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Internal and External Dimensions of Conflict in : An Analysis

1Hamood Mohammed Hamood Department of Political Science School of Humanities Lovely Professional University (INDIA)

Abstract Yemen civil war, which has been trapped in the fire of a brutal civil war since 2015, involved internal and external factors to shape the destiny of Yemen. Internal disputes and conflicts between local political parties and religious movements are strongly influenced by the country's stability, which is perceived to be the internal local supremacy of the crisis in Yemen. International actors and their presence and influence create a situation that is perceived to be the world's greatest man-made humanitarian disaster. Yemen's political interference will be at its best between the regional forces of , the UAE and their alliance on one side and Iran on the other. This article analyses the internal and external factors that are fundamental and primary factors/players in the Yemeni conflict contributing to the global humanitarian crisis.

Key Words: Yemen, Conflict, Houthi, Coalition, Civil- War

Introduction

The alliance that Saudi Arabia is leading as a Shiite Sunni and Iran and Hazb Allah and their allies in the Al Houthi (Ansar Allah) local sphere. The actual civil war began with the uprising carried out in 2014 by the Al when they succeeded in taking over Sana'a, the capital of Yemen. The Houthis are a group adhering to Zaidi Shi'ism and are largely indigenous to the mountainous northern regions. The revolution began in the early 2000s and after the turmoil with the spread of the Arab Spring, spent considerably from 2012 to 2015 took over Sana'a, the capital of Yemen. This campaign is seen as Iran's hand in Yemen, so Saudi Arabia has formed a coalition to fight against it.

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In Western , Yemen is a nation at the southern edge of the . It is also recognised as the Yemeni Republic. It is the peninsula's second-largest Arab sovereign territory, covering 527,970 square kilometres (203,850 square miles). The shoreline reaches for around 1,200 miles (2,000 kilometres). Yemen's population is around 29,629,029. To the north, Yemen is bounded by Saudi Arabia, to the west by the , to the south by the and the Bab-el-Mandeb River, and to the east by and the Arab Sea. More than 200 islands are protected by Yemen, including , which is known to be one of the largest islands in the . Yemen is part of the Arab League, the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Islamic Cooperation Group (Black, 2016). Yemen is listed as a failing state with a high need for transformation. Before 1990, Yemen had become two countries, the Arab Republic of Yemen and the South of Yemen, and by 22 May 1990, the two countries had become one called the Republic of Yemen. Since 2011, Yemen has been in a state of constitutional instability and disagreement between Yemen's political parties, leading to street demonstrations against hunger, jobs, corruption, and the initiative of President Saleh to change the constitution of Yemen and lift the presidential term limit, essentially rendering him president for life. President Saleh moved down and the powers of the presidency were conveyed to Vice President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, who was constitutionally elected president in a one-candidate election on 21 February 2012. Because of the failure of President Hadi, it was exploited by the Houthi movement and distributed widely so that in the last victory of the movement in September 2014, the Houthis took over Sana'a, the capital of Yemen.

The Houthis are supported by Iran, particularly after eventually controlling Sana'a to control much of Yemen's north. Yemen's president, Abd Rabbuh Hadi, who is recognised by the , settled in Aden (south of Yemen) in March 2015, making it the provisional capital of the region. In the other hand, Houthi forces concentrated their efforts on capturing this major port city. Saudi Arabia started to form armed forces along its border with Yemen after the Houthi assault on Aden City. One of the Houthi chiefs, Mohammed Ali Al Houthi, declared at that time that his troops were ready for any action. There were also political clashes between Yemeni political parties that made the situation worse, especially between the General National Congress headed by former President Ali Abduallah Salih and the Islah faction, which is considered a branch of Yemen's Islamic Brotherhood Movement. This military coalition, including Jorden, Sudden,

