communication behavior and value changes of three Korean immigrant groups in Los Angeles. Kim
(1978) found in his comparative study that an ethnic network has negative effects on acculturation.
However, changes in one's external behaviors might be facilitated as a result of frequent contacts with the leaders who run the ethnic institutions and who play the role of interpreters of American culture, but traditional internal values are reinforced rather than changed by such contact.
Similarly, Shoemaker et al. (1987) argued that acculturation is affected not only by attributes of the individual, but also by community characteristics. Kim (1978) also noted that one's heavy dependence on ethnic institutions has a potentially stronger damaging effect on acculturation in the early stage of immigration. A survey of Korean and Southeast Asian immigrants to the US demonstrated the pivotal role of communication in the adjustment process (Kim, 1976, 1980).
Adopting a systems perspective, Kim- sees ethnics interacting with their environment through personal communication [e.g. mental processes through which one organizes oneself in and with one's sociocultural milieu] and social communication [the process of intersubjectivization, through which individuals regulate feelings, thoughts, and actions of one another].
Yum (1980) examined the causes of the communication diversity of Korean immigrants in
Hawaii and the impact of such diversity on their levels of information. Young Kim (1982:361), seeing culture as being composed of patterns that reflect communicative responses to the environment, 70 underscored the significance of communication. When immigrants arrive in a new culture, they must acquire the cultural rules of communication in order to function effectively. In her view, acculturation becomes the process of developing communication competence in the host sociocultural system.
More specifically, she attempted to explore a causal relationship between intercultural communication patterns and perceptual complexity by employing interaction potential, English competence, acculturation motivation, mass media availability, interpersonal communication and mass media consumption. In so doing, she found that language fluency, acculturation motivation, interpersonal communication, and mass media channel accessibility are major determinants of one's intercultural communication behaviors. Kim also noted that the influence of interpersonal communication is stronger than that of mass media consumption in developing a complex and refined cognitive system in perceiving the host society.
2.3.3.2.2 Linguistic Approach
Language communication is a principal medium for the flow of cultural elements and provides an important clue for assessing the dynamics of this transfer. According to Taft
(1957:145), language is the most important aspect of cultural knowledge which permits maximum group participation. Accordingly, the crucial role of language in facilitating acculturation has received much attention. Specifically, it is important to investigate the categories of individuals who become multilingual, the social contexts in which they use each language, and attraction to or withdrawal from a dominant culture in relation to skill in using the language (Barker, 1947; Weinrich, 1953).
Richardson (1957:157-66) tested the usage of Australian slang as one measure of acculturation among the British immigrants in Western Australia. DeFleur and Cho (1957) included measures of three aspects of English language behavior in their index of assimilation: speaking ability, reading ability, and the extent of usage in the home under the assumption that a high level of acculturation was to be reflected by high scores.
However, some empirical studies do not support the theoretical relationship between language and acculturation. Ruth Johnston (1963:297) found that language had the lowest 71 correlation among various variables included in her study on the assimilation level of immigrants in
Australia. She claimed that immigrants who are better equipped with the ability to use sophisticated
English language can at best be regarded as only externally assimilated. Weinstock (1963:334) also found a similar result: attendance at an English language course by foreigners will not lead to faster acculturation.
Kim (1978:16-7) pointed out a crucial problem to the linguistic approach in acculturation studies: operationalization of the concept. Operationalization is a direct measure of one's knowledge of English measured in a formal test for some researchers. For others, it is a measure of actual usage of the language. The concept has also been considered to be a measure of one's confidence in using the language as well as a m easure of "my" perception of the other party’s perception of "my" ability in using the host language. In short, three different aspects of the linguistic variable - competence measured in an objective test, actual usage reported by the subjects, and confidence expressed subjectively by the respondents - are all being used undifferentially.
2.3.3.2.3 The Mass Communication Approach
Although early sociologists initially put great em phasis on the role of personal communications in this binding together process, their successors came to look forward eagerly to innovations in mass communications such as radio and motion pictures as a means of facilitating the acculturation process. The mass media's actual or imagined acculturating function influenced the way we perceive them even today, as exemplified by the current excitement about the prospects for binding together the peoples of the world through space- borne telecommunications satellites ( Mendelsohn,1964:31)
While a host of scholars have paid attention to interpersonal communication channels in the acculturation process, the role of mass media in the acculturation process has also been signified by many. For example, DeFleur and Cho (1957) included consumption of the products of the
American mass media and the influences of ethnic media when investigate the acculturation of
Japanese Issei women in the Seattle area. Niyekawa (1966:283-8) included media usage in the 72 cultural sophistication index based upon the hypothesis that Westernization would be reflected by a greater amount of mass media usage. Breton (1964:193-205) argued that newspapers have a role in promoting [ethnic] ideology, keeping alive [ethnic] symbols and values, acknowledging [ethnic] heroes and their historical achievements, and investigating the effects of ethnic publications on the first-generation immigrants in Canada. Nishi (1963) conducted a content analysis of Japanese
American newspapers in Chicago during 1947 and 1950. He postulated that an ethnic newspaper functions as a guiding light by helping the immigrants resettle in their new community. It is noted by many researchers that almost every concentration of immigrants is serviced by at least one newspaper in the US (Shibutani and Kwan, 1965; Gutierrez, 1979; Gutierrez & Schement, 1979;
Hart, 1977; McCue, 1975; Ryu, 1977; Won, 1977; Kim, 1980). Shoemaker et al. (1987) found that
Hispanics' Spanish-language use remain statistically significant only for reading Spanish language print media and listening to Hispanic radio.
Theodore Graves (1967:306-21) included the ownership of a television set as one of the seven indexes of acculturation. However, Weinstock (1963) reported lack of influence of television on acculturation in his study of Hungarian refuges, despite the importance of television as a medium of information. In contrast, Ryu (1977) found that as the degree of assimilative attitude increases, an immigrant's use of the mass media for surveillance need and of television for integration needs also increase. More specifically, an immigrant's English proficiency was positively related to the use of the mass media to satisfy the need for surveillance. An assimilative attitude (attachment to the US) was positively related to an immigrant's use of the media to satisfy integration needs. As the degree of assimilative attitudes increases, use of the mass media for surveillance needs and for integration needs also increases. The lower the English proficiency, the greater the need of an immigrant to learn English by mass media. The media's contribution in the assimilation process of immigrants is substantial in his study of 109 Koreans in Los Angeles area. He thus suggested that mass media can perform an alternative function as a socialization agent.
Moonsook Kim (1980) examined the impact of HTBC (Hankook Television Broadcasting
Corporation) programs on the Korean immigrant Community of the New York Metropolitan, Tri-State 73
area with emphasis upon its role both in helping Korean immigrants to adjust to American life and its
contribution to the preservation of Korean cultural heritage and identity. In analyzing 296 mail
responded questionnaires, the research confirmed the four transitional phases which represented
the process of Koreans' adaptation in the United States: the arrival stage, the disenchantment
stage, the adjustment stage, and the assimilation stage. She also noted that the major concerns of
Korean immigrants were employment and job-oriented information for males, family-centered
programs for females, and educational programs for children. The emotional and recreational
potential of HTBC for the Koreans in the New York area was also emphasized.
Hur (1981) found a pattern of Asian-American’s dependency on their own media in
everyday life. Mass communication is likely to break down the *walls of ethnocentrism.' Increasing
the availability of translated novels, magazines, foreign motion pictures, television programs, and
video tapes facilitates the 'establishment of identification' and enables audiences to participate
vicariously in the lives of others. Won (1977) investigated the relationship between mass media
consumption and values among the 151 Korean immigrants in the Los Angeles area. While age and
education emerged as nonsignificant predictors of acculturation, significant relationships were
found between education, gender, income, religion, and occupation. He argued that females,
higher income respondents, Buddhists, Christians, and professionals tend to assimilate readily
while males, individuals with lower incomes, Confucians, and those in blue collar occupations tend
to resist assimilation ( or tend to hold on to the original culture).
Kim (1977) constructed a causal model in which four factors [i.e., interaction potential,
English competence, acculturation motivation, and mass media availability] contributed to
immigrants' cognitive complexity about the host society by means of interpersonal and mass
communication channels. The proportions of mediated communication effect were much greater in
the advanced stage than in the early stage. It was also found that readership of ethnic print media was the best predictor of acculturation followed by intercultural personal communication, ethnic
electronic media, intercultural print media, and intercultural electronic media. Specifically, in the
early stage the intercultural personal dimension was the best predictor followed by intercultural 74 electronic media and ethnic print media. In contrast, ethnic print media showed the great amount of variance in acculturation in the later stage followed by intercultural print media and intercultural personal communication (Kim, 1978).
What is the significance of m ass media for linking or weakening links between members of ethnic groups? A number of researchers have claimed that ethnic print media - newspapers and magazines ~ have been more altruistic than the general American press. Other researchers have argued that the ethnic press in some ways retards the process of acculturation. Considering that mass communication is generally regarded as both the guardian of the status quo and a radical vehicle of change, we can only expect at this point that ethnic mass communication would tend to strengthen intragroup links while, at the same time, general mass communication would strengthen intergroup links and weaken intragroup links.
2.3.3.3 Ethnicity and Class
What do communication researchers really mean by 'ethnicity'? 'Ethnicity' is defined as 'the socialization process by which individuals in voluntary groups inherit and share the common culture of their group.’ An 'ethnic group' is 'a cultural subsystem of larger societies in which a group of people share a common and distinctive culture' (Greely, 1974:172; Keyes, 1976:202-13). 'Ethnic identification' refers to 'the degree of self-identification with respect to in-group affirmation or group denial and requires formation and development of self-image, self esteem, and self-evaluation' (Hur and Jeffres, 1983). While the term 'minority' is associated with the number of individuals in a particular group, researchers generally recognize that size alone is not a sufficient definition of minority. Power, status, goals and public image are also included (Latane and Wolf, 1981:438-53 &
1973:109-17).
All these definitions relate a sense of the 'differentness' or deviance of ethnics and minorities from the mainstream of US society. Pamela Shoemaker (1985) argued, however, that assumptions about the homogeneity of ethnic and minority group members were inaccurate and that conceptualizing 'ethnic' and 'minority' as specific non-variables was inadequate. When 75
researchers have used the concepts 'ethnic' and 'minority' as independent variables in mass media
studies, the two concepts have been less useful in explaining differences among media variables.
In a study of the impact of ethnic ownership upon a radio station's public service programming, for
example, Schement and Singleton (1981:78-83) concluded that 'owner ethnicity is not a useful
predictor of public service programming levels.' According to Antunes and Gaitz (1975:1192-211),
ethnicity was a predictor of political participation for blacks but not for Mexican-Americans. They
suggested that social class might be a better predictor than ethnicity. Van den Berghe (1976:244)
also noted the importance of differentiating ethnicity from class. Sometimes, class and ethnic
categories overlap almost completely but, ethnic groups are proportionately represented at each
class level in other places (Hur and Jeffres, 1985:49).
More specifically, Marger (1978:22) noted the importance of the interplay of ethnic and
class statuses to determine how they are mutually reinforcing and when they are simply kept in
separate compartment. Gordon (1964:52) saw both class and ethnicity functioning for the individual
in at least three ways: (1) as a source of particular cultural patterns, (2) as the social area of most
primary and many secondary relations, and (3) as a referent of group identification. He posited that
class was more important than ethnicity in the display of patterns of social behavior by pointing out
that people tend to limit social participation to their own social class within their own ethnic group -
the ’ethclass.' Kourvetaris and Dobratz (1976:51) supported Gordon’s 'ethclass' when their data
showed higher rates of intermarriage and formation of friendship within ethnicity and class than one would get by chance. There seemed to be a very pervasive tendency to form intimate relations within one's own ethniGity and class. This was true regardless of one’s social class.
Patterson (1975) hypothesized that when harmony between ethnic and class statuses is
not possible, people will choose that which maximizes their material gain in the larger society and minimizes survival risks. Wilkie (1977) noted that class and ethnicity are generally highly correlated in the unstable situation, as one ethnic group monopolizes powers and others fill lower status positions. Marger (1978:24) also found that "the more acute the ethnic cleavages in the society, the lower the degree of class consciousness." 76
A host of early research on minority audiences was concentrated on the black population
(Allen, 1981a; Allen and Taylor, 1982; Comstock et al., 1978; Bower, 1973), and only recently has
research begun to appear which concentrates on Hispanics (Allen and Clarke, 1980; Valenzuela,
1981) and Asians (1981). Many researchers examined social class variations in exposure to
television and found that the relationship between viewing and social class was negative for the
population in general, but neutral or positive for blacks (Comstock et al., 1981). According to
Valenzuela (1981), Hispanics would prefer to view Spanish language programming when given the
chance. Moreover, Comstock et al. (1978) claimed that little research provided evidence of
specialized ethnic tastes or preferences for specific television content.
Noble (1975) noted that media systems are seen by audiences as "pseudo-mirrors by which
individuals both come to know their own individual identities and their place in the wider scheme of things." The mass media made uniform identities by mass production. However, broadcasting will
be supplanted by more diverse and heterogeneous media. VCRs provide individualistic feedback
concerning identity rather than the mass identity afforded by mass media. Control over what is viewed, when it is viewed, and how it is viewed is now a matter of choice for the individual consumer.
At the same time, such shifts away from centralized control reflect what Innis (1950) described as a bias to time. Put in a culturalist term, VCRs mark "the cutting edge of transitions from a common mass pictorial culture to diverse changing visual cultures." In other words, where the mass media cannot cater to the complete range of minority tastes, the VCR most certainly can. Sub-cultural groups can even both produce, distribute, and consume materials relevant to their interests, concerns, and cultures.
2.4 SUMMARY
In the first section of this chapter, two different stages of VCR use were found: (1) time-shifting and (2) prerecorded tape replaying. The rapid diffusion of video cameras and camcorders heralds the third stage of VCR use: (3) diversified and applied uses of the VCR, although it is still too soon to categorize these uses. These studies suggest the VCR's impact on existing media industries such as broadcast TV, cable TV, film, and magazines. In addition, use of the VCR provides another dimension to copyright law and pornography issues. Finally, the social use of VCRs for the needs of different cultural groups was explicated. In the second section, the possible impact of the VCR on the other existing media industries was discussed in great detail.
The Betamax case with its focus on copyright was highlighted. The issue of pornography was, again, briefly described. In the third section, the literature on acculturation was investigated. The meaning of acculturation was contrasted to that of assimilation and was followed by typologies of acculturation. The relationship between communication and acculturation was discussed.
Acculturation studies were reviewed in light of the interpersonal approach, linguistic approach, and mass communication media approach. Finally, the relationship between ethnicity and class was reviewed. CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
The sciences of man have evolved not only historical but methodological subordination to the sciences of nature... the twentieth- century social scientist cannot help being driven by the relative paucity of his results to the fear that he may be forever excluded from the enchanted garden in which the fruit of the tree of knowledge can be seen hanging so much closer within reach. He cannot but ask himself not simply how his methodological problems are to be solved but whether they are not problems of an altogether different order from those of the sciences of nature (Runciman, 1983:1)
This chapter attempts to combine the findings in the previous literature reviews and to
provide a framework of reference for this integral research. Thus, the ideological and
methodological preference of this researcher will be addressed followed by the assessment of both
the uses and gratifications approach and acculturation studies in order to modify them for the
purpose of this study. In particular, the necessity of the technoristic [technological characteristics]
approach and lifestyle approach will be presented. In addition, the pluralist position will be
emphasized. Finally, the instrument and sampling procedure will be introduced.
3.1 THIS AUTHOR'S IDEOLOGICAL PROPOSITION
The field of communication studies may be fragmented into a number of rival paradigms
(Rosengren, 1985:260). In fact, the idea that "the communication field is in flux" has been apparent since the late 1970s and early 1980s. "Perspectives on Communication Research: An Exchange,"
(1981), McQuail and Windahl (1981), Ferment in the Field (1983), and McQuail (1983) identified and signified this flux. Many others have also discussed the nature of the ferment. Speakers
78 79 such as Gerbner, Neubauer, Grossberg, Smythe, Krippendorff and Putnam etc. reflected
the recent radical trend in the field during a colloquia series sponsored by Ohio State's Department
of Communication during the Winter and Spring of 1987.
The world of communication scholarship can be divided into two main schools based on the
nature of their ideological predisposition, assumptions [=the kinds of problems chosen], and
research methods. According to Rogers (1981, 1982, 1985), Fejes (1984), Becker (1984) and
Smythe (1984), the empirical school of communication research characterized by quantitative
empiricism, functionalism, and positivism, has generally emphasized study of the direct effects of
communication and ignored the broader context in which such communication is embedded. In
contrast, the essence of the critical school is its philosophical emphasis, its focus on the broader
structural context of communication (an original basis in Marxist thought), and its central concern
over the issue of who controls mass communication systems.
Accordingly, some suggestions for compromises to accommodate radical criticism are
presented in terms of cooperation, combination, integration or even abandonment of each others'
theoretical traditions. As early as 1949, for example, Merton suggested that both the European
sociology of knowledge and American empirical sociology of mass communication can be regarded
as "a species of that genus of research which is concerned with the interplay between social
structure and communications" (Merton, 1968: 493; cited in Adoni and Mane, 1984:324). The suggestions for the approval of pluralism in mass communication research is reminiscent of the arguments by Becker and Horowitz (1972: 248-66). Lang (1979:83) claimed that 'there is no inherent incompatibility between the 'positivism' of communication research and the Critical approach associated with the Frankfurt School.’ Carey (1977), Rogers (1981), Becker (1984), and
Rogers and Balle (1985) have also argued that an integrative approach would enrich both traditions.
Blumler and Gurevitch (1982:238-9) were affirmative in an essay about the political effects of m ass communication and perceived movement "toward a convergence of concern over audience effects." 80 Lull (1982) advocated the adoption of the communication rules perspective in order to
develop a mass communication theory that includes concepts and methodologies associated with
both the Empirical and Critical schools of thought. Recently, Rogers and Balle (1985:300-1) argued
that the new media via its interactivity will encourage European communication scholars to give more
attention to interpersonal communication than they have in the past. This will lead to a merger of the
mass and the interpersonal approaches. In addition, Gilljam (1984) applied Burrel and Morgan's
(1979) typology to agenda-setting research in pursuing the possibilities for a convergence between
traditions. Rosengren (1981,1983, & 1985) also reviewed a multi- dimensional property space for
schools of thought and research in sociology, the fourfold typology for schools of sociology by
Burrel and Morgan, with the hope that this model could serve as an instrument of clarification.
Sadly, however, the ferment in the field Is often described by the stale and unproductive
contrast between administrative and critical research.' It is argued from the new alternative camp that
the fundamental issue dividing scholars is not distinction between Administrative and Critical
research but between objectionist and expressionist views of the world (Carey, 1982:21).
According to Slack and Allor (1983:208-9), Critical mass communication research is not a single
entity but rather 'a range of developing alternative approaches to the study of communication.'
Putnam (1983) made it clear that the term 'interpretivist' is only a 'generic label for the requisite
variety that exists among schools that focus on the complexity of meanings in social interaction.'
Hardt (1986) also supported Slack and Allor (1983) and Putnam (1983) in stating that the issue is
not a polarization of 'schools,' but the reaction to a necessary, critical re-examination and assessm ent of the field. Thus, the voices' of Weber, Marx, Williams, Hoggart, Habermas, Foucault,
Giddens, and Bourdieu began to be heard in relation to their discussion of communication.
However, the basic characteristics of the Critical approach, the position of which is different from both the conventional functionalist stance and the more recent interpretative approaches were still unclear (Kersten, 1985:756). The problem is not between ideology and social science but that
'social science practice remains embedded in an ideological context.' Hardt (1986:36) criticized
Rogers and Balle (1985) by arguing that they obscured the differences between Lazarsfeld's use of 81 critical research and the concept of Critical research in the spirit of the Frankfurt School and other
Marxist positions. This lack of differentiation, according to Hardt, weakened their assertions about
the theoretical premises of the 'schools' and thus made 'no substantive contribution to clarify the
positions of Critical theory and traditional theories of mass communication research.' Fejes (1983)
also attacked Lee's Media Imperialism Reconsidered by condemning Lee's effort to combine the
different ideological and methodological perspectives of the "misunderstanding of Marxist
orientation." Carey (1985) even demands "unloading the effects tradition." In fact, there are two
different levels [ideological predisposition and research strategy] which are mixed up in those
arguments. In other words, the affirmative or positive attitudes toward the integration of two
different camps are the result of an optimistic view toward the possibility of combining research
techniques or strategies, not of ideologically incompatible preferences.
Thus, despite the diversity of alternative perspectives, much of the debate takes place in the form of direct oppositions because there are two crucial questions involved: the investigation of the nature of the knowledge and the process of knowing. Accordingly, the new alternative perspectives also reflect some amount of traditional conflict between these twin aspects of
epistemology. And that conflict is not a unique or new argument in the field of communication, as we see in science vs. the humanities, objective vs. subjective, and analysis vs. interpretation. First of all, where is the origin of determinancy located - in society or in people? Secondly, how do we know what we know? These two issues represent classical struggles between two different philosophical stream s of thought about the nature of reality and the nature of learning.
According to idealism, reality is the creation of the mind, while materialism explains the nature of the world as dependent upon material things. Thus idealism is a tribute to the respect men pay to thought and its power, and the origin of human consciousness in materialism is found in society and social arrangement. Further, this second question leads to the acceptability of evidence in our research for knowledge and certainty - empiricism versus rationalism. Scholars tending toward one system of thought rather than the other reflect this in their investigations of mass communication (Jeffres, 1986:11). 82 The interaction rests in part on an affinity with the notion of science as a body of knowledge and as a process for achieving that knowledge. We might expect those who see influence stemming from our material surroundings to rely upon empirical methods of observation for detecting that influence. Further, those perceptions would allow for the acceptance or rejection of general ideas just as experiments do. This is the essential linkage for empirical science. However,
Marxists and many others use an 'over-arching ideology' for confirming observations rather than the reverse. By posing questions at the macro level and denying testability, these researchers shift to rational methods more consistent with the humanities and rationalism than with science and empiricism. Accordingly, the central questions being asked by Critical scholars about communication are, as Rogers notes, 'Why? Or 'Why not?' Meanwhile the central research questions for the empirical school are 'How?' and 'How much?'
In practice, Critical research does not fit neatly into either the objectivist/subjectivist or the quantitative/qualitative categories (Kersten, 1985:758). In other words, the concepts of ideology and hegemony in the Critical perspectives (which constitute a radical departure from conventional
American communication research in terms of basic assumptions), the nature and purpose of the research, research methods, and the concepts imbedded in scholarly discourse, are structural concepts that cannot be easily translated into analytical notions (Fejes, 1984:220-1). It is unrealistic to expect either side to abandon its own philosophic platform (Blumler, 1985:191).
Further, there is a danger that the audience, an essential part of effect tradition, will be regarded as passive in Critical communications research. As more and more research is focused towards message content and production, the audience will become more and more invisible in the theory and research of Critical scholars. Accordingly, there is a distinct danger of a disappearing audience in Critical communications research (Fejes, 1984: 223). A total and blanket rejection by
Critical scholars of the behaviorist tradition of effect research is "hasty and ill advised." Moreover, effects questions are fundamental to the nature of human communication. Although too much of the effects research ignored the context of communication and distorted its phenomenological nature by following an over-simplification [i.e. one-way model of communication] and overlooked 83 the inherent subjectivity of human interaction, this does not necessarily mean the abandonment of the track, instead, effects issues can be investigated in ways that do not ignore context or subjectivity (Rogers, 1986:111).
In examining the significance of the media for ethnic minorities in this study, there must be a prior explicit choice of the theoretical propositions which will specify the material that is to be selected as relevant data and the conclusions that may legitimately be drawn from them. As discussed, despite the current appearance of convergence between Marxist and pluralist conceptions of society and media by some scholars, there is still the unavoidable task of seeking to integrate the essentially different insights provided by alternative levels of analysis. However, such a move would dilute what is one of "the most exciting sources of significant debate in the field at the present time" (Blumler and Gurevitch, 1982). However, "any immediate synthesis or reconciliation of various perspectives in the offing or a need for it" is not found (Schudson, 1986:47). As
Rosengren (1985:262) stated, 'such a feat is more easily said than done.’
Ideally speaking, the more differentiated scholars are in a given society, the more possibilities there are for a variety of ideas. Validity, in both functionalist and interpretive research, is dependent, to a large extent, upon the proper use of the proper method (Kersten, 1985:758).
Further, the choice does not need to be, and should not be, a choice between macro and micro analysis, economic and political analysis, or sociological and psychological data. The choice should be the mode of integrating different levels of analysis which defines the different orientation. In this sense, this author holds a meta-theorist position. In practice, it is fundamental that audience use of the media must be explored and understood before considering these use patterns in relation to questions of cultural meaning and significance.
3.2 THEORETICAL PROPOSITIONS
This section attempts to integrate some independent but essentially relevant theories.
First of all, functional theories in the uses and gratifications approach will be reviewed in order to modify some dimensions. Second, technological characteristics of mass media will be discussed 84 because, functionally alternative qualities of new media provide unprecedented opportunities and
more freedom of choice. Third, the necessity of adopting lifestyle research will be emphasized.
Finally, the paradigm shifts from assimilation to pluralism in acculturation studies will be considered.
3.2.1 Uses and Gratifications Approach
A functional approach is interested in the relationship and interdependence of a part of a
system to the whole system. This type of analysis arose out of the need felt by sociologists and
anthropologists to develop theoretical and methodological tools adequate for dealing with the
"interrelatedness of various traits, institutions, groups, and so on, within a total social system" and to
overcome "certain atomistic and descriptive methods that had prevailed in the nineteenth century"
(Coser and Rosenberg, 1976:490).
In biology, for example, an organ functions as part of a system or organism. Each organ
performs certain behaviors vital to the organism’s survival and is interdependent with the system's
other organs. In anthropology, cultural artifacts are interdependent as they contribute to the
functioning of the entire culture. In sociology, the same term refers to the contribution a particular
form of repetitive activity makes in terms of maintaining the stability or equilibrium of the society
(DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach, 1982:16). In mass communication, this paradigm envisions the
relationships among individuals, the media, and society as a series of systems and subsystems whose various components are interrelated (Rubin, 1985:202-3). The underlying thought is that the media exist to meet certain needs or requirements of society and that a function refers to the
meeting of such a need (McQuail, 1983: 73). Thus, with a focus upon the individual as a system, these component parts could be needs, values, attitudes, interests, tastes, motives, behaviors, and the like. Accordingly, the uses and gratifications studies ask why people choose the messages they choose and examine the functions that various types of media messages fulfill.
Lasswell (1948:37-51) developed an inventory of media activities with emphasis upon the functions of mass media content: a news function, an editorial function, and a socialization function.
Entertainment function was added by Wright (1960:605-20) as another media activity. From a 85 sociocultural perspective, Wright synthesized the contrasted positive-negative dichotomy as functions and dysfunctions. Merton (1968) extended them as ones that are intended to manifest unintended or latent consequences. Recently, the mobilizing role of media was included in the
Lasswell-Wright Model by McQuail (1983:79). Thus, the specification of five basic ideas about media function for society can be listed: information, correlation, continuity, entertainment, and mobilization.
McQuail, Blumler, and Brown (1972:141-44) tried to group various gratifications by objective procedures: (1) diversion, (2) personal relationship, (3) personal identity, and (4) surveillance. This research opened or even confirmed the possibility of grasping the pattern of gratifications statistically. Further, as they demonstrated the objective procedure, it made possible follow-up studies on the same or similar subject or comparative studies among different area and different programs. This work would also be able to obtain a certain perspective on the range of individuals gratifications pattern. Accordingly, similar efforts have been made by many others. Levy and Windahl (1984) identified 15 gratifications sought and obtained. So do Rubin (1979, 1984);
Blumler and McQuail (1979); Palmgreen and Rayburn (1979); Palmgreen; Wenner and Rayburn
(1980); W enner (1986); and Dimmick (1986) also made such identification.
To date, however, few investigations have been able to achieve a true functional analysis of this process. According to Rubin (1985), this research perspective has not yet achieved the status of functional analysis advocated by Klapper because of a series of obstacles. Several of the hurdles of this tradition are well summarized by Rubin (1985:214-5): (1) The methodology of functionalism itself has been criticized as being directed at stable rather than dynamic systems of rapid change; (2) it has raised questions about researcher's ability to explain and predict beyond the individual unit;
(3) researchers have been compartmentalized as investigators focusing on a variety of media functions within a particular culture or demographic group; (4) the research tradition has lacked a relevant theory of social and psychological needs and adequate conceptualization of how environmental factors contribute to selecting communication sources or gratifying needs; (5) investigators have not agreed on the meaning of the perspective's fundamental concepts; (6) 86 audience members seldom have been studied as active message consumers or processors; and (7)
reliability of self-report data and the validity of data gathering also have been questioned. These
critiques reflect the following three fundamental points.
First, the correspondence between function and precise content is not exact since one
function overlaps with another and some purposes extend more widely than others over the range
of media activities. Gratifications and needs are often mixed up and treated in the same manner.
For example, Katz et al. (1973) classified needs but in another article (Katz et al., 1974), treated the
same classification as typologies of audience gratifications. In doing so, it prevents the systematic
understanding of the whole structure of the needs and limits the perspective to the needs which
are satisfied with mass communications media. As a result, it leads to the contradiction in which The
needs," which should be the explaining Tactor of gratifications" are explained by gratifications
inversely. At present, however, it is difficult to avoid the confusion of both elem ents because a
systematic theory on the needs is not available and traditional uses and gratifications studies have
focused on only media related needs. Fundamentally each of them should be conceptualized and
measured separately (Takeuchi, 1986:50).
Second, the uses and gratifications approach tends to assume too strongly that people’s
uses of mass communication are rational. It is reasonable to understand the audience not as a
passive entity who only react to the communication stimuli but as the subject of the activity in the
environment. However, imagining the audience as people who are clearly conscious of their needs
in any situation and who choose deliberately only helpful communication for the fulfillment of the
needs is rather unrealistic. In other words, the origin of the active audience construct was an
"overreaction." Then, what is the overall meaning of activity? Is it possible, by definition, for the
audience not to be active? Is there any exposure to mass communication media which has no
relation with the satisfaction of needs?
According to DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach (1982), there are at least three different perspectives in characterizing approaches to variance in audience behavior: individual differences, social categories, and social relations. While psychologists who studied the individual differences 87 sought to explain behavioral differences in terms of socially acquired patterns of responses to a
variety of stimuli (i.e., motivation, values, and attitudes), researchers in a social categories
perspective assumed that certain groups would come to respond to stimuli in a similar fashion (i.e.,
age, sex, race, education, and income). The social relations perspective focused on the importance
of interaction with other persons about events in the environment (i.e., life cycles, social roles and
opportunities). Quite often, however, researchers whose studies are published under the category
of uses and gratifications, ignore the boundaries between these perspectives and describe
constellations of needs within social categories (Gandy, 1985:242-9).
In fact, people perceive the helpfulness of some content in the process of routinized
exposure to mass media and make use of the content rather than collecting information consciously
from the mass media to satisfy their specific needs. According to Atkin (1972), there are two types
of information seeking. One is the "information search" that looks for the media or messages which
seem to be useful for specific needs and tries to approach them. The other is "information
receptivity,” reactions to the cue of information which is related to specific needs in the process of
daily or habitual exposure to the media. Kippa and Murray (1977) also found that although TV is
used as a source of needs-gratification, no particular program meets the needs of escapist viewers.
Bausinger (1984) also emphasized the habitualized and routinized dimensions of mass media use
in daily lives. Recently, Rubin and Windahl (1986:190) argued that they would expect the
outcomes of ritualized use of a communication medium and instrumental use of media content to be
different.
With relation to the first and second arguments, it is illogical to argue that basic human
needs are distributed unevenly because people in different situations have certain needs that are
more salient than others (Elliot, 1974). At the sam e time, communication motives are difficult to separate from needs since needs are manifested in motives (Rubin and Windahl, 1986). In other words, motives are the expectations generated for communication behavior. A need for belonging, for example, may produce a motive to use communication channels to seek companionship. In addition, as Dimmick et al. (1979) noted, motives vary across different societal circumstances such 88 as life position.
