Tajik-Uzbek Relations –

Tajik-Uzbek relations – development dynamics and prospects “Historical contradictions caused by the “Big Turkestan” project, unrealized in the 1920s, lie at the heart of today’s strained relations between Tajikistan and Uzbekistan”, wrote Parviz Mullojanov, a political analyst (Tajikistan, Dushanbe), in his article, written exclusively for cabar.asia. Follow us on LinkedIn! The relations between Tajikistan and Uzbekistan are not so good today. Many observers and experts in this regard use the term “Cold War”, “Rail war”, “Transport blockade” and so on. At the same time, relations between Tajiks and Uzbeks at the household and interpersonal level are still quite far from mutual intolerance and rejection, which is not surprising. Tajiks and a significant part of Uzbeks trace their origin from the ancient Iranian-speaking population of Central Asia, and therefore, they have a lot of similarities in customs, traditions, culture, national psychology and character. Accordingly, many researchers are wondering why, despite the obvious historical closeness and the immediate neighborhood of both peoples, the relationship between the two countries remain difficult for such a long period of time? Some experts explain this phenomenon by complex relationships between the two countries’ Presidents – Islam Karimov and Emomali Rahmon. However, in fact, during the Soviet period, the relations between the neighboring republics were also quite difficult and complex. Does this mean that there are a number of other objective of long-term factors, which adversely affect the Tajik-Uzbek relations? And if so, how will the relations between the two countries develop in the next decade, especially in light of deepening social and economic crisis and geopolitical shifts in the region? In order to answer at least some of these questions, we should consider the dynamics of the relations between the two nations, since the period of the national territorial demarcation of Central Asia in the 1920s. According to most researchers, the origins and causes of the current geopolitical confrontation between the two neighboring countries should be sought in this historical period. The dynamics of the Tajik-Uzbek relations History of the Tajik-Uzbek relations in the 20th century and today can be tentatively divided into three main periods: The first period begins with the February Revolution of 1917 and the subsequent establishment of Soviet power in Central Asia. Revolutionary changes in Russia caused a Tajik-Uzbek relations – development dynamics and prospects surge of enthusiasm and inspiration among the local supporters of the movement “Jadid” (renovators) or “Young Bukharians” whose main purpose was the modernization of Bukhara (since the center of that movement was in the capital of the Emirate of Bukhara) and Central Asian society. At the same time, the Jadid ideology was greatly influenced by the ideas of Tatar “modernists” who infiltrated in the emirate of Bukhara after the emirate’s entering into the Russian Empire, as well as by the views of the Young Turks. Propagandists were young Bukhara citizens from wealthy families who studied, according to the fashion of that time, in educational institutions in Istanbul. Striving to modernize and upgrade the Central Asian society, bringing it closer to the advanced achievements of Western society, the Jadid leaders believed in the unification of all Muslim peoples of Russia into one state, which would be able to resist the European powers. Central Asian Jadidism ideologists put forward the concept of the state of Turkestan or Turan, based not on the principles of “class” solidarity (as in Marxism), but on the principles of ethno-religious solidarity of the peoples of Turkic origin. [1] Thus, the original Pan-Islamism of the Jadids was tranformed into Pan-Turkism (as the majority of Muslims in the region were Turkic speaking), which was originated in the region, paradoxically, by Tajik speaking intellectuals of Bukhara. However, not all Jadid leaders shared the ideology of Pan-Turkism. Right before the arrival of the Bolsheviks, the Jadid movement split into two warring groups: one was headed by Faizullo Khodzhaev, a millionaire (who later became one of the leaders of the Uzbek SSR) and was entirely on the positions of Pan-Turkism, while the group around a local merchant Ablulkodira Muhiddinov was more moderate, especially in the national question. However, the idea of creating a powerful Muslim state was so attractive that during some time, it was supported by all factions in varying degrees, and all conflicting factors and considerations were simply swept aside for the sake of political expediency. That is why, for the sake of the “Great Turkestan” idea, from the outset, the Jadid leaders so fiercely resisted any attempts of national delimitation in Central Asia, trying to persuade Moscow in every way about the existence of a common Turkic nation and the need to preserve its territorial unity. It was stated that “the Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Turkmens and other peoples, each of which is considered to be