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Morocco, Egypt, Senegal, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and other nations, wanted to engage in direct action against the Houthi movement. Djibouti, , and Somalia have made the coalition part of their airspace, sovereign water, and military bases. In addition, the alliance is sponsored by various nations, including the United States, the United Kingdom and France, which supply it with arms and intelligence (Flint, 2016). In the case of diplomacy, Iran was the only nation that accepted Yemen's Houthi as an official government. On September 1, 2019, the Houthi administration, which is not recognised by the UN, nominated Ibrahim Mohammed AL-Dailami as ambassador. So, Iran was named Ambassador in Sana'a Hassan Eyrlo in Sana'a in October 2020, this move is considered to be Diplomatic Support for the Government of Houthi. The conflict has widespread traditional condemnation and has had a drastic deteriorating impact on the humanitarian condition of Yemen, which is called a humanitarian disaster. The conflict is going from bad to worse and Yemeni people are the only losers of this aggressive war. It is accurate to realise that everything is a smoke screen behind the Yemeni conflict. The unseen hand behind this battle is a strategic and petro-political storey aimed at securing the Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb and the Gulf of Aden. Moreover, Yemen's strategic importance draws all major forces in the region. Objectives: ▪ To understand internal and external factors of conflict in the Yemen ▪ To analyses the changing new dimensions and consequences of conflicts in the Yemen Methodology: Qualitative research methodology has been used in this study to understand the deep investigations over Yemen conflict. It adopted the analytical method to investigate new dimensions and consequences. The study is purely based on secondary sources of articles, books and Journal publications besides the personal experience of author being native to Yemeni conflict. The research method is descriptive-analytic. Data is collected in using internet resources, magazines, news Channels, and Website sources. The first method of collect and analysis of the study is to investigate the main and important internal and external factors in the Yemeni crisis. Then how the competing forces benefit these factors at various national, regional and transnational levels is considered. The analysis has been carried out mainly qualitatively.

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Literature Review Melissa Mclaughlin’s (2019) article A Geopolitical Analysis of Foreign Interventions In Yemen, the geographical position of Yemen is an enticing location for foreign players not only in the presence of time but also from ancient times, so he noted that Yemen was divided back to the 1800s, when the Ottoman Empire used its influence in the northern part of the world and the UK in the south. Indeed, the real involvement of the internal relations that began with the great powers after the Arab Spring of 2011 offered a strong opportunity for the regional powers to intervene in the country and to make use of the disagreement between the Yemeni parties and the religious clashes between them. Due to the disagreement between Yemeni political parties on one side and the widespread expansion of the Houthi movement linked to Zaidi Shi'ism, which is supported militarily and diplomatically by Iran, the crisis opened the way for foreign actors. Then, from the other side of Saudi Arabia, Iran began to support them indirectly, with a golden opportunity to support the President of Yemen, who regarded him as the rightful president of the country that was elected in 2012. Saudi Arabia was the first foreign country to participate in air strikes in the Yemeni crisis in 2015. Most scholars believe that Saudi Arabia is seeking to assert its position as a leading regional force in the Yemeni war. Often the participation of the UAE is similarly geopolitical in scope. The UAE, considered part of the Arab-African alliance, has increasingly supported the Southern Separatist movement, but this is entirely against the key objective of a coalition that preserves the nation's independence and beats the Houthi insurgency. Damir Nazarov’s (2019) article Yemen and The Geopolitics of The Arabian A peninsula that studies the position of the UAE in the southern part of Yemen and in particular, the Southern Transition Council under its oversight. Though Saudi Arabia is opposed to the UAE's strategy, Saudi Arabia has its own proxies on Yemen's soil. Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya’s article The War on Yemen: where Oil and Geopolitics Mix that describes the Yemeni War as a tale of geopolitics and petro-politics that aims to control the Bab- el-Mandeb Strait and the Gulf of Aden. This war is much connected too much to the geopolitical significance of Yemen.

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This war is about oil and the Saudi suceration and the intent of making Yemen a vassal state, especially Yemen, a major maritime chasm called "Bab-el-Mandeb" which connects the Indigenous Ocean, the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea. Bab-el-Mandeb Overs is one of the most critical and strategic corridors for energy transportation and international trade. A major objective of the war on Yemen is to stop the United States and Saudi rivals (Iran) in the area from establishing a strategic foothold over the Mandeb Strait and the Gulf of Aden. Hossein Mokhtari Hashi’s (2017) article Geopolitical Analysis of Yemen Crisis studies the recent Yemeni crisis from the geographic aspects and geopolitical view. The especially in natural, human, and strategic dimensions that gives facilities as well as a background for internal and external interventions forces to act influence and intervene. The effective geopolitical factors in Yemen crisis have widespread range that has acted as a great role from ancient times to the present. from the ancient time till now the history of Yemen is full of interventions and interferences from the regional as well as global actors due to the significance of geostrategic location of Yemen. The process of Independence and the unity process between the two parts south and north of Yemen. The strategic location of the country attracts the great powers in the region to control and influence it.