Finally, a difficult problem is the relation between gratification on an individual level and the
mass communication function at a societal level. The object of uses and gratifications studies is the
individual exposure to mass communications media and individual gratification. In contrast, there are
problems at a social level in the perspective of "theorists of popular culture." If individuals satisfy their needs by mass media and the satisfactions are functional for individuals, it brings functional
results for the whole society, too. As Chaney (1972:24) noted, if there is such tacit understanding
as a premise for uses and gratifications approach, it is inevitable to criticize the approach as "little
more than a restatement of utilitarian principles." Again, it is hard to argue that uses and gratifications studies have been able to show any empirical evidence for the problem of function at the social level.
Thus, some additional efforts should be made to decrease the degrees of these weaknesses. For example, scattered but relevant theories and disciplines should be integrated, concepts should be clarified. Units of analysis should cover both micro and macro levels. Both deductive and inductive approaches must be utilized, self-report data should be supported by additional non-self report or secondary data such as small group discussions.
In addition, the "media dependency" notion of Ball-Rokeach and DeFleur (1976) and the
"uses and dependency model" by Rubin and Windahl (1986) provide a clue to the modification of traditional uses and gratifications approach to fit to this author's research. Ball-Rokeach and DeFleur
(1976:6) defined the media dependency as "a relationship in which the satisfaction of needs or the attainment of goals by one party is contingent upon the resources of another party.” They also summarized the origins of the media dependency" as a product of the nature of the sociocultural system, category membership, individual needs, and the number and centrality of the unique information functions that the media system serves for individual and for society" (pp.18-19).
Further, Ball-Rokeach and DeFleur (1976) argued that the more a single medium provides unique and central information-delivery service to the audience, the greater is the dependency on that channel. More specifically, Rosengren (1986) discussed dependency as a consequence of 89 individual and social-structural characteristics. He argued that dependency on a socializing agent
such as TV would be greatest when an individual's available resources are poor and when the
control exercised by the socializing agent is high (i.e., protective socialization). Dependency on a
socializing agent would be lowest when an individual's available resources are great and when the
control exercised by the socializing agent is low (i.e., pluralistic socialization). In other words, the
more functional alternatives there are for an individual, the lesser is the dependency on and
influence of a specific medium. This principle also applies to non-mediated functional alternatives
such as outdoor activities. According to Meyershon (1968), the more persons engage in one form
of leisure, the more they engage in others.
Katz et al.(1973) noted that different media are functional alternatives to each other, and
examined the degree to which media perform similar functions. They found that TV, radio, and
newspapers were rather interchangeable, and concluded that interchangeability is based on
"shared technical attributes, overlapping content, and the social contexts in which the media are
consumed." They observed that no single need was served only by the media and that
interpersonal contact provided functional alternatives to the media primarily, but not exclusively, for
meeting personal needs. Then, the next question is what are interchangeable or unique technical
attributes of the media?
3.2.2 Technoristic Approach
As Meyrowitz (1985:13) lamented, most studies ignore the study of the technological characteristics of media themselves. Considering that the new media [i.e., VCRs and cable TV in this research] are mainly extensions of the existing media [i.e., TV and films], technological aspects of a medium should be analyzed as one of the important factors in greater audiences. New media in general provide a new media and social environment via some of their inherent technological characteristics [=technoristic]. However, the potentially different effects of different types of media are largely ignored even when previous studies look at which medium people use in order to gratify a particular need. 90 Historically, it is media characteristics that are directly linked to audience choices. Each
medium has particular "qualities" or "attributes" that lend themselves to particular types of appeal.
Print media, for example, are visual and appeal to sight. Thus, newspapers and magazines are
designed to catch the eye through picture, headlines, typefaces, and colors. Radio messages
involve sound and TV and movies are based on both sight and sound. Therefore, radio appeals to
the ear with music and sound effects while TV and film appeal to both senses with sight, music and
speech. TV and movies, according to McLuhan (1964), are 'tactile media' which produce a
pleasant sense of all-over body stimulation. These specific medium characteristics might be directly
associated with gratifications. And the expectations of gratifications can be substantially increased
by the presence of additional media, content, or operational activities. At the sam e time, the arrival
of each new mass medium, armed with a different quality, has been forcing existing media to find
some strategy for competing against the new comer. However, each new medium tends to
supplement rather than supplant existing media.
But TV literature is not directly applicable to the new media such as cable TV or video
cassette recorders research because consumption patterns have been changed from continuous
to discontinuous, and different functions are provided via the different technological characteristics
of the new media (See Figure 3.1). For interactive services such as VCR, home computers,
computer games, and home shopping, the TV set or monitor becomes a central unit of performing
other functions. In this situation, TV literature cannot be directly applicable. Hence, Dimmick et al.
(1986) added a new dimension - time/variety - in their uses and gratifications study of video
entertainment media. Donohew et al. (1987) employed Shaver's (1983) 45-item instrument in their
study of gratifications sought from cable television because no established inventory of cable television uses has appeared in the literature.
Then, what are the special qualities offered by each medium? Permanence is the essential dimension of the print media have. This characteristic of permanence, referable and time flexible, tends to sacrifice the major quality offered by radio - speed or immediacy. Faced with this characteristic of radio, newspapers had to move to in-depth reporting. As a result, people would 91
Standard Continuous Dynamically Discontinuous consumption consumption continuous consumption consumption
least distruptive more distmptive new patterns influence influence
Over-the -air TV Traditional broadcast fare; standard TV literature applies
Basic cable subscription monthly fee; redistribution of signals; specialized programming networks and information; Viewer relationship with TV has more opportunity to change; assumptions about programming and advertising may need to change under certain conditions
Pay cable programming______Offering movies and special programming for a premium price. Includes R-rated programs,movies and special attractions. Information content is varied. Consumption altered to a non-commercial format. Audiences no longer view TV per se. Television literature on programming and advertising probably not as applicable.
Interactive services - VCR,Home computers,Computer games, Home shopping TV set or monitor becomes a central unit performing other functions. Television literature not applicable.
Figure 3.1 A Continuum of New Communication Technology Offerings and Consumption (Krugman, 1985:24)
turn to radio for breaking news stories. Eventually, however, the public would turn to newspapers and, later, magazines and even books for in-depth reporting and extended analyses, but radio was then first. TV combined the immediacy of radio with the visual quality first introduced by cinema. 92
Table 3.1 The Medium, Technology, and Functions
NP Book Mgn Radto Film TV CATV VCRs
Ownership yes yes yes yes yes yes no yes
Commercials many no many many no many some no
Fee yes yes yes free yes free yes yes
News speed fast slow slow fastest slow fast faster -
News depth detail most more no more no some - detail detail detail
Selectivity some many many many some some many many
Picture quality poor good best no best good better fair
Time flexibility some least little much little some much much
Portability good good good good no some no good
Privacy good good good good no some little good
Attention some much some little good little some good
Permanency some good good no good no no good
NP = newspaper Mgn = magazine CATV = cable television
Later radio would became "portable," an added quality that would be central to its adjustments as TV
took more of people's time. Television had its most direct impact not on radio, which managed to
readjust quickly, but on the cinema due to the qualities of privacy, cheaper price, and convenience
(Jeffres, 1986:45-6).
In short, cable TV, TV, and VCRs need to be compared with each other based upon their technological characteristics. Cable TV is less a new medium than a technological improvement on
an old one, but cable has a special quality: its capacity for number of channels. The program content
may often be the same as in the older medium of television or films, but advantages sprin 93
Table 3.2 A Comparison of Characteristics of Video Media
Broadcast TV Cable TV Video
Spectrum over the public on private wires free air-antenna - better reception line-of-sight
Channels very limited theoretically unlimited VHFand UHF unlimited 12-20-37-54-108
Fee free but subscription purchase or commercials tie: basic & pay rent
Ownership parents company MSO individual
Target audience mass audience fragmented & fragmented & specified specialized
Programming broadcasting narrowcasting very specified Schedule fixed fixed but similar and flexible no alternative programs are repeatable
Picture film and film and tape all videotape Quality videotape
commercial extended ads limited ads no commercials informercials
regulation yes & very much yes no
familiarity very familiar less familiar least familiar
from the circumstances of use based upon technological characteristics - demassification i.e. wider choice. As Williams etal. (1987:223) note, the uses of videotapes reflect especially on the factors of increased choice, time flexibility, and mobility. As empirical studies have shown, the early study of the VCR phenomenon relied on each of the video's unique qualities such as the ability to record and replay instantaneously. The overwhelming current use for the technology is 94 the ability to conveniently play prerecorded cassette tapes at a relatively low cost. The record of fast selling camcorders during the last 3 years implies the future use of VCR as an easy way of making home movies.
In other words, program availability, time schedule, expense and convenience are related to the selection of a new medium, and this is again related to selection of content based upon time situation. As Tables 3.2 and 3.3 show, the VCR is superior to TV or cable TV in terms of selectivity, time flexibility, privacy, and permanency. However, cable is superior to the others in news [speed and depth] and picture quality. The difference of picture quality between films and videotapes is not critical to the general public. By contrast, less familiarity of VCRs can be compensated with locus of the users’ control over the machine in terms of time, content, and privacy. Technologically, TV has nothing superior to the VCR or to cable. However, TV audiences have to pay for the free TV by enduring commercials, while cable homes or VCR owners have to pay to subscribe to or to own the medium. In this sense, it is with in more psychological ramifications of the new media rather than technological aspects, that we can pose interesting implications of uses and gratifications theories.
Then, next question is, can these technologically different mediums be related to audiences' daily lives?
3.2.3 Lifestyle Research
Zablocki and Kanter (1976) define life style in terms of shared preferences or tastes, and the people sharing a life style are a "collectivity that otherwise lacks social and cultural identity."
Levine (1968) defines the term as what "emerges from the mutual adaptation of parts of experience felt so intensely that their contacts and organization produce an emotionally gratifying whole."
According to Jeffres (1986), there are three different explanations about the rise of new life styles: the value coherence hypothesis, transitional society hypothesis, and consumer society hypothesis.
The "value coherence hypothesis" claims that new life styles emerge when members of a society cease to agree on the value of the markets in commodities and prestige or come to recognize other, independent source of value. In other words, people use one of several 95
strategies to cope with the loss of "value coherence" (Zablocki and Kantor, 1976). The "transitional
hypothesis" argues that the growth of different life styles is associated with the breakdown of one
cultural tradition and occurs prior to the emergence of a new culture (Etzioni, 1968). The "consumer
society hypothesis" claims that society has accumulated sufficient capital to generate enough
leisure time for many people so that "alternative standards of value and alternative life styles become
a permanent feature of society" (Bell, 1973).
During the late 1960s and early 1970s, advertising researchers developed life style
research in response to two related problems: (1) the development of an advertising campaign
required a "deep, rich understanding of the audience [Knowing the activities, interests, and
opinions is responsive to that need]; and (2) existing research alternatives had serious limitations.
Demographics did not provide the needed richness because American society has become
increasingly fragmented. The result was that people appeared to be much less predictable.
Qualitative research techniques provided rich insights but were unreliable and not projectable
(Aaker, Fuse and Reynolds, 1982:31). While attempting to classify people by those attitudes and
beliefs that frame the way people think about themselves and their world, for all its advantages,
VALS does have drawbacks. VALS research requires a very large sample. There is also the
problem of oversimplification and its inability to pay sufficient attention to context (Zotti,
1985:26-30). Mass media researchers are interested in how and what patterns of media and other
leisure behaviors fit into life styles.
More specifically, mass media researchers are interested in how media use interconnects with other behaviors and are concerned with how media content, the media consumption itself, and the meanings attributed to media behaviors fit into different life styles. For example, income level is associated with the absolute amount of money spent on leisure. Education is positively related to the strenuousness of leisure pursuits and the diversity of leisure activities (Cheek and Burch,
1976). According to Zablocki and Kanter, however, consumption behaviors alone are insufficient for identifying life styles. We also have to examine the meanings that people attribute to their media use and other consumption behaviors. Occupation is correlated with leisure choices. 96
High prestige occupations, for example, correlate with golf, tennis and sailing. However, predicting one's leisure behaviors on the basis of SES [=socio-economic status] is "all but impossible"
(Wilson, 1980). Kelly (1978) looked at institutional influences on free time, such as facilities available, the type of home one lives in and whether one is married and has children.
In general, individual patterns of media use will be investigated based on social categories and uses and gratifications. The former are demographic categories that locate people in the physical environment, and the latter relate media to individual needs. However, each media behavior is an activity that must compete with a host of other indoor and outdoor activities. For example, Mundorf (1987:123-43) noted that the culture and life style of the audience have a strong impact on viewing habits. He came to this conclusion by contrasting Europe and the US in terms of the differential importance of community vs. outdoor activities, length of vacation, urban vs. suburban life, and traveling opportunities.
Considering the trend of the personalization of most media which can be utilized at home and of increased leisure time and accessible video channels, leisure time activities can be classified as media related activities at home versus outdoor activities such as sports, travel, restaurant dining, movies or concerts. In particular, the meaning of leisure activities is another way of identifying the uses and gratifications which attract and sustain people in their media behavior patterns. Thus, uses and gratifications perspective may link media not only to needs but to other behaviors that form a coherent life style (Villani, 1975). While life style has been related to social class and status, Zablocki and Kantor note that tastes and preferences are neither completely determined by economic status or completely the individual. Thus, people sharing a life style may not communicate with each other and may not share the some ethnic background (Jeffres, 1985:195). Considering the discussion above, this study employs four different groups of lifestyle variables: socioeconomic, sports, purchase patterns, and media activities both at home and outdoor.
3.3.4 Acculturation Studies
Hurh and Kim's (1982:223-7) classified the research paradigms in ethnic research in the US 97 as follows: Social Darwinism, Functionalism, Pluralism, and Political Economy. At the same time, many studies in the area employ a simple dichotomy of assimilation vs. pluralism. This section will be devoted the discussion of the research trend in the field in order to clarify this author's ideological research position. The research traditions of Social Darwinism and Functionalism can be regarded as the assimilation tradition.
3.3.4.1 Social Darwinism to Functionalism
Social Darwinism, an American sociology of race relations from the 1850's, claimed that whites were naturally selected to rule the less advanced non-whites in the universal evolutionary process. Under the name of a scientific paradigm, Social Darwinism assumed that minority races were inherently pathological - inferior, problematic, unassimilable, and, therefore, they need of help from the dominant race. As British political economy played a significant role in the emergence of natural selection theories in the first half of the nineteenth century, this paradigm w as essentially an ideology to justify the racial antagonism of white supremacy (Hur and Kim, 1982:224).
In addition to the publication of The Races of Men by Robert Knox in 1850, Odum (1910) and Ellwood (1910) conducted research on race and ethnic relations focusing the obligation of the superior race to assist the inferior race. The number of orientals in the entire US in 1920 was less than 200,000. Further, the pathological conditions of Asian Americans were not empirically investigated by social scientists but reported by the popular media. In addition, Charles Darwin was not a Social Darwinist himself. However, Cooley (1966:274) even proposed that the restriction of
Oriental immigration should continue in order to avoid unnecessary race problems based upon the laissez-faire political economy rendered "scientific" by association with Darwin's theory of natural selection. From the time of its birth, modern science had a powerful ideological component
(Greene, 1981: 3).
The functional model [minorities are functional to maintain the social system when they play their 'proper* roles] emerged in 1920's when Robert Park formulated his theory on the 'race- relations cycle' (Park and Burgess, 1921). Park constructed an unlinear model of race relations in 98 four stages: contact, competition, accommodation, and eventually assimilation. According to this paradigm, Blacks and Asians will become integral parts of the American social system as soon as they adjust themselves to the values and norms of the dominant group. This limited social acceptance will persist unless racial visibility disappears. This could take place through marital assimilation or a drastic change in the American value system in which 'race' is no longer a determining factor for social distance (Hurh, 1979:158).
This functional model is optimistic in that all race relations will reach the final stage of peaceful assimilation. At the sam e time, however, no race relations will ever reach the final stage so long as 'accidents' interfere. Accordingly, the shift from Social Darwinism to Functionalism did not involve a drastic change in theoretical assumptions because the dominant group is still in the center, and the minority in the periphery (Hurh et al., 1980). The only difference is that Social Darwinism does not need the periphery, and the center in the assimilation model needs the periphery to maintain the whole system.
Gunnar Myrdal (1944), two decades after Park's race-relations cycle appeared, pointed out in his An American Dilemma that the American race problem is deeply rooted in the white american’s normal dilemma between their American creed (liberty, justice and equality) and racial praxis
(prejudice and discrimination). While blame is now being put on the dominant group rather than on the minority group for the first time in the history of race-relations studies, the basic premise of the assimilation model remains unchanged. The final solution to race problems is that minorities will gradually be absolved into the dominant society as whites eventually resolve their internal value inconsistencies (Lyman, 1972:120).
The assimilation model was the most popular paradigm of the last two generations of
American sociologists until the late '60s and '70s. At the same time, emphasis was then placed upon racial prejudice of white individuals and upon the socioeconomic and educational deprivation of blacks. Studies on Asian Americans, reflecting the problem-oriented assimilation model, began to appear in major sociological journals in this period. An increasing number of 'native' researchers began to participate in Asian American research. Sociological studies on Korean Americans also 99
started to appear in this period, mainly in the form of Masters or Ph.D. theses.
3.3.4.2 Pluralism Model
Pluralism rejects the elusive goal of Anglo-conformity and emphasizes the maintenance of
ethnic diversity and co-existence within the American society as a realistic solution to race and
ethnic problems. Instead of the 'melting pot; the 'salad-bowl' concept is now widely accepted. The
idea of cultural pluralism was first introduced by Horace Kallen in 1915 (Newman, 1973:67-96).
Much later, two pioneering works on pluralism appeared in the early 1960's (Glazer and Moynihan,
1963; Gordon, 1964). This transition from the assimilation model to pluralism was, however, marked
in 1968 when the Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders appeared.
The ethnic pluralism paradigm led to the establishment of ethnic studies programs and
curricula at many universities, the publication of numerous books on the experiences of various
ethnic groups including Asian Americans, and an increase in the number of research articles
published in major journals. However, most of the research topics still dealt with 'problem areas'
such as acculturation, assimilation, and mental health. This was partly due to the rapidly increasing
number of Asian immigrants allowed into the US ithrough the revised mmigration law of 1965. Also, the discrepancy between ideal pluralism (based upon the democratic principle of freedom and
equality) and reality made an impact - ethnic pluralism is not always accompanied by political and
economic equality.
In the theoretical battlefield, advocates of assimilation theory see Asians as examples of non-Caucasians "making it" in much the same manner as European immigrants in the past.
However, many scholars come down on the side of cultural pluralism, arguing that Asians are not assimilating completely and resemble other racial minorities (Barringer, 1985:94). Hurh and Kim's
(1980c) adhesive adaptation, for example, refers to a particular mode of adaptation in which certain aspects of the new culture and social relations with members of the host society are added on to the immigrants' traditional culture and social networks. This process takes place without replacing any significant part of the old. Hurh and Kim (1984) even argue that future offspring of current Korean 100
immigrants will not really find themselves in the mainstream of American life. In short, this model is
"When in Rome, do as Romans do but keep your roots.”
What, then, is the pattern of Koreans' acculturation in the US? How do they use the media
in general and the VCR in particular in this culturally and socially diversified country? Can VCR use
be related to some or any acculturation process related variables? In short, their resocialization
patterns will be characterized by "adhesive adaptation." This means that they will keep their
traditional cultural values while they are socialized to American values, at least in the first generation.
According to the advocates of pluralism, assimilation is not an either-or phenomenon. Considering
that people can be bilingual, they can also be bicultural and biethnic. Yoo's (1983) research on
bilingual children in the Seattle area provides empirical support for this theory. However, this
process through which patterns of assimilation and exclusion of an immigrant group emerge as a
product of "dynamic interplay" between the definition of situation made by the immigrant group and
the definitions which the host society has provided for them. Moreover, the pluralist approach is
neither a static framework for the description of multiethnic societies nor one for social change.
Indeed, it is not a theory. Rather, it is a "set of sensitizing concepts to aid the researcher in studying
the complex reality of multiethnic systems" (Won, 1977).
From the previous empirical studies on Korean Americans, it has been repeatedly found that the length of residence in the US, income level, English proficiency, mass media use, and
personal communication channels are critically important in the acculturation process. In short, a
host of previous empirical findings indicate that the host media play important roles as resocialization agents and that Korean immigrants use the host media for a different purpose from their use of ethnic media. It is also found that Korean media are most popular among those immigrants who are not resocialized to US politics (Lee, 1984). At the same time, Korean media
use was negatively related to English fluency.
However, this author's research does not intend to employ all these variables used in the previous acculturation studies and does not ask the question of how much the VCR affect the acculturation process. First of all, considering this research as a case study of an ethnic use of 101
VCRs, encountering all of these variables is beyond the scope of this study. Second, since the
time period of VCR use has been too short to measure the degree of sociocultural change, it is hard
to gauge the degree of the effects of this technology on the acculturation process. Further, mass
media work serves two different functions at the same time. Mass media is not only a vehicle for
social learning but is a tool for preserving ethnic and cultural identity by providing news about their
own people and country of origin. It is very hard for the ethnic electronic media to find their own
niche in the US because of the lack of "mass appeal,'' in addition to spectrum scarcity for ethnic
minorities. Accordingly, channel accessibility is very limited when compared to the print media. This
partly explains why the print media were more strongly related than electronic media to the
acculturation related variables in the previous studies. Moreover, the VCR is not a main medium for
news but for entertainment. In addition, many functional alternatives are available in our media
environment.
At the same time, the acculturation process is also affected by people's willingness or need
to adjust themselves toward the host society, and by the people in the host society. In other words,
acculturation itself can be considered as one of an ethnic minority's needs in the host society. For
example, the media behavior of students who are assumed to be less ready to be acculturated may
be different from that of immigrants who are willing to acculturate or deculturate. However, some
video use [such as Korean videotape use, American videotape use, time-shifting etc.] may be
relevant to some acculturation. Therefore, this researcher's intention is not to measure how much
the heavy Korean video tape users are less assimilated than the light— or non-VCR users but to find
out whether significant differences are existing between students and immigrants, between heavy
VCR users and non-users, and heavy Korean or American videotape users and non-users in terms of some acculturation indicators.
Finally, in the discussion of scientific method, the concept of relevant evidence plays a critical role. While certain inductivist accounts of scientific procedure seem to assume that relevant data (=evidence) can be collected in the context of an inquiry prior to the formulation of any hypothesis, it should be clear upon brief reflection that evidence is a relative concept. As Hempel 102
Exposure to mass communication Social Conditions Media - Technology Gratifications Contents - Images cognitive Audience affective Needs Non - media activities behavioral Motives Dependency or Interests non - dependency Personal cculturation Characteristics
Figure 3.2 An Integral Model of Media Use and Dependency
(1983:12) noted, experiential data can be said to be relevant or irrelevant only with respect to a
given hypothesis; and it is the hypothesis which determines what kind of data or evidence are
relevant for it. In other words, a precise definition of relevance presupposes "an analysis of
confirmation and disconfirmation." As a result, despite the fact that testing some specific
hypotheses seems to provide some clear-cut answers, findings are hard to be generalized because
hypotheses limited interests of investigation at the level of common sense in most cases from the
beginning.
Accordingly, this study has no prior hypotheses. Instead, it intends to provide specific
answers to the research questions based upon not only questionnaire survey data but also all possible secondary data such as analysis of rental record books, and additional personal and focus group interviews. In addition, historical analysis in a larger perspective and qualitative analysis will be combined to extend the boundaries of the main elements in conventional communication research
[an experiment, survey, quantitative analysis etc.] which also limit our possible understanding of the uses and impacts of new media. Thomas and Znaniecki (1920) advocated the use of the "life 103
history" in order to establish various definitions of the situations in The Polish Peasant in Europe
and America, which has been utilized by many since then. However, this study limits the use of life
history technique in describing the Korean situations in the area only during the earlier days
because meaningful life histories are rare among the Korean immigrants in the sample area which is
not yet reached a significant volume. The discussion so far can be summarized in the integral
model of media use [See Figure 3.2], which will be utilized as a framework of this case study.
3.3 METHODOLOGICAL PROPOSITION
Research into new communication technologies falls primarily into the realm of function or
utility studies, drawing inferences from uses rather than actually measuring gratifications from media
content (Williams, 1987:227). Thus, the purpose of this case study is to analyze the general media
use including cable TV and VCRs among Koreans in the Columbus area with emphasis upon media
competition and acculturation. Thus, research questions are:
(1) How do the Coiumbus-area Koreans use cable television and VCR ? (2) Do Korean VCR owners and cable television subscribers differ from non-owners and non-subscribers in socioeconomic demographics, life styles, or in their use of other media? If any, can one discriminate VCR owners or non-owners or cable subscribers or non-subcribers based on these variables? (3) Do Korean VCR owners and cable television subscribers differ from non-owners and non-subscribers in television program preferences, television viewingtime, and in their choice of a specific medium in a given situation? How do video media compete against one another? (4) What are the relationships between the general media including the VCR and the acculturation process? More specifically, are there any significant differences existing between the heavy Korean videotape users and non-users, between the heavy US videotape users and non-users, and between those who frequently drecord and those who do not in terms of acculturation related variables?
3.3.1 Questionnaire Construction
In order to understand how different uses fit together and how media are used to satisfy those needs, the individual's total media environment should first be considered. Behavioral changes might be seen as initially structural in that there are many more alternatives from which to choose. But they can also be seen in terms of specific modifications of choice such as how the use 104 of VCR has altered the use of other media and other non-media related activities in daily lives. In other words, media use may become more highly differentiated in serving new or modified communication needs. Thus, free time activities and as well as media behaviors in general and socioeconomic demographics must be understood. In addition, technological characteristics of different mediums are also considered. Thus, the questionnaire consists of six different parts: (1) demographics, (2) media use in general; (3) cable television and the VCR use; (4) leisure time activities and consumption patterns; (5) needs and gratifications related items; and (6) acculturation indicators.
More specifically, education, occupation, number of children, income, the type of housing, the length of residence, marital status, visa status, age, and sex were included in demographics.
Media use items consist of Korean newspaper subscription and readership, English newspaper subscription and readership, new media adoption such as compact disk players and home computers, TV program preference, channel preference, reasons for channel preference, frequency of radio listening, purchasing records and/or tapes, purchasing books, TV watching time, movie going, and concerts going. In regard to cable television, the length of subscription, program preference, the reasons for subscription and non-subscription, and cable watching time were included. The VCR related items cover the reasons for ownership and non-ownership, kind and frequency of uses, kind and number of recorded tapes, kind and number of rented tapes, the length of the VCR ownership, respondents' recognition or judgement about the impact of the VCR on their daily lives, the purpose of the VCR use, and the most frequent time of the VCR use etc. In particular, most of needs and helpfulness related items for cable television subscription and for
VCR ownership were separately provided by combining from Benton and Bowers (1981 &1983),
Rothe et al. (1983), Krugman (1985), and the findings from this author's previous study (1985) and focus group interviews.
Free time and life style related items can be classified as three different groups; sports related items, consumption patterns, and others. The sports section includes swimming, golf, tennis, bowling, and softball games, while consumption comprises book and records purchase, 105 champagne and beer purchase, and the frequency of credit card use. In addition, the frequency of traveling, eating out, and going to concerts or movies were included. As noted, some variables were included in other sections. Unlike home-oriented entertainment media, movie going is regarded as a part of lifestyle s.
At the same time, eleven to fifteen motivational factors were identified from various sources such as Katz et al. (1973), Rubin (1979, 1984), Blumler and McQuail (1979), Palmgreen and
Rayburn (1979), Levy and Windahl (1984), Palmgreen, Wenner and Rayburn (1980), Wenner
(1986), and Dimmick (1986). These gratifications or helpfulness related variables cannot be the same typologies and they leave much room for improvement or modification in subdividing the category. Thus, those variables were modified by this researcher not based upon his subjective conceptual thinking but upon his focus group interviews and his previous study (1985) as follows:
(1) entertainment/news; (2) learning: (3) passing time; (4) social interaction: and (5) for children.
Entertainment/news includes general news, news about Korea, and news about Korean entertainment; passing time consists of "nothing better to do," "killing time," and a means of relaxing; social interaction is related to family and friends; learning includes English, American culture, Korean custom; and for children can be divided into children's entertainment and children’s education.
This modified classification reflected two cultural differences of the subjects in the cited studies above [most of them were Westerns] and Koreans in the US. First of all, Korean parents showed a great deal more concern about their children’s media preference [although children is not a part of subject for this research]. Second, the majority of Koreans seemed to not be trained to differentiate between their gratifications sought and gratifications obtained. Third, the questionnaire needed to be shorter so that those surveyed could finish it in less time. If this research employs the conventional gratifications sought and gratifications obtained approach, the questionnaire will require at least 10 to 15 extra minutes for three different media - TV, cable, and the VCR, and, hence, would decrease the completion rate. Further, some questions for one medium would not be applicable to other medium. Thus, respondents were asked to differentiate which medium 106
would be the most preferred in accordance with their different needs in different situations. Further,
unlike the previous studies in uses and gratifications research tradition, dimensional categories
[such as cognitive or affective etc.] were not employed in this research. In stead, this author's 5
categories from a previous study (1985) were employed.
At the sam e time, the VCR is superior to two other media in terms of time use or flexibility
and the variety because of its inherent technological characteristics. However, it is difficult to say
which medium is superior or inferior to others in which program genre. One denominator is that the
same or similar programs are available via a television monitor whether they are on broadcast TV,
cable or video. Thus, the question is again narrowed to which medium is superior to other mediums
in what program genre or in what motivations or needs. This kind of comparison of a medium's
inherent characteristics based upon technology and function can be extended to other
conventional mass media. All these factors were considered in questionnaire construction.
3.3.2 Instrument
This survey research employs many different levels of analyses. In order to construct a
more reliable questionnaire, the studies on video cassette use in the United States (marketing and
uses and gratifications studies) as well as outside the country (sociocultural studies) were reviewed
(See Chapter III). Further, focus group interviews with demographically different groups and
personal interviews with some Korean grocery store owners [Korean video tape rental shop] were
conducted to get some additional ideas about the questionnaire construction. More specifically,
four types of focus group interviews on the uses of the video cassette recorders and cable
television have been conducted to identify additional or different uses among Koreans compared to
Americans in general. Both personal interviews with Korean grocery store owners and the focus
group interviews were very useful in constructing a more reliable questionnaire which is critical in
providing raw data. In addition, video tape rental lists from two Korean grocery stores were analyzed to find out the frequency of rentals and the program popularity among the users. 107
A mail questionnaire, instead of telephone interviews, was used for the main survey
because it is likely that Koreans would regard telephone interviews as an invasion of their privacy,
especially if the questions were asked in the Korean language [because the Korean community in
Columbus is so small, it is likely that calls would be made to people whom they already know]. On
the other hand, if they were being interviewed in English by phone, many respondents might
refuse to cooperate only because of their limited English proficiency. Closed-ended questions,
printed in Korean with multidimensional rating scales, were employed for the uniformity of
responses and quantifiability. The SAS package was used for the statistical analysis. In particular,
Chi-square test was employed for comparing a series of variables between VCR owners and
non-owners and between cable TV subscribers and non-subscribers. A discriminant analysis was
used for identifying the best discriminant variable or variable group in predicting VCR owners or
non-owners or cable subscribers or non-subscribers.
3.3.3 Sample
The data for this research were obtained from the Korean population who lived in the
Columbus area during the period of June through September in 1987. To identify the members of
the community precisely, the latest Korean Directory of Central Ohio, the Korean Student Directory
at the OSU, mailing lists from 2 Korean grocery stores, and the directories of each Korean church
located in the Columbus area (there were 5 Korean community churches) were compared. In
addition, some unlisted members of the community were identified by personal contact with leaders
of sub-organizations such as the Korean Elders Association and the International Wives
Association. Despite the author's effort to include some unlisted or hidden people, no
questionnaire was returned from those who were identified personally by this researcher. The
questionnaire were sent to each verified member of the whole population [582 out of 850
households, including students] to get maximum possible completed questionnaires. At the same time, more than half of the households were randomly selected and called in advance to explain the purpose and importance of this research and to encourage their cooperation. These advance 108 phone calls also insured the mailing addresses were correct and updated the directory. Stamped and self-addressed return envelopes with special note ["Don't write down your name or address"] were used for the purpose of confidentiality. Among the 227 returned questionnaires, 213 completed (36.6% of completion rate) ones were finally analyzed. CHAPTER IV
RESULTS
This chapter will present what this survey research has found. In order to adequately relate
the findings of this research, it will be necessary to report demographic characteristics of the sample
community and Cable TV and VCR use. Also, important factors for the adoption of new media (cable
TV and the VCR) will be compared by analyzing demographics, lifestyles, and other media use.
