The Trading Relations Between Yemen and India from the Third Century B.C

The Trading Relations between Yemen and India from the Third Century B.C. to the Fourth Century A.D.

(Qana Seaport and Seaports of West Indian)

THESIS

SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSPHY IN HISTORY By

MOGALLI HAMOOD MOHAMMED AL-RAEEINI

Under the Supervision of

PROF. M. K. PUNDHIR

CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH – 202002 INDIA

2018

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all praise is for the Almighty Allah, the Lord of the "Al-Alamin", who showed His gracious blessings upon me, without which it was impossible to complete the work. The wisdom and intellect granted to me by the Almighty has been the sole factor in the successful completion of this doctoral thesis.

The words fell short to express my gratitude to my teacher and Supervisor Professor Manvendra Kumar Pundhir, C.A.S. Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, whose supervision, inspiration and moral support enabled me to complete this work. He has not only acted as my supervisor and guide giving me his precious time and advice for more generosity than his official duty demanded, but has also encouraged me in many ways throughout my research work.

I would also like to express my gratitude to Prof. Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi, Chairman and Coordinator, Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, AMU, Aligarh. My Special thanks also go to other teachers, especially, Prof. Tariq Ahmed, Prof. Ali Athar, and others for their encouragement and necessary help during my Ph.D. I express my sincere thanks to Dr. Amin Al-Jabar, Dr. Mohammed Tahir Al-Haj, Salah Al-Qwsi Department of History, Dhamar Universety.

I owe my sincere thanks to the staff of Seminar Library, Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, as well as Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University, for providing me all possible facilities and relevant books and the manuscripts for study purpose. I am also grateful to the staff of the Calicut University Library provides me all possible material that was required for my thesis. Along with them I would aiso like to extend my thanks to Kerala Council for Historical Research.

The acknowledgement will remain incomplete if I denigrate the remarkable role and contribution of my family because their affection, care, encouragement, inspiration, moral and financial support constantly promoted me to accomplish my research work comfortably. My loving parents Late Hamood Mohammed Al-raeeini and Nabat Salh Mohammed to whome I am dedicating this work. I also give special thanks to my wives Shahrazad and Fadhlih, and my real life Shami, Sham, Iman, Ruqiah, Sundus, and Dhiya

i Al-Dian. Also my warm regards to all my family members, brothers (Jamal, Nabil and Ali) and sisters who supported me morally during this time.

I express my sincere thanks to my friends whose support, suggestions, cooperation and encouragement always proved fruitful for my study. I can never forget their company within the University campus and outside on dhabas never let me feel that I am at a distance from my home. The confederation of my friends include, Lutfur Rehman Khan Serwani, Mohd. Noorain Khan, Dr. Mohd. Anas, Abdul Motleb Shaikh, Dr. Aziz ur Rehman and Dr. Md Suhail.

I also give special thanks to Al-Haj Sadulallah Husami, Al-Badri family (Mohad Salh Badri, Sajdah Badri, Ali Badri, Aziz Badri, and AAsif Badri).Their company was really fascinating which proved fruitful for my endeavor. And I am not forget my sincer thank to Khlid Emran, Nabil Al-Asmi, Khlil Abdulah, Yazid Wahas, Mohmmed Shaar, Shahir Buraihi, and all Yemeni students at AMU.

I express my sincere thanks to those friends I shared the good life in Aligarh during of the Study, Dr. Hatim from Jurdon, Dr. Haydir Alami from Iraq, Dr. Qahtan from Iraq, Dr. Mihr Duhgan from Iran, Dr. Zainab from Iran.

Finally, I express my indebtedness to my glorious and esteemed institution, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh and my homage to its founder Sir Syed Ahmad Khan.

Place: Aligarh Mogalli Hamood Al- raeeini

ii Abbreviations

Ry 520 Inscription in Ryckmans G 1954

RES Répertoir d‟Epigraphie Semitique

CIH Corpus inscriptionum Himyariticarum. Inscriptions in Corpus inscriptionum semiticarum Pars IV. Paris: Reipublicae Typographeo, 1889–1932.