Geostrategic factors effecting internal politics of Yemen Yemen's geopolitical geographical conditions have a significant effect on the country itself and on the condition of human groups living within the country's strategic regions. The country is regarded as very strategic alongside the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, which inspires the parties involved to have influence over the straits, not only them but also regional and global forces to directly administer the straits through their forces or to establish the national powers of the Yemeni people to take control of the straits and be dominated by this foreign player. The UAE helps certain individual troops and offers them armed powers to combat, take over and indirectly control certain geographical areas. The port of Aden, which is one of the most important ports in the Middle East, and the island of Socotra in Yemen, which is considered to be one of the most stunning islands in the world facing the Gulf of Aden and the . Any regional force in the region therefore seeks to use the civil war in Yemen to fulfil its national interests. The branch of the Brotherhood movement the Yemeni political party Islah to make revolution against the former president Ali Abdullah Selah. projection of soft power was a key pillar

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of Turkey's foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. The ideology of the Justice and Development Party appealed to many in Arab countries who sought democratic reforms and

political openings for their grassroots movement. The he Yemeni Islah party is also related and supported by Qatar and the party is considered to be the right hand for the policy of Qatar in Yemen. The last forces formed by the help of UAE in Mocha, they are local and the loyalists to the former president Ali Selah. They are leading by Selah's nephew Tariq Mohammed Selah. So it supports Tariq Saleh, a nephew of former president Ali Abdullah Saleh, who lead military units previously loyal to his late uncle.Tariq and other members of Saleh clan have a poor relationship with Islah so that the UAE supports them as another tool to undermine the Brotherhood in the country. The UAE, moreover, likely views the Saleh clan as possible leaders in post-war Yemen. In the southern part of Yemen, The UAE has set up military bases in the central region of Hadramaut and Sea port of Aden, which was seized from Hadi government by the UAE backed

Southern Transitional Council. The Southern Transitional Council which is supported by UAE now controlling the southern part of the country, it plays the main role in the southern part of the country even if they are considered to be separatists forces whom want to separate Yemen into two parts northern part and southern part to be two different states (Qureshi, 2020).

Discussion over External Factors Role Saudi Arabia Saudi Arabia, which seeks as much as possible to be a regional force and to control the gulf countries as well as the Arab and Islamic countries, plays the most important role in this battle. Saudi Arabia led a coalition of nine West Asian and African countries on 26 March 2015, in response to a request by Yemeni President Abdu Rabbu Mansur Hadi for military assistance after being ousted by the Houthi movement due to economic and political grievances and fleeing to Saudi Arabia. This group has targeted not only the Al Houthi movement, but also the loyalists of former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Selah, dubbed the Operation Decisive Storm code of Saudi Arabia. This war is a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran, to be very honest (Castree, et al, 2013)

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Saudi Arabia is still seeking to defeat the Houthi troops as far as possible and create a regime under its control for the sake of national security and create a government that is more faithful to the Saudi King than to Yemen. In certain other ways, in order to seek power, Saudi Arabia does the same, sometimes directly by its military acts or by helping some political parties and providing them military aid to build up military forces so that they battle under supervision and control. Saudi Arabia's military involvement in Yemen is now approaching its sixth year, but to be serious, the coalition has not accomplished its stated objectives: crushing the Houthi rebels and restoring the rightful government of Yemen. Instead, conflict of interests among its participants has divided the Saudi alliance, allowing Houthis to advance on many fronts. In comparison, such rifts have benefited the Houthi movement. In the northern province, they regained large areas and plan to continue. Saudi Arabia has other goals by the course of time, not because it exposed the intrusion for the first time. Saudi Arabia does not want this conflict to bring an end to its position against democracy and even relatively stable regimes like Yemen (Græge, 2019). The Saudi coalition replicated the monarchical models of its proponents, mostly turning to conventional families and alliances to defend their objectives and enforce their strategies while dealing with the Yemeni people. For starters, the Coalition dispensed with vestiges of democratic political life, such as local councils, civil society institutions and press freedom. In comparison, several competitors were destroyed (Akkaş, 2019) in coalition- controlled areas. These government deficiencies have weakened the credibility of the alliance's replica, rendering it weaker than the previous five years. Looking too carefully, we'll search the new geographer.

The Role of Iran in Yemeni crisis Iran also directly or implicitly funds Houthi soldiers because they are tied to the same Islamic ideology. Saudi still claims that this Yemeni movement is getting military support from Iran only to establish a crisis in this region, and Saudi believes that it will cut Iran's hand in Yemen by defeating this group. AL Houthi, however, denies all these accusations, but now it is becoming very clear that Iran is the only nation in Yemen that has accepted the Houthi as an official government. The Houthi administration, which is not recognised by the UN, appointed Ibrahim Mohammed AL-Dailami as ambassador on September 1, 2019.