Additionally, the competitiveness aspect among TV, cable TV, and VCRs will be analyzed from
program and medium preference perspectives. Finally, the role of VCRs in acculturation will be
investigated by analyzing the relationships between three different modes of VCR use and some
selected acculturation variables.
4.1 DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE COMMUNITY
The demographics of the final sample used in this research composed of 213 Korean
immigrants and students together shows a sex distribution of 45.1% female and 48.4% male (6.5%
of the respondents did not answer this item). The proportion of immigrants and non-immigrants
(=students) who participated in this survey research were almost the same: students or student's
wives comprised 50.7%, compared to immigrants who made up 49.3% (Table 4.1). As for
nationality, 54.5% were Korean, 35.7% held American citizenship, and 9.8% were permanent
residents (Table 4.2). The majority of the respondents (40.8%) were in the 30 to 39 age group, followed by 23.9% who were under 30 years of age. The age group 40 to 49 consisted of 13.1% of the sample, the age 50 to 59,7.0%, and the age 60 and older, 0.9%. Although more males were represented than females in the age 30-39 group, the sex distribution of this sample is well balanced in each age group. For example, 10.8% of the under 30 group were males, compared to
109 110
Table 4.1 Sex by Status (%)
Sex Total Students Immigrants n=213 n=108 n=105
Female 45.1 22.1 23.0 Male 48.4 26.7 21.7 NA 6.5 1.9 4.6 Total 100.0 50.7 49.3
Table 4.2 Sex by Visa Status (%)
Sex Total Korean American Resident n=213 n=H6 n=76 n=21
Female 45.1 31.0 14.1 3.3 Male 48.4 21.6 18.8 4.6 NA 6.5 1.9 2.8 1.9 Total 100.0 54.5 35.7 9.8
Table 4.3 AgebySex(%)
Age Group . Total Male Female NA n =213 n=103 n=96 r>=14
Between 18-30 23.9 10.8 13.2 - Between 30-39 40.8 23.0 17.8 - Between 40-49 13.1 6.1 7.0 - Between 50-59 7.0 4.7 2.4 - 60 and + 0.9 0.5 0.5 - NA 14.1 3.3 4.2 6.6 Total 100.0 48.4 45.1 6.6 Table 4.4 Marital Status by Sex
Marital Status Total Male Female NA
Never married 10.3 1.4 8.0 .9 Married 10.3 42.3 38.5 5.6 Divorced 1.9 .9 .9 - Widowed .9 - .9 - Live together .5 -- .5 Total 100.0 45.1 48.4 6.6
Table 4.5 Length of Residence by Sex
Length of Stay Total Female Male NA N=213 n=96 n=103 n=14
less than 1 year 12.7 2.8 8.5 - 1-2 years 9.4 2.4 5.6 1.4 2-3 years 12.7 5.6 6.6 0.5 3-5 years 20.7 11.3 8.5 4.6 5-7 years 7.0 3.3 3.7 - 7-10 years 10.8 4.2 4.7 1.9 10-15 years 12.2 8.5 2.8 0.9 15 and more years 14.6 7.0 6.6 0.9 Total 100.0 45.1 48.4 6.6
Table 4.6 Education by Sex
School Total female male NA N=213 n=96 n=103 n=14
Elementary 1.4 1.4 0.0 . Middle 2.3 1.9 0.0 0.5 High 10.8 5.6 3.3 1.9 College 39.9 26.3 11.7 1.9 Graduate 45.5 9.9 33.3 2.4 Total 100.0 45.1 48.4 6.6 112
Table 4.7 Income by Visa Status
Income Total Korean American Resident
Under $10,000 17.4 14.9 1.9 05 Between $10k-20k 29.1 23.9 2.4 25 Between $ 20-30 10B 6.6 2.8 1.4 Between $ 30-40 75 15 3.8 1.9 Between $ 40-50 9.9 0.9 7.5 1.4 Between $ 50-70 6.6 - 5.6 0.9 Over $70,001 105 0.9 9.4 - DK or NA 8.5 52 2.4 0.9
Total 100.0 545 35.7 9.9
Table 4.8 Occupation by Visa Status
Occupation Total Korean American Resident
Business 4.7 - 2.4 2.4 Government 2.8 0.9 1.9 - Technician 2.8 - 1.4 0.9 Student 35.2 31.0 2.4 1.9 Student wife 15.5 15.5 -- Immigrant wife 11.3 1.9 8.0 1.4 Retired 0.9 - 0.9 - Company 4.7 1.4 3.3 - Unemployed 0.9 - 0.5 - Blue collar 3.3 . 0.5 0.9 1.0 Professional 16.0 2.8 12.2 0.9 Others 3.8 0.5 1.9 0.5 Total 100.0 54.5 35.7 9.9
females' 13.2%. In the age 30-39 group, males were 23.0% and females 17.8%. In the age 40 to
49 group, the male-female proportion was 6.1% to 7.0% and in the 50-59 age group 4.7% to 2.4%
(Table 4.3). A majority of the respondents are married (86.4%). About 10% had never been married, 1.9% were divorced, .9% were widowed, and .5% were living together. 113
With regard to the length of residence in the US, those who have stayed less than 5 years
comprised 55.6% of the sample and most of them belonged to the first two younger age groups,
while most of those who have stayed longer than 5 years are equally represented in each age
group. One fifth (20.7%) of the respondents have spent between 3 to 5 years, 12.6% less than 1
year, and 9.4% between 1-2 years in the US. In particular, more than a quarter (26.8%) have lived in
the Columbus area for more than 10 years: fourteen percent have stayed more than 15 years and
12.2% between 10 to 15 years, which is followed by 10.8% for 7 to 10 years, and 7.0% for 5 to 7
years (Table 4.5).
More than 45% of the sample have received a graduate school degree, followed by college
graduates 39.9%, high school 10.8%, middle school 2.3%, and elementary school 1.4%.
Compared to 36% of the Korean residents in the US who were college educated (Census, 1980),
and 77.8% in the Chicago area (Hurh et al., 1979), the level of educational attainment of Koreans in
the Columbus area (85.4%) is very high. Hurh's percentage is, of course, 9 years old and based on
the total Korean population including the earlier immigrants and their offspring whose educational
levels are generally lower than those of recent immigrants. It also reflects that 35.2% of the
respondents of this survey are students, most of whom are graduate students at OSU. Females
with college degrees comprised 26.3% of the sample, compared to males' 11.7%. However, 33.3%
of males had graduate degrees, compared to females' 9.9% in the same category (Table 4.6).
Almost half (46.5%) of the respondents reported their income to be under $20,000, while
16.9% to be over $50,000. In the under $20,000 income group, Korean nationality holders comprised 38.8% of the total, compared to American citizenship holders who made up 7.1% and
residents 4.7%. The Korean nationality holders who belong to the lowest two categories represented 48.8% of the sample, while American citizenship holders who belong to the highest two made up 15.0% of the total (Table 4.7). Student comprised the largest single group (35.2%) in terms of occupation, followed by professional (16.0%), student's wife (15.5%), and by immigrant's wife (11.3%) (Table 4.8). 114
4.2 RESEARCH QUESTION 1: How do Koreans in the Columbus area use cable TV and
VCRs? This question will be answered by analyzing diffusion rate, viewing time and frequency,
reasons for subscription or non-subscription to cable television and the ownership of VCRs. In
particular, VCR use for Korean videotapes will be extensively analyzed.
4.2.1 DIFFUSION
While 26.3% (n=56) of the sample subscribe to cable television, 9.9% (n=20) of the sample
disconnected during the last 12 months. Almost half of the cable households have subscribed to
cable TV for more than 3 years, compared to 28.5% who have subscribed for less than 1 year and
26.8% between 2 and 3 years (Table 4.9). About 17% of students subscribed to cable television,
compared to 36.2% of immigrants. In other words, students comprised 32.1% of cable homes,
compared to immigrants' 67.9% (Table 4.10).
More than two thirds (70.0%) of the sample owned at least one VCR during the period. One
third (34.2%) of the VCR owners have used their machines for more than 3 years, while 25.5% have
utilized them for less than 1 year. The rest of them have used their machines between 1 and 3
years: 22.8% owned it for 1 to 2 years and 14.8% for 2 to 3 years (Table 4.11). Students comprised
38.3% (n=57) of VCR owners, compared to immigrants’ 61.7%. In other words, slightly more than
half of students have at least one VCR, compared to immigrants' 87.6% (Table 4.12). While 20.7%
(n=44) both owned a VCR and subscribed to cable TV, 49.3% (n=105) owned a VCR but did not
subscribe to cable, 5.6% (n=12) subscribed to cable but did not own a VCR, and 22.4% (n=52)
neither owned a VCR nor subscribed to cable (Table 4.13).
In terms of format, 13.5% owned Beta, compared to 82.5% VHS. While 4.0% of the
respondents did not remember or know the format of their VCRs. Also 24.2% owned more than one VCR. At the same time, 16.7% have camcorders in addition to a VHS deck format. About
8% have 8mm camcorders and Beta. Panasonic™ (20.1%) was the most popular brand, followed by
Mitsubishi (14.8%) and Toshiba™ (8.1%). Samsung™ and Goldstar™, both Korean video cassette recorders, comprised 4.0% and 2.7%, respectively. Table 4.9 Cable Television Subscription
Subscription Frequency Percent
No subscription 157 73.7 (Disconnected) 20 9.9 Less than 1 year 16 7.5 Between 1-2 years 5 2.3 Between 2-3 years 10 4.7 3 years and + 25 12.7
Total 213 100.0
Table 4.10 Occupation by Cable TV Subscription
Group CATV NOCATV Total
Students 18 90 108 16.7% 83.3% 50.7% Immigrants 38 67 105 36.2% 63.8% 49.3%
Total 56 157 213 26.3% 73.7% 100.0%
X2 = 10.472 P > .001
Table 4.11 VCR Ownership
Ownership Frequency Percent
Less than 1 year 38 25.5 Between 1-2 34 22.8 Between 2-3 22 14.8 3 years and + 51 34.2 Do not remember 4 2.7 Total 149 100.0 116
Table 6.12 Occupation by VCR Ownership
Group VCR NOVCR Total
Students 57 51 108 52.8% 47.2% 50.7% Immigrants 92 13 105 87.6% 12.4% 49.3%
Total 149 64 213 70.0% 30.0% 100.0%
X2 = 30.748 P > .000
Table 4.13 Cable Subscription by VCR Ownership
Group Cable No Cable Total
No VCR 12 52 64 5.6% 22.4% 30.0%
VCR 44 105 149 20.7% 49.3% 70.0%
Total 56 157 213 26.3% 73.7% 100.0%
4.2.2 Reasons for Cable TV Subscription and/or VCR Purchase
Respondents were asked why they subscribed to cable television or purchased a VCR.
Due to the discontinuous consumption patterns and incompatible technological characteristics
between cable TV and video cassettes, separate questions were asked for each medium. The
wider channel selection (73.2%), better reception (62.5%), and better programs (53.6%) were the
most important reasons for subscribing to cable TV. "A way of accessing premium channels" was the reason given by 37.5%, followed by 35.7% who said because of "No commercials." 117
Table 4.14 The Reasons for Subscribing to Cable TV (n=56)
Needs Frequency Percent
Wider choice 41 73.2 Better reception 35 62.5 Better programs 30 53.6 Access to Premium channels 21 37.5 Children's Entertainment 10 17.9 [47.9] Children's Education 7 12.5 [36.5] Adult programs 14 25.0 No interruption by commercials 20 35.7
[ ] = Children households only
Table 4.15 The Reasons for Purchasing the VCR (n=149)
The Reasons for Purchasing VCRs Frequency % agreed
For replaying Korean tapes 96 64.5 For time-shifting 79 53.2 For collecting tapes 59 39.6 For making home movies 56 37.6 For children's entertainment 43 28.7 (37.6) For children's education 41 27.7 (43.0) Because I am not interested in TV programs 39 26.1 Because there is no commercial in videotapes 29 19.5 For saving money on going to movies 28 18.8 To use the remote control on the VCR 20 13.4
[ ] = Children households only
Children's programming was one of the significant factors, especially for the households with the children under 18 years. One quarter of the sample said that the availability of adult programs on cable was one of the important factors in considering cable subscription (Table 4.14). 118
Playing Korean tapes (64.5%) and time-shifting (53.2%) were the major reasons for
purchasing a VCR. Other reasons were collecting videotapes (39.6%), making home movies
(37.6%), and entertainment for children. In particular, entertainment for children and education for
children comprised 37.6% and 43.0% of children's households, respectively. In other words,
children's parents regard this technology as more than an entertainment tool (Table 4.15).
Interestingly, however, many of interviewees reported that they utilized their VCRs as a baby sitter
and considered it much more "effective" than TV mainly because the VCR provides children their
favorite programs whenever they want them.
Group interviews indicated that politically oriented videotapes were circulating among
students, that Japanese X-rated videotapes were circulated among some immigrants and students,
that video letter was popular among students, and that information-pursuiting recording was popular
among professionals. For example, a documentary of Kwangju Affairs was made by Japanese and
was being circulated among the Korean students who lived near Buckeye Village. Despite the poor
picture quality of the tape ( probably due to its duplication), it was popular. However, this tape’s
circulation among immigrants was not identified. Some interviewees also reported that they
watched Japanese made X-rated movies but most of the viewers added that they were
disappointed. Video letter was also popular among student-parents who had under 5 years old
children or who finished their degree programs. Although there was a video professional [ who
finished his MA from the department of cinema and photography at OSU and charged $20.00 for
one hour videotaping], most students preferred to request the videocamera owners to tape their
children's playing scenes or birthday parties. And those tapes were sent to their grandparents in
Korea. Wedding ceremonies, sports games, graduation ceremonies were also popular topics for videotaping among Koreans. Some medical doctors told that they record medical information from
LIFE cable channel for future reference, while some educators recorded French related programs from PBS. Both professionals said that they used TV Guide to get the relevant information in advance. 119
Table 4.16 Reasons for Not Subscribing Cable TV (n=157)
Reasons Frequency Percent Agreed
Too busy to watch extra channels 60 38.3 Expensive 51 32.7 Not wired 50 31.9 Currently, it is good enough 40 25.6 Own the VCR 36 22.9 Bad for children 34 21.6 Similar to free television 26 16.7
Table 4.17 Reasons for Not Purchasing Not VCRs (n=64)
Reasons Frequency Percent agreed
Because it's not a necessity 44 68.3 Too busy to watch extra channels 22 34.9 Expensive 21 33.3 The VCR programs are no better than TV's 18 28.1 TV programs are not worth to record 8 12.5
In addition, group interviews revealed two interesting uses of VCRs. The first case:" I (a 40
year old male immigrant; mechanic) replay Korean soaps to brainstorm my sons who may bring a girl
who has yellow or green eyes. Of course I am ready to accept that situation as long as I live here in
the US. However, I'd like to do my best to persuade my son to understand how beautiful Korean
girls are. The problem is, he doesn't want to watch 'em.” His son was bom in Columbus and now is
12 years old. And, he doesn't understand Korean language well. The second case: "I (a 51 year
old lady who is working as a professional) enjoy 'em because I can learn Korean language again. I feel something comfortable even when I couldn't understand what's going on in the drama." She came to the US 30 years ago and has not had much time to maintain contact with Koreans partly 120 because her husband (He is Korean and also a professional) didn't want to get along with Koreans and more because she had to follow her husband who transferred to small towns where there were no Koreans. She has one daughter who is now a college student who cannot speak Korean at all.
WHY NOT: Among those who did not subscribe to cable television (N=157), 38.3% said that they are 'loo busy to subscribe to extra channels," followed by the fee is "expensive" (32.7%) and their residential area is "not wired" (31.9%). One quarter of the non cable subscribers said that current channels would be enough, while 22.9% of them do not subscribe to cable TV because they already have a VCR (Table 4.16). The majority of non-VCR owners (68.3%) regarded the machine as "not a necessity." Busy life (34.3%) and the price (33.3%) were also important reasons for them not to buy a VCR. Other reasons were "video programs are similar to those on TV" (17.5%), and "most TV programs are not worth recording^ 12.6%) (Table 4.17).
Table 4.18 Cable Television and VCR Viewing Time
Viewing Time Cable TV VCR Frequency Percent Frequency Percent
Sunday 2 3.6 12 8.1 Saturday 10 17.9 30 20.1 Friday 8 14.3 11 7.4 Weekday 14 25.0 27 18.1 Whenever available 15 26.8 32 21.5 Not frequently 7 12.5 37 24.8 Total 56 100.0 149 100.0
4.2.3 Viewing Time
More than one quarter (26.8%) of cable households watch cable TV frequently during
"whenever available," compared to weekdays 25.0%, Fridays 14.3%, Saturdays 17.9%, and
Sundays 3.6%. However, 12.5% of cable households reported that they did not frequently watch cable television. Meanwhile, 21.5% of the VCR owners reported that they most frequently 121
Table 4.19 Program Preference Cable TV Watch (n=56) and VCR Recording (n=104)
Reasons Cable Watch VCRRecorcPng Frequency % Frequency %
Sports 28 50.0 9 6.0 New Movies 23 41.1 20 13.4* News 22 39.3 5 3.4 Old Movies 14 25.0 - - Comedies 11 19.6 2 1.3 Weather 9 16.1 - - Culture & Arts 8 14.3 3 2.0 Adult 8 14.3 1 0.7 Talk Shows 5 8.9 2 1.3 Entertainment Variety 5 8.9 2 1.3 Children's entertainment 2 3.6 10 6.8 Children's education 2 3.6 3 2.0 Soaps - - 4 3.7 mini series -- 4 3.7 Religious 2 3.6 -- Health 1 1.8 -- Others -- 5 3.4 None 4 7.1 104 69.8
use their VCRs during "whenever available," followed by Saturday 20.1%, weekdays 18.1%,
Sunday 8.5%, and Friday 7.4%. However, 24.6% reported that they do not use the VCR frequently
(Table 4.18).
During the 14 days previous to this survey, half of cable TV subscribers watched sports programs on cable television, followed by 41.1% new movies, 39.3% news, 25.0% old movies,
19.6% comedies, 16.1% weather, and 14.3% adult and cultural programs, respectively. About 7% of cable subscribers reported that they did not watch cable TV during the period. About 13% of
VCR owners recorded movies from TV or cable from the previous two weeks, followed by children’s entertainment 6.8%, sports 6.0%, mini-series, soaps, and news 3.4% (Table 4.19).
VCR owners have different sources for video rental. In addition to public libraries and video rental shops for replaying, Korean grocery stores were important places to rent video tapes for not 122
Table 4.20 The Quantity of Taped Videotapes at Home (%)
Video Use None 1-3 4-10 11-20 21 +
Duplicated 51.7 20.1 18.2 6.0 4.0
Recorded 37.0 19.5 24.7 10.7 8.1
only Korean movies and television series but also Chinese and Japanese films and programs.
Home made documentaries, video letters, and circulation of politico-oriented videotapes were also popular. During the 14 days, 20.8% and 23.5% of the VCR owners rented videotapes from videoshops and public libraries, respectively, while 64.5% rented from Korean grocery stores.
While 63.0% of the VCR owners have recorded from television or cable television so far, 48.3% have duplicated from other videotapes (i.e., copying). Ten percent of VCR owners have more than
10 duplicated tapes, compared to 18.8% that keep more than 10 recorded videotapes. At the same time, however, more than one third (=37%) never recorded and more than half keep no duplicated tapes (Table 4.20].
Table 4.21 Sources and Quantity of Rented Tapes during the Previous Two Weeks (n=149)
Rental Source Total 1-4 tapes 5-9 tapes 10 and+
Videoshop 20.8 17.4 3.4 . Public Library 23.4 20.8 1.3 1.3 Korean Groceries * 64.5 32.9 20.2 11.4 Lee's Market (12.8) 6.0 5.4 1.3 Oriental Food (16.8) 8.1 5.4 3.4 Hankuk Market (30.2) 16.1 9.1 5.0 Chungnam (4.7) 2.7 1.3 0.7 Neighbor 7.4 6.1 1.3 - Other 1.3 1.3 - “
Korean groceries = Lee's market + Oriental Food + Hankuk Market + Chungnam 123
Table 4.22 Videotape Genre by Rental and Recording Behavior
Genre Rented Reoorded Korean tape Overal Rented
Movies 45.4 (12.1) 13.4 35.8 Korean movies -- ( 6.0) Japanese movies *- (52.8) Chinese movies -- (41.2) Mini/Weekly 32.9 (12.7)* 3.4 42.5 Variety Shows 28.9 ( 9.9)* 1.3 11.5 Soaps 16.8 ( 8.8)* 2.7 10.4 Children's 24.9 ( 8.1)* 8.7 1.1 Entertainment 12.1 ( 2.7)* 6.7 - Education 12.8 ( 5.4)* 2.0 - Sports - 6.0 - Cultural Programs - 1.3 - Others 0.7 0.7
Total - - 100.0
( ) = Proportion within movies only; ( )* = Rented more than 2 times
4.2.4 Programs
During the survey period, 20.8% of the respondents rented videotapes from videoshops,
compared to public libraries 23.4%, and Korean groceries 64.5%. Seventeen percent of the VCR
homes rented 1 to 4 videotapes from videoshops, compared to 20.8% from public libraries and
32.9% from Korean grocery stores. And 3.4% of VCR households rented from videoshops
between 5 to 9 videotapes, 1.3% from public libraries, and 20.2% from Korean grocery markets.
Also 11.4% rented more than 10 videotapes from Korean grocery stores. It is interesting to note
that 7.4% borrowed from neighbors or friends without paying rent: 6.1% exchanged 1 to 4
videotapes, while 1.3% 5 to 9 tapes (Table 4.21). This behavior (i.e., exchange of rented tapes with
neighbors) is very popular among students' wives who have children. In contrast, it is hard to find
this kind of frequent "videotape exchange" among immigrants who own their home and whose
residential areas are scattered. Instead, "bulk rental" behavior was popular among immigrants who rented more than 20 videotapes at one time. 124
Table 423 Korean Videotape Rental List
Genre 8/1- 8/8 i- 8/15- 8/22- 8/29- 9/5- 9/12- Average % / week
Movie 94 138 97 121 161 142 112 123.6 35.8 Korean 3 4 2 7 14 8 14 7.4 (6.0) Chinese 49 71 71 68 65 74 59 65.3 (52.8) Japanese 42 63 24 46 82 60 39 50.9 (41.2)
Mini/Weekly 93 152 143 137 160 158 186 147.0 42.5 Soap 32 58 42 28 25 13 37 33.6 9.7 Variety 51 40 38 26 34 28 34 35.9 10.4 Children 5 3 2 3 7 6 1 3.9 1.1 Other 3 1 2 - - 2 1 1.1 0.3
Total 282 392 324 315 387 349 371 347.0 100.0 VCRHH 63 90 69 52 85 66 64 70.0 Tapes/VHH 4.5 4.4 4.7 6.2 4.6 5.3 5.8 5.0
This Data source comprises 26.0% of the Korean videotape[16.8% of the total] rental market share during the survey period.
Movies were the most popular genre for Korean's to rent. Movies comprised 45.4% of the respondents rentals during the previous 14 days, compared to mini- or weekly series 32.9%, variety programs 28.9%, children's programming 24.9%, soap operas and others 0.7%. These programs were rented from video rental shops, public libraries, or Korean grocery stores.
Considering the videotapes from Korean grocery stores only, the rental preference was different: mini- or weekly TV series (35.8%) first, followed by movies (35.8%), variety show programs (11.5%), and soaps (10.4%). As for recording, movies (13.4%) came first, followed by children's entertainment (6.7%), weekly or mini series and news (3.4%), children's education (2.0%), variety shows and cultural programs (1.3%). In particular, children's programming comprised 24.9% of overall rentals, compared to 8.7% of recorded from TV or cable TV, and only 1.1% of rentals from
Korean grocery stores [Table 4.22], 125 Table 4.24 Korean Videotape Rent by Day of the Week
Genre Mon Tue Wed Tbu Fri sat Sun Total
Movie 42 108 151 184 180 126 79 870 Korean 2 5 5 7 18 9 6 52 Chinese 9 37 54 134 92 81 55 462 Japanese 31 66 92 43 70 36 18 356
Daily Drama 26 13 39 36 48 45 23 230 Weekly/Mini 135 91 94 179 209 168 172 1048 Variety 18 23 31 37 49 51 40 249 Children's 6 1 - 2 5 12 1 27 Others 1 - - 1 3 3 - 8
Total 228 236 315 439 494 405 315 2432
4.2.5 Korean Videotapes
In addition, a rental record book from a Korean grocery store, whose rental market share was
26% during the survey period, was analyzed. According to the rental list, an average of 70 VCR homes (=VCRHH) rented 347 videotapes per week from the store. If this figure can be extended to the whole community by multiplying 4. Then 280 video homes rented 1,388 video tapes from 4
Korean grocery markets every week. During the survey period, one VCR household rented an average 5 videotapes from Korean grocery stores. However, 9 immigrants rented more than 20 videotapes at one time during the survey week.
Specifically, during the first week of August, 63 VCRHH rented 282 videotapes from one grocery store. The content comprised of 94 movies, followed by 93 mini or weekly series, 32 soaps, 51 variety/entertainment programs, 5 children’s programs, and 3 others. There were 49
Chinese films, compared to 42 Japanese and only 3 Korean films. The recordbook also showed similar proportions of rental volume in each week. Based on the average data, three things were distinct as a whole: (1) Chinese and Japanese tapes were more popular than Korean videotapes in movie genre; (2) mini or weekly television series were more popular than movies; and (3) Children's programs comprised only 1.1% of the total rented videotapes from the grocery store [Table 4.23]. 126
Among the movie tapes rented during the 2 week period, for example, Korean movies comprised only 6.0%, compared to 52.8% Chinese martial art movies and 41.2% Japanese movies. Surprisingly, the majority of the Chinese movie audience were not Chinese customers, but young Korean male immigrants, undergraduate and graduate students. In contrast, the audience for Japanese movies were primarily Japanese customers as well as older Koreans who can understand the Japanese language. An average of 123.6 movie tapes (35.8% of the total rentals) were rented per week, compared to 147.0 mini- or weekly series (42.5%). At least one and a maximum of 7 children’s programs were rented each week. This comprised 3.9 tapes per week and
1.1% of the total rent from the store (Table 4.24).
In addition, the record book shows a pattern of videotape rental based upon the day of week. According to the data in Table 4.22, Koreans rented 228 videotapes on Monday, which increased to 236 on Tuesday, 315 on Wednesday, 439 on Thursday, and peaked on Friday by marking 494, then decreased to 405 on Saturday and 315 on Sunday. In short, rental behavior seems to be a weekend event. All of the major genres such as mini series or weekly specials, movies, and soaps reflect similar patterns. This result is shown in Figure 4.1. However, it is interesting to compare these results with those from the survey questionnaire. While the rental record book shows that renting is a weekend event, 21.5% of the survey sample reported that they use video "whenever available" and only 7.4% marked that "Friday" was the day they most frequently used their videos.
In addition, the record book shows a pattern of videotape rental based upon the day of week. According to the data in Table 4.22, Koreans rented 228 videotapes on Monday, which increased to 236 on Tuesday, 315 on Wednesday, 439 on Thursday, and peaked on Friday by marking 494, then decreased to 405 on Saturday and 315 on Sunday. In short, rental behavior seems to be a weekend event. All of the major genres such as mini series or weekly specials, movies, and soaps reflect similar patterns. This result is shown in Figure 4.1. However, it is interesting to compare these result s with those from the survey questionnaire. While the rental 127
5 0 0
400
300 Korean Videotape 200 Rented mini/ • weekly 100 movie ...... 0 Soap
Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun
Figure 4.1 Korean Videotape Rental Weekly Pattern
record book shows that renting is a weekend event, 21.5% of the survey sample reported that they
use video "whenever available" and only 7.4% marked that "Friday" was the day they most
frequently used their videos.
In summary, wider channel selection and better reception were the most important reasons
for subscribing to cable television, while playing Korean videotapes and time-shifting were the most
important reasons for purchasing a VCR. Among those who did not subscribe to cable (N=157),
38.3% said that they are "too busy to subscribe to extra channels," followed by the fee is
"expensive" (32.7%). "Because own a VCR" comprised 22.9%. The majority of non-VCR owners
(68.3%) regarded the machine as "not necessity." "Busy life (34.3%) and the price (33.3%) were
also important reasons for them not to buy a VCR. More than one quarter (26.8%) of cable
households watch cable TV frequently during "whenever available," compared to weekday 25.0% and "not frequently" 12.5%. Meanwhile, 21.5% of the VCR owners reported that they use their 128
VCRs most frequently during "whenever available," compared to Saturday 20.1% and "not
frequently" 24.6%.
During the 14 days previous to the survey, half of the cable TV subscribers watched sports
programs on cable television, followed by 41.1% new movies, 39.3% news, 25.0% old movies. At
the same time, 7.1% did not watch cable during the period. About thirteen percent of VCR owners
recorded movies from TV or cable, followed by children's entertainment 6.8%, sports 6.0%,
mini-series, soaps, and news 3.4% respectively. During the survey period, 20.8% and 23.5% of
VCR owners rented videotapes from videoshops and public libraries respectively, while 64.5%
rented videotapes from 4 Korean grocery stores. While 63.0% of VCR owners have recorded from
television or cable television so far, 48.3% have duplicated from other videotapes.
Movies were the most popular genre for Koreans to rent. Movies comprised 45.4% of the
respondents, compared to mini- or weekly series 32.9%, variety programs 28.9%, children's
programming 24.9%, and soaps and others 0.7%. Considering rented videotapes from Korean
grocery stores only, the rental preference became different: mini- or weekly TV series (35.8%) came first, followed by movies (35.8%), variety programs (11.5%), and soaps (10.4%). In particular, children's programming comprised 24.9% of overall rentals, compared to 8.7% of recorded from TV or cable, and only 1.1% of rental from Korean grocery stores.
According to the rental list from a Korean grocery store whose rental market share was 26% during the survey period, an average of 70 VCR homes rented 347 videotapes per week from the
store. In other words, one VCR household rented an average of 5 videotapes from Korean grocery stores per week. However, 12.9% (9 immigrants) rented more than 20 videotapes at one time during the survey week. Three things were distinct: (1) Chinese and Japanese tapes were more popular than Korean videotapes in movie genre, (2) mini- or weekly television series were more popular than movies, and (3) children's programs comprised only 1.1% of the total rented videotapes from the grocery store. In addition, the recordbook shows a pattern of videotape rental based upon the day of week (i.e., a weekend event). 129
Group interviews revealed that most users applied this new technology for their specific needs. For example, the VCR was used for persuasion of children's perception toward Koreans and learning Korean language. At the same time, video letter between students in Columbus and their parents in Korea, family history, and necessary information recording from cable were the most popular uses. While "program exchange" was popular among students, "bulk rental" of Korean videotapes was more popular among immigrants than students.
4.3 RESEARCH QUESTION 2: Do Korean VCR owners and cable television subscribers differ from non-owners and non-subscribers in socioeconomic demographics, lifestyles, and in other media use? If any, can one differentiate VCR owners or cable subscribers based on these variables ? For statistical analysis, a Chi-square test was employed in order to identify the differences between VCR owners and non-owners and between cable TV subscribers and non-subscribers. Then, each of the variable groups were compared to one another by discriminant analysis. Only difference- identified variables were selected for the second analysis.
4.3.1 Structural Variables, VCR ownership, and Cable TV Subscription
First of all, the various value levels of education, occupation, number of children, income, the length of residence, housing, visa status, and age were recategorized by the researcher and then cross-tabulated by VCR owners (=VCR) versus non-owners (=NOVCR) and by cable TV subscribers (=CATV) versus non-subscribers (=NOCATV). A Chi-square test shows statistically significant differences between VCR and NOVCR in most structural variables, except education.
Income, age, the length of stay in the US, and visa status showed significant differences between cable television subscribers and non-subscribers, while the number of children, occupation, and age in both groups did not (Tables 4.25 and 26).