CIAS Corpus des inscriptions et antiquités sud-Arabique

Ja Inscriptions publiées par A.Jamme.

Gl Glaser. E, Inscriptions recuillies et publiées par Glaser

Fa Fakhry, Archaeological Journy, I. II.

Ir Iryānī, Nuqūš Musnadiyya (1990).

Ry Ryckmans. G. Inscriptions recuillies et publiées par Ryckmans

Ja Inscription published by Jamme Albert.

BASOR Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research

RES Repertoire d'Epigraphie Semitique, Paris, (8 Vols. 1900-1968).

CIH Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum Par Quarta Inscriptines Himyariticus et Sabeas, Paris, Academia, Inscriptionum et Litterarum Humaniorum Tomus 1, 2, 3 .1889-1908.

PUF Presses universitaires de France,1961

JWH Journal of World History

Tr Translate

JHS Journal of Historical Studies.

JYSA Journal yearbooks Syrian Archaeological

JRS Journal of Roman Studies

CAH Cambridge Ancient History

iii

JSGAP Journal study of Gulf and Arabian Peninsula

IAS Iraqi Academy of Science

BR Yanbug M. A. Ba Faqih, Ch. J. Robin. Inscriptions Inedites De, Yanbuq

JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology

KSA Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

JHS Journal of Historical Studies

SAJ Syrian Antiquities Journal

SHA Studies in the History of Arabia

JGSI Journal Geological Society of India

IJHM Indian Journal of Hazardous Materials

OLPJ Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica Journal

AFSM American Foundation for the Study of Man

RJAYAE Raydan: Journal of Ancient Yemen Antiquities and Epigraphy

HMSO Her Majesty's Stationery Office

CYSR Centre for Yemeni Studies and Research

Inv Investigator

Publ Publisher

Dist Distributor

KSU King Saud University

Dist Distributors

KCHR Kerala of Council for Historical Research

PUQ Presses de l'Univereslte du Quebec

CED Centre for Environment and Development

PES Periplus of Erythraean Sea

JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society

Y.I Yemen and India

JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society cent Century

PTM I Pattanam Excavation Season 2011.

PTM II Pattanam Excavation Season 2012.

PTM III Pattanam Excavation Season 2013.

v List of Figure

Figure 1: Map of India …………………………………………………… 245 Figure 2: Map of Arabia Peninsula ………………………………………. 246 Figure 3: Ancient Yemen Kingdom ……………………………………… 247 Figure 4: Qataban Laws ………………………………………………….. 248 Figure 5: Alexander Campaign …………………………………………... 248 Figure 6: Silk Route Map …………………………………………...... 249 Figure 7: Ancient Indian Ships …………………………………………… 250 Figure 8: Barygaza Port Map …………………………………………...... 251 Figure 9: Port of Muziris Map …………………………………………..... 252 Figure 10: Wharf and boat from Pattanam ……………………………….... 253 Figure 11: Qana Port ………………………………………………...... 254 Figure 12: Husn Al-Ghurab – Qana ………………………………...... 254 Figure 13: Arabia Peninsula Trade Routes …………………………...... 255 Figure 14: Ancient Sea Trade Routes …………………………...... 256 Figure 15: Monsoon Diraction in Arabian Sea …………………………...... 257 Figure 16: Yamanat Region in coastal Area of Hadramawt ……………...... 257 Figure 17: Yemen Amphora from West Indian (Ovoid Jars) …………...... 258 Figure 18: Indian Cooking pot with post-firing South Arabian Monogram ... 258 Figure 19: Indian Amphora from Qana Port ………………………...... 259 Figure 20: Statue of the Indian Dancer ……………………………...... 259 Figure 21: Socotra Map ……………………………...... 260 Figure 22: The ancient India epigraphy from Hoq Cave …………...... 261 Figure 23: Tamil-Brahmi epigraphy from southern Arabia ……...... 262 Figure 24: Ḥadrami Inscription mention to Indian …………………...... 262

List of Table Socotra Map Table 1: The Commercial Goods in Barygaza Port ……...... 263 Table 2: The Distances between Caravan Cities in the Arab ……...... 264

vi Contents

Acknowledgments ……………………………………………………………. i Abbreviations …………………………………………………………… iii List of Figures …………………………………………………………… vi List of Tables …………………………………………………………… vi Contents …………………………………………………………… vii Introduction …………………………………………………………… xiv