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So, Iran was named Ambassador in Sana'a Hassan Eyrlo in Sana'a in October 2020, this move is considered to help the Houthi government diplomatically. Indeed, it is very clear that the dispute between Yemeni domestic players plays a very important role in these disputes and crises, which are considered to be a domestic cause, but also interventions from Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, the three major countries. Yemen is too clear for Iran and Saudi Arabia as a sandbox, and if Riyadh and Tehran do not decide to bring an end to the turmoil in Yemen, it would act as a perfect justification for a full-scale conflict between the two regional powers to erupt (Grygiel, 2006).

The Role of UAE Particularly in the current Yemeni crisis, when the Arab coalition supports Yemen's legitimacy by supporting legitimate President Abdu Rabu Hadi and his government. The UAE is a fraction of the Decisive Storm Operation that started on 26 March 2015 and is a very committed member of the alliance. With 18,000 military personnel, about 3,500 special forces and 3,000 additional UAE airmen, sailors and troops serving in direct support of offshore and surrounding areas, the UAE supported the Coalition. The main goal of the UAE in Yemen is to control its most critical priority in foreign policy. More precisely, the UAE involvement in Yemen has raised too many concerns regarding the Saudi-led Arab coalition's contribution to the restoration of the legitimate Yemeni government in line with United Nations Security Council Resolution 2216 of 2015, which affirmed the integrity of Yemeni unity and independence. The real actions of the UAE in the field vary from the goals of the alliance in which the UAE serves the powers of separation. It is quite clear from this strategy that the UAE, as a growing force in the Arabian Gulf, is pursuing an ambitious geopolitical outline that has brought it to the south of Yemen, the Arabian Peninsula, and the Bab al-Mandeb zone in the southern part of the Red Sea. It is very important to organise numerous political and economic tools for an expansionist position and to sign a joint commercial agreement on the agenda. As well as the strategic position that pulls all the regional and foreign force to govern it the Yemeni island Socotra is known to be one of the most stunning islands in the world (Scholvin, 2016). It is also regarded as the' Pearl of the Gulf of Aden.' The conquest of Socotra by the UAE demonstrates its regional aspirations to monitor the Gulf of Aden in order to guarantee that the welfare of the free flow of trade across the Gulf is accomplished. The UAE supports the separatist rebels in Aden in the southern part of the

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country, loyal to the Southern Transitional Council (STC), which is considered a political body that seeks to regain independence in the south. The UAE is also opposed to the Islah group, which is perceived to be linked to the Saudi-supported Islamic Brotherhood movement. Saudi Arabia, on the other hand, is opposed (STC) to those perceived to be separatist in Saudi Arabia, where Saudi Arabia supports Yemen's unification. This case of conflict between the powers of the coalition would be (Rachman, 2020). United States of America is not away from this crisis The United States of America provided full assistance to a relentless air campaign from the very first second of Saudi Arabia's involvement in the in March 2015, when Saudi warplanes and bombs struck thousands of targets, including residential sites and buildings, with impunity. At the onset of these operations, US officials insisted that funding for American training intelligence would help the Saudis from causing further civilian deaths and support the Saudis with the most affective American military arms. In fact, the United States of America is not free from this situation as it plays a part in the coalition as intelligence support on one side and battling Al-Qaeda on the other side. It's a very useful fight for the United States to open a huge store for their weapons. The U.S. has sold about $68 billion since the outbreak of the Saudi war in 2014, according to Middle East Eye newspaper. Not only Yemen, but also several other Arab countries such as Iraq, Syria, and are affected by the conflicts between those two regional powers. This is more than a real conflict, it is a diplomatic game in which there is no agreement between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to support the alliance battling Yemeni groups. After the beginning of Saudi Arabia's involvement in Yemen, Saudi has immediately sold U.S. weapons totaling US$110 billion to US$350 billion over 10 years. So, this war for U.S is very beneficial for their economic.

The role of Turkey in Yemeni War The role of Turkey became so active from the upraising of Arabic Spring in 2011, when Turkey directly supported the branch of the Brotherhood movement the Yemeni political party Islah to make revolution against the former president Ali Abdullah Selah. Turkey projection of soft power was a key pillar of Turkey's foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. The ideology of the Justice and Development Party appealed to many in Arab countries who sought democratic reforms and political openings for their grassroots movement (Sloan, 1999).