More specifically, college graduates comprised 39.1% of non-VCR owners, compared to
40.3% of VCR owners. The same group comprised 34.0% of cable television subscribers and
42.0% of non-subscribers, respectively. Similarly, respondents who hold a graduate degree 130 represented 51.6% of MOVCR, 43.0% of VCR, 46.4% of CATV, and 45.5% of NOCATV. No significant difference was found between the high school graduate groups. P value of its Chi square for VCR ownership was .445, compared to .558 for cable subscription. Accordingly, education cannot be assumed to be an discriminator of VCR ownership or cable subscription.
Technicians/professionals occupied 7.8% of NOVCR and 22.8% of VCR. In contrast, students represented 79.7% in NOVCR, compared to 38.3% of VCR. In cable subscription, clerical/managerial respondents were similarly represented in both CATV and NOCATV, while technicians/professionals comprised 25% of CATV and 11.5% of NOCATV. Immigrant's wives comprised 19.6% of CATV and 8.3% of NOCATV, respectively. However, students comprised
32.1% of CATV, compared to 57.3% of NOCATV. These occupational differences were statistically confirmed at .0001 probability level for VCR ownership and at .056 for cable television subscription. Thus, occupation can be regarded as an indicator of VCR ownership only. This variable is rejected as an important discriminator for cable TV subscription.
The number of children can be correlated for VCR ownership but not for cable TV subscription. For example, children households comprised 56.3% of NOVCR, compared to 35.6% of VCR. In contrast, children households comprised 43.7% of NOVCR, compared to 64.4% of
VCR. As for cable TV subscription, no-children homes comprised 44.0% of NOCATV, compared to
35.7% of CATV. This difference was not statistically significant. In other words, the number of children can be a good indicator of VCR ownership but not of cable television subscription. Thus, the households with children are more likely to own a VCR than the households without children, but not likely to subscribe to cable. Chi square shows 8.690 at .013 level for VCR ownership and
1.826 at .401 level for cable television subscription.
The lower the income, the less likely respondents were to own VCRs. 72.7% of NOVCR belonged to the low income group, compared to 20.0% and 7.3% of medium and high income levels, respectively. Similarly, the low income group represented 59.3% of NOCATV, compared to
26.0% of CATV. The middle income group was represented by 24.0% and 18.6% in CATV and
NOCATV categories, respectively. The high income group comprised 50% of CATV, compared to 131
Table 425 Structural Variables by VCR Ownership [% means the proportion within the group]
Variables NOVCR VCR X2 P Value Freq. % Freq. %
Total 64 30.05 149 69.95
Education 2.672 .445 Lower education 1 1.56 7 4.70 High School 5 7.81 18 12.08 College 25 39.06 60 40.27 Graduate School 33 51.56 64 42.95 Occupation 30.760 .000 Clerical/managerial 3 4.69 23 15.44 T echnician/prof essional 5 7.81 34 22.82 Student/student wife 51 79.69 57 38.26 Immigrant' wife 3 4.69 21 14.09 Others 2 3.13 14 9.40 Number of children 8.690 .013 None 36 56.25 53 35.57 One 27 42.19 87 58.39 Two and more 1 1.56 9 6.04 Income 19.912 .000 Low 40 72.73 59 42.14 Middle 11 20.00 28 20.00 High 4 7.27 53 37.86 Housing 12.225 .002 Apartment 40 72.73 59 42.14 House 13 20.31 68 45.64 Others 1 1.56 2 1.34 The length of residence 48.186 .000 Less than 2 years 32 50.00 15 10.07 Between 2-5 20 31.25 51 34.23 Between 5-10 7 10.94 22 14.77 Between 10-15 4 6.25 22 14.77 15 and over 1 1.56 30 20.13 Visa status 33.214 .000 Korean 54 84.38 62 41.61 American 7 10.94 69 46.31 Resident 3 4.60 18 12.08 Age 8.514 .036 Under 30 20 17.04 31 24.03 Between 30-39 28 51.85 59 45.74 Between 40-49 3 5.56 25 19.38 50 and more 3 5.56 14 10.85 132
Table 4.26 Structural Variables by CATV Subscription [% means the proportion within the group]
Variables CATV NOCATV X2 P Value Freq. % Freq. %
Total 56 26.29 157 73.71
Education 2.068 .558 Lower education 3 5.36 5 3.18 High School 8 14.29 15 9.55 College 19 33.93 66 42.04 Graduate School 26 46.43 71 45.54 Occupation 12.221 .056 Clerical/managerial 8 14.29 18 11.46 Technician/professional 14 25.00 18 11.46 Student/student wife 18 32.14 90 57.32 Immigrant' wife 11 19.64 13 8.28 Others 5 8.93 11 7.01 Number of children 1.826 .401 None 20 35.71 69 43.95 One 32 57.14 82 52.23 Two and more 4 7.14 6 3.82 Income 18.587 .000 Low 13 26.00 86 59.31 Middle 12 24.00 27 18.62 High 25 50.00 32 22.07 Housing 8.083 ■018 Apartment 25 44.64 104 66.24 House 30 53.57 51 32.48 Others 1 1.79 2 1.27 The length of residence 19.157 .001* Less than 2 years 7 12.50 15 9.55 Between 2-5 48 85.71 136 86.62 Between 5-10 1 1.79 3 1.91 Between 10-15 0 .00 2 1.27 15 and over 0 .00 1 .64 Visa status 8.963 .011 Korean 24 42.86 92 58.60 American 29 51.79 47 29.94 Resident 3 5.36 18 11.46 Age 7.638 .054 Under 30 14 28.57 37 27.61 Between 30-39 18 36.73 69 51.49 Between 40-49 8 16.33 20 14.93 50 and more 9 18.37 8 5.97
* Chi-square test may not be appropriate due to small samples in some cells. 133
22.1% of NOCATV. Thus, income can be a good indicator of both VCR ownership and cable
subscription: the higher the income, the more likely respondents were to own VCR or subscribe to
cable ( X2 = 19.912 at .0001 level for VCR ownership and X2 = 1.826 at .0001 level for cable TV
subscription).
Tenants of apartments comprised 72.7% of NOVCR, compared to 42.1% of VCR. In
contrast, home owners were represented 20.3% and 45.6% in NOVCR and VCR, respectively. The
tenants occupied 66.2% o f NOCATV and 44.6% of CATV, compared to home owners' 22.5% in
NOCATV and 53.6% in CATV. Thus, it can be said that home owners are more likely to own VCRs
and subscribe to cable television than non-home owners ( X2 = 12.225 at .01 level for VCR
ownership and X2 = 19.157 at .001 level for cable TV subscription).
The length of residence in the US is also a good indicator of VCR ownership, but not of
cable television subscription. The less time respondents have lived in the US, the less likely it is
they own the VCR. The less than 2 years group, for example, comprised 50.0% of NOVCR,
compared to 10.1% of VCR. The 2-5 years group represented 31.3% of NOVCR and 34.2% of
VCR. In contrast, both between 10-15 and the 15 years and more comprised 14.8% and 20.1% of
VCR, compared to 6.3% and 1.6% of NOVCR, respectively. However, no statistically significant
difference was found between CATV and NOCATV in terms of the length of residence in the US.
The less than 2 years group comprised 12.5% of CATV, compared to 9.55% of NOCATV. The
between 2 to 5 years group was also similarly represented: 85.7% and 86.6% of CATV and
NOCATV, respectively. In particular, the Chi square test for this comparison was not appropriate
because of small numbers in the 5 to 10,10 to 15, and 15 and more groups.
Korean citizenship holders comprised 84.4% of NOVCR, compared to US citizens 10.9% and US residents 4.6%. Among VCR owners, Korean citizens made up 41.6%, compared to US citizens who were 46.3% and residents 12.1%. In other words, Korean citizenship holders represented a higher percentage than US citizenship holders in NOVCR, while both were similarly represented in the VCR group. In cable television subscription, Korean citizens comprised 42.8% of CATV and 58.6% of NOCATV, compared US citizens 51.8% and 29.9%, respectively. Thus, it is 134
safe to say that US citizenship holders were more likely to own or subscribe to cable television than
both Korean nationality holders and US residents ( X2 = 33.214 at .0001 level for VCR ownership
and X2 = 8.963 at .01 level for cable TV subscription).
The age difference between NOVCR and VCR was statistically meaningful. In cable
subscription, however, it was not as significant as that in VCR. For example, the under 30 age group
comprised 17.0% of NOVCR, compared to 24.0% VCR. The 40-49 group represented 5.6% of
NOVCR and 19.4% of VCR. The 50 and over group occupied 5.6% of NOVCR and 10.8% of VCR.
However, the 30-39 group was represented in both groups similarly: 51.9% of NOVCR and 45.7%
VCR. As for cable subscription, no significant difference was found in the under 30 and the 40-49
age group. However, the 30-39 group represented 36.7% of CATV, compared to 51.5% of
NOCATV. The 50 and over group comprised 18.4% of CATV and 6.0% of NOCATV. Thus, age can
be an indicator of VCR ownership but not of cable subscription for this sample ( X2 =8.514 at .05
level for VCR ownership and X2 =7.638 at .054 level for cable TV subscription).
Overall, education was not an important factor in both VCR ownership and cable
subscription. Income, housing, the length of residence, and visa status were good indicators of
both video ownership and cable subscription. At the same time, occupation, the number of
children, and age were indicators of VCR ownership, but not of cable subscription.
4.3.2 Life styles, VCR ownership, and Cable TV Subscription
Three groups of independent variables were analyzed to provide answers for this research question: sports, purchase behavior, and some outdoor activities. The original 10 different categories [i.e., from "almost daily” to "almost none”] were reclassified by this researcher for the strength of statistical power in Chi square test. Tables 4.27 and 28 show the reclassified results only. Thus, original data will be briefly reviewed before proceeding.
About sixteen percent of the respondents reported that they took a trip of more than 50 miles for fun 2 to 3 times per month, 37.1 % 3 to 4 times a year; 29.1 % of them didn't take even one trip during the previous 12 months. Less than 10 percent (6.6%) attended a concert, opera, or 135
music festival 2 to 3 times a month, 2.8% once a month, 11.7% 3 to 4 times a year, and 68.5%
responded that they never attended. 9.6% go out to eat 2 to 3 times a week, 27.2% once a week,
and 16.4% never. As for getting together with friends or having a party, 13.2% meet their friends
2-3 times a week, 16.4% once a week, 32.9% once a month; 15.5% reported that they did not have
time to meet their friends.
As for sports, tennis was the most popular during the summer, followed by swimming and
golf. More specifically, 16.9% of the respondents played tennis almost every week, 13.1% 2 to 3
times a month. Fifteen percent went swimming every week and 15.0% play golf every week, while
2.8% enjoy bowling and softball on a weekly basis. At the same time, 57.8% do not play tennis,
57.3% do not swim, 72.2% do not play golf, and 76.5% and 71.3% do not enjoy softball and
bowling, respectively.
While 6.6% reported that they purchase champagne or wine once a week, 17.4% every
month; 19.2% buy beer every week, 28.6% 2 to 3 times a month. 55.4% reported they do not
purchase any wine, compared to 33.2% who did not purchase beer. Meanwhile, 8.9% of the
sample purchased books weekly, 29.6% monthly, while 15.0% never or seldom purchase them.
More than one third (35.7%) use a credit card almost weekly, 11.7% 2 to 3 times a month; 32.8% do
not use credit cards at all.
Tables 4.27 and 4.28: Some meaningful differences between VCR owners (=VCR) and
non-owners (=NOVCR) were found in movie attendance, meeting friends or having parties, the
frequency of creditcard use, playing golf and softball games. In particular, the difference in the
having a party or meeting friends, creditcard use, and softball games were statistically
significant. Playing golf and playing softball showed statistically significant differences between cable TV subscribers (=CATV) and non subscribers (=NOCATV).
More specifically, 18.1% of VCR go to movies frequently, compared to NOVCR's 25.6%.
However, the differences between these two groups in other categories were not so large: 25.5% versus 23.4% and 56.4% versus 50.0%. Thus, this difference was, statistically speaking, not considered as significant. VCR comprised 24.2% in playing golf frequently, compared to NOVCR's 136
Table 4.27 Koreans' Life Styles by VCR Ownership (n=213)
Items Frequently Sometimes Seldom X2 P Value VCR NOVCR VCR NOVCR VCR NOVCR
Movie 18.12 26.56* 25.50 23.44 56.38 50.00 1.955 .376 Concert 13.42 7.82 14.77 14.06 71.81 78.13 1.458 .482 Travel 17.45 23.44 46.98 32.81 35.57 43.75 3.725 .155 Party 7 3 .8 2 . 5L5.6 13.42 20.31 12.75 28.13 10.768 .005 Eatout 25.50 29.69 34.90 34.38 39.60 35.94 .452 .798
Purchase tape 9.40 7.81 14.77 9.38 75.84 82.81 .395 .498 Purchase book 26.17 15.63 32.23 26.56 41.60 57.71 5.468 .485 Beer 22.82 25.00 34.90 34.38 42.28 40.63 .124 .940 Wine 22.82 21.88 19.46 15.63 57.72 62.50 .551 .759 Creditcard 75,03 34.38 15.04 7.81 29.53 57.81 15.310 JIM
Swim 20.13 20.31 13.42 12.50 16.44 67.19 .033 .983 Tennis 21.48 23.44 13.42 15.63 65.10 60.94 .354 .838 Golf 24.16 10.94* 4.70 4.69 84.38 71.14 4.922 .085 Softball SLM 17,19 10.74 17.19 81.21 65.63 6.349 .042 Bowling 12.08 14.06 10.07 20.31 77.85 65.63 4.616 .099
* The original 10 values of each variable were recategorized by the researcher.
11.0%. As stated in the movie-going comparison, this difference was not statistically significant.
VCR owners (=VCR) comprised 73.8% of those in having parties or meeting with friends, compared to 51.6% for NOVCR. In playing softball games, VCR represented 8.1%, compared to 17.2% for NOVCR. At the same time, however, 81.2% of VCR reported that they played the game "seldom," compared to 65.6% for NOVCR. In particular, VCR comprised 24.2% in playing golf, compared to 10.9% of NOVCR (Table 4.27). However, this result was interpreted as
not significant because of the differences in other categories. CATV comprised 39.3% of frequent golfer, compared to NOCATV's 13.4%. CATV occupied 53.6% of "seldom" golfer, compared to
NOCATV's 82.8%. While CATV represented 5.4% of frequent player, compared to NOCATV's
12.7%. CATV's 91.1% in "seldom" can be contrasted to NOCATV's 71.3% in the same category
(Table 4.28). 137
Table 4.28 Koreans' Life styles by Cable TV Subscription (n=213)
Variables Frequently Sometimes Seldom X2 P value CATV NOCATV CATVNOCATV CATVNOCATV
Movie 23.21 19.75 28.57 23.57 48.21 56.69 1.200 .549 Concert 8.93 12.74 17.86 13.38 73.21 73.89 1.083 .582 Travel 17.86 19.75 48.21 40.76 33.93 39.49 .948 .622 Party/friends 69.64 66.24 16.07 15.29 14.29 18.47 .504 .777 Eat out 25.60 27.39 37.50 33.76 37.50 38.85 .274 .872
Pmtape 7.14 9.55 19.64 10.83 73.21 79.61 2.926 .232 Pbook 28.57 21.02 37.50 28.03 33.93 50.95 5.893 .435 Beer 25.00 21.66 21.43 17.20 53.57 61.15 1.009 .604 Wine 46.79 49.68 16.07 12.10 37.50 38.22 .590 .745 Credit 32..0142.04 41.07 36.94 26.79 21.02 2.765 .429
Swim 21.-43 19.75 16.07 12.10 62.50 68.15 .751 .687 Tennis 26.79 20.38 21.43 11.46 51.79 68.15 5.408 .067 Golf 39.29 13.38 7.14 3.82 53.57 82.80 19.391 .000 Softball 5.36 12.74 3.57 15.92 91.07 71.34 9.152 J i m Bowling 16.07 11.46 12.50 13.38 71.43 75.16 .793 .673
Table 4.29 Print Media Use Among Koreans (N=213)
Mecfum Subscription Readershjp (%) Daiy Weekly SometimeSeldom
Korean Daily Newspaper 27.7 23.5 24.8 22.6 29.1 US Daily Newspaper 26.3 26.3 36.2 10.2 28.3 Sundaypaper 38.9
Weekly News Magazine 31.9 ( 3.7) 29.1 19.2 51.7 Hobby Magazine 32.9 ( 9.0) - Professional magazine 41.3(14.5) -
Reading non-textbook 20.7 18.7 24.7 36.9
( ) = subscription to two and more. *10 values of each variable were recategorized by the researcher for readership. 138
Overall, VCR owners were more likely to meet their friends or have a party, use a creditcard, and less likely to play softball games than non-owners. Cable subscribers were less likely to play softball gam es but more likely to play golf than non-cable TV subscribers.
4.3.3 General Media Use, VCR Ownership, and Cable TV Subscription
General media use consists of print media and electronic media. Print media are Korean and English newspaper subscription and readership, news, hobby, and professional magazine subscription, and general book reading. Electronic media include radio, TV, cable TV, VCRs, CD players, and home computers. Movie and concert going were analyzed in lifestyle section as a part of outdoor activities. Both subscription and readership of Korean newspapers were similar to those of English newspapers. More than one quarter (27.7%) of the sample subscribed to at least one
Korean daily newspaper, while 26.3% subscribed to an English newspaper. A little less than one quarter (23.5%) read Korean dailies almost everyday, compared to 26.3% who read US newspaper.
One quarter (24.9%) read Korean newspapers at least once a week, compared to English newspaper s at 36.2%. Thus, Koreans in the Columbus area subscribe to and read both Korean and American daily newspapers with similar regularity (Table 4.29).
While 68.5% used TV daily and 20.7% weekly, 9.8% seldom used it. As for cable television, 15.0% watched daily, compared to 7.9% who watched weekly. Compared to cable or broadcast TV, the VCR was used on a weekly basis. While 70% of the respondents reported they own at least one VCR, only 17.4% used it daily, compared to 26.3% weekly. In other words, 27.3% do not use their VCRs even on a weekly basis. Half of the respondents listen to radio/music daily, compared to 21.6% weekly. Only 1.9% go to movies almost weekly, compared to 13.6% monthly. In contrast, more than half of the respondents reported that they almost never go to movies (Table 4.30).
Similar proportions of the sample showed preference for the 3 network TV channels (23.0% to ABC, 23.5% to CBS, and NBC to 22.5%), while 8.0% of them showed their loyalty to the public channel. Eighteen percent did not have any specific channel loyalty. About 40% said the most 139
Table 4.30 Electronic Media Use among Koreans (N=213)
Medium Daly Weekly Monthly Seldom
Television 68.5 17.4 4.7 Cable TV 16.0 10.3 - 73.7 The VCR 17.4 24.8 6.1 30.0
Call Korea • 0.9 15.1 30.5 Movies - 1.9 13.6 51.7 Radio/Music 50.7 21.6 - 10.6
important reason for selecting channels was for "favorite programs," followed by "by habit" (30.3%) and familiarity of newscasters (29.9%). With regard to new media, 39.0% owned a personal computer, while 17.4% had a compact disc player. About one third of students (32.4%) have their own personal computers, compared to 45.7% of immigrants. Only 11.7% of students owned CD players, compared to immigrants’20.6%. It was also found that 20.6% of professionals owned CD players, while 64.7% used personal computers.
Statistically significant differences were found between VCR owners (=VCR) and non- owners (=NOVCR) in most print media variables, while significant differences between these two groups were not found in electronic media use. More specifically, VCR comprised 33.6% of those who subscribed to Korean daily newspapers, compared to 14.1% of NOVCR (X 2 = 8.496 at
P=.005). In contrast, the difference between these two groups in reading a Korean daily newspaper was, statistically speaking, not significant ( X2 = 3.842 at P=.146). VCR comprised
33.6% of subscription to American newspapers, compared to NOVCR’s 9.4% ( X2 =13.512 at
P=.0001). In addition, 62.7% of VCR read American newspapers, compared to NOVCR's 44.3%;
36.2% of VCR subscribed to weekly magazines, oompared to NOVCR's 21.9%; 38.3% of VCR subscribed to hobby magazines, compared to NOVCR's 20.3%; 23.5% of VCR owned compact disc players, compared to NOVCR's 1.3%; and 47.0% of VCR owned personal computers, compared to NOVCR's 20.3% (See Tables 4.31 and 32). 140
Table 4.31 General Media Subscription or Ownership by VCR ownership
Medum VCR NOVCR X2 P Value
Korean Daily 33.56 14.06 8.496 .004 American Daily 33.56 9.38 13.512 .000 Sunday Newspaper 42.95 29.69 3.313 .117 Weekly newspaper 36.24 21.88 4.252 4134 Hobby magazine 39.26 20.31 6.532 .011 professional journal 47.65 26.55 6.532 .004
Compact Disc 23.49 1.56 17.311 .000 Personal computers 46.98 20.31 13.387 .000
Table 4.32 The Frequency of Other Media Use by VCR Ownership
Medium Frequently Sometimes Seldom X2 P value
Korean Daily Readership 3.842 .146
VCR 49.30 11.97 38.73 NOVCR 45.16 22.58 32.26
US Daily readership 8.145 J21Z
VCR 62.68 11.97 25.35 NOVCR 44.26 26.23 29.51
Radio Use .984 .578
VCR 85.23 4.03 10.74 NOVCR 87.50 4.69 7.82
TV Use .594 .898
VCR 85.23 5.37 9.40 NOVCR 87.50 4.69 7.82
Cable TV Use .077 .962
VCR 23.08 4.90 82.03 NOVCR 21.31 4.92 73.77 141
Table 4.33 General Media Subscription or Ownership by CATV Subscription
Medum CATV NOCATV X2 P Value
Korean Daily 33.93 25.48 1.472 .225 US Daily 35.71 22.93 3.481 .062 Sunday Newspaper 37.50 39.49 .069 .793 Weekly newspaper 39.29 29.30 1.894 .173 Hobby Magazine 39.29 30.57 1.420 .233 Professional journal 53.57 36.94 4.708 .030
Compact Disc 23.21 14.65 5.130 .077 Personal computers 42.86 37.58 .483 .487
Table 4.34 The Frequency of General Media Use by Cable TV Subscription
Medium Frequently Sometimes Seldom X2 P value
Korean Daily Readership 1.937 .380
CATV 54.55 16.36 29.09 NOCATV 45.64 14.77 39.60
US Daily Readership 3.330 .189
CATV 67.27 10.91 21.82 NOCATV 53.38 18.24 28.38
Radio Use .871 .647
CATV 85.71 1.79 12.50 NOCATV 86.62 3.82 9.55
TV Use 2.651 .449
CATV 83.93 7.14 8.93 NOCATV 86.62 4.46 8.92
VCR Use 3.625 .163
CATV 48.21 19.64 32.14 NOCATV 49.30 11.41 44.30 142
In contrast, no significant difference was found between VCR and NOVCR in their use of
TV, cable television, and radio/music. For example, 85.2% of VCR reported that they watched TV frequently, compared to NOVCR's 87.5% in the same category ( X2 = .594 at P=.898). About eighty five percent of VCR represented listened to music/radio frequently, compared to NOVCR's
89.1% ( X2 = .984 at P=.578). In addition, no difference in cable TV use was found in terms of cable
TV subscription: 23.1% of VCR watched cable television frequently, compared to 21.3% of NOVCR
( X2 = .077 at P=.962). Meanwhile, a significant difference was found between VCR and NOVCR in
American daily readership ( X2 = 8.145 at P=. 017), but not in Korean daily readership (X2 = 3.842 at
P=.146) (Table 4.31).
Similarly, only one variable was identified to have statistical differences between CATV
(=cable television subscriber) and NOCATV ( = non-cable television subscriber). For example,
53.6% of CATV, subscribed to professional journals, compared to NOCATV's 36.9% ( X2 = 4.708 at
P=.030). For Korean daily subscription, 33.9% of CATV subscribed to at least one Korean newspaper, compared to NOCATV's 25.5% ( X2 =1.472 at P=.225). Cable TV subscribers seem more likely to subscribe to American daily newspapers (35.7% v. 22.9%) and weekly news magazines (39.3% v. 29.3%), and more likely to own compact disc players (23.2% vs. 14.7%) than non-cable subscribers. However these differences were not statistically significant. In terms of the frequency of use, no significant difference was found between cable subscribers and non-subscribers.
Overall, VCR owners were more likely to consume general media than non-owners. In contrast, this was not the case between cable subscribers and non-subscribers. For example, VCR owners were more likely to both subscribe to and read both Korean and US dailies, weekly news magazines and professional journals, and to own CD players and personal computers than non-owners. In contrast, professional journal subscription was the only discriminant variable between cable subscribers and non-subscribers in the media variable group. 143
4.3.4 Discriminant Analysis
The previous three sections have analyzed each individual variable which can be
considered as a discriminant for VCR ownership and cable television subscription. In order to find
out which variable group was the best discriminant for VCR ownership and cable subscription, a
discriminant analysis was employed. From the section 4.3.3, only significant-difference-detected
variables were selected for the discriminant analysis. As for VCR ownership, occupation, income,
number of children, housing, the length of residency in the US, visa status, and age were included
in the structural group; the frequency of having a party, the frequency of creditcard use, golf, and
softball in the lifestyle group; and both Korean and American daily subscription, hobby, news and
professional magazine subscription, CD player and PC ownership, and American daily readership in
the media group. As for Cable TV subscription, income, housing, the length of residency in the
US, and visa status were included in the structural group; golf and softball in the lifestyle group; and
professional magazine subscription in the media group.
As for VCR ownership, since the Chi-square value of each group (structural, lifestyle, and
media) was significant at .05 level respectively, the within covariance matrices were used in the
discriminant function (Table 4.35). As for CATV subscription, since the Chi-square value of
structural group (.5527) and media group (.6199) were not significant at .05 level, a pooled
covariance matrix was used in each discriminant function respectively. However, the Chi-square
value of life style group was significant at .05 level, the within covariance matrices were used (Table
4.36).
The media variables could classify 92.1% of non-VCR owners correctly, compared to the
structural variable group’s 85.1% and the lifestyle variable group's 59.4%. If these three groups
were combined, 95.7% of non-VCR owners could be predicted correctly. In contrast, the lifestyle
variables could predict 70.5% of VCR owners correctly followed by the demographic variables'
65.0% and the media variables' 55.0%. All of these groups of variables could classify 82.5% of VCR owners correctly. As for cable TV subscription, the structural group could discriminate non-cable subscribers 66.0% correctly, compared to the lifestyle group’s 57.1% and the media's 37.5%. All 144
Table 4.35 A Comparision of Discriminant Power (VCR Ownership)
Group Total Structural Lifestyie Media
Natural Log of Determinant of the Covariance Matrix
NOVCR -30.7980 -8.5304 -2.5557 -16.0701 VCR -22.6442 -7.0266 -2.8913 -11.1442 POOLED -22.6847 -6.9657 -2.6822 -11.8966
Chi-square 312.8480 76.0885 22.4834 144.1102 Deg. of Freedom 171 28 10 28 P value .0001 .0001 .0128 .0001
Generalized Squared Distance
NOVCR VCR NOVCR VCR NOVCR VCR NOVCR VCR NOVCR -30.80 -20.23 -8.53 -5.77 -2.56 -2.14 -16.07-10.43 VCR -24.25 -22.64 -6.78 -7.03 -1.90 -2.89 -11.45-11.14
Number of observations and percents classified into VCR ownership
NOVCR 4 4 2 40 7 38 26 58 5 95.7 4.4 85.1 14.9 59.4 40.6 2 2 J . La.
VCR 21 99 42 78 44 105 67 82 17.5 82.5 35.0 65.0 29.5 70.5 45.0 55.0
TOTAL 65 101 82 85 82 131 125 87 39.2 60.8 49.1 50.9 38.5 61.5 59.0 41.0
these three groups could classify 80.0% of non-cable subscribers correctly. The lifestyle group classified 91.1% of cable TV subscribers correctly, followed by the structural group's 69.0% and the media group's 52.9%. All these three groups could discriminate 78.6% of cable subscribers correctly.
In short, the lifestyle group was the best for discriminating cable TV subscribers (82.2%), followed by the structural group (60.0%) and the media group (48.8%). In contrast, the structural group (66.0%) was the best for discriminating non-cable subscribers, followed by the media group
(62.5%) and the lifestyle group (42.9%). While the media group was the best discriminant variables 145
Table 4.36 A Comparision of Discriminant Power (Cable TV Subscription)
Group Total Structural Lifestyle Media
Natural Log of Determinant of the Covariance Matrix
NOCABLE -9.7927 -4.2330 -1.5337 -2.9350 CABLE -9.7749 -4.4183 -1.6407 -1.4705 POOLED -9.4672 -4.3244 -1.4705 ■3.1385
Chi-square 57.1359 8.7837 29.8436 1.7772 Deg. of Freedom 36 10 3 3 P Value .0140 5 5 2 7 .0001 .6199
Generalized Squared Distance
NOCA CATV NOCA CATV NOCA CATV NOCA CATV NOCABLE -9.79 -7.66 .00 .72 -1.54 -.33 .00 .16 CABLE -8.09 -9.77 -.86 -1.64 .00 .72 .72 .00
Number of observations and percents classified into VCR ownership
NOCATV 40 10 33 17 24 32 35 21 80.0 20.0 66.0 34.0 42.9 57.1 62.5 37.5
CATV 31 114 45 100 14 143 74 83 21.4 78.6 31.0 69.0 SLS. £ L 2 47.1 52.9
TOTAL 71 124 78 117 38 175 109 104 36.4 63.6 40.0 60.0 17.8 82.2 51.2 48.8
for classifying non-VCR owners, the lifestyle group was the best for discriminating VCR owners.
Specifically, occupation, income level, and visa status used the within covariance matrices in the discriminant function, while number of children, the length of stay in the US, housing, and age used a pooled covarience marix for the same purpose. Among these structural variables, visa status could predict 84.4% of non-VCR owners correctly, followed by the length of stay in the US
(81.3%), occupation (79.7%), and housing (78.1%). In contrast, each of these variables could differentiate VCR owners less accurately than non-VCR owners. Age could predict 76.0% of VCR owners and 62.9% of non-owners correctly. 146
Table 4.37 Discriminant Analysis and Individual Variables (VCR Ownership)
Variable Chi-square IPI Covariance matrix NOVCR VCR used NONE OWN NONE OWN
Occupation 23.0848 .0001 within cov. 79.7 20.3 38.3 61.7 Children .1139 .7358 a pooled cov. 56.3 43.7 35.6 64.4 Income 10.1192 .0015 within cov. 72.7 27.3 42.1 57.9 Length of stay .8432 .3585 a pooled cov. 81.3 18.7 44.3 55.7 Visa status .6531 .0106 within cov. 84.4 15.6 41.6 58.4 Housing .5848 .2081 a pooled cov. 78.1 21.9 47.0 53.0 Age .8971 .1684 a pooled cov. 62.9 37.1 24.0 76.0
Cinema .6698 .4131 a pooled cov. 50.0 50.0 43.6 56.4 Party 3.9131 .0479 within cov. 51.6 48.4 26.2 73.8 Golf 6.6608 .0099 within cov. 84.4 15.6 28.9 71.1 Softball 6.0665 .0138 within cov. 65.6 34.4 18.8 81.2
Korean Daily 7.6174 .0058 within cov. 85.9 14.1 66.4 33.6 US Daily 17.8136 .0001 within cov. 90.6 9.4 66.4 33.6 Weekly News 1.9401 .1637 a pooled cov. 78.1 21.9 63.7 36.2 Hobby Mgn 3.0104 .0827 within cov. 79.7 20.3 61.7 38.3 Professional Mgn 1.2999 .2542 a pooled cov. 73.4 26.6 52.3 47.7 CD player 86.2631 .0001 within cov. 98.4 1.6 76.5 23.5 Home computer 3.8838 .0488 within cov. 79.9 20.3 53.1 46.9
Golf was the most predictictable variable in the life style group for differentiating non-VCR
owners (84.4%) as well as VCR owners (71.1%). Playing softball differentiated 65.6% of non-VCR
owners and 81.2% of VCR owners correctly, while the frequency of having a party or meeting
friends could classify 73.8% of VCR owners and only 51.6% of non-VCR owners. Movie going
(=cinema) could not classify neither VCR owners or non-owners. Most media variables in the
discriminant analysis could predict non-VCR owners about 80.0% or more correctly, except
professional magazine subscription (73.4%). In particular, compact disc player ownership could
differentiate 98.4% of non-VCR owners correctly, followed by US daily newspaper subscription
(90.6%) and Korean Daily newspaper subscription (85.9%). However, these variables colud
discriminate VCR owners only lower than 70.0%, except professional magazine subscription
52.3%, home computer ownership 53.1%, and CD player ownership 76.5% (Table 4.37). 147
Table 4.38 Discriminant Analysis and Individual Variables (CATV Subscription)
Variable Chi-square IPI Covariance matrix NOCATV CATV used Non-subs Subs Non-subs Subs
Income .0292 .8644 a pooled cov. 74.0 26.0 40.7 59.3 Visa status 2.2043 .1376 a pooled cov. 57.1 42.9 41.4 58.6 Length of stay 1.4669 .2258 a pooled cov. 60.7 39.3 38.8 61.2 Housing .2223 .6373 a pooled cov. 55.4 44.6 33.8 66.2
Golf 9.1204 .0025 within cov. 46.4 53.6 17.2 82.8 Softball 10.7100 .0011 a pooled cov. 91.1 8.9 28.7 71.3
Professional Mgn .0889 .7656 a pooled cov. 53.6 46.4 36.9 63.1
As for cable TV subscription, income level could correctly predict 74.0% and 59.3% of
non-cable TV subscribers (=NOCATV) and cable TV subscribers (=CATV), respectively. The length
of stay in the US differentiated 60.7% of non-cable subscribers and 61.2% of cable subscribers
correctly. While housing could dicriminate 66.2% of cable subscribers, compared to 55.4% of
non-cable subscribers. Playing golf was a good discriminant variable for cable TV subscribers
(82.8%) but not that good for non-cable subscribers (53.5%). Playing softball predicted 91.1% of
non-cable TV subscribers correctly, compared to 71.3% of cable subscribers. Finally, subscription
to professional magazine could corectly predict 63.1% of cable subscribers and 53.6% of non-cable
subscribers.