CHAPTER I- THE NATURE OF THE SOURCES

1.1 Herodutus (484-425 BC) ………………………………………… 1 1.2 Theophrastus (372- 287 BC) ……………………………………… 4 1.3 Eratosthenes (276-196 BC) ………………………………………. 5 1.4 Megasthanese ……………………………………………………. 6 1.5 Arrian …………………………………………………………… 7 1.6 Diodorus Siculus (80-30 BC) …………………………………….. 8 1.7 Ptolemy …………………………………………………………… 9 1.8 Strabo (6/420-19 BC) …………………………………………….. 10 1.9 Pliny the Elder (23/24-79 AD) …………………………………… 12 1.10 The Peirplus of the Erythraen Sea …………………………………… 14 1.11 Ancient Indian Sources ………………………………………………. 15 1.11.1 Literary Sources ……………………………………………………… 15 1.11.2 Indian Archaeological Sources ………………………………………. 18 1.12 Ancient Yemen Sources ……………………………………………… 20 1.12.1 Inscriptions …………………………………………………………… 20 1.12.2 Coins …………………………………………………………………. 21 1.12.3 Archaeological Remains …………………………………………….. 22

CHAPTER II- HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

2.1 Section 1- Ancient Indian Background ……………………………. 23 2.1.1 Physiographic Regions …………………………………………. 24 2.1.2 The Peninsular Plateau …………………………………………. 26 2.1.3 The Rivers ………………………………………………………... 27 2.1.4 The Plains ……………………………………………………….. 30 2.1.4.2 The Coastal Plain ……………………………………………. 31 2.1.4.2.1 The East Coastal Plain ……………………………………………. 32 2.1.4.2.2 The West Coastal Plain …………………………………………. 32

vii 2.1.5 The Desert ……………………………………………………… 33 2.1.6 Brief of Ancient India History …………………………………. 33 2.1.7 Achaemenid Era (538-327 BC) …………………………………… 35 2.1.8 The Greek Era (327-322 BC) …………………………………… 35 2.1.9 The Mauryan Empire (322-188 BC) ……………………………… 37 2.1.10 The Kushan Empire (2nd BC- AD 3rd) …………………………… 40 2.1.11 The Rule of Gupta Dynasty (320-550 AD) ……………………… 41 2.2 Section 2- Historical Background of Ancient Yemen……………… 43 2.2.1 The Geography of Yemen ……………………………………… 44 2.2.2 Roman and Greek Classification of Arab Peninsula ……………… 47 2.2.3 Physiographic Region …………………………………………… 49 2.2.3.1 Najd Region …………………………………………………… 49 2.2.3.2 Hejaz Region …………………………………………………… 49 2.2.3.3 Al-„Arudh (Al-Yamamah) Region ……………………………….. 49 2.2.3.4 Tihāmah Region ………………………………………………… 50 2.2.3.5 Yemen Region ………………………………………………… 50 2.2.4 Geographical Properties ………………………………………….. 51 2.2.4.1 The Terrain ……………………………………………………… 51 2.2.4.2 Mountains ……………………………………………………… 51 2.2.4.2.1 The Sarawat Mountains ………………………………………….. 52 2.2.4.2.2 West Southern Heights ………………………………………….. 52 2.2.4.2.3 Eastern and Southeastern Heights ……………………………….. 52 2.2.4.2.4 Central Heights ………………………………………………... 53 2.2.4.3 Oases and Valley ……………………………………………….. 53 2.2.4.4 Deserts ……………………………………………….. 55 2.2.4.4.1 Al- Dahna Desert ……………………………………………….. 55 2.2.4.4.2 Al- Nafud Desert ……………………………………………….. 56 2.2.4.5 Climate ……………………………………………….. 56 2.2.5 Political Situation of Ancient Yemen …………………………….. 58 2.2.6 Saba‟ Kingdom ………………………………………………... 58 2.2.6.1 Saba‟ in The Egyptian Civilization ……………………………. 58 2.2.6.2 Saba‟ in Bible (The Old Testamet) ……………………………... 59 2.2.6.3 The Mentioning of Saba‟ in The Mesopotamia Civilisation………… 60 2.2.6.4 Saba‟ Reported in the Literature Classic ……………………….. 61 2.2.6.5 The Rule System in the Sabaean Kingdom ……………………….. 62 2.2.6.5.1 Saba‟ Mukarib …………………………………………………… 62 2.2.6.5.2 King Period ……………………………………………………. 64 2.2.6.6 Economic Activities …………………………………………….. 65 2.2.6.6.1 Agriculture ………………………………………………………. 65 2.2.6.6.2 Trade …………………………………………………………… 66