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Turkey's geostrategic interests in the Red Sea and Bab al Mandeb coupled with historical connections rooted in the Ottoman era that bond Turks and Yemenis. Indeed, Turkey tries to has high stakes in the Yemeni political environment in future and unfolding humanitarian disaster. Indeed, Turkey supported the operation for two main reasons. The first one is that the perspective of Turkey, the Houthis' rejection of the UNSCR 2201 and refusal to withdraw from the government institution in Sana'a meant that the Iran-allied rebels were responsible for Yemen's deteriorating situation (Blumi, 2018). The second reason is that Turkey lent support to the internationally- recognized government of Abd-Rabbu Hadi .The visits to Turkey paid by Hadi and delegations representing his government have underscored Ankara's support for Hadi.

In addition, Turkey role in Yemen in current time is opposed Iran's meddling in Yemeni affairs via Iranian sponsorship of the Houthi rebellions. The Turkey's president Erdogan went even further to accuse Iran of trying to dominate the region via its sectarian agenda , he also said that "Iran has to withdraw any forces, whatever it has in Yemen, as well as in Iraq and Syria and respect their territorial integrity.'' So that Turkey supported the Operation Decisive Storm was logical because, at least from the point of view of Turkey government that Saudi-led campaign contributed to wider effort to resolve Yemen's conflict and to restore the country' legitimate state authority back in power (Østerud, 1988).

Furthermore, Turkey agreed to support and provide the Saudis with intelligence and logistical support in Yemen even if there is no direct military support. From the side of Turkey role in the Yemeni current crisis, the Turkey role has varied in scope and type shifting between security, politics, diplomacy and humanitarianism depending on the situation on the ground. The security landscape within Turkey and immediate neighborhood at the end of 2015 and during 2016 has left Ankara viewing the Yemeni crisis as lower priority. Turkey has strongly and consistently stressed on the significant of preserving Yemen's territorial integrity and unity. Furthermore, Turkey hosted and treated many Yemenis who suffered injuries because of the ongoing armed conflict as well as its emergency assistance in 2015 and 2016, and its pledge of $1million announced in April 2017 at the "High level Pledging Event for the Humanitarian Crisis in Yemen." Turkey very recently sent to Yemen a vessel containing around 11 thousand tons of humanitarian assistance, worth USD 9 million (Lackner, 2018).

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The Role of in Yemen The relation between Yemen and Israel don’t have any diplomatic relations and the relation is so complex between the two countries in which Yemeni people and government totally with Palestinian issue. Republic of Yemen will not recognize Israel as a state till Israel withdraw its colonial ruler from Plantain and recognize Plantain in the map of the two countries in year 1948. Seriously the relations between two countries are very tense. In fact, the people with an Israeli passport or any passport with an Israeli stamp cannot enter Yemen, and Yemen is considered as "enemy state'' by the Israeli law.

In the contemporary time especially after the nominalization of the relation between UAE and Israel, the two countries are working silently on a plan to establish spy bases on the Yemeni island of Socotra, according to JForum, the official site of the Jewish and French- speaking community.

The two countries in the last month were signed the Braham Accords Peace Agreement which is considered to be normalization the relations between the two countries.

So as UAE has strong hand and strong influence in the South part of Yemen so the two countries have already undertaken steps to install a secret station on Socotra, which is strategically located in some 350 kilometers (217 mile south of Yemen and currently under the control of the Emirates. As the report mentioned that, a delegation of Israeli and Emirati intelligence officers recently visited Socotra and examined various location for establishing the planned intelligence base. The collecting of intelligence across the region is the main purpose of this spy station, especially from the Bab el_ Mandeb Strait, a see route which is considered as a chokepoint between the Horn of Africa and the south of Yemen, along with the Gulf of Aden and the Middle East. The report also alleged that Tel Aviv's surveillance centers would monitor the actions of Houthi militants in Yemen and Iranian naval movement in the region, as well as examines sea and air traffic in the southern part of the Red Sea. Israel has great ambitions to controlling the Yemeni strategic location especially Socotra as well as Bab el Mandeb Strait so the Israeli regime has praised the UAE's actions on the Yemeni island of Socotra (Tomasz Orlowski, 2019).

According to the Al-Alam news Agency, Israeli security an d military service expressed their satisfaction regarding the UAE's control of Socotra, saying that they were worried the Houthi

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movement would dominate the strategic island. A report published on the website of Hebrew Channel 12 by an expert in the Middle Eastern affairs who is very close to Tel Aviv's forces said" Socotra Island is attracting a lot of attention from Israeli security services.'' The report also said, ''The UAE is currently building military bases on the island and investing to gain the support of people there.''