In other words, both playing golf and softball contributed to make the lifestyle group as the
best discriminator for cable TV subscribers as both income level and the length of stay in the US
contributed to the structural level for non-cable subscribers. CD player ownership, US daily
newspaper subscription, and Korean daily newspaper subscription contributed to the media
variable group for discriminating non-VCR owners. At the same time, having a party or meeting with friends, playing golf, and playing softball games did the same thing to the lifestyle group for
predicting VCR owners. 148
Overall meaning of this can be summarized as follows: non-VCR owners tend to have lower
income, no children, have stayed in the US less than 2 years, hold Korean citizenship, live at
apartments, and be younger graduate students. As for life styles, non-VCR owners are more likely
to play softball and less likely to play golf and meet their friend than VCR owners. In terms of other
media use, most non-VCR owners are less likely to subscribe to Korean daily newspaper, US daily
newspaper, weekly news magazine, hobby magazine, professional journals, or own a CD player, or a
personal computer than VCR owners. At the same time, cable subscribers can be characterized by
higer income, US citizenship holders, relatively longer stay in the US, golfer, non-softball palyer,
and professional journal subscriber. In short, it takes time for new aliens whether they are
immigrants or students to adjust themselves in a new setting. However, less differences were
found between cable subscribers and non-subscribers in terms of most independent variables than
those differences between VCR owners and non-owners. This is interpreted that while the VCR is
regarded as a necessity to Koreans but cable TV is not.
4.3.5 VCR Use and Structural, Lifestyle, and Media Variables
Three groups of independent variables (i.e., structural, lifestyle, and media) were cross
tabulated by three different groups of video users: heavy versus non-users, US videotape users
versus non-users, and Korean videotape users versus non-users. First of all, some statistically
significant differences were found between heavy VCR users and non-users in the number of
children (P=.012), income (P=.048) and the length of stay in the US (P=.000). In contrast, no
significant difference was detected between heavy US videotape users and non-users in terms of structural variables. However, significant difference was noticed between heavy Korean
videotape users and non-users in relation to their length of stay in the US (P=.009) (Table 4.39).
More specifically, VCR households with children under 18 years were more likely to use
VCRs heavily than VCR homes with no children. For example, VCR homes with children comprised
24.6% of heavy video users, compared to 9.0% of VCR homes with no children. However, homes with more than three children also comprised 10.0% of heavy users. Therefore, it can be assumed 149
Table 4.39 Structural Variables by VCR Use
Structural Variables VCR use US Tape Korean Tape X2 P X2 P X2 P
Education .894 .822 .254 .968 4.925 .177 Occupation 6.674 .154 .734 .443 2.268 .687 Number of Children 8.842 ■012 4.685 .096 1.100 .577 Visa status 3.714 .156 1.425 .491 4.399 .111 Age .506 .990 1.834 .608 .325 .955 Sex .114 .477 1.336 .248 .075 .785 Income 5.526 ■038 2.938 .230 .998 .607 The length of residence 21.610 ■000 2.710 .607 13.549 .009
that the frequency of video use is strongly affected by young children, rather than adults interests.
This difference is statistically significant (P=.012).
The VCR homes in the middle income level were more likely to use VCRs frequently than the low level group and the high level one. For example, the middle level comprised 30.8% of heavy VCR users, compared to the low's 17.2% and the high's 10.5%. These differences were also statistically significant (P=.038). The length of stay in the US is a good indicator in discriminating heavy VCR users from light- or non-users. Less than one third (27.6%) of the less than 2 years level comprised heavy users. The proportion of heavy users increased to 67.3% of the
2 to 5 years. Once increased, there were more heavy VCR users than non-users in every other level: 60.5% in the 5 to 10 years, 61.5% in the 10 to 15 years, and 67.7% in the 15 years and more.
In other words, the longer they have stayed in the US, the more frequently they use VCRs. In contrast, this difference or trend was not found in US videotape use, while a different pattern was identified in Korean videotape use. For example, heavy Korean videotape users comprised only
4.7% of the less than 2 years group, compared to 25.4% of the 2 to 5 years level and 34.2% of the 5 to 10 years. However, the proportion of heavy Korean videotape users begin to decrease to
19.2% in the 10 to 15 years and 17.1% in the 15 years and more. 150
Table 4.40 Selected Structural Variables by VCR Use
Structural Variables Heavy User Non-User Total Chisq. P Value
Income by VCR Use 5.526
LOW 17 17.2 82 82.3 99 50.8 MIDDLE 12 30.8 27 69.2 39 20.0 HIGH 6 10.5 51 87.5 57 29.2 TOTAL 35 17.9 150 83.1 195 100.0
Children by VCR Use 8.842
NONE 8 9.0 81 91.0 89 41.8 ONE or TWO 28 24.6 86 75.4 114 53.5 THREE+ 1 10.0 9 90.0 10 4.6 TOTAL 37 17.4 176 82.6 213 100.0
Stay in the US by VCR Use 21.610
Less than 2 years 13 27.6 34 72.3 47 22.1 2 to 5 years 48 67.6 23 32.4 71 33.3 5 to 10 years 23 60.5 15 39.5 38 17.8 10 to 15 years 16 71.5 10 38.5 26 12.2 15 and + 21 67.7 10 32.3 31 14.6 TOTAL 121 56.8 92 43.2 213 100.0
Stay in the US by Koreantape Use 13.549
Less than 2 years 2 4.3 45 95.7 47 22.1 2 to 5 years 18 25.4 53 74.6 71 33.3 5 to 10 years 13 34.2 25 65.8 38 17.8 10 to 15 years 5 19.2 21 80.8 26 12.2 15 and + 5 16.1 26 83.9 31 14.6 TOTAL 43 20.2 170 79.8 213 100.0
As for other media use, some significant differences were found between heavy VCR users and non- or light users in Sunday paper subscription, hobby magazine subscription, compact disc ownership and the frequency of TV use. However, Sunday paper subscription was the only discriminator between heavy US videotape users and non- or light users. No single variable was identified as a good discriminator between heavy Korean videotape users and non-users. It is interesting to note that while the frequency of TV watching could be a discriminator between heavy 151
Table 4.41 Media Variables by VCR Use [CHI-SQ]
Media Variables VCR use US Tape Korean Tape X? P X2 P X2 P
US NP Subscription 3.781 .052 .203 .652 .799 .371 Readership 1.039 .595 4.056 .132 1.144 .564 Korean NP Subscription 1.921 .166 .059 .808 2.433 .119 Readership .944 .624 3.965 .138 .454 .797 Sunday Newspaper 4.957 .026 4.867 .027 .190 .663 Weekly News Magazine Subscription .012 .912 .554 .457 .190 .318 Readership 4.675 .097 .580 .748 3.294 .193 Hobby Related Magazine 5.885 .015 .554 .945 .998 .297 Professional Journals 2.850 .091 1.259 .262 .919 .338 CD player 8.896 .012 .204 .903 .355 .837 Personal computer 3.775 .052 8.841 .603 .007 .932 Radio/Music 1.978 .372 .897 .639 .231 .891 Television Use 11.610 .009 2.748 .432 1.461 .691 Cable TV Use 1.859 .359 2.031 .362 .709 .701
VCR users and non-users, the frequency of cable TV watch could not (Table 4.41).
More specifically, heavy VCR users comprised 66.3% of Sundaypaper subscribers, compared to 50.8% of non-subscribers. Similarly, heavy VCR users comprised 68.6% of hobby magazine subscribers, compared to 51.0% of non-subscribers. Among the CD player owners, heavy VCR users occupied 75.7%, compared to non-owners' 52.8%. Heavy users of US videotape comprised of 22.9% of Sundaypaper subscribers, compared to non-subscribers’ 11.5%. Important discriminators which reflect differences between heavy VCR users and non- heavy users were the frequency of purchasing music tapes or records, the frequency of going swimming or playing softball. While the frequency of creditcard use could be a predictor of heavy US videotape use. No single variable was identified as a discriminator between heavy Korean videotape users and non-users. 152
Table 4.42 Selected Media Variables by VCR Use
Media Variables Heavy User Non-User Total Chisq. P Value
Sundaypaper by VCR Use 4.957 .026
No Subs. 66 50.8 64 49.2 130 61.0 Subscribed 55 66.3 28 33.7 83 39.0 Total 121 56.8 92 43.2 213 100.0
Hobby magazines by VCR Use 5.885 .015
No Subs. 73 51.0 70 49.0 143 67.1 Subscribed 48 68.6 22 31.4 70 32.9 Total 121 56.8 92 43.2 213 100.0
CD Player by VCR Use 8.896 .012
Not owned 93 52.8 83 47.2 176 82.6 Owned 28 75.7 9 24.3 37 16.9 Total 121 56.8 92 43.2 213 100.0
Sundaypaper by US Videotape Use 4.867 .027
No Subs. 15 11.5 115 88.5 130 61.0 Subscribed 19 22.9 64 77.1 83 39.0 Total 34 16.0 179 84.0 213 100.0
More specifically, heavy VCR users comprised 71.4% of those who purchase music tapes or records sometimes, compared to 57.2% of those who purchase them "seldom." However, heavy
VCR users represented 31.6% of the frequent music tape purchasers. In other words, music tape or record purchasers were more likely to use VCR frequently than non-music tape or record purchasers. At the same time, however, those who purchased music tape or record frequently were less likely to use VCR than those who purchased music tape or record sometimes. Similar behavior was identified in going swimming and playing softball games. Heavy VCR users occupied 67.9% of those who went swimming sometimes, compared to 39.5% and 39.9% of those who went swimming "frequently" and "seldom," respectively. Heavy VCR users comprised 59.3% of those 153
Table 4.43 Lifestyle Variables by VCR Use [CHI-SQ]
Lifestyle Variables VCR use US Tape Korean Tape X? P X2 P X? p
Movies 2.088 .352 .441 .802 .077 .952 Telephone Korea 1.083 .582 .263 .323 1.182 .554 Concert .273.873 5.468 .065 .546 .761 Party 3.791 .150 5.879 .053 1.307 .526 Eat out 5.501 .064 .880 .644 1.493 .474 Trip 3.471 .176 .746 .689 1.266 .531
Purchase of tape/records 7.380 J125. 4.132 .127 1.466 .480 Purchase of book .916 .989 9.083 .169 5.781 .448 Creditcard 4.353 .113 9.916 .007 1.057 .589 Wine .204 .903 .657 .720 1.258 .537 Beer 1.325.516 2.572 .276 2.957 .228
Swim 7.161 .028 2.064 .356 .815 .665 Tennis .392 .822 1.657 .437 1.741 .419 Golf .220 .895 1.213 .545 2.800 .247 Softball 7.316 .026 .982 .612 .762 .683 Bowling 3.200 .202 2.562 .278 3.054 .217
who played softball sometimes, compared to 30.4% of "frequently" and 60.1% of "seldom." Heavy
US videotape users, however, comprised 24.0% of those who used creditcard frequently, compared to 7.4% of those who used them "sometimes" and those who used them "seldom.”
(Table 4.44).
In summary, Korean VCR owners were significantly different from non-owners in such demographics as income level, the length of residency in the US, visa status, housing, occupation, number of children, and age. VCR owners were different from non-owners in lifestyles such as the frequency of having a party or meeting friends, the frequency of creditcard use, playing golf and softball games. They were also different from each other in other media use such as both Korean and US daily subscription, hobby magazine, news weekly, professional journal subscription, compact disc player and personal computer ownership, and the frequency of US daily readership.
Some significant differences were also found between cable TV subscribers and non- subscribers 154
Table 4.44 Selected Lifestyle Variables by VCR Use
Lifestyle Variables Heavy User Non-User Total Chisq. P Value
Purchase of Music Tape by VCR Use 7.380 .025
Frequently 6 31.6 13 68.4 19 8.9 Sometimes 20 71.4 8 28.6 28 13.2 Seldom 95 57.2 71 42.8 166 77.9 Total 121 56.8 92 43.2 213 100.0
Swimming by VCR Use 7.161 .028
Frequently 17 39.5 26 60.5 43 20.2 Sometimes 19 67.9 9 32.1 28 13.2 Seldom 85 39.9 57 40.1 142 66.7 Total 121 56.8 92 43.2 213 100.0
Softball by VCR Use 7.316 .026
Frequently 7 30.4 16 69.6 23 10.8 Sometimes 16 59.3 11 40.7 27 12.7 Seldom 98 60.1 65 39.9 163 76.5 Total 121 56.8 92 43.2 213 100.0
Creditcard Use by US Videotape Use 9.916 .007
Frequently 25 24.0 79 76.0 104 48.8 Sometimes 2 7.4 26 92.6 28 13.2 Seldom 7 8.6 74 91.4 81 38.0 Total 34 16.0 179 84.0 213 100.0
in the following variables: income, housing, the length of residency in the US, visa status, the frequency of playing golf and softball and professional journal subscription.
In other words, VCR owners were more likely to have higher income, longer residency in the US, homes, US citizenship, more children, and to be older than non-owners. They were more likely to meet their friends or have a party, and to play golf but less likely to play softball gam es than non-owners. They were also more likely to subscribe to Korean and US daily newspapers, hobby magazines, weekly news magazines, and professional journals, and to own compact disc players and home computers, and to read US daily newspapers than non-VCR owners. Similarly, cable 155 subscribers were more likely to have higher income, longer residency in the US, homes, and US citizenship than non-cable subscribers. They were also more likely to play golf but less likely to play softball and more likely to subscribe to professional journals than non-cable television subscribers.
In addition, the lifestyle variables were more likely to discriminate both VCR owners and cable television subscribers than the structural or media variables. The media variables were more likely to discriminate non-VCR owners than the lifestyle variables or the structural variables. In contrast, the structural variables were more likely to discriminate non-cable television subscribers than the lifestyle variables or the media variables.
Some significant differences were also found between heavy VCR user and non-users in terms of the number of children, income, the length of residency in the US, Sunday paper and hobby magazine subscription, and CD player ownership, the frequency of purchasing music tape or records, and the frequency of going swimming or playing softball games. Heavy US tape users were different from non-users in their Sundaypaper subscription and the frequency of creditcard use. Also heavy Korean videotape users were different from non-heavy users in the length of residency in the US.
4.4 RESEARCH QUESTION 3: Do Korean VCR owners and cable TV subscribers differ from non-owners and non-cable subscribers in television program preference, viewing time, and in their choice of a specific medium in a specific situation? How do Koreans perceive the impact of the
VCR on their daily lives and react upon the Korean cable channel?
Preferences can be explained from three different dimensions: choice of program content, choice of viewing time, and choice of medium. Thus, this section will be devoted to the analyses of (1) TV program preference between VCR owners and non-owners, between cable subscribers subscribers and non-subscribers, between immigrants and students, and the relationship between television program preference and electronic media alternative; (2) electronic media viewing time; (3) audience choice of a specific medium for specific need; (4) the VCR's impact on Koreans daily lives; and finally (5) Korean's reaction to Korean cable channel. 1 5 6
Table 4.45 TV Program Preference by VCR Ownership
Genre VCR NOVCR X2 PValK
Movies 32.2 64.1 18.668 .000 Mini/Weekly series 14.8 10.9 .558 .453 Soaps 5.4 4.7 .042 .837 Comedy 14.8 20.3 1.003 .317 Talk show 6.0 10.9 1.545 .214 Variety show 10.7 4.7 2.017 .155 News Local 38.3 29.7 1.432 .231 National 73.2 78.1 .584 .445 Children Entertainment 6.0 6.3 .003 .953 Education a 1 1*3 3.740 .053 Sports 44.3 37.5 .847 .357 Arts / Culture 11.4 4.7 2.378 .123 Religion 2.7 .0 -- Documentary h a 3*1 3.782 .052 Other 0.7 .0 -- Seldom use 6.7 3.1 - .298
4.4.1 Television Program Preference
Significant differences were found between VCR owners and non-owners in some TV program genres. For example, 63.5% of non-VCR owners [=NOVCR] watched TV movies during the last two weeks, compared to 32.2% of VCR owners [=VCR]. This difference was statistically significant ( X2 = 18.668 at P=.0001). While 8.7% of VCR watched children's educational programs on TV, only 1.6% of NOVCR did. About eleven percent of the former group watched documentaries on TV, compared to 3.2% of the latter. While similar proportion of both groups watched national news (73.2% versus 79.4%), VCR (10.7%) seem more likely to watch local news than NOVCR (4.8%). However, these differences were, statistically, not significant (Table
4.45).
The percentages of cable and non-cable groups who watched national news were 73.2% and 75.2%, respectively. In contrast, only 17.9% of cable homes watched local news, compared to
42.2% of non-cable groups. More than half of cable subscribers (55.4%) watched sports programs 157
Table 4.46 TV Program Preference by Cable Television Subscription
Genre CATV NOCATV X? P Value
Movie 35.7 44.0 1.151 .283 Mini/Weekly series 7.1 15.9 2.706 .100 Soaps 5.4 5.1 .006 .939 Comedy 21.4 14.7 1.381 .240 Tafl< show 7.1 7.7 .015 .903 Variety show 10.2 5.4 1.187 .276 News Local 17.9 42.0 10.517 s m National 73.2 75.2 .083 .774 Children's Entertainment 8.9 5.1 1.058 .304 Children's Education 7.1 6.4 .040 .841 Sports 55.4 37.6 5.346 Arts / Culture 7.1 10.2 .451 .502 Religion 1.8 1.9 .004 - Documentary 10.7 8.3 .301 .583 Other .0 .6 -- Seldom use 3.6 6.4 .608 .436
on television, compared to non-subscribers' 37.6% (Table 4.46). This difference was statistically significant. For mini or weekly TV series, 7.9% of cable homes ivatched, compared to15.9%T of non-cable homes. A similar number of both VCR owners and non-owners watched children's entertainment and soaps, while a similar proportion of both cable homes and non-cable homes watched soaps and talkshow programs.
National news (74.9%) was the most popular TV program during the survey period, followed by sports, movies, and local news with 42.7%, 41.7%, and 35.5%, respectively. Slightly more than half of the immigrants watched sports programs on TV, compared to students' 34.3%. In contrast,
28.6% of immigrants watched TV movies, compared to 54.6% of students in the same category.
These differences were statistically significant. Students seem more likely to watch comedies
(20.4% vs. 12.4%) and TV talk shows (10.2% vs. 4.8%), and less likely to watch local news (31.5% vs. 40.0%) than immigrants. However, these differences were statistically not significant (Table
4.47). 158
Table 4.47 The Preference of Television Programs between Immigrants and Students (N=213)
Genre Total Student Immigrant X2 PValue
News (national) 74.9 72.2 77.1 .681 .409 (local) 35.5 31.5 40.0 1.683 .194
Sports 42.7 34.3 50.5 5.738 .017 Movies 41.7 54.6 28.6 14.862 .000 Comedies 16.6 20.4 12.4 2.475 .116 Mini /Weekly 13.6 14.8 12.4 .268 .605 Children’s Program (education) 12.3 5.6 6.7 .003 .957 (entertainment) 13.2 6.5 6.7 .115 .735
Culture and Arts 9.0 6.5 12.4 2.178 .140 Documentaries 8.5 7.4 10.5 .617 .437 Variety / Entertainment 8.5 9.3 8.6 .031 .860 Talk Shows 7.6 10.2 4.8 2.254 .133 Soaps 5.2 4.6 5.7 .128 .721 Others 2.4 - 4.8 1.033 .309 None 5.7 4.6 6.7 .416 .519
Table 4.48 shows that the more media alternatives there were, the less movies and the more sports programs on TV were being watched by Koreans in the sample area. For example,
59.6% of TVONLY households watched movies on TV, compared to 36.2% of VCR owners and 22.7% of VCR as well as cable households. In contrast, 34.6% of TVONLY watched sports programs on TV, compared to 39.1% of VCR households and 56.8% of VCR as well as cable households.
For adult movies which were not available on broadcast television, preference for cable or the VCR w as about even. For example, similar proportion of VCR-only [=VCR] households (N=105) and cable-only [=Cable] households (n=12) (23.8% versus 25.0%) reported that the availability of adult video movies was an important reason for purchasing the VCR. The accessibility of adult 159
Table 4.48 TV Program Preference and Electronic Video Media
Genre TV VCR Cable CA&VCR Total (N=52) (N=105) (N=12) (N=44) (N=21Z
Movie 59.6 36.2 83.3 2 2 Z 41.8 Mini/Weekly 9.8 19.1 16.7 4.5 15.6 Soaps 5.8 4.8 - 6.8 5.2 Comedy 19.2 12.4 25.0 20.5 16.4 Talkshow 13.5 4.8 - 9.1 7.5 Variety 3.8 13.3 8.3 4.5 8.9 Children’s entertainment 5.8 4.8 8.3 9.1 6.1 Children's education 1 2 2 S - 2 1 6.6 Sports 34.6 3 2 1 50.0 56.8 42.3 Arts/culture 3.8 13.3 8.3 6.8 9.4 Documentary 1.9 11.4 8.3 6.8 9.4 News: Local 36.5 44.8 - 22.7 35.7 National 84.6 70.5 50.0 79.5 74.6 Other - 1.0 - 2.3 0.5
Adult movie Reasons - 23.8 25.0 25.0/20.5 - Rent tape - 4.8 - 2.3 - Cable program “ “ 33.3 9.1 -
The total sample was reclassified here for exclusivity.
movies contributed to 25.3% of VCR as well as cable [CA&VCR] households (N=44) as a factor for buying the VCR and to 20.5% them as a reason for subscribing to cable television. During the survey period, 4.8% of VCR households rented adult movies, compared to 2.3% in VCR as well as cable households. While 33.3% of CABLEONLY households watched adult movies on cable television, 9.1% of VCR as well as cable households viewed them (Table 4.48).
4.4.2 Electronic Media Viewing Time
Audience preference also considers free but limited time. According to the survey data,
44.3% of TVONLY households watched TV "whenever" available, compared to 26.8% and 21.5% of cable TV households and VCR households respectively. During weekday evenings, TV viewing 160
Table 4.49 Television Viewing Time among 7VONLY, CABLE, and VCR (% represent within group)
Day of Week TVONLY CABLE VCR ("=56) (n=56) (n=149)
SUN morning 1.9 . 1.4 afternoon - 1.8 2.0 evening 1.9 1.8 4.7 Total2.7 3.5 8.1
SAT morning 3.8 - .7 afternoon 1.9 3.6 4.0 evening 1.9 14.3 14.7 Total7.5 17.8 18.3
FRI morning -- .7 afternoon 1.9 -- evening 5.8 14.3 6.8 Total 7.7 14.3 7.5
WEEK morning 1.9 1.8 1.3 afternoon 1.9 3.6 3.4 evening 15.3 19.6 13.3 Total 19.1 25.0 18.1
WHENEVER 44.3 2 £ £ 21.5 NOT FREQUENTLY 17.3 123 24.8
time preferences held as follows: 21.8% of TV-only households, 25% of cable subscribers, and
18% of VCR homes. However, cable television watching and VCR use were weekend activities:
7.6% of TVONLY household preferred to watch TV on Saturday, com pared to 17.9% of cable subscribers and 19.4% of VCR owners on the same time slot. In particular, 3.8% of both TVONLY households and cable households watched TV on Sunday compared to 8.1% of VCR owners in the same category (Table 4.49).
Overall, (1) the more media alternatives available, the more likely Koreans were to watch sports programs on TV; (2) the more media alternatives available, the less likely Koreans were significantly to watch sports programs on TV; (3) the more media alternatives available, the more 161
likely Koreans were to watch children’s educational programs on TV; (4) no significant difference was found in accessing adult programs among VCR-only homes, cable-only homes, and cable as well as VCR households; (5) cable subscribers and VCR owners prefer to use their electronic video media during the weekends; and (6) TV only households were more likely to watch TV programs whenever available than VCR owners or cable subscribers.
4.4.3 Medium Choice and Audience Needs
The respondents were asked to choose only one medium from the given six alternatives: newspapers (NP), TV, Cable TV, the VCR, Movies, and non-media activities. The 13 categories of uses and needs were cross tabulated with these six functional alternatives. In particular, the choice of specific medium in a given situation for cable TV subscribers is compared to that of non-cable television subscribers, and the choice of VCR owners compared to that of non-VCR owners in order to see whether there are meaningful differences of medium choice existing due to VCR ownership and cable TV subscription.
GENERAL NEWS: Newspapers were, of course, the primary source for general news
(61.6%), followed by TV (29.6%). While a similar proportion of cable TV subscribers and non subscribers read newspapers for getting general news (50.0% v. 48.2%), non-subscribers were more likely to watch TV than cable subscribers (45.5% v. 36.0%), and cable subscribers were more likely to depend on non-media channels (like interpersonal channels) than non-cable subscribers
(10.0% v. 3.7%) for this need. In contrast, VCR owners were less likely to read newspapers and more likely to watch TV than non-VCR owners (44.6% v. 58.2% and 46.9% v. 34.6% respectively).
In other words, while cable TV subscribers preferred newspapers to television (50.0% v. 36.0%) for this need, non-cable subscribers preferred newspapers and TV similarly (48.2% v. 45.5%). In contrast, while VCR owners preferred newspapers and TV similarly (44.6% v. 46.9%), non-VCR owners preferred newspapers to TV (58.2% v. 34.6%). Chi square test shows that the difference between cable homes and non-cable homes was statistically significant, and the difference between VCR owners and non-owners was not. However, the test results may not be appropriate 162
Table 4.50 Medium Choice Differences by VCR Ownership and CATV Subscription - 1
Needs NP TV Cable VCR Movie Non X2 MecSa P Value
General news Total 61.6 29.6 3.2 .5 4.9 CATV 50.0 36.0 4.0 -- 10.0 10.044 NOCATV 48.2 45.5 - 2.2 - 3.7 .040* VCR 44.6 46.9 1.5 2.3 - 4.6 10.044
NOVCR 58.2 34.6 --- 7.3 .244
News about Total 77.0 10.4 3.3 4.9 4.4 Korea CATV 72.0 10.0 10.0 2.0 - 6.0 11.325 NOCATV 79.0 11.3 - 6.0 - 3.8 .023* VCR 73.1 10.8 3.9 6.9 - 5.4 6.148
NOVCR 86.8 9.4 1.9 - - 1.9 1.188
About Korean Total 33.1 .2 .2 39.2 .1 24.9 Entertainment CATV 43.8 2.1 - 31.3 - 22.9 5.022 NOCATV 29.3 .8 - 44.4 - 25.6 .413 VCR 29.5 1.6 1.6 45.0 - 22.5 7.701
NOVCR 42.3 -- 26.9* - 30.8 .173
Learning Total 12.2 68.3 1.6 6.9 .5 9.0 English CATV 23.5 60.8 2.0 3.9 - 9.8 10.456 NOCATV 8.0 72.5 - 8.0 2.9 8.7 .063 VCR 15.0 60.2 1.5 8.3 3.0 12.0 14.920
NOVCR 5.4 87.5 1.8 3.4 - 1.8 .011
US Total 9.9 68.0 3.9 3.9 2.8 11.6 Culture CATV 12.3 57.1 12.2 - 2.1 16.3 17.724 NOCATV 9.1 72.8 - 5.3 3.0 9.9 .003 VCR 11.7 64.8 5.5 5.5 2.3 10.2 8.868 NOVCR 5.7 75.5 -- 3.8 15.1 .114
Korean Custom Total 21.3 3.8 2.2 51.9 .5 20.2 CATV 34.0 4.0 - 44.0 - 18.0 8.080 NOCATV 16.5 3.8 - 57.9 .8 21.1 .152 VCR 16.9 3.9 3.1 59.2 .8 16.2 14.394 NOVCR 32.1 3.8 “ 34.0* “ 30.2 .013
* means chi square test for this variable may not be valid due to its small sample size of some cells. 163
Table 4.51 Medium Choice Differences by VCR Ownership and CATV Subscription - II
Needs NP TV Cable VCR Movie Non-media X2
Nothing better Total 12.4 54.4 7.2 15.9 3.7 9.5 to do CATV 21.6 43.1 15.7 13.7 3.9 2.0 17.693 NOCATV 9.5 54.7 - 20.2 3.6 12.2 .003 VCR 15.0 45.1 6.0 21.8 2.3 9.8 18.726 NOVCR 7.0 66.7 8.8 - 7.0 8.8 1 2
When Lonely Total 9.9 44.1 3.9 12.3 7.8 14.0 CATV 3.1 45.1 1.5 28.2 6.1 16.0 12.168 NOCATV 6.3 41.7 - 31.2 12.5 8.3 ■033 VCR 4.7 37.8 3.2 35.4 4.7 14.2 24.761 NOVCR 1.9 60.0 5.8 - 15.4 13.5 .000
To Relax Total 5.0 28.2 6.6 19.9 .6 34.8 CATV 10.2 36.7 14.3 16.3 2.0 20.4 17.292 NOCATV 3.0 28.8 - 21.2 6.8 40.2 .004 VCR 5.7 27.3 7.0 25.8 2.3 32.8 16.420 NOVCR 4.7 35.9 5.7 - 13.2 39.6 M £
To be with Total 1.1 56.8 5.5 14.2 4.4 18.0 Family CATV - 46.0 12.0 18.0 6.0 18.0 8.663 NOCATV 1.5 63.9 - 12.8 3.8 18.1 .123 VCR - 41.9 6.5 35.5 6.5 9.7 4.582 NOVCR 1.3 69.9 6.3 - 4.0 19.7 .012*
Friends Total .5 19.9 6.1 21.5 4.4 46.4 CATV 4.1 14.3 12.2 20.4 4.1 44.9 7.739 NOCATV .8 25.8 - 22.0 4.6 47.0 .171 VCR 1.6 16.4 7.1 26.6 5.5 43.0 10.651 NOVCR 1.9 37.6 3.8 - 1.9 54.7 .059
Children’s Total 1.1 20.2 6.2 33.1 6.2 33.1 Entertainment CATV 2.1 31.3 16.7 20.8 6.3 22.9 21.266 NOCATV .8 16.2 2.3 37.7 6.2 36.9 ■001 VCR 1.6 18.0 7.8 39.8 4.7 28.1 15.169 NOVCR - 26.0 2.0 16.0* 10.0 46.0 .010
Children's Total 10.1 17.4 5.6 28.1 3.4 35.4 Education CATV 18.8 20.8 10.4 14.6 2.1 14.3 12.654 NOCATV .9 16.2 3.9 33.1 3.9 36.2 .027 VCR 19.4 14.1 6.3 32.0 3.1 33.6 6.591 NOVCR 8.0 26.0 4.0 18.0* 4.0 40.0 .253
* means Chi square test for this variable may not be valid due to its small sample size of som e cells. 164 to compare the real differences because of the small numbers in cable TV, VCR, and Movie cells.