a separate nation, are actually part of one unified nation.” [2] However, it soon became clear that Moscow had clearly made a decision on the national delimitation in the region. In May 1920, “Turk” delegation, consisting of the main ideologists of a united Turkestan, unsuccessfully tried to persuade Moscow leadership in the inadvisability of this decision. At the same time, Lenin instructed to examine the national situation in the region and to prepare final national delimitation, so that every nation in the region got the right to their own statehood. Thus, the “Great Turkestan” project was blocked. Then, after returning from Moscow, Faizullo Khodzhaev and his supporters started implementing a project “Greater Uzbekistan” (or, in fact, the “Small Turkestan”), which would include, at least, the entire territory of the Tajik-Uzbek relations – development dynamics and prospects former Emirate of Bukhara (the territory of modern Tajikistan). [3] Here, the main problem and obstacle to the creation of this project was the existence of significant Tajik speaking population in the territory of “Small Turkestan” that formed a majority not only in the mountainous eastern part of the former emirate, but also in its main cities, especially in Samarqand, Bukhara and Khujand. Iranian-speaking Tajiks did not fit into the overall picture, and their existence was ignored or denied. The statistics and official documents sent to the Centre did not mention about them. In the local press, the problem was mentioned in the following manner: “Historically, these people (Tajiks) were Uzbeks, but under the influence of Persian civilization and literature, they became Tajik-speaking. We will give their original language and nationality back to them. Uniformity is the condition of progress, by making Tajiks of Bukhara Uzbeks (here meaning the entire former Bukhara Emirate), we will do a favor to civilization” [4]” It is necessary for Tajiks to immediately move to the Uzbek language and renounce their own Tajik language, because the socialist tread of the history has prejudged its fate.”[5] These slogans and appeals were accompanied by concrete actions of the authorities on the ground, and with such excesses that it caused outrage among some moderate Jadid and Tajik intellectuals united around the group of A. Mukhitdinov. As a result, Mukhitdinov and his supporters appealed to the Centre with the project of Tajikistan. However, the main role in the development and lobbying of a new project was played by young Tajik Bolsheviks Shirinsho Shotemur, Chinor Imamov and Nusratullo Makhsum. Natives of the mountainous regions of Eastern Bukhara and Pamir, they established Soviet power in the field and fought the Basmachi; and Jadids with their “bourgeois” origin and ideas about “united Muslim power” were a totally alien and hostile phenomenon for them. Thus, in the early 1920s, two political projects, Tajik and Uzbek, clashed in Central Asia, and they were mutually exclusive. Indeed, the implementation of the “Small Turkestan” project did not give Tajiks any chance to statehood; and vice versa, creating borders of Tajikist within the spread of Iranian speaking population and Farsi (which would imply the transfer of Samarqand and Bukhara to the Tajiks) actually put an end to the project of “Greater Uzbekistan” from the Aral Sea to the Chinese border. That is why, during the next few years, the confrontation between supporters of both projects took an extreme violent character. Actually, there was an information war, the purpose of which was to get the support of Moscow. The main efforts of the Tajik side were designed to prove the very existence of the Tajik ethnic group in the area and their right to statehood. This was the so-called “war of historians”, probably, one of the first and most fierce on the Soviet space, when the history and culture of the region suddenly acquired an acute political significance. In this case, the history and culture were treated from absolutely opposite values and civilizational positions. For example, M. Behbudi and A. Fitrat, famous Jadid leaders and ideologists of the united Tajik-Uzbek relations – development dynamics and prospects Turkestan, published the plays “Tamerlane” and “Genghis Khan”, in which both conquerors represented a source of pride for all of Central Asians. In turn, Sadriddin Aini, who is considered the founder of the Tajik Soviet literature, wrote research books “Temur Malik” and “Examples of the Tajik literature”, where heroes of anti-Mongolian uprisings were praised, and Tamerlane was a merciless tyrant, who built “minarets of the heads of Tajiks”. Finally, Moscow authorities had drawn to that issue famous Russian Orientalists V.V. Bartold, A.A. Andreev and E. Bertels, whose conclusion would advance the Tajik project. So in 1924, there was created the Tajik Autonomous Republic within the Uzbek SSR. It took several more years of fierce confrontation before 1929, when residents in Khujand and its surrounding areas raised massive protests, as they were dissatisfied with the violent transfer of local secondary schools to the Uzbek language.

Load more