Moreover, the report revealed that Tel Aviv's security and military expert were closely monitoring developments on the island by the separatists STC. Israeli expert who works as an analyst on Hebrew television said Israel is ready to assist the STC movement in its confrontation with Iran's allies (Hill, 2017). In fact, in 2016 some Arab and Iranian media allege that Israel started building an intelligence-gathering base at the top of Mount Ambassaira, south of Eritrean Capital of Asmara. The station, according to this report, is designed to monitor the conflict in the Yemen as well as the naval situation in the region, including the movement of Iranian naval forces. The security, military and intelligence cooperation that the UAE aspire to establish with the Israeli will ensure that the implementation of their policy of expansion and influence over the fates and decisions of other Arab countries in the region (Erica Gaston, 2014).

Conclusion/Analysis In brief, Yemen is marked by a lack of central control, a lack of security, a weak economy, challenging geography and regional intervention in its internal problems. Both of these characteristics have made Yemen poor. In addition, its geostrategic condition in ancient times, historic and current, has drawn many nations. Indeed, Yemen's strategic importance is the primary justification for this aggressive invasion, which has turned Yemen's condition the greatest problem in the world today. The Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, a strategic waterway between Yemen and Djibouti that transports approximately four million barrels of oil daily to Europe, the United States of America and Asia, is the most significant aspect. Bab-el-Mandeb is also internationally important for foreign trade. The largest humanitarian catastrophe in the world is the result of this brutal invasion, and ten thousand people have been killed for no cause. More than 12,000 Yemeni people have been killed, according to ACLED, as well as reports of more than 85,000 dead as a result of the continuing war-related famine. In addition, according to UNCEF, Yemen is the world's greatest humanitarian disaster, with more than 24 million refugees, 80% of the population, including 12 million girls, in need of assistance. The country

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has been a living hell for the children of the nation since the beginning of the violence in March 2015. In fact, Yemen's war situation is heading from bad to worse, so it is obvious that local Yemeni actors are at their own risk of ignoring the conflict. Seriously, it is the moment that they need to eradicate the trouble, alleviate the tensions, and end this war in order to defend their country. This is a moment where they must save themselves from being pawns.

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References Akkaş, B. D. (2019). Yemen and the Gulf States: The Making of a Crisis. Black, J. (2016). The Holocaust: History & Memory. Indiana University Press. Blumi, I. (2018). Destroying Yemen: what chaos in Arabia tells us about the world. Univ of California Press.

Castree, N., Kitchen, R., & Rogers, A. (2013). Anarchist geography. In id. Erica Gaston, (2014) Process Lessons Learned in Yemen´s National Dialogue, USIP Special Report 342. Flint, C. (2016). Introduction to geopolitics. Taylor & Francis. Grygiel, J. J. (2006). Great powers and geopolitical change. JHU Press. Græger, N. (2019). Illiberalism, geopolitics, and middle power security: Lessons from the Norwegian case. International Journal, 74(1), 84-102. Hill, G. (2017). Yemen endures: civil war, Saudi adventurism and the future of Arabia. Oxford University Press.

Kleemann, S. (2019). The Forgotten War: Yemen. Lackner, H., & Varisco, D. M. (Eds.). (2018). Yemen and the Gulf States: The Making of a Crisis. Berlin: Gerlach Press.

Østerud, Ø. (1988). Review Essay: The Uses and Abuses of Geopolitics. Journal of Peace Research, 25(2), 191-199. Qureshi, W. A. (2020). The crisis in Yemen: Armed conflict and international law. NCJ Int'l L., 45, 227. Rachman, I. U. (2020). The middle east cold war: the dynamic of proxy wars in the aftermath of 2010 Arab spring= Perang dingin timur tengah: dinamika perang proksi setelah 2010 Arab spring (Doctoral dissertation, Universitas Pelita Harapan).

Scholvin, S. (2016). Geopolitics: An overview of concepts and empirical examples from international relations. The Finnish Institute of International Affairs Kruunuvuorenkatu, 4. Sloan, G. R., & Gray, C. S. (Eds.). (1999). Geopolitics, geography and strategy. Frank Cass

Tomasz Orlowski (2019). The civil war in Yemen and the geopolitics of the Middle East Region.

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Reports http://crsreport.congress.gov http://www.bbc.com/news/world-midddle East-29319423\

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