NEWS ABOUT KOREA: For news about Korea, newspapers (77.0%) came first, followed by TV (10.4%) and video (4.9%). No significant difference was found between VCR homes and non-VCR homes or between cable homes and non-cable homes in their use of broadcast television for this purpose. However, non-VCR owners and non-cable subscribers seemed more likely to read newspapers than VCR owners (79.7% v. 72.0%) and cable television subscribers (86.8% v.
73.1%), respectively. It is interesting to note that the VCR was used not only as a entertainment medium but also as a news medium. For example, some respondents would watch Korean videotapes in order to "know about what happened to Korea" because a fair amount of Korean videotapes included News programs at the end of TV shows, soaps, or mini series, although the news were sometimes several months old. No significant difference was found in medium preference for this need between owners and non-owners and between subscribers and non-subscribers.
KOREAN ENTERTAINMENT: For getting information about Korean entertainers and entertainment, the VCR (39.2%) came first, followed by newspapers (33.1%) and non-media channels or activities (24.9%). Cable homes were less likely to watch TV for this need than non cable homes (31.3% v. 44.4%). It is interesting to note that while 45.0% of VCR owners regarded the VCR as the most valuable medium for Korean entertainment, even 26.9% of non-VCR owners agreed. Cable homes were more likely to read newspapers than non-cable homes (43.8% v.
29.3%), while non-VCR homes were more likely to read newspapers than VCR owners (42.3% v.
29.5%). Non-VCR homes seemed more likely to depend upon other than media channels than
VCR owners (30.8% v. 22.5%). In other words, CATV preferred newspapers to the video cassette recorder, while NOCATV preferred the video cassettes to newspapers.
LEARNING ENGLISH: TV was the most preferred medium for learning English (68.3%), followed by newspapers (12.2%) and non-media activities (9.0%). While no significant difference was found in newspaper reading for this need between VCR owners and non-owners and between cable TV subscribers and non-subscribers, non-cable subscribers and non-VCR owners were more 165
likely to watch TV than VCR owners (72.5% v. 60.8%) and cable subscribers (87.5% v. 60.2%). It
was also found that VCR owners were more likely to depend on non-media channels for learning
English than non-VCR owners (12.0% v. 1.8%). Although both CATV and NOCATV preferred TV
to newspapers for this need, CATV were more likely to read newspapers than NOCATV. This was
so between VCR and NOVCR.
US CULTURE: For Koreans in the Columbus area, 68.0% said TV was the primary source
for learning US culture, followed by non-media channels (11.6%) and newspapers (9.9 %).
Non-cable TV subscribers and non-VCR owners were more likely to watch TV for learning about US
culture than cable subscribers (72.8% v. 57.1%) and VCR owners (75.5% v. 64.8%), respectively.
In contrast, cable subscribers and VCR owners were more likely to read newspapers than non-cable
subscribers and non-VCR owners for this purpose (12.9% v. 9.1% and 11.7% v. 5.7%,
respectively). While a slightly greater proportion of cable subscribers were dependent upon
non-media channels for this purpose (16.3% v. 9.3%), a slightly smaller proportion of VCR owners
were dependent upon non-media channels than non-VCR owners (10.2% v. 15.1%). Both CATV
and NOCATV preferred TV to newspapers for this need. However, CATV were more likely to read
newspapers than NOCATV. This was so between VCR and NOVCR.
KOREAN CUSTOMS: For maintaining or learning Korean custom, video was the primary
source (51.9%), followed by newspapers (21.3%) and non-media channels (20.2%). For this need,
cable subscribers were more likely to read newspapers than non-subscribers (34.0% v. 16.5%), while non-VCR owners were more likely to read newspapers than VCR owners (16.9% v. 32.1%).
At the same time, non-VCR owners were more likely to depend on non-media channels than VCR owners (30.2% v. 16.2%). 57.9% of non-cable TV subscribers used their VCRs for this need, compared to 44.0% of cable subscribers. Interestingly, 34.0% of non-VCR owners would use their
VCRs for this need if they had one. In other words, both CATV and NOCATV preferred the VCR to newspapers for this need. However, CATV were more likely to read newspapers than NOCATV. In contrast, VCR as well as NOVCR preferred the VCR, NOVCR were more likely to read newspapers than VCR. 166
NOTHING BETTER TO DO: When Koreans had "nothing better to do," television became
the first companion (54.4%), followed by the VCR (15.9%), and newspaper reading (12.4%). For
the same need, non-cable homes and non-VCR homes were more likely to watch TV than cable
homes and VCR homes (54.7% v. 43.1% and 66.7% v 45.1%), respectively. Cable subscribers
and VCR owners were more likely to read newspapers than non-subscribers and non-owners
(21.6% v. 9.5% and 15.0% v. 7.0%), respectively. While no significant difference was found for this
need between VCR owners and non-owners in their use of other than media channels, non-cable
subscribers were more likely to watch VCRs (20.2% v. 13.7%) and to depend on other than media
channels (12.2% v. 2.0%).
WHEN LONELY: When Koreans felt lonely, 44.1% watched TV, compared to non-media
channels 14.0%, VCR use 12.3%, newspaper reading 9.9%, and movie going 7.8%. Non-VCR
owners were more likely to watch TV (60.0% v. 37.8%) and go movies (15.4% v. 5.7%) than
VCR owners for this need. While no difference was found in their dependence on non-media
channels for this need between VCR owners and non-owners, cable subscribers seemed more
likely to depend on non-media channels than non-cable subscribers (16.0% v. 8.3%).
TO RELAX: Unlike some uses and gratifications studies which include this need as one of
the media related needs, Koreans in the Columbus were more likely to depend on non-media
channels or activities ( 34.8%) than even TV (28.2%) and the VCR (19.9%) for this need. In
particular, non-VCR owners and non-cable subscribers were more likely to depend on non-media
channels or activities than VCR owners or cable TV subscribers (40.2% v. 20.4% and 39.6% v.
32.8%, respectively). In other words, TV was preferred to non-media activities by CATV, while
non-media activities were preferred to TV by NOCATV. Yet, this different preference was not found
between VCR and NOVCR.
BEING WITH FAMILY: As a means of being with family, the primer was TV (56.8%), followed
by non-media activities (18.0%) and VCR use (14.2%). NOVCR and NOCATV were more likely to watch TV than VCR and CATV (63.9% v. 46.0% and 69.9% v. 41.9%, respectively). 19.7% of
NOVCR were dependent on non-media channels for this need, compared to 9.7% of VCR. 167
WHEN FRIENDS VISIT: Non-media activities were the first choice (46.4%), followed by VCR
(21.5%) and TV (19.9%). While no significant difference was found between CATV and NOCATV in
non-media use, NOVCR were more likely to depend on non-media activities than VCR (54.7% vs.
43.0%). No significant difference was identified between CATV and NOCATV, while NOCATV and
NOVCR were more likely to watch TV than CATV and VCR in this particular situation.
CHILDREN'S ENTERTAINMENT: Non-media activities and VCR use were the primary
sources for Korean children's entertainment needs, followed by television 20.2%, movies and cable
TV 6.2% respectively. NOVCR were more likely to watch TV than VCR (26.0% v. 18.0%,
respectively) for this need and more likely to depend on non-media channels than VCR (46.0% v.
28.1%). In contrast, CATV were more likely to watch TV (31.3% v. 16.2%), less likely to use the
VCR (20.8% v. 37.7%), and less likely to depend on non-media channels (22.9% v. 36.9%) than
NOCATV.
CHILDREN'S EDUCATION: Non-media channels represented 35.4% for children's
education, followed by VCR use 9.7%, TV 17.4%, and newspapers 10.1%. VCR and CATV were
less likely to depend on non-media channels than NOVCR and NOCATV (14.3% v. 36.2% and
33.6% v. 40.0%, respectively). NOVCR were more likely to use VCRs than CATV (14.6% v. 33.1%)
for this purpose.
Overall, newspaper was the most popular medium for news about both Korea and US, while
TV was the one for learning English and US culture, for passing time, and socialization needs. The
VCR was utilized mainly as an alternative medium when newspaper or television could not provide the Korean's needs such as Korean entertainment and customs. However, this medium's contribution to family reunion, children's entertainment as well as education, and alternative sources for learning and getting general information was also important. In particular, non-media channels or activities were more important than TV and the VCR for relaxing, children's entertainment as well as education, and as a means of doing something when friends come over. Different medium choice for the same need between cable homes and non-cable homes and between VCR homes and non-VCR homes were identified. Despite that statistical tests for the significance of differences 168
might not be valid because of the small sample size of some cells, it was clear that people made
trade-offs between various media according to what was available or accessible. In particular, VCR
owners or cable subscribers were more likely to use newspapers almost all the time and non-media
channels sometimes than non-VCR owners and non-cable subscribers, respectively.
4.4.4 The VCR's Impact on Koreans Daily lives
The respondents were asked their perceptions about the following 6 questions in the Table
4.42 with 5 different scales - from strongly disagree to strongly agree. Then, the answers were
recategorized into three groups [ No, Dont Know=DK, and Yes] by the researcher to calculate
Chi-square. These three groups of answers were cross tabulated by 6 different electronic video
media uses [each medium was dichotomized as heavy- versus non- or light-use]. Most questions
were related to some indoor media activities such as the frequency of TV viewing, the time with
family members, the time for listening to music, and time for reading books; or outdoor activities
such as the frequency of eating out, going movies, or just going out.
The respondents agreed that the frequency of watching TV had been reduced (43.6%),
compared to reduced movie going (26.9%), reduced listening to music (25.5%), reduced reading
(24.2%), and increased family time (21.5%). Only 12.1% agreed that the frequency of eating out
had been reduced since the purchase of VCRs, compared to just going out 4.7%. At least, the
respondents agreed that the time with family had been increased, while both the time for watching
TV and going movies decreased. However, a Chi-square test shows that there were big
differences of responses between those who were actively involved in VCR use and those who were not (Table 4.52).
In other words, this impact of VCRs on the respondents' daily lives was sometimes perceived significantly differently to those who were heavily involved or not involved in the activity.
For example, 53.3% of non-frequent movie goers responded to the "NO" about the question whether the frequency of movie going was affected by VCR use, compared to frequent enjoyers’
18.52%. In contrast, 29.6% of movie enjoyers replied "YES," compared to 19.7% of non-frequent 169
Table 4.52 The VCR's Perceived Impact on Daily Lives - 1
Group TV CABLE MOVIE VCR ATAPE KTAPi No DK Yes
reduced eating out .461 .066 .136 .068 .429 .026 73.1 14.8 12.1% 1.549 5.430 3.992 5.390 1.693 7.337
increased familytime .766 .235 .008 .030 .039 .072 46.0 32.5 21.5 1.146 4.260 11.911 8.942 8.357 7.008
reduced listening music .423 .776 .065 .004 .056 JML 50.3 24.2 25.5 1.721 .507 5.456 10.886 5.757 15.333
reduced reading time .996 .004 .100 .216 .859 J1Q1 57.0 18.8 24.2 .007 11.041 4.603 3.064 .303 14.003
reduced watching TV .508 .145 .557 JM .685 .132 34.2 22.2 43.6 1.356 3.867 1.169 21.280 .757 4.053
reduced goingout .908 .137 .037 .484 .077 .214 73.1 22.2 4.7 .194 3.980 6.613 1.453 5.125 3.079
reduced movie going .915 .162 .167 .088 .022 .126 46.2 26.9 26.9 .178 3.637 3.581 4.870 7.614 4.147
B = Chi-square value * = P value of the Chi-square
goers. These differences were statistically significant [p=.008]. Similar differences were found between heavy cable television watchers and non-watchers in their response to the "reduced reading time," and between heavy movie goers and non-goers in "the reduced frequency of going out." In particular, the following differences were noteworthy in the context of VCR use: the differences between heavy VCR users and non-users in the "increased family time," "reduced listening to music" and "TV watching"; between heavy US videotape users and non-users in the
"increased family time" and "reduced movie going"; and between heavy Korean videotape users and non-users in the "reduced frequency of eating out," "reduced listening to music" and "reading 170
Table 4.53 The VCR’s Perceived Impact on Daily Lives - II
.VCRusfl Familytime Listening Music TV viewing
X2/P 8.942 .030 10.886 .004 21.280 .000
Heavy None Heavy None Heavy None
No 60.4 39.6 67.9 40.6 52.8 24.0 DK 28.1 32.3 18.9 27.1 28.3 18.8 Yes 9.4 28.1 13.2 32.3 18.9 57.3
Amerfcantape Familytime Listening Music Movie going
X2/P 8.357 .039 5.757 .056 7.614 .022
Heavy None Heavy None Heavy None
No 53.0 26.4 53.9 38.2 51.3 29.4 DK 27.7 41.1 25.2 20.6 27.0 26.5 Yes 18.3 32.4 20.9 41.2 21.7 44.1
Koreantape Eating out Listening to Music Reading time
X2/P 7.337 .026 15.333 .000 14.003 .001
Heavy None Heavy None Heavy None
No 79.3 58.1 58.5 30.2 61.3 46.5 DK 12.3 20.9 24.5 23.3 13.4 5.4 Yes 8.5 20.9 17.0 46.5 19.8 34.9
time." Table 4.53 provides empirical evidence that those who were actively involved in other
existing media or outdoor activities perceived the VCR's impact more strongly than those who were
not.
4.4.5 Reaction to Korean Cable Channel
Finally, non-cable subscribers (n=122) were asked whether they would subscribe to cable
TV if a Korean channel is available in the Columbus area. This would be possible competition 171
Table 4.54 Korean Cable TV vs. VCRs - 1
Group TV CABLE MOVIE VCR ATAPE KTAPE NO DK Yes
I will subscribe to Korean .989 .554 .721 .003 .858 .044 Cable, if it is available .023 1.183 .653 11.506 .306 6.246 19.8 26.2 54.0
VCR use would be decreased .293 .310 .650 .001 .663 .000 2.458 2.341 .862 13.840 .823 18.249 30.3 34.4 35.3
TV use would be decreased .035 .364 .982 .663 .290 .605 6.710 2.019 .036 .822 2.479 1.004 28.6 31.8 39.7
Table 4.55 Korean Cable TV vs. VCRs - II (n=122)
Group Low High Total Low High Total
Will subscribe to Korean cable Korean tape User
No . 22.8 M 19.8 DK -- 28.7 16.0 26.2 Yes -- 48.5 76.0 54.0 Total - - 80.2 19.8 100.0
Will reduce VCR use VCR User Koreantape User
No 40.9 17.9 30.3 36.7 14.2 30.3 DK 37.9 30.4 34.4 36.7 25.0 34.4 Yes 2 1 2 51.8 35.3 26.5 70.8 35.3 Total 54.1 45.9 100.0 80.3 19.7 100.0
between cable TV and VCRs among the Koreans in the area. Slightly more than half of the respondents were willing to subscribe to 'it (54.0%), while 19.8% would not. 26.2% were not sure about it. While 35.3% thought that they would decrease VCR use if Korean cable is available, 172
30.0% would not and 34.4% were not sure. At the same time, 39.7% reported that they might decrease their TV viewing time, 28.6% "No," and 31.8% "Don't Know" (Table 4.54). This response also strongly reflected the respondent's current involvement in media activities. In particular, the differences between heavy VCR users and non-users and between heavy Korean videotape users and non-users.
For example, 22.8% of the Low Korean videotape users responded "No" for the question of whether they would subscribe to Korean cable channel, compared to High group's 8.0%. In contrast, 76.0% of the High reported "Yes," compared the LOW’S 48.5%. Similarly, these two groups (HIGH and LOW) show significant differences in their responses to the possibility of reduced
VCR use. More than half of the HIGH VCR users (51.8%) agreed that Korean cable might reduce their VCR use, compared to LOW VCR users’ 21.2%. A bigger difference was found between HIGH
Korean videotape users and LOW: 26.5% of the LOW agreed the possibility, compared to HIGH's
70.8%.
Overall, Koreans in the Columbus area perceived that the VCR not only affected media activities such as TV viewing or listening to music but also other outdoor free time activities such as movie going or eating out. Those who were heavily involved in existing media activities such as frequent VCR use or Korean videotape use were more likely to perceive the impact of VCRs than those who were not involved. More than half of non-cable subscribers were willing to subscribe cable if a Korean channel was available, while about 20.0% would not. 35.3% of non-cable subscribers thought that they would decrease their VCR use if Korean cable was available, while
39.7% would do with TV viewing. These responses also strongly reflected their involvement in other existing media activities. In particular, heavy VCR users and heavy Korean videotape users were more likely to perceive Korean cable channel's impact on their VCR use strongly than the others.
In summary, the more media alternatives that were available, the more likely Koreans would watch both sports and children's educational programs on TV and the less likely they would watch movies on TV. A slight difference was found in accessing adult programs among VCR-only homes, 173 cable-only homes, and cable as well as VCR households. Cable subscribers and VCR owners preferred to use their electronic media during the weekends, while TV only households were more likely to watch TV programs whenever available than VCR owners or cable subscribers.
While TV and newspapers were at the top for most needs, the VCR was utilized mainly as an alternative medium when newspaper or television could not provide the Korean’s needs such as
Korean entertainment and customs. However, this medium's contribution to family union, children’s entertainment as well as education, and alternative sources for learning was also of importance.
Different medium choice for the same need between cable homes and non-cable homes and between VCR homes and non-VCR homes were identified, although some statistical tests for the significance of differences might not be valid because of the small sample size of some cells. In particular, VCR owners or cable TV subscribers were more likely to use newspapers almost all the times and non-media channels sometimes than non-VCR owners and non-cable subscribers.
Koreans in the Columbus area perceived that the VCR not only affected media activities such as TV viewing or listening to music but also other outdoor free time activities such as movie going or eating out. In addition, more than half of non-cable subscribers were willing to subscribe cable if a Korean channel was available, while about 20.0% would not. About 35% of non-cable subscribers thought that they would decrease their VCR use if Korean cable channel is accessible, while 39.7% would do with TV viewing. In particular, heavy users were more likely to perceive the impacts stronger than non- or light users.
4.5 RESEARCH QUESTION 4: What are the relationships between the general media including the VCR and the acculturation process? Are there any significant differences existing between heavy Korean videotape users and non-users in terms of acculturation related variables?
Are there any significant differences existing between heavy US videotape users and non-users in terms of acculturation related variables? Are there any significant differences existing between those users who recorded from TV or cable and those who did not in terms of acculturation related variables? 174
Table 4.56 Koreans’ Cultural Orientation (n= 213)
Cultural Variables Agree Disagree Don't Know Noappfic.
Preference of Korean food 85.9 9.4 1.4 3.3
Preference of Korean costume 25.8 65.7 4.7 3.8
Anglicization of name 19.2 75.5 - 4.3
Anglicization of children's name 35.7 (50.7) 34.2 (49.3) - 34.2
English as the major spoken language at home 23.5 (33.8) 41.7 (60.1) 4.2 (6.1) 30.6
Preference of Intraracial marriage 54.5 (78.9) 4.6 (6.8) 9.9 (14.3) 31.0
( ) = Not Applicable values excluded
Six cultural variables were selected from previous studies on acculturation process for this study: (1) preference of Korean traditional food, (2) preference of Korean traditional costume, (3)
Anglicization of names at workplace, (4) Anglicization of children's names, (5) English as the major spoken language with children at home, and (6) attitude towards interracial marriage. First of all, the
Korean's orientation or attitude towards these cultural indicators will be presented in this section.
Second, Pearson correlation will be used for identifying some important relationships between three groups of variables and cultural indicators, and then will be compared to the cross tabulated results. Third, cultural indicators will be cross tabulated with VCR ownership and cable subscription.
Finally, cultural indicators will be cross tabulated with four different modes of VCR use.
4.5.1 Koreans' Cultural Preference
An overwhelming majority (85.9%) reported that they preferred Korean food to US food.
About 10% disagreed, 1.4% both, and 3.3% not applicable. In this question, however, 3.3% of NA
(not applicable) need to be included in "both." About one quarter (25.8%) wore Korean traditional 175
Table 4.57 Acculturation Indicators by Students and Immigrants (n=213)
Cultural Variables Agee Disagree NA&DK X2 pvakje Immig. Stud. Immig. Stud. Immig. Stud.
Korean food preference 82.9 88.9 12.4 6.5 4.8 4.6 2.201 .333 Korean costume 25.7 25.9 65.7 65.7 8.6 8.3 .005 .998 Anglicization of name 31.4 7.4 63.8 88.8 4.8 3.7 20.476 ■000 ____of children's name 60.0 12.0 31.0 47.2 10.1 40.1 53.394 Speaking English at home 44.8 2.8 33.3 50.0 21.9 47.2 53.339 ■000 Intraracial marriage 58.1 50.9 5.7 3.7 36.2 45.4 2.059 .357
costumes during some Korean holidays such as Korean Thanksgiving Day (=Chusuk) and New
Year's Day etc. Almost one fifth (19.2%) used US names at the workplace, compared to 75.5% of
"disagree." Less than one quarter (23.5%) agreed that they use English as the major spoken language with children at home. While 41.7% disagreed, 30.6% were not applicable. In other words, English is used between parents and children, while Korean language is used between spouses or elders. More than half (54.5%) of the respondents preferred intraracial marriage of their children, compared to only 4.6% of "disagree" about the insistence of intraracial marriage [i.e., favorable attitude towards interracial marriage] and 9.9% of "both." If 31.0% of "Not applicable" were not counted, only 6.8% were favorable to interracial marriage, compared to 78.9% of favorable attitudes towards intraracial marriage and 6.8% of "both" (Table 4.56).
Cultural variables were cross tabulated with immigrants vs. students (Table 4.57). Some significant differences were found between immigrants and students in Anglicization of names at the workplace and that of children's name, and English as the major spoken language at home.
For example, 31.4% of immigrants use US names at the workplace, compared to students’
7.4%. 60.0% of immigrants used their children's US name, compared to 12.0% of students.
Further, 44.8% of immigrants mainly used English as the major spoken language with children at home, compared to students' 2.8%. These differences were statistically significant. In contrast, no 176
difference was found between these two groups in the preference of Korean traditional costume,
Korean food, and attitude towards intraracial marriage.
4.5.2 The Relationships between Acculturation Indicators and Other Groups of Variables
The relationships between acculturation indicators and media or lifestyle variables were not
as strong as those between acculturation indicators and structural ones. English Daily Newspaper
subscription was positively correlated to Anglicization of names at the workplace (.344),
Anglicization of children's names (.436), and English as the major spoken language at home (.429).
The subscription of Weekly News Magazine was also positively related to English as the major
spoken language at home (.312). Ownership of computers was positively related to Anglicization
of children's names (.374) and English as the major spoken language at home (.297).
Korean food preference showed a negative correlate with income (-.294). Anglicization of
name is positively related to income (.284), Housing (.289), the length of stay in the US (.333), and visa status (.333). Anglicization of children's names is also strongly correlated to income (.571), occupation (.429), housing (.584), the length of stay in the US (.585), and visa status (.496).
English as the major spoken language at home is positively related to occupation (.429), income
(.571), housing (.555), the length of stay in the US (.555), visa status (.363), and age (.378). In particular, attitude towards intraracial marriage does not show any strong relationship with any structural variable. Among the lifestyle variables, only the frequency of going to concerts (.296) and playing golf (.336) were strongly correlated to English as the major spoken language with children at home (Table 4.58).
These three groups of independent variables were then cross tabulated with the 6 acculturation indicators in order to see the significance of differences of values within groups.
Chi-square results were marked with * in the Table 4.58. A further analysis of the relationship between 6 acculturation variables and those marked variables in the table [English Daily subscription and readership, weekly news magazine subscription, and home computer ownership from the
(not applicable) need to be included in "both." About one quarter (25.8%) wore Korean traditional 177 Table 4.58 The Relationship between Acculturation, Media, and Structural Variables ( Pearson Correlation and X2)
Korean Korean US US name Speak Intraracial Media Variables Food Costume Name Children English Marriage
Korean Daily Subscription .001 -.026 -.009 -.038 -.059 .112* Korean Daily Readership .066 .108 -.130 -.248 -.216* .100 US Daily Subscription -.094 -.070 2 M L .436* .429* -.198 US Daily Readership -.105 -.040 .139* .290* .256* -.144 Weekly News Subscription -.027 -.064 -.082 .190* .312* -.148 Weekly News Readership -.065 -.030 -.070 .010* .022* .091 Hobby Magazine -.081 .016 .051 .239* .191* -.092 Professional Journal .021 .059 .072 .194* .231* -.180 Radio/Music -.113 .099 .066 .150 -.023* -.123 Frequency of TV Viewing -.103 .117 .053 .011 .029 -.114 Frequency of Cable Viewing -.049* -.016 .144 .093 .131 -.236 Frequency of VCR Use .025* .109 .107 .277 .090 -.155 Movie Going -.054 -.075 .158 .163 .110 -.239 Compact Disk Players -.024 -.120 -.004 .022 .000 -.116* Personal Home Computers -.034 -.003 .171 ,374* .297* -.147
Education .194* .007 -.170* -.124 -.109* .085 Occupation -.037 -.024 .028* .254* ,429t -.101 Number of Children .173* .148 .061 .237* .224* .026* Income -.097 .284* ■520* -.279 Housing -.212* .010 .289* ■584t .5511 -.153* The Length of Stay in the US -.215* -.047 .333* .5251 .551* -.213 Marital Status .174 .075 .040 .204 .034 -.058 Visa Status -.107* -.028 .333* ,496* .363* -.176 Sex .031 -.106 -.126* -.119 -.034 -.068 Age -.055 -.062 .070* .251 -.139
Purchasing music tape -.119 .133 .059 .166 .010 .001 Purchasing book -.031 -.018 -.138 .077 .003 -.179 Wine -.019 .049 .094 .064 .063 -.020 Beer .038 .042 -.134 -.102 -.095* .059 Creditcard -.066 .128 .143 .186* .094* .013* Trip -.069 .073 .105 .155 .063 -.007 going movies -.054 -.075 .158 .163* .110* -.239 going concert -.010 .080 .263 .265* -.244 Party -.069 .144 .144 .157 .097* -.151 eating out .014 .108 -.037 -.066 -.132 .145 Swimming -.092 .128 .208 .136 .190 -.057 Tennis .002 -.144* -.081 -.029* -.006 -.079 Golf -.097 -.072 .184 .197 .336* -.072 Softball .035 -.047 -.067 -.159 -.117 .043 Bowling -.092 -.003 .017 .180 .244* -.088
_ = Relatively strong relationship; * = P value of X2 is significantly different; t = P value of X2 is significantly different but may not be valid due to small sample sizes in some cells. 178
Table 4.59 Angfcization of Names by Selected Variables
Variable Name NO YES TOTAL
Income X2 = 211.608 IPI = .000
LOW 88 58.7 7 18.4 95 50.5 MIDDLE 28 18.7 10 26.3 38 20.2 HIGH 34 22.7 21 55.3 55 29.3 Total 150 79.8 21 55.3 188 100.0
The Length of Stay X2 = 21.243 IPI = .000
Less than 2 Yrs 40 19.6 4 2.0 44 21.6 2 to 5 Years 62 38.0 7 17.1 69 33.8 5 to 10 Years 28 17.2 8 19.5 36 17.7 10 and longer 33 20.3 22 53.7 55 27.0 Total 163 79.9 41 20.1 204 100.0
Visa Status X2 = 23.570 IPI = .000
Korean 103 63.2 9 22.0 112 54.9 US 46 28.2 27 65.9 73 35.8 Resident 14 8.6 5 12.2 19 9.3 Total 163 79.9 41 20.1 204 100.0
English Daily Subscription X2= 11.062 IPI = .001
NO 129 79.1 22 53.7 151 74.0 YES 34 20.9 19 46.3 53 26.0 Total 163 79.9 41 20.1 204 100.0
group, and going to concerts and playing golf from the lifestyle group] shows that only three of the
six acculturation indicators - Anglicization of name at the workplace, Anglicization of children's
name, and English as the major spoken language with children at home - were significantly related to various variables. Considering that all of these were related to language, their correlation with the use of print media (such as English daily subscription or readership or weekly news magazine subscription) seems quite natural. At the same time, those significantly intercorrelated structural variables were reflected in the relationships between these three variables and K food preference: 179
Table 4.60 Anglicization of Children's Name
Variables NO NOTAPPUCABLE YES TOTAL
Income X2 = 57.414 IPI = .000
LOW 47 66.2 33 75.0 16 21.6 96 50.8 MIDDLE 17 23.9 6 13.6 15 20.3 38 20.1 HIGH 7 9.9 5 11.4 43 58.1 55 29.1 Total 71 37.6 44 23.3 74 39.2 189 100.0
The Length of Stay X2 = 71.583 IPI = .000
> 2Years 18 24.7 20 35.7 6 7.9 44 21.5 2 to 5 Years 37 50.7 21 37.5 2 15.8 70 34.2 5 to 10 Years 15 20.6 7 12.5 14 18.4 36 17.6 10 Years + 3 4.1 8 14.3 44 57.9 55 26.8 Total 73 35.6 56 27.3 76 37.1 205 100.0
Visa Status X2 = 64.366 IPI = .000
Korean 59 80.8 38 67.9 16 21.1 113 55.1 US Citizen 9 12.3 12 21.4 52 68.4 73 35.6 US Resident 5 6.9 6 10.7 8 10.5 19 9.3 Total 73 35.6 56 27.3 76 37.1 205 100.0
all these were negatively correlated. Thus, both Anglicization of name and children's name and
English as the major spoken language with children at home will be discussed in detail.
ANGLICIZATION OF NAME: The longer they have lived in the US or the higher the income,
the more they were likely to Anglicize their name at the workplace: 19.6% of those who have
lived less than 2 years have not Anglicized their names, compared to 2.0% of those who did.
The Anglicized group comprised 17.1% in the 2 to 5 years, compared to 38.0% of those who did
not. It was increased to 19.5% in the 5 to 10 years, compared to 17.2% of those who did not.
Anglicized group represented 53.7% of the 10 years and more, compared to 20.3% of those who did not. Similarly, 18.4% of Anglicized people represented in the L.OW income group, 26.3% in the
MIDDLE, and 55.3% in the HIGH, compared to the other group's 58.7% in the LOW, 18.7% in the
MIDDLE, and 22.7% in the HIGH. US citizenship holders comprised 65.9% of the Anglicized 180
people, compared to Korean citizenship holders' 22.0% and residents' 20.1%. English daily
subscribers represented 20.9% of the non-Anglicized and 46.3% of the Anglicized (Table 4.59).
ANGLICIZATION OF CHILDREN'S NAME: Some significant differences were found
between the people who Anglicized their children's name and those who did not in terms of their
income level, the length of slay in the US, and Visa status. As for Anglicization of children’s name,
NO group comprised 66.2% of the LOW, 23.9% in the MIDDLE, and 9.9% in the HIGH, compared to
YES group's 21.6%, 20.3% and 58.1%, respectively. Those who have Anglicized their children's
name comprised 24.7% of the less than 2 years of staying in the US, 50.7% in the 2 to 5 years,
20.6% in the 5 to 10 years, and only 4.1% in the 10 years and longer. In contrast, the other group
represented 35.7% in the less than 2 years, 37.5% in the 2 to 5 years, 12.5% in the 5 to 10 years,
and 57.9% in the 10 years and more. Korean citizenship holders comprised 80.8% of those who
have not Anglicized their children, compared to US citizenship holders' 12.3% and residents' 6.9%.
In contrast, Koreans occupied 21.1% of the Anglicized their children, compared to US citizenship
holders' 68.4% and residents' 10.5% (Table 4.60).
SPOKEN LANGUAGE: Many variables were correlated with the variable English as the
spoken language with children at home. In other words, significant differences were found
between those who speak in English with their children and who do not. The differences were also found in income, the length of stay in the US, visa status, and age from the structural variable group.
Differences between these two groups were also found in US daily subscription and readership, weekly news magazine subscription, and personal computer ownership from the media variable group. Also, the frequency of playing golf and going to concerts from the lifestyle variable group could be discriminant variables between these two groups. Considering that the findings of income, the length of stay in the US, and visa status were very similar to those in the previous two tables (4.59 and 5.60), the explanations for these variables will not be repeated here.
As for age by speaking English with children at home, the 40 to 49 years comprised 39.1% of YES and 10.7% of NO. The 50 and older comprised 17.4% of YES and 4.0% of NO. In contrast, the under 30 years comprised 8.7% of YES and 25.3% of NO. Similarly, the 30 to 39 years 181
Table 4.61 English as the Major Spoken Language at Home - 1
Variables NO NOT APPLICABLE YES TOTAL
Income X2 = 65.945 IPI = .000
LOW 52 59.8 39 73.6 5 10.2 96 50.8 MIDDLE 22 25.3 7 13.2 9 18.4 38 20.1 HIGH 13 14.9 7 13.2 35 71.4 55 29.1 Total 87 46.0 53 28.0 49 25.9 189 100.0
The Length of Stay X2 = 68.835 IPI = .000
> 2 Years 17 19.1 23 34.9 4 8.0 44 21.5 2 to 5 Years 42 47.2 26 39.4 2 4.0 70 34.2 5 to 10 Years 18 20.2 7 10.6 11 22.0 36 17.6 10 and longer 12 13.5 10 15.2 33 66.0 55 26.8 Total 89 43.4 66 32.2 50 24.4 205 100.0
Visa Status X2 = 47.979 IPI = .000
KOREAN 58 65.2 46 69.7 9 18.0 113 55.1 US Citizen 21 23.6 14 21.2 38 76.0 73 35.6 US Resident 10 11.2 6 9.1 3 6.0 19 9.3 Total 89 43.4 66 32.2 50 24.4 205 100.0
Age X2 = 49.421 IPI = .000
> 30 Years 19 25.3 27 48.2 4 8.7 50 28.2 30 to 39 Years 45 60.0 23 41.0 16 34.8 84 47.5 40 to 49 Years 8 10.7 1 1.8 18 39.1 27 15.3 50 and older 3 4.0 5 8.9 8 17.4 16 9.0 Total 75 42.4 56 31.6 46 26.0 177 100.0
English Daily Subscription X2 = 32.987 IPI = .000
NO 63 86.3 50 89.3 39 51.3 152 74.2 YES 10 13.7 6 10.7 37 48.7 53 25.8 Total 73 35.6 56 27.3 76 37.1 205 100.0
Weekly News Magazine X2 = 6.782 IPI = .034
NO 54 74.0 43 76.8 44 57.9 141 68.8 YES 19 26.0 13 23.2 32 42.1 64 31.2 Total 73 35.6 56 27.3 76 37.1 205 100.0 182
Table 4.62 English as the Major Spoken Language at Home - II
Variables NO NOT APPLICABLE YES TOTAL
PC Ownership X2 = 21.450 IPI = .000
NO 54 74.0 39 69.6 30 39.5 123 60.0 YES 19 26.0 17 30.4 46 60.5 82 40.0 Total 73 35.6 56 27.3 76 37.1 205 100.0
English Daily Readership X2 = 11.961 IPI = .018
FREQUENTLY 40 48.2 34 52.3 38 76.0 112 56.5 SOMETIMES 14 16.9 14 21.5 5 10.0 33 16.7 SELDOM 29 34.9 17 26.2 7 14.0 53 26.8 Total 83 41.9 65 32.8 50 25.3 198 100.0
Playing Golf X2 = 13.260 IPI = .010
FREQUENTLY 11 15.1 5 8.9 21 27.6 37 28.1 SOMETIMES 5 6.9 0 .0 5 6.6 10 4.9 SELDOM 57 78.1 51 91.1 50 65.8 158 77.0 Total 73 35.6 56 27.3 76 37.1 205 100.0
Going Concert X2 = 12.709 IPI = .013
FREQUENTLY 9 12.3 5 8.9 7 9.2 21 10.2 SOMETIMES 4 5.5 6 10.7 19 25.0 29 14.2 SELDOM 60 82.2 45 80.4 50 65.8 155 75.6 Total 73 35.6 56 27.3 76 37.1 205 100.0
comprised 34.8% of YES and 60.0% of NO. Weekly news magazine subscribers comprised 42.1%
of YES, compared to 26.0% of NO. Personal computer owners represented 60.5% of YES,
compared to 26.0% of NO. Those who read US daily FREQUENTLY occupied 76.0% of YES and
48.2% of NO, compared to SOMETIMES' 10.0% of YES and 16.9% of NO and SELDOM"s 14.0% of YES and 34.9% of NO. The frequent golfer comprised 27.6% of YES and 15.1% of NO, compared to SELDOM's 65.8% YES and 78.1% NO. It is interesting to note that there was no difference between the YES and NO among the frequent concert goers. However, YES comprised
25.6% of the SOMETIMES, compared to NO’s only 5.5%. Yes occupied 65.8% of SELDOM, 183
compared to NO's 82.2% (Tables 4.61 and 62).
Overall, the higher the income and the longer they have stayed in the United States, the
more they Anglicized their names at the workplace. US citizenship holders were significantly more
likely to use US names than residents or Korean citizenship holders. At the sam e time, English daily
subscribers were more likely to Anglicize their names than non-subscribers. Similarly, the higher the
income and the longer they have lived in the US, the more they Anglicized their children's names.
US citizenship holders were significantly more likely to Anglicize their children's name than Korean
citizenship holders and residents.
At the same time, the higher the income or the longer they have lived in the US, the more
they speak in English with their children at home. US citizenship holders were more likely to do the
same thing than Koreans or residents. The 40 to 49 age group were more likely to speak in English
with their children than the other age groups. English daily subscribers, weekly news magazine
subscribers, personal computer owners, and the frequent readers of English daily were more likely
to speak English with their children at home than non-subscribers or non-owners or non-frequent
readers. Those who played golf frequently or went to concerts sometimes were more likely to speak
English with their children at home than those who did not play golf or did not go to concerts.
4.5.3 Acculturation Indicators, Cable TV Subscription and VCR Ownership
In terms of Anglicization of children's name and English as the major spoken language at
home, no statistically meaningful difference was found between cable subscribers and
non-subscribers, while some differences were identified between VCR owners and non-owners.
Cable subscribers seem ed more likely to show Korean food preference (91.1% v. 84.1%), Anglicize
children's name (46.4% v. 31.9%), and to speak English at home with children (32.1% v. 20.4%) than non-cable subscribers. However, these differences between cable homes and non-cables
homes were, statistically speaking, not significant (Table 4.63). VCR owners were more likely to
Anglicize their children's name (46.3% v. 10.9%) and to speak in English with their children at home
(29.5% v. 9.4%) than non-VCR owners (Table 4.64) 184
Table 4.63 Acculturation Indicators by Cable TV Subscription (n=213)
Cultural Variables Agree Disagree NA&DK X2 p Value CATV NOCA CATV NOCA CATV NOCA
Korean food preference 91.1 84.1 3.6 11.5 5.4 4.5 3.045 .218 Korean costume 25.0 25.1 66.1 65.6 8.9 8.3 .042 .979 Anglicization of name 23.2 17.8 75.0 77.7 1.8 5.1 1.714 .424 of children's name 46.4 31.9 32.1 35.0 21.4 33.1 4.438 .109 Speaking English at home 32.1 20.4 39.3 42.7 28.6 36.9 3.378 .185 Intraracial marriage 50.0 56.1 5.0 4.5 44.6 39.5 .617 .735
Table 4.64 Acculturation Indicators by VCR Ownership (n=213)
Cultural Variables Agree Disagree NA&DK X 2 P Value VCR NOVCR VCR NOVCR VCR NOVCR
Korean food preference 86.6 84.4 8.7 10.9 4.7 4.7 .259 .879 Korean costume 28.7 18.9 62.4 73.4 8.7 7.8 2.543 .267 Anglicization of name 22.1 12.5 73.8 82.8 4.0 4.7 2.684 .261 ___ of children's name 46.3 10.9 30.2 43.8 23.5 45.3 25.192 .000 Speaking English at home 29.5 9.4 43.0 39.1 27.5 51.6 15.361 .000 Intraracial marriage 56.4 50.0 6.0 1.6 37.6 48.4 3.537 .171
Table 4.65 Acculturation Indicators by Video Use (n=213)
Cultural Variables Agree Disagree NA&DK X 2 P Value LOW HIGH LOW HIGH LOW HIGH
Korean food preference 83.5 97.3 10.8 2.7 5.7 .0 4.910 .086 Korean costume 25.6 27.3 64.8 70.3 9.7 2.7 1.916 .384 Anglicization of name 19.3 18.9 75.6 81.1 5.1 .0 2.016 .365 ___ of children’s name 33.5 46.0 31.8 46.0 34.7 8.1 10.276 ■006 Speaking English at home 23.8 21.6 36.4 67.6 39.8 10.8 14.571 ■001 Intraracial marriage 50.6 73.0 4.0 8.1 45.5 18.9 9.200 JM 185
4.5.4 Acculturation Indicators and VCR Use
Between the heavy [=HIGH] VCR users and non-users [=LOW], statistically significant differences were found in some cultural variables. For example, 33.5% of the Low reported that their children used US names, compared to 46.0% of High ( X2 = 10.276 at P=.006). No large difference (23.8% vs. 21.6%) was found between HIGH and LOW in terms of "English as the major spoken language at home." However, the data showed its difference was significant: X2 = 14.571 at P=.001. This result reflected 36.4% of LOW vs. 67.6% of HIGH in the category of "disagree" and 39.8% of LOW v. 10.8% in "NA" which means not applicable [probably they don’t have children at home]. While half of LOW (50.6%) preferred intraracial marriage of their children, compared to
73.0% of HIGH ( X2 = 9.200 at P=.010)(Tat>le 4.65).
No significant difference was found between these cultural variables and US videotape use
(Table 4.66) and between cultural variables and Korean videotape use (Table 4.67). Although a statistically significant difference was found in their attitudes toward intraracial marriage in US videotape use, this result needs to be interpreted differently. No difference was detected in the
"agree": 53.6% versus 58.8%. In contrast, 2.8% of the LOW disagreed, compared to 14.7% of the HIGH. 43.6% of the LOW in the level of "Not applicable or Don't Know" can also be compared to
26.5% of the HIGH in the sam e level. Thus, most of respondents in this category were "not applicable" to this variable. Instead, the difference between the HIGH and the LOW in Anglicization of children's names should be regarded as a significant difference: 32.4% vs. 52.9% in the "agree."
Significant differences were found between those who have recorded more than 11 videotapes from TV or cable and those who did not record or recorded but less than 11 in terms of
Anglicization of children's names, English as the major spoken language with children at home, and attitude toward intraracial marriage. The HIGH group comprised 75.0% of AGREE, compared to
LOW'S 31.1%. In contrast, HIGH comprised 17.9% of DISAGREE, compared to LOW’S 38.4%.
Similarly, HIGH comprised 57.1% of AGREE and 35.7% of DISAGREE, compared to LOW’S 19.2% of AGREE and 44.6% of DISAGREE. As for intraracial marriage, a significant difference was found only in DISAGREE: 14.3% of HIGH vs. 3.4% of LOW (Table 4.68) 186
Table 4.66 Acculturation Indicators by US Videotape Use (n=213)
Cultural Variables Agree Disagree NA&DK X2 P Value LOW HIGH LOW HIGH LOW HIGH
Korean food preference 86.0 85.3 8.9 11.8 5.0 2.9 .510 .775 Korean costume 23.5 38.2 67.0 58.8 9.5 2.9 4.161 .125 Anglicization of name 19.0 20.6 76.0 79.4 5.0 .0 1.791 .408 of children's name 32A 52.9 35.2 29.4 32.4 1LZ 5.727 .057* Speaking English at home 21.8 32.6 40.8 47.1 37.4 20.6 3.961 .138 Intraracial marriage 53.6 58.8 2.8 14.7 2 10.825 J2M
Table 4.67 Acculturation Indicators by Korean Videotape Use (n=2l3)
Cultural Variables Agree Disagree NA&DK X2 p Value LOW HIGH LOW HIGH LOW HIGH
Korean food preference 84.7 90.7 11.2 2.3 4.1 7.0 3.504 .165 Korean costume 24.7 30.2 67.1 60.0 8.2 9.3 .679 .712 Anglicization of name 20.6 14.0 75.3 81.4 4.1 4.7 .975 .614 ___ of children’s name 32.9 46.5 35.3 30.2 31.8 23.3 2.855 .240 Speaking English at home 24.1 20.9 38.8 53.5 37.1 25.6 3.216 .200 Intraracial marriage 52.9 60.5 5.3 2.3 41.8 47.2 1.175 .555
Table 4.68 Acculturation Indicators and Recording Behavior
Cultural Variables Agree Disagree NA&DK X2 PValue LOW HIGH LOW HIGH LOW HIGH
Korean food preference 10.3 7.4 .. 89.8 92.6 .210 .647 Korean costume 72.4 68.0 -- 27.7 32.0 .204 .652 Anglicization of name 81.3 71.4 -- 18.8 28.6 1.451 .228 of children's name 38.4 17.9 30.5 7.1 31.1 75.0 20.284 .000 Speaking English at home 44.6 35.7 36.2 7.1 19.2 57.1 21.028 ■000 Intraracial marriage .34 14.3 39.0 35.7 57.6 50.0 6.199 .045 187
Table 4.69 Video Use by Students versus Immigrants
Video use The frequency US Korean of VCR use tape use tape use
Immigrants Students Immigrants Students Immigrants Students
Heavy use 68 63 18 16 24 19 64.8 49.1 17.1 14.8 22.9 17.6
Light/No use 37 55 89 92 81 89 35.2 50.9 82.9 85.2 77.1 82.4
ChiSq. 5.340 .215 .916
P value .021 .643 .339
4.5.5 Other Findings
Finally, immigrants' VCR behavior was compared to that of students (Table 4.69).
Immigrants are more likely to use the VCR more frequently than students. For example, 64.8% of immigrants comprised heavy VCR users, compared to 49.1% of students. This difference was statistically significant. However, no significant difference was found between these two groups in
US or Korean videotape uses. Immigrants were more likely to use both US and Korean videotapes than students (17.1% v. 14.8% for US videotapes and 22.9% v. 17.6% for Korean videotapes, respectively), these differences were not supported by the statistical test at P=.05.
In summary, 88.8% of the respondents preferred to have Korean traditional food and
26.8% agreed to wear Korean traditional costumes in some events. About 20% used US names at the workplace while 50.7% Anglicized their children's names. One third (33.8%) reported that
English was the major language with their children at home. In addition, 78.9% showed their preference of intraracial marriage of their children. At the same time, significant differences were identified between students and immigrants in Anglicization of names at the workplace (31.4% v. 188
7.4%), Anglicization of children’s names (60.0% v. 31.0%), and English as the major spoken
language with their children at home (44.8% v. 33.3%). No statistically meaningful cultural
difference was found between cable TV subscribers and non-subscribers, while some significant
differences were identified between VCR owners and non-VCR owners: Anglicization of children's
names (46.3% v. 10.9%) and English as the major spoken language with children at home (29.5% v.
9.4%).
Heavy VCR users were more likely to Anglicize their children's names (46.0% v. 33.5%) and
to prefer intraracial marriage of their children (73.0% v. 50.6%) than non-heavy VCR users. Both
heavy US videotape users and Korean videotape users were more likely to Anglicize their children's
names (52.9% v. 32.4% and 46.5% v. 32.9%, respectively) than non- or light US or Korean videotape users. In particular, those who have recorded more than 11 videotapes were more likely to Anglicize their children's names (75.0% vs. 31.1%), to speak in English with their children (57.1% vs. 19.2%), and to show less reluctance to interracial marriage (14.3% vs. 3.4%). CHAPTER V
SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, AND CONCLUSIONS
This case study was designed to analyze an ethnic use of the VCR from a broader media
environmental perspective. First, the empirical findings will be summarized. In particular, the
findings from the questionnaire, focus group and personal interviews, and rental record book
analysis will be summarized together in order to understand the Korean's video use phenomenon.
Second, the findings will be discussed in relation to findings in the literature review. Third, the
findings will be linked to societal concerns such as diffusion theory, the media imperialism thesis,
the concept of an active audience, and personalization and specialization of media. Finally, the
limitations of this research study and suggestions for future research will be addressed.
5.1 SUMMARY
5.1.1 Question 1: How do Koreans in the Columbus, Ohio area use cable TV and VCRs?
The VCR is far more popular than cable TV (70% vs. 26%) among the sample (N=213).
Slightly more than half of the students (53%) and the majority of the immigrants (87.6%) have at least one VCR. In contrast, 16.7% of students subscribe to cable television, compared to 36% of immigrants. While 21% (n=44) both own a VCR and subscribe to cable, 49% (n=105) own a VCR but do not subscribe to cable, 6% (n=12) subscribe to cable but do not own a VCR, and 22% (n=52) neither own a VCR nor subscribe to cable.
The wider channel selection and better reception are the most important reasons for subscribing to cable TV, while playing Korean videotapes and time-shifting were the most important
189 190 reason for purchasing a VCR. Among those who do not subscribe to cable (n=157), more than one thirds said that they are too busy to subscribe to extra channels, followed by the reason of expensive. "Because we own a VCR" comprised 23% of the reasons for not subscribing to cable
TV. In contrast, the majority of non-VCR owners (68%) regarded the machine as "not a necessity."
Busy life styles and the price are also important reasons for them not to buy a VCR. More than one quarter of cable homes watch cable TV frequently during "whenever time is available," compared to weekday viewing of 25% and not frequently 13%. Meanwhile, 22% of the VCR owners reported that they use their VCRs most frequently during "whenever time is available," compared to Saturday use 21% and not frequently 25%.
Half of the cable subscribers watched sports programs on cable TV, followed by new movies, news, old movies in that order. At the same time, 7% did not watch cable. About 13% of
VCR owners recorded movies from TV or cable, followed by children's entertainment, sports, mini-series, soaps, and news in that order. More than 20% of VCR owners rent videotapes from videoshops and public libraries respectively, while 65% rent videotapes from four Korean grocery stores. While 63% of VCR owners have recorded from TV or cable so far, 48% have duplicated from other videotapes.
Movies are the most popular genre for Koreans to rent (45%), compared to mini or weekly series 33%, variety show programs 29%, children's programming 25%, and soaps and others 1%.
Considering rented videotapes from Korean grocery stores only, the rental preference became different: mini- or weekly TV series come first, followed by movies, variety show programs, and soaps. In particular, children's programming comprised 25% of overall rentals, compared to 9% of recorded from TV or cable, and only 1% of rentals from Korean grocery stores.
According to the rental list from a Korean grocery store whose rental market share was 26% during the survey period, an average of 70 VCR homes rent 347 videotapes per week from the store. In other words, one VCR household rents an average of almost 5 videotapes from a Korean grocery store per week. However, 13% (9 immigrants) rented more than 20 videotapes per visit.
Three things are distinct: (1) Chinese and Japanese tapes are more popular than Korean 191
videotapes in movie genre, (2) mini- or weekly television series are more popular than movies, and
(3) children's programs comprise only 1% of the total rented videotapes from the grocery store. In
addition, the recordbook shows a pattern of videotape rental based upon the day of week -
videotape rental is a weekend event.
Group interviews reveal that most users applied this new technology for their specific
needs. For example, the VCR is used as a persuasion tool for children's perception toward
Koreans and for learning the Korean language. Video letters between students in Columbus and
their parents in Korea, preserving family history, and recording necessary information from cable or
TV arepopular uses. While "program exchange" is popular among students, "bulk rental" of Korean
videotapes is more popular among immigrants than students.
5.1.2 Question 2: Do Korean VCR owners and cable TV subscribers differ from non- owners and
non-subscribers in socioeconomic demographics, life styles, and in other media use? If so, can one
differentiate VCR owners or cable subscribers based on these variables?
Korean VCR owners are significantly different from non-owners in many structural variables
and some lifestyle and media use variables. Cable subscribers are also different from non-cable
subscribers in many variables. Among these variables, one can identify VCR owners or non-owners
and cable subscribers or non-subscribers more accurately than other groups of variables. More
specifically, VCR owners are more likely to have higher income, longer residency in the US, own their homes, be US citizens, have more children, and are older than non-owners. They are more
likely to meet their friends or have a party and to play golf, but less likely to play softball gam es than
non-owners. They are also more likely to subscribe to both Korean and US daily newspapers,
hobby magazines, weekly news magazines, professional journals, and to own compact disc players, home computers, and to read US daily newspapers than non-VCR owners. Similarly, cable subscribers are more likely to have higher incomes, longer residency in the US, homes, and US citizenship than non-cable subscribers. They are also more likely to play golf but less likely to play 192
softball and more likely to subscribe to professional journals than non-cable television subscribers.
In addition, the life style variables can more accurately identify both VCR owners and cable
television subscribers than the structural or media variables. The media variables can more correctly
discriminate non-VCR owners than the life style variables or the structural variables. In contrast, the
structural variables are more likely to discriminate non-cable television subscribers than the life style
variables or the media variables. As for individual variables, visa status could predict 84% of
non-VCR owners correctly, followed by the length of stay in the US (81%). Age differentiates VCR
owners with 76% precision. Playing golf was the most predictable variable in the lifestyle group for
discriminating non-VCR owners (84%) and VCR owners (71%). In particular, compact disc player
ownership could differentiate 98% of non-VCR owners correctly, followed by US daily newspaper
subscription (91%). In short, VCR owners have more diversified characteristics than non-VCR
owners, while cable subscribers have less diversified qualities than non-cable subscribers. At the
same time, cable subscribers are less unified than VCR owners.
Some significant differences are also found between heavy VCR user and non-users in terms of the number of children, income, the length of residency in the US, Sunday paper and
hobby magazine subscription, CD player ownership, the frequency of purchasing music tapes or records, and the frequency of going swimming or playing softball. Heavy US tape users are different from non-users in their Sunday paper subscription and the frequency of creditcard use.
Also heavy Korean videotape users are different from non-users in the length of residency in the
US.
5.1.3 Question 3: Do Korean VCR owners and cable subscribers differ from non-VCR owners and non-cable subscribers in television program preference, viewing time, and in their choice of a specific medium in a specific situation? How do Koreans perceive the impact of the VCR on their daily lives and react upon the Korean cable channel?
The more media alternatives available, the more likely Koreans are to watch both sports and children’s educational programs and less likely to watch movies on TV. A slight difference was 193
found in accessing adult programs among VCR-only homes, cable-only homes, and cable as well as
VCR households. However, the difference was not statistically tested due to its small sample size.
Cable subscribers and VCR owners prefer to use their electronic media during the weekends. In
contrast, TV only households are more likely to watch TV programs "whenever available" than VCR
owners or cable subscribers. Sports, new movies, and news programs are the most popular genres
for cable subscribers, while new movies and children’s entertainment programs are the most
frequently recorded genres by VCR owners. Sports, news, and movies are the most popular
genres on TV. In other words, TV and cable compete against each other in sports, news, movies,
and children’s entertainment. As for adult programs, cable competes with the VCR.
While TV and newspapers are at the top for most needs, the VCR is utilized mainly as an
alternative medium when newspaper or television cannot satisfy the Korean's needs such as
Korean entertainment and customs. However, this medium's contribution to family union, children's
entertainment as well as education, and alternative sources for learning is also of importance.
Different medium choice for the same need between cable homes and non-cable homes and
between VCR homes and non-VCR homes are identifiable, although some statistical tests for the
significance of differences might not be valid because of the small sample size of some cells. In
particular, however, VCR owners or cable TV subscribers are more likely to use newspapers almost
all the time and non-media channels some times than non-VCR owners and non-cable subscribers.
Koreans in the Columbus area perceived that the VCR affects not only media activities such
as TV viewing or listening to music but also other outdoor free time activities such as movie going or
eating out. In addition, more than half of non-cable subscribers were willing to subscribe to cable if a
Korean channel was available, while about 20% would not. About 35% of non-cable subscribers think that they will decrease their VCR use if a Korean cable channel is accessible, while 40% will do the sam e thing with TV viewing. In particular, heavy VCR users are more likely to perceive the VCR’s impacts on their daily lives stronger than non- or light users. 194
5.1.4 QUESTION 4: What are the relationships between the general media including the VCR and
the acculturation process? Are there any significant differences existing between heavy Korean or
US videotape users and non-users in terms of acculturation related variables? Are there any
significant differences existing between those users who recorded from TV or cable and those who
did not in terms of acculturation related variables?
Among those six acculturation related variables from the previous studies, only language
related variables were strongly related to other groups of variables such as media, structural or life
style variables. While many structural variables are strongly related to these six acculturation related
variables, only print media readership or periodical subscription and personal computer ownership
show a somewhat strong relationship, and most life style variables are not strongly correlated to
them. The VCR, as an electronic medium, does not show any strong relationship with those cultural
indicators.
However, significant differences are identified between students and immigrants in
Anglicization of names at the workplace (31% v. 7%), Anglicization of children’s names (60% v.
31%), and English as the major spoken language with their children at home (45% v. 33%). No
statistically meaningful cultural difference Is found between cable TV subscribers and non-
subscribers, while some significant differences are identified between VCR owners and non- VCR
owners: Anglicization of children's names (46% v. 11%) and English as the major spoken language with children at home (30% v. 9%).
Also, heavy VCR users are more likely to Anglicize their children's names (46% v. 34%) and to prefer intraracial marriage of their children (73% v. 51%) than non-heavy VCR users. Both heavy
US videotape users and Korean videotape users are more likely to Anglicize their children's names
(53% v. 32% and 47% v. 33%, respectively) than non- or light US or Korean videotape users. In particular, those who have recorded more than 11 videotapes from cable or TV are more likely to
Anglicize their children’s names (75% vs. 31%), to speak in English with their children at home (57% vs. 19%), and to show less reluctance to interracial marriage (14% vs. 3%). 195
5.2 DISCUSSION
First of all, some demographics in this survey (high educational level versus low income
level and Anglicization of names) needs to be discussed. Second, some video phenomena such
as children's programming, the popularity of Japanese programs among Korean elders, exchange
behavior among students, and bulk rental behavior among immigrants also need to be discussed.
DEMOGRAPHICS: A summary of descriptive characteristics of the 213 subjects indicates
that Koreans in the Columbus area are highly educated but have below average income. For
example, 85% of the sample received college degrees, while 47% reported their income to be
under $20,000. This finding seems consistent with that of Hong (1975), Won (1977), Ryu (1981),
Yu (1982), and Lee (1984).
Hong’s survey showed that the average Korean family earned about half the annual income
of the average American family and that the income is only two-thirds the annual income of the
average Spanish-American family. Moreover, the average annual income of Korean- Americans was
even less than black Americans. Similar results were reported by other studies. In terms of
education, Hong's survey showed that more than half of the Koreans sampled had college
degrees, which was 4.1 times higher than that of the average American, and 10 times that of the
average Spanish-American. All Korean-Americans in Hong’s survey sample had an education
beyond high school. According to Hurh et al. (1979), 78% have received four years of college
education or more in Korea. Less than one third (30%) of the respondents received some amount of education in the US. Another survey in the Los Angeles area showed the consistent finding that the educational attainment level of Korean immigrants is very high: the median level is 16 years, or the equivalent of bachelor's degree (Lee, 1984). According to the 1980 US Census, 36% of the
Korean residents in the US have a college education.
While the results of other studies seem to be consistent with this researcher's Columbus survey, the reasons for the lower income and higher education should be explained differently. In the Columbus area, 85% of the respondents have undergraduate and above level degrees (40% 196 college and 46% of graduate school). About eleven percent (11%) have high school diplomas, and only 3% elementary through middle school education. Given that half of the respondents to this survey were students (most of them were graduate students) whose education level was higher and income level was lower than those of immigrants, the result of imbalance between education and income of this sample reflected the proportion of students. Students comprised 87% of the under
$20,000 group, compared to 17% of immigrants. In contrast, students comprised 1% of the
$40,000 and more group, compared to the immigrants 57%.
Anglicization of names also need to be compared to other regions in the US. About one fifths of the respondents (19%) used US names at the workplace and more than one third (36%) have Anglicized their children’s names. Anglicization rate among Koreans in the Columbus area is higher than some places such as New York 6%, Chicago 9%, Baltimore 11%, and Dallas 9%. At the same time, it is lower than some places such as Boston (20%) or Pittsburg (37%). According to
Shin, a Korean sociologist, about 10% of Koreans in the US used American names in 1986, compared to 30% of Chinese immigrants. Even Korean professors who have lived in the US more than 15 years, only 14% used American names (Chicago Korea Times, Jan. 7:1,1987).
KOREAN VIDEO PHENOMENA: Video rental and disconnecting cable TV are strongly affected by non-demographic factors. The record book from a Korean grocery store shows a pattern of videotape rental behavior based upon the day of week. For example, Koreans rented
228 videotapes on Monday, which increased to 236 on Tuesday, 315 on Wednesday, 439 on
Thursday, and peaked on Friday by marking 494, then decreased to 405 on Saturday and 315 on
Sunday. In short, rental behavior is a weekend event. Cable TV subscription or disconnetion is also fairly related to free time structure: there were several students who subscribed to cable only during
June through August and disconnected it in September or October. In other words, the audience's need for the mass media is strongly circumscribed not only by the contents or medium but also by external factors. In this sense, the uses and gratifications approach should reflect more concern about non-psychological factors in explaining audience activities. 197
In particular, children's programs, videotape exchange and bulk rental are also noteworthy.
Children's programs comprised 25% of overall rent, while 19% rented at least one videotape for
children's education and 18% for children's entertainment. Children's program comprised 9% of the
recordings from TV or cable TV but only 1% of rentals from Korean grocery stores. The lower rental
rate of Korean videotapes for children leads to an assumption that while a majority of the rented
tapes from public libraries comprise children's programs, the majority of those from the videoshops
were new movies and some adult oriented programs. Small group interviews confirmed this
assumption and provided some explanations. First, while some parents wanted their children
exposed to Korean culture via video, their children did not want to watch. A great deal of the
immigrant's children are simply not interested in Korean videotapes due to their different culture and
language. Second, some parents did not want their children being exposed to Korean culture only.
They ( i.e., in case of students) intend to take advantage of their staying in the US as an opportunity
for their children to learn living English. Thus, they frequently utilize public library systems and US
video rental shops for this purpose. It is also common to duplicate some or a bulk of children's
programs when they go back to Korea. Third, Korean grocery store owners do not understand their
customers' needs in terms of video program preference probably because they are not
professionals who can analyze their customers' viewing patterns or gratifications. In fact, they do not
need to understand their customers' video rental behavior. According to Korean grocery store owners (3 out of 4), "They (Korean customers) rent them if I have them. Finally, Korean TV industry
itself is weak in children’s programming production (Han, 1984). Even in Korea, children's TV programming is the weakest area in the industry. Han (1984) found that the proportion of imported
TV programs in Korea decreased from 31% in 1971 to 20% in 1973 and 10.8% in 1983. In contrast, more than half of children's television programs in Korea in 1983 were non-domestically produced.
It was found from this survey that 7% borrowed videotapes from neighbors or friends.
According to focus group interviews, the actual "videotape exchange” phenomenon was more popular than reported especially among the student's wives who have children. Rented videotapes are more frequently exchanged among neighbors or friends than reported, especially among the 198
student's families. First, students' wives frequently meet each other because they live in the same
village or near by apartment complexes. Second, they have ample free time as long as they stay at
home with their babies or young children. Third, their age range is similar to each other (age variable
is very important communication factor in Korean culture). Finally, they have a chance to talk about
Korean entertainers and some events in Korea. This exchange behavior is not as popular among
Korean immigrants who own their home and whose residential areas are scattered. Instead, bulk
rentals were popular.
A fair amount of Koreans (5 to 9 VCR households per week from one Korean grocery store)
rented between 15 to 25 videotapes from Korean gorcery stores at one time. The first reason for
this bulk rental is that a host of TV programs were serial. Once the audience started to watch, they
wanted to finish them. Second, Korean videotape viewers use remote controls frequently not to
delete commercials, but to speed up their viewing. Most of the "less interesting" or "less attractive"
parts were deleted by the audience. Third, rental behavior is accompanied by (or vice versa) grocery
shopping which usually occurs once a week. Thus, ten or even more than 20 tapes were not too
many to watch during a whole week. Finally, most immigrants who rent a bulk of Korean videotapes
regard the rental fee as "not so expensive" because there is no overdue charge.
As for some other uses, an immigrant (a 40 year old male mechanic who has lived in
Columbus 16 years) showed many Korean videotapes to his sons for the purpose of brainstorming,
whether they wanted to watch them or not. He hoped in someday to have a daughter-in-law who
is also Korean. Another immigrant (a 52 years old professional female who came to the US 30 years
ago) utilizes her VCR to learn and refresh her knowledge of Korean language. She is fascinated with complicated and sophisticated expressions in Korean TV dramas. To many Koreans, video is used as a record book of family history recording (wedding ceremonies, graduations, children's birthday parties, taking pictures from vacation, etc.), as well as for video letters to their parents in
Korea, and recording sports events. In particular, the popularity of politically oriented material is noteworthy: the VCR is utilized as a news medium. 199
Piracy was a concern worldwide. The previous literature review has shown this issue not
only in some developing countries but also in Japan, England, and the US. Almost half (48%) of
Korean VCR owners in the sample area have duplicated from other videotapes, while 63% recorded
from television or cable television. About 10% have more than 10 duplicated videotapes, compared
to 19% keeping more than 10 recorded (from TV or cable) videotapes. However, the number of
students who duplicated American videotapes when they go back to Korea should be added here,
although the numbers were limited.
5.3 IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS
The empirical findings of this research provide some important implications to the
contemporary information society. In order to draw conclusions, discussions need to be extended
to the diffusion theory, media imperialism, the concept of active audience, and conclusions.
THE DIFFUSION THEORY: According to diffusion theory, an individual's socioeconomic
status is highly related to their degree of change agent contact which, in turn, is highly related to
their degree of innovativeness. Those possessing the first knowledge of an innovation are
characterized by more education, higher social status, greater exposure to mass media channels of
communication, greater exposure to interpersonal channels of communication, greater social
participation, and more cosmopolitaness. Meanwhile, the "Cancian dip" questions whether the
relationship between innovativeness and socioeconomic status is linear by proposing that the high-
middle individuals catch up and pass the low-middle individuals, thus resulting in a more linear
relationship between socioeconomic variables and innovativeness. This researcher's study
supports that utility-oriented function should be considered with SES factors in the adoption of
new media.
Both VCR owners and cable TV subscribers in this research can be characterized by higher income, longer residency in the US, greater exposure to mass media and interpersonal channels, and greater social participation except higher education. In this sense, this study supports the idea 200
that economic factors are fundamental in the adoption of new media. At the same time, however, it
is important to note that functional alternatives [necessary for an utility oriented medium or curiosity
for an entertainment oriented medium] and the satisfaction from the locus of control are also
important factors in VCR adoption. It is interesting to contrast 50% of Americans subscription to
cable TV and slightly more than 50% of VCR penetration during the survey period with those rates
among the Koreans in the sample. Recalling that more than half of students and 88% of immigrants
own a VCR (total 70%) while only 17% of students and 32% of immigrants subscribe to cable TV
(total 26%), socioeconomic factors are more likely important to those who have not adopted the
new media yet than those who already utilize them. If a consumer feels the VCR is a necessity, then
there is more chance to adopt it unless he or she cannot find it affordable. Other new media
adoption behavior also supports this idea: 17% of the respondents own compact disc player, while
39% own personal computers which are more expensive than CD players. Computers' higher diffusion rate than CD players among Koreans can be explained by considering that CD players are
mainly entertainment media and might not be regarded as a necessity while the computer - utility
medium - be considered as a necessity. When the respondents were being asked to answer whether they would like to subscribe to Korean cable channel if it is available, 54% of non-cable subscribers responded that they would like to subscribe and only 20% would not. Again, the concern is the content not the cost if it is affodable. At the same time, they would decrease VCR use if a Korean channel was available - an example of functional alternative.
In addition, part of dissatisfaction with cable TV was that the audience cannot control the content. The selection of content is still in the hands of senders - cable stations. With video, however, the audience can handle the content, the viewing time, and even they can skip some parts of a program they don't want to watch. Almost everything is under the control of the audience.
Among those who do not subscribe to cable television (N=157), 38% are "too busy to watch extra channels," followed by those who think cable TV is tooexpensive (33%). According to group interviews, the most frequent reason for disconnecting cable television is "not satisfied because there was nothing special" and "too busy to watch so many things." The audience expects 201
"something different" from the programs on broadcast television. However, they could not provide
specificically what kind of programs they would like to watch on cable TV. In addition, the
disconnectors were too busy to enjoy extra channels on a regular basis and this "seldom use" in
turn make them believe "It's more expensive than video." There were several students who
subscribed to cable only during June through August and disconnected it in September or
October. Thus, in addition to socioeconomic factors, utility function and the locus of control of the
medium are important factors in the adoption process of new media. And the utility function and the
locus of control support the Cancian dip thesis. In other words, intentions to subscribe to cable or
purchasing a VCR are more strongly predicted by SES factors as well as utility functions, while those
of disconnecting cable are strongly explained by satisfaction or dissatisfaction from the contents
and service provided by the new medium than SES factors.
MEDIA IMPERIALISM: In addition to the availability of a great deal of US m ass media
channels, Koreans in the sample area could access Korean TV programs not on TV but via
videotapes. Koreans’ movie rental comprised 45% as a whole. Among the movie tapes rented from
Korean grocery stores, however, Korean movies comprised only 6%, compared to 53% of Chinese
martial art movies and 41% of Japanese films. Surprisingly, the majority of the Chinese movie
audience were not Chinese customers but Korean male students. At the same time, those renting
Japanese movies were not only Japanese customers but also older Korean males. Here, a
relationship was found between the old people's video use and the annexation of Korea by Japan for 36 years during the early decades of this century. Youngsters who were forced to learn the
Japanese language during that period are now older and retired, still understand the language and, further, have some nostalgia for those days. Uses of ethnic electronic media (Korean TV series and movies) and intercultural electronic media (US TV programs and movies, Chinese movies, and
Japanese movies) among Koreans in the sample area imply that those programs may contain some elements in common cross-culture. Then, does one's high level of exposure to foreign media content necessarily reduce or change the elements of the traditional culture or does it mean 202
enrichment or an increase of overall cultural diversity ?
This case study has demonstrated that it is clearly cultural enrichment. Thus, the thesis that
there is a converging orientation in the use of media across the cultural boundary needs to be
reconsidered. At the same time, counter-media imperialism thesis among the ethnic minorities in
the US [whether heavy exposure to ethnic videotapes would decrease US media consumption] is
not supported by this study.
Mass media have radically different effects and meanings in different settings. Despite the
production quality, the majority of local audiences prefer programs produced in their own culture
due to language and cultural affinity (Lee, 1980; Han, 1984). In the US where the mass media
cannot cater to the complete range of minority tastes, the VCR most certainly can. Sub-cultural
groups can both produce, distribute, and consume materials relevant to their interests, concerns,
and cultures. In other words, the "cultural and linguistic vacuum" which has existed within the
existing broadcasting media in the US has been filled by the utilization of the new video medium by
the Koreans. However, this capability does not necessarily mean the replacement of the host
culture or media with unified ethnic use of the media.
First of all, cable television is mainly used for watching news and sports programs of the host
society by the Koreans in the US. VCR use among Koreans in the US has been performing a
balanced dual function. When Korean videotapes are consumed, it is preserving the cultural ties of
the Korean ethnic community with the homeland. When American videotapes are watched or
American TV programs are recorded, it is providing the host culture to the ethnic group. This is an
example of a duplication of the dual functions of ethnic print media which connects the community
to the homeland and interprets US culture for the Korean ethnic community. Further, heavy Korean
videotape users are also heavy American videotape users. While the older generation can enjoy a
cultural genre which is familiar and supportive to their identification with their homeland or past experience, it is an additional aid to the valuing, and learning of their community language for younger users. From this perspective minority media are likely to be perceived as necessary and creative aspects of the minority community’s institutional infrastructure, which will aid the 203
maintenance of their legitimate cultural distinctiveness (Husband, 1985). Thus, it is safe to say that
Korean videotape use has not significantly decreased US videotape usage or recording behavior
from US TV or cable. In short, culture must be seen as the "unintended result of an interweaving of
the behavior of a set of people who interrelate and interact with each other."
ACTIVE AUDIENCE: The concept of "active audience," a key concept in the uses and
gratifications paradigm, has been used extensively in mass communication research. However, the
concept is not easily defined. By attempting to cover "everything the audience member does,"
argues Biocca (1988), it "ends up specifying little and excluding nothing." Thus, it is argued that the
origin of the active audience construct was an "overreaction." Then, what is the overall meaning of
activity? Is it possible, by definition, for the audience not to be active?
The question of the source of activity or the "locus of control" lies at the heart of the active
versus passive audience debate. In fact, the basic ideological structure underlying the concept of
the active audience is the liberal ideals of individual rationality. Locus of control can be defined as
"the place or agent wherein resides the major determining or causal force of the content and
orientation of the audience member’s cognitions and behavior" (Biocca, 1988). Does this locus of
control lie in the social origins of motivations, in the content, or does it reside in the individual? In
fact, the roots of media use are "far deeper than most previous investigations have indicated
because of its multiple origins." How much real control lies in the audience member?
Audience "activity" seem s like an inappropriate level for a host of phenomena. Further, the
increased choice potential of certain new media changes the concept of the relation of
media-and-audience vis-a-vis selection. For example, Williams (1987) suggested that future
research on new media should look at individuals as participants. The term "user" was also
suggested. However, this author's research has found that "utilizer" would be more appropriate than "audience," "participants," or "user at least in interactive video media use and this can be applied to some other interactive media such as personal computers and compact disk players. 204
CONCLUSIONS: This survey research has provided empirical evidence in video media
competition among TV, cable, and video and the VCR’s role in the acculturation process of Korean's
by analyzing Korean's VCR use in the US. As for the analysis of media competition, audience
preferences were explained from three different dimensions: choice of program content, choice of
viewing time, and choice of medium. Korean's program and viewing time preferences on TV and
cable TV were very similar to those of Americans. Sports, new movies, and news programs are the
most popular genres to cable subscribers, while sports, news, and movies are the most popular
genres on TV. TV or cable TV viewing is a daily activity. In this sense, TV and cable compete against
each other in sports, news, movies, children's entertainment and viewing time. However, recalling
the diffusion rate of cable TV among Koreans in the sample area (26%), it is hard to say that US cable
TV competes againt US TV among Koreans.
Instead, the VCR is competing against US TV among Koreans. Korean's VCR use is
different from that of Americans, although new movies and children's entertainment programs are
the most frequently recorded genres by Korean VCR owners. First of all, Koreans heavily replay
Korean TV series than American movies or TV programs. Second, more than half of Korean VCR
owners never tried to record from TV or cable. This low rate of recording behavior may reflect
Korean's dual attitudes and needs as an ethnic minority group in the US. Or, it may be a reflection
of the extent to which US TV or cable channels neglect the interests of the Korean community
because 44% of VCR owners admitted that they reduced TV viewing time since they purchased a
VCR, while 34% disagreed and 22% in the middle. Thus, it is the VCR not cable television which is threatening US TV. It seems contradictory to the statement in media imperialism section: whether
heavy exposure to ethnic videotapes would decrease US media consumption is not supported by this study. However, it is not at least currently. Instead, considering more than half of non-cable subscribers who are wiling to subscribe to Korean cable channel if it is available, Korean cable channel would compete with the VCR as a functionally alternative medium. This issue can be linked to acculturation issue in the following section. 205
What is the cultural meaning of specialization and Koreans, an ethnic minority, in the US?
The communication gives us freedom from limitations of time and space since the invention of writing. Since then, m ass communication media have become personalized and then utilized mainly at home. Modern electronic media technologies in general and the VCR in particular have further added to these freedoms of overcoming time and space and provided more opportunities for indoor oriented leisure time activities. The VCR is a technology of freedom in terms of utilitarian functions, range of choice (i.e., specialized content) and the trend of personalization of a medium. This is
.particularly true not only for Koreans but also for other ethnic minorities who have not been served equally by the electronic communications mass oriented media in the US. This trend implies a possibility that the degree of consensus may decrease as more and more sub-cultures decide to pursue their own interests outside the mainstream of this wider society.
In other words, VCRs have the capability of considerably reducing the degree of consensus in a society. When the electronic mass media were emerging, the mass media of communication were more likely to turn 'publics' into 'm asses' then into 'crowds' based on the detachment of people from local life and the multiplication of public issues. Mills (1956) distinguished between masses and publics in terms of the ratio of senders to receivers, opportunities for answering back without
"reprisal and the ease with which opinion is effective in powerful decision making.” Today, the trend is reversing via the specialized mass communications media: information technology may transform
"masses" into discussing publics or "unruly crowds" (Bell, 1983).
No statistically meaningful cultural difference is found between cable TV subscribers and non-subscribers. However, VCR owners are more likely to Anglicize their children's names and speak in English with their children at home. Heavy VCR users are more likely to Anglicize their children's names and to prefer intraracial marriage of their children than non-heavy users. Those who have recorded frequently are more likely to Anglicize their children's names and speak in
English with their children than those who have not. A complicated finding is that both heavy US videotape users and Korean videotape users are more likely to Anglicize their children's names than non-heavy US or Korean videotape users. Given that Koreans in the sample not only used their 206
VCRs as an additional channel for entertainment but also utilized as an additional information recording device for their occupational or personal needs, the VCR at least helps to equalize ratios between senders and receivers.
In short, Koreans are more likely to use VCRs than cable TV. However, heavy exposure to ethnic videotapes would not seriously decrease Korean's current US electronic media consumption, although US cable hard to be popular among Koreans as long as US cable channels neglect the interests of the Korean community. In this sense, US cable television cannot compete with Korean videotapes. At the sam e time, the impact of Korean's VCR use on the acculturation process is minimal. Thus, ethnic groups' videotape use in the US should be considered not as a new channel of decreasing US media consumption or a barrier to the acculturation process but as a cultural richness.
This research has demonstrated that multilevel analysis is really important and worthwhile.
This research marks one of the initial attempts to integrate the two different competing schools of thought in the field by adopting many different levels of analyses. To avoid a single interpretation in diverse cases that are empirically testable and theoretically relevant, to avoid the risk of "intellectually sterile" or "merely polemic" research, to avoid prejudices of each school, and to provide an adequate theory subjected to "rigorous and wide-ranging" empirical testing, this author has tried to combine the broad perspectives and specific data analyses.
For example, facts were collected by combining focus group interviews in advance, self- report data by mail questionnaire survey, additional interviews, and video rental record book analysis. At the same time, a comprehensive literature survey was completed. Then, empirical survey data were related to some theoretical explanations in a broader context. Two independently studied areas (VCRs and acculturation) were combined, VCR studies in the US as well as in Europe and Asia, legal aspect, and global perspective were reviewed in order to understand the different dimensions of VCR use in a broader media environmental perspective. Scattered but interrelated essential theories and approaches were overviewed to integrate them at theoretical levels. For example, technological approach and lifestyle approach were added to the uses and gratifications 207 approach, diffusion theory, and acculturation studies. As a result, this research has fulfilled its primary objects at both theoretical as well as methodological levels: the necessity of a balanced view of understanding media use based upon empirical evidences was confirmed. As with most other pioneering efforts, though, there were limitations.
5.4 Suggestions for Future Research
On the basis of theoretical and methodological implications of this study, some suggestions are made for future studies. First, since no study has been endeavored yet on the use and effects of the VCR on ethnic groups in the US, it is hard to say whether some results of this study are generalizable to other immigrant groups or not. Recalling the uniqueness of the sample in this research (highly professionally oriented group), Korean's VCR use in metropolitan areas may be different because there are more functional alternatives such as Korean radio stations, Korean cable services, or ample of Korean print media and because there are less professionals. Thus, some possible future research will employ a large-size sample and will include a comparative study between at least two geographically and demographically or numerically different areas of the same ethnic groups. Or, it can be done between at least two different ethnic groups in the same area.
Also, one ethnic group in a host society versus one sample group in the ethnic group's homeland can be compared. Considering that the size of a sample Chi-square statistic depends directly on the size of the sample, the 213 cases were not big enough for some sophisticated comparisons.
Second, comparative analysis of videotape content or videotape use between and among different ethnic groups is another good area for future research. In this case, a thorough understanding of different cultural and societal behavior or heritage should be developed before the comparison of any content or uses. For example, we have seen the role of religion or social moral or taboo in the utilization of VCRs in India. At the same time, examination of possible entertainment opportunities or alternatives in different countries or cultures is also noteworthy.
Uncritical application of the same content analysis techniques for one culture to another would lead to less reliable or even unreliable comparisons. 208
Finally, the items measuring the various components of mass media behavior must be developed and retined. Due to the discontinuity among TV, cable TV, and VCRs, the literature tor
TV research are not appropriate for this kind of comparative study. However, the uses and gratifications approach will shed light on the different kinds of orientations with which the immigrants engage themselves in intercultural and ethnic media use. In other words, do immigrants seek different types of gratifications from the two culturally different kinds of mass media behavior? BIBLIOGRAPHY 210
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I {H o o {H lOCfOZ 1 TOO'OI - I TOtfOF 1 f k* °lk i° Ikj* . | : r - - s. k k k ± -i la-s- a '9 0 0 0 # c*» s o ' o o i {n{o { n a{ TOOfOC 00QT9 f ? f * £ " r I S R 9 k 9 ^ i - a J ’J ^ V f ^ k N f k k - 5 - a { ^ • ^f kM®kf - fk k ® M -k fk -^ ° M i k o - ( ° { aI 81 Ik 1°(a {a ' k •■• ^ t e ) k k ° l (•£■£• k k ? l ^ k / k f ^ k k to to "5-kr r { 3 kkklk l k k k r N k I ok kk |k I o-k £ k / = k k h v ^ i l.°) l.°) $ & #$■ ^ a I— kkk^ k § k k £ k - & a j k k k k 1 •3T ■§«- t f 1 £ 2 P fee * k j* j* i 1 i_: - •q ■p ■3 u •P •i? •« "9 •; q 'I •; 0 -i '62 q q 0 P 0 9 ‘82 C LZ A QUESTIONNAIRE SMGWEY ON THE USE OF NEW MEDIA The purpose of this questionnaire survey is to collect the demographics of the Korean community in central Ohio and the raw data on the impact of new mass media on our daily lives. All answers will be confidential. Thus, please don't write down your name or address when you return the questionnaire. Just use the self-addressed and stamped envelope included. You also don't need to answer all the questions here because some of them are not applicable to you at all. It will take about 15 to 20 minutes to complete. Please share your time with us in order to make a good study. DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNICATION THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY GWANG-JUB HAN 255 1. How many, if any, of the following do you subscribe to ? Please circle each one and give us the number of newspapers/magazines your family subscribe to. a. daily newspaper [Korean] [ _____] b. daily newspaper [English] [ _____] c. Sundaypaper [ _____] d. weekly news magazine [ _____] e. hobby-related magazine [ _____] f. profession-related magazine [ _____] 2. Circle each one you own, please. a. compact disc player b. stereo TV set c. home computer 3. When do you regularly or most frequently watch regular TV [not cable TV or video] ? Circle each one. morning afternoon evening a. Sunday ______b. Saturday ______c. Friday ______d. Weekday ______e. Whenever I have time to watch. f. I do not watch regular TV regularly/frequently. 4. Which are the programs you watch most frequently on regular TV? Circle your top three. a. movies b. mini/weekly series c. soaps d. comedies e. talk shows f. musical variety shows g- local news h. national news i. children's entertainment j- children's education k. sports I. arts/cultural programs m. religious programs n. documentary 0. others fSPECIFY P- I am not interested in TV programs. 256 5. The most frequently watched channel in the household is a. channel 6/ABC b. channel 10/CBS c. channel 4/NBC d. channel 28/Independent e. channel 34/Public f. others g- none specific [If you mark here g, skip to Q.7] 6. Why do you prefer to watch the channel in the Question 5? Personally, How much do you agree or disagree with each statement or reason, personally. If you do not agree with a statement or reason at all, circle number '1,' i.e. strongly disagree. If you strongly agree with the statement or reason, circle number '5,' i.e. strongly agree. Disagree ...... -Agree a. To watch favorite programs 1 2 3 4 5 b. by habbit 1 2 3 4 5 c. newscaster's credibility 1 2 3 4 5 d. newscaster's familiarity 1 2 3 4 5 e. I just like the newscaster. 1 2 3 4 5 f. good reception 1 2 3 4 5 g- no specific reason 1 2 3 4 5 7. Please circle the applicable number. How often do you involve each of the following activities? Each number indicates the frequency of your envolvement of the activity. For example, 1 means you are involved the activity almost everyday. 2 means you are involved the activity couple of times a week 8 means you are involved the activity about once a year. 9 means less often. 10 means almost never or not applicable. 1= almost everyday 2= 2-3 times per week 3= weekly 4= 2-3 times per month 5= monthly 6= 5-8 times per year 7= 2-3 times per year 8= yearly 9= less often 10= not applicable or never Now, How often do you: a. read a newspaper in Korean? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 b. read a newspaper in English ? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 c. read religious newspapers or magazines? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 d. read books written in Korean? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 e. listen to musical tapes/records? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 f. listen to radio? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 257 g- watch regular TV? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 h. watch cable TV? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 i. use/watch video cassette? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 j- telephone Korea? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 k. purchase record/tapes? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1. purchase books? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 m. travel at least 50 miles from home for pleasure? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 n. go to a movie? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 0 . go to a play or or opera or concert? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 P- go out to eat at a restaurant? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 q- get together with friends? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 r. swimming? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 s. play tennis? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 t. play golf? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 u. play softball? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 V. go bowling? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 w. purchase a bottle of champagne or wine? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 X. purchase some beer? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 y- use a credit card? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8. What kind of video cassette recorder (VCR) do you have? If you have more than one, please circle each one of them. a. No, I don't have one. [ IF YOU MARK HERE a, SKIP TO Q. 18] b. Betamax c. VHS d. 8mm e. Portable with video camera/Camcorder f. I don’t remember the format. 9. The brand name of your VCR is:[IF YOU HAVE MORE THAN ONE, THEN MARK THE OLDEST ONE] a. RCA b. Panasonic c. Fisher d. Sears e. GE f. Sharp g- Sanyo h. Magnavox i. Mitsubishi j- Zenith k. JVC 258 I. Toshiba m. Sony n. Hitachi 0. Samsung P- Gold Star q- other 10. Personally, how much do you agree or disagree with each statement or reason. If you do not agree with a statement or reason at all, circle number T - 'SDA' (=strongly disagree). If you strongly agree with the statement or reason, circle number '5' - 'SA (=strongly agree).' If a statement/reason does not apply to you at all, circle number '6' - 'NA (=not applicable).' SDA DA DK A SA a. I use the VCR to save money on 1 2 3 4 5 going tomovies. b. I use the VCR to avoid ads on TV. 1 2 3 4 5 c. I use the VCR because I am not satisfied with TV programs. 1 2 3 4 5 d. I use the VCR to use the remote control on it because my TV set has no remote control unit. 1 2 3 4 5 e. I use the VCR to play Korean tapes. 1 2 3 4 5 f. I use the VCR for my children's education. 1 2 3 4 5 g- I use the VCR for my children's entertainment. 1 2 3 4 5 h. I use the VCR to watch adult movies. 1 2 3 4 5 i. I use the VCR to record my family activities/history. 1 2 3 4 5 j- I use the VCR to control the broadcast TV schedule. 1 2 3 4 5 k. I use the VCR to collect my favorite movies/programs. 1 2 3 4 5 11. How many of the following video programs did you/your family rent/borrow during the last 14 days ? Please think and fill up each applicable item. a. movie b. mini/weekly series c. soap/daily drama series d. comedy e. talk show f. variety/entertainment g- health/exercise h. tour/travel 259 i. children's entertainment j. children's education k. sports I. art/cultural m. religious n. adult movies o. others p. I did not rent/watch at all. 12. When do you regularly or most frequently use you VCR ? Circle each one. morning afternoon evening a. Sunday b. Saturday c. Fridav d. Weekday e. Whenever I have time to watch. f. I do not watch regular TV regularly/frequently. 13. How many video tapes did you rent/borrow during the last 14 days? Please mark 'X' on each of the appropriate sections. 0 1-4 5-910+ a. video rental shop b. public Ibrary c. Lee's Market d. Oriental Food e. Hankuk f. Chungnam g- friend/neighbor h. other ______ 14. How many of the following programs have you recorded or duplicated on your VCR during the last 14 days ? Write down the number of each one of them. a. movies [____ ] b. mini/weekly series [ ____ j c. soaps/daily drama series [ ____ j d. comedies [____ j e. talk shows [____ j f. variety/entertainment ______[____] g. health [ ____ ] h. travel guide [ ____ j i. children’s entertainment [____ j j. children's education [____ j k. sports [ ____ j 260 I. arts/cultural programs ______[____ ] m. religious programs [ ____ j n. adult______[____ j o. news [____ j p. others [ ____ j q. I did not record at all. [ ____ ] 15. How many tapes (not programs) have you recorded or duplicated so far on your VCR [recording m eans taping from TV or cable TV, while duplication means copying from other tape] recording dupfcating a. none ______b. 1-3 tapes ______c. 4-10 tapes ______d. 11-20 tapes ______e. 21 or more ______ 16. How long have you owned a ' VCR? [ IF YOU HAVE MORE THAN ONE, PLEASE MARK THE OLDEST ONE ] a. less than 6 months b. 6-12 months c. 1 - 2 years d. 2 - 3 years e. 3 years and more f. I don't remember. 17. Personally, how much do you agree or disagree with each statement or reason. If you do not agree with a statement or reason at all, circle number '1' - 'SDA' (=strongly disagree). If you strongly agree with the statement or reason, circle number '5' - 'SA (=strongly agree).' If a statement/reason does not apply to you at all circle number '6' - 'NA (=not applicable).' Since I started using the VCR: SDA DA DK A SA NA a. I think the time or frequency I met with friends has decreased. ______b. I think the time or frequency I spend with my family at home has increased. c. I think the time or frequency I listen to music at home has decreased. d. I think the time I read newspapers/ magazines/books at home has decreased. e. I think the time I watch regular/cable TV has increased. f. I think the time or frequency I eat out has decreased. g. I think the time or frequency I go to movies has decreased. [IF YOU HAVE DONE Q. 17, THEN SKIP TO Q.19] 18. People have given us a number of reasons why they DO NOT use the VCR. How much do you agree or disagree with each statement/reason, personally. If you do not agree with a statement/reason at all, circle number T - 'SDA' (=strongly disagree). If you strongly agree with the statement/ reason, circle number '5' - ’SA(=strongly agree).' SDA DA DK A SA a I am waiting for the price of VCR to com edown. ______b. I am waiting for an improved quality format. ______c. I don't have enough time to watch extra TV.______d. There are very few TV programs worth recording. ______e. Because the VCR is not a necessity. 19. When did you start to subscribe to cable TV? a. No, I do not subscribe cable TV. [ IF NO, SKIP TO Q. 23 ] b. I subscribed to cable but I have disconnected it now [IF YOU MARK HERE b, THEN SKIP TO Q.23] c. less than 6 months ago d. between 6-12 months ago e. between 1-2 years ago f. between 2 - 3 years ago g. 3 years and more ago 262 20. People have given us a number of reasons why they subscribe to cable. How much do you agree or disagree with each reason, personally. If you do not agree with a reason at all, circle number '1' - 'SDA' (=strongly disagree). If you strongly agree with the statement or reason, circle number '5' - 'SA (=strongly agree).' If a statement/reason does not apply to you at all, circle number '6' - 'NA (=not applicable).' I subscribe to cable TV: SDA DA DK A SA NA a. for children's education. ______b. for children's entertainment ______c. because there are no commercials. ______d. because there are better programs on cable than regular TV. ______e. for a wider program choice. ______f. for adult movies. ______g. for better reception. ______h. for premium channels. ______ 21. When do you regularly or most frequently watch cable TV ? Circle each one. morning afternoon evening a. Sunday b. Saturdav c. Friday d. Weekday e. Whenever I have time to watch. f. I do not watch regular TV regularly/frequently. 22. What programs did you watch most frequently on cable TV during the last 14 days ? Mark top three, please. a. old movies [ _____ ] b. new movies [_____ ] c. mini/weekly series [ _____ ] d. comedies [_____ ] e. talk shows I_____ ] f. variety/entertainment [ _____ ] g. news [ _____ ] h. children’s entertainment [_____ ] i. sports [ _____ ] j. arts/cultural program [ _____ ] k. religious program [ _____ ] I. weather [_____ ] m. health [_____ ] n. adult movies [_____ ] o. others [ _____ ] p. I did not watch cable TV. [ _____ ] [ IF YOU HAVE DONE Q.22, THEN SKIP TO Q. 25 ] 23. People have given us a number of reasons why they DO NOT use cable TV. Personally, how much do you agree or disagree with each statement/reason. If you do not agree with a statement/reason at all, circle number ’1’ - ’SDA’ (=strongly disagree). If you strongly agree with the statement/reason, circle number '5' - 'SA (=strongly agree).’ If a statement/reason does not apply to you at all, circle number '6' - 'NA(=not applicable).' I do not subscribe to cable TV because: SDA DA DK A SA NA a. it is similar to TV. b. I already have good TV reception. c. cable TV is too expensive. d. I have no extra time to spend watching extra TV. e. I wouldn't want my children to see some cable TV programs. f. my area is not yet cabled. g- I have a VCR already. 24. If you could watch Korean programs on cable television: a. I'd like to subscribe to cable T V . ______b. TV watching will be d e c re a se d . ______c. VCR using will be d e c r e a s e d . ______ 25. The next series of questions concerns your reasons for using different visual media. People have given us a number of different reasons why they watch TV, subscribe to cable, go to movies, and use the VCR. Choose only one in the following list based upon what you most prefer to use for that purpose. 1 = newspaper 2 = regular television 3 = cable television 4 = video 5 = movie 6 = others The most helpful medium: a. to occupy myself when I have nothing better to do is . b. to improve my English is . c. to learn/maintain Korean custom is _____ . d. to know what happens in the wrold around me is _____ . e. to use with other members of the family is . f. to provide children's entertainment is . g. to keep in touch with what is happening in Korea is ______. h. to know about current news is . i. to provide something for my children's education is ______. j. to relax is . k. to know about recent Korean entertainers is _ I. to know about American people and culture is m. to kill time is . n. as something to do when friends come over is 26. How much do you agree or disagree with each statement/reason, personally. If you do not agree with a statement/reason at all, circle number '1 ’ - 'SDA' (=strongly disagree). If you strongly agree with the statement/reason, circlenumber '5' - 'SA(=strongly agree).' If a statement/reason does not apply to you at all, circle number '6' - 'NA(=not applicable).' SDA DA DK A SA NA a. I eat a Korean style meal at least one time a day. ______b. I dress in Korean traditional custumes during the Korean holidays or at a party in this country. ______c. I use an American name at my work place. ______d. My children use American first names.______e. I speak Korean with our chldren at home. ______f. I speak English with our children at home. - ______g. I want my children to get married to a Korean. 27. Which of the following is the highest degree you have? a. none b. elementary school c. middle school d. high school e. college f. graduate school 28. Which of the following descriptions would best describe your current position appropriately? a. owner of private business b. government officer c. technician d. student e. student’s spouse [BUT NOT STUDENT] f. housewife (immigrant's) g- retired h. managerial position i. unemployed j. blue collar k. professional ( nurse, physician, professor, lawyer etc.) I. unclassified 29. How many children [under 18] live with you? a. none b. one c. two d. three e. our and more 30. Please mark approximately how much about your gross household annual income is. If you don’t have your own regular income, just mark a category based upon how much you spend. a. under $6,000 b. between $6,001 - $10,000 c. between $10,001 - $20,000 d. between $20,001 - $30,000 e. between $30,001 -$40,000 f. between $40,001 - $50,000 g- between $50,001 - $70,000 h. $70,001 and more i. I do not know our total income. 31. I now live in a(n) a. apartment b. condominium c. house 32. How long have you been in the US ? a. less than 6 months b. between 6-12 months c. between 1 - 2 years d. between 2 - 3 years e. between 3 - 5 years f. between 5 - 7 years g. between 7 - 9 years h. between 10-15 years i. more than 15 years 33. lam a. married b. single / never married c. divorced d. together with someone. e. widowed 266 34. lam a. Korean citizen b. US citizen c. US resident 35.* I am a. female___ b. male ___ 36.* I am ______years old. s m p > m t o s s ©@@5FSS^linyS)KI o JPJLSe&SS SSTO SJ^ M H 8 ©©PSSMSfS® S ®@ K I0 T B^JJMWTS tjfl®SM& MeALPSS ®i& * These two questions were included in the cover page of Korean questionnaire.