viii 2.2.6.7 The End of Saba‟ Kingdom ……………………………………….. 67 2.2.6.7.1 Disagreement Inside the Ruling Family ………………………….. 67 2.2.6.7.2 Foreign Desires ……………………………………………….. 67 2.2.7 Ma‟in Kingdom ……………………………………………….. 69 2.2.7.1 Ma‟in in the Classical Resources ……………………………… 70 2.2.7.2 Regimes ……………..……………………………………….. 70 2.2.7.3 Trading ……………………………………………………… 71 2.2.7.4 Agriculture ……………………………………………………… 72 2.2.7.5 The End of Ma‟in Kingdom ……………………………………. 72 2.2.8 Awsan Kingdom ……………………………………...... 73 2.2.8.1 The beginning of Awsan Kingdom ……………………………… 73 2.2.8.2 History of Awsan Kingdom …………………………………… 75 2.2.8.3 Religious Life …………………………………………………… 76 2.2.8.4 End of the Awsan Kingdom …………………………………… 76 2.2.9 Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom …………………………………………… 77 2.2.9.1 Ḥaḍramawt in Classical Sources ………………………………… 77 2.2.9.2 The Appearance of Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom ……………………… 78 2.2.9.3 The Political History of Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom……………………… 78 2.2.9.3.1 The Relationship between Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom and Qataban 79 Kingdom …………………………………………………………… 2.2.9.3.2 The Relationship between Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom and Ma‟in 80 Kingdom ...... 2.2.9.4 The Economic Activity …………………………………………. 80 2.2.9.5 The End of Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom ………………………………... 81 2.2.10 Qataban Kingdom ………………………………………………... 82 2.2.10.1 Qataban Location ……………………………………………….. 82 2.2.10.2 Qataban in the Classic Sources …………………………………… 83 2.2.10.3 The Emergence of Qataban Kingdom in the Political Front ………... 83 2.2.10.4 Ruling System in Qataban ……………………………………….. 85 2.2.10.4.1 The First Stage …………………………………………………… 85 2.2.10.4.2 The Second Stage ……………………………………………….. 86 2.2.10.5 Economic Activity ………………………………………………... 87 2.2.10.5.1 Agriculture ……………………………………………………….. 87 2.2.10.5.2 Trade ………………………………………………………. 88 2.2.10.6 The Collapse of Qataban Kingdom ……………………………… 89 2.2.11 Ḥimyar Kingdom ……………………………… 89 2.2.11.1 The First Stage: 115 BC- 300 AD ……………………………… 91 2.2.11.2 Campaign of Aelius Gallus (24 BC) ……………………………… 93 2.2.11.3 The Second Phase (300- 525 AD) ……………………………… 93 2.2.11.4 End of Ḥimyar Kingdom ……………………………………….. 94

CHAPTER III- ANCIENT COMMERCIAL LAWS AND REGULATIONS

3 Commercial Laws …………………………………………………… 96 3.1 Brief of the Commercial Laws of the Ancient World …………………….. 96 3.2 Indian Commercial Laws ……………………………………………… 100 3.3 Commercial Laws of Ancient Yemen ………………………………….. 105 3.3.1 Legislation and Tribal Customs ……………………………………….. 105 3.3.2 The Royal Laws ………………………………………………………... 106 3.3.3 The Law Code of the Shamir Market …………………………………… 108 3.3.4 The Code of Shamir Yahar‟esh …………………………………… 110 3.3.5 The Agreement of the Market of Sirwah …………………………………. 110 3.3.6 The Law of Grain Trade in Ancient Yemen ……………………………… 111

CHAPTER IV- POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN THE NORTH OF THE ARABIAN PENINSULA AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE TRADE OF THE SOUTHERN ARAB KINGDOMS AND INDIA

4.1 Significance of North of the Arab Peninsula ………………………..... 112 4.2 Emergence of the Macedonians as Power in the East ………………… 113 4.3 End of the Alexander Campaign in the East ………………………….. 114 4.4 Death of Alexander ……………………………………………..... 114 4.5 Hellenistic Era (Alexander Successor Ear) ……………………...... 115 4.5.1 The Era of the Seleucids (312-64 BC) ……………………...... 115 4.5.1.1 The Seleucus I Wars …………………………………………….. 116 4.5.1.2 Change of the Capital of the Kingdom …………………………… 117 4.5.1.3 Seleucus I Toward to India …………………………………….. 118 4.5.1.4 Period of Antiochus III …………………………………….. 119 4.5.1.5 The Trade Activity in the Seleucids Period ………………………….. 120 4.5.1.6 The Trade Land Routes in the Seleucids Kingdom ………………….. 121 4.5.1.6.1 Royal Route ……………………………………………………… 121 4.5.1.6.2 Northern Trade Route ……………………………………………. 123 4.5.1.6.3 Silk Route ……………………………………………………..... 123 4.5.1.7 The Seleucids Trade Sea Routes ……………………………….. 124 4.5.1.8 The Seleucids Commercial Goods ……………………………….. 125 4.5.1.9 Decline of the Seleucids Empire ……………………………….. 126 4.5.2 The Ptolemaic Era ……………………………………………… 127 4.5.3 The North Arabian Peninsula in the Romans and Parthians Period … 130 4.5.3.1 The Conditions in the Era of the Romans ………………………... 130

x 4.5.3.2 The Conditions in the Era of Parthians ……………………………. 132 4.5.4 Kingdom of Nabataeans ………………………………………….. 133 4.5.4.1 The Relations between Nabataeans and Ptolemies ………………….. 135 4.5.4.2 The Relations between Nabataeans and Seleucids …………………... 138 4.5.4.3 The Relations between Nabataeans and Roman …………………….. 139 4.6 The Impact of the Political Situation Prevailing in the North of the 142 Arabian Peninsula on Study Area ……………………………………

CHAPTER V- COMMERCIAL SEAPORTS OF ANCIENT INDIA AND YEMEN

5.1 Section 1- Seaports of Western India …………………………………… 147 5.2 The Ships in the Ancient Indian Literature …………………………….. 149 5.3 Barbaricum Port ………………………………………………… 151 5.3.1 Historical Evidence …………………………………………………. 153 5.3.2 Export of Goods …………………………………………………. 154 5.3.3 Import of Goods …………………………………………………. 155 5.3.4 Trade Routes …………………………………………………. 157 5.3.4.1 Indus Valley Trade Route ………………………………………...... 157 5.3.4.2 Sea Trade Routes ………………………………………...... 175 5.4 Barygaza Port ………………………………………...... 159 5.4.1 Chronology of Barygaza …………………………………………… 160 5.4.2 History of Barygaza ………………………………………………...... 160 5.4.3 Trade Land Routes ………………………………………………...... 163 5.4.4 Sea Trade Routes ………………………………………………...... 165 5.4.5 Export of Commercial Goods ………………………………………. 165 5.4.6 Import of Commercial Goods ……………………………………... 166 5.5 Muziris Port ……………………………………………………….. 168 5.5.1 Muziris Archaeological Excavations ……………………………..... 170 5.5.2 The Importance of Muziris Commercial ……………………………….. 173 5.5.3 Trade Routes ……………………………………………………….. 174 5.5.3.1 Trade Land Routes …………………………………………………… 174 5.5.3.2 Sea Trade Routes …………………………………………………… 176 5.5.3.3 Silk Trade Route …………………………………………………… 176 5.5.4 Export Goods from Muziris Port …