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Griffiths in Madagascar, 1821–30 Conventional Histories Have

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Griffiths in Madagascar, 1821–30 Conventional Histories Have CHAPTER TWO GRIFFITHS IN MADAGASCAR, 1821–30 Conventional histories have portrayed the early nineteenth-century LMS mission to Madagascar from 1818–36 as glamorous, full of melo- drama, and ultimately crowned with success. Richard Lovett, an offi- cial historian of the LMS, commented that it was “one of the most romantic and inspiring missions of the century.”1 The second mission from 1862, building on the solid foundations laid by the pioneer mis- sionaries, proved such a force that in 1869 the Merina crown converted to Christianity. From 1895, the freshly-established French colonial regime imposed strict limitations on the LMS, but most of the Merina elite and intelligentsia remained faithful to its brand of Protestantism. Much historical attention has thus been paid to the first LMS Mission to Madagascar. However, conventional accounts have systematically underestimated the role of David Griffiths who was indisputably the single most important member of the Madagascar Mission, and argu- ably the most significant member of the entire non-Malagasy pres- ence in Imerina in the period between 1821, when he first arrived, and 1840, the year he was expelled. David Jones inaugurated the LMS Mission in Imerina, in the central highlands of Madagascar, in November 1820, and Griffiths joined him the following May. From the start the two men, who had first met in 1814 at Neuaddlwyd Academy, forged an excellent working relation- ship, as well as a lasting friendship—Griffiths commenting in 1821: For the purpose of enlivening our spirits and animating our souls in the good cause with divine truths, we find our social meetings on week evenings and Sundays very profitable and though too far to be revived by the mutual feeling produced in an animated Assembly in Wales, we may say that they prove at times Bethel to our souls.2 Acting in unison, they sought to follow the instructions given to them by David Bogue at Gosport Seminary for establishing foundations for an overseas mission. Bogue charged his missionary candidates to begin 1 Lovett, History of the London Missionary Society, vol. 1, 105. 2 Griffiths to William Griffith, [Antananarivo, 1821], 19157E, ALGC. 42 chapter two by mastering the indigenous language, using it to preach and teach; where it had no written form, to transcribe it phonetically; to compile a dictionary and grammar; and translate the Bible and other Christian literature into the local tongue. The ultimate goal was to form indig- enous converts, catechists, preachers and a church.3 Within the first decade of missionary operations in Imerina, Jones and Griffiths had achieved many of these objectives. They immedi- ately formed schools.4 By 1824 they were preaching and teaching in Malagasy and had elaborated a system for transcribing the language in Latin characters. By 1826, they had completed the first translation of the Bible, and a number of tracts, which together formed the basis for forging thousands of literate scholars. By then, they had also compiled extensive vocabulary lists, and were elaborating Malagasy grammars. Before the close of the first mission, some 15,000 Malagasy pupils had been taught to read; the Bible had been revised several times and printed; and the basis laid for the indigenous Christian community to survive a quarter century of persecution without a missionary pres- ence—until the re-establishment of an LMS mission in the early 1860s. By virtue of having started the mission, Jones enjoyed the status of “Senior Missionary” until his departure in 1830.5 However, by the mid- 1820s it was clear that Griffiths—known to the Malagasy as Ry Mose Girifisy (“Mose” from the French “Monsieur”6—Griffiths referred to himself in Malagasy as “Davida Grifisy”)7—had become the de facto leader of the Mission. Jones, who was tall and slightly built, never fully recovered from malaria contracted in 1818–19, on the northeast coast of Madagascar. His wife and child also caught it and died, as did his first colleague, Thomas Bevan, and his family. 3 David Bogue, “Lectures on Missions given to students at Gosport,” PPMS63 J.T. Hardyman People File 18, Bx.10, SOAS/CWM. 4 Jean Valette, Études sur le règne de Radama Ier (Tananarive: Imprimerie Nationale, 1962), 23–4. 5 D. Jones, D. Griffiths, D. Johns and J.J. Freeman to George Bennet, Tananarivo, 11 Aug 1828, in James Montgomery (ed.), Journal of Voyages and Travels by the Rev. Daniel Tyerman and George Bennet, Esq. deputed from the London Missionary Society to visit their various stations in the South Sea Islands, China, India, & c. between the Years 1821 and 1829 (Boston: Crocker and Brewster, 1832) vol. 3, 275–9. 6 Rabary, Ny Daty Malaza. Na Ny Dian’ i Jesosy Teto Madagaskara (Tananarive: LMS, 1930), vol. 1, 115; James Richardson, A New Malagasy-English Dictionary (Antananarivo: LMS, 1885), 444. 7 [J.V. Hall], Trans, David Griffiths. Sakaizany ny Mpanota no foroniny sy nata- ony J.V. Hall, any Maidstone. Voa diany Davida Grifisy ho teny Malagasy (Londona: Relijiosy Tiraky Sosiety, 1853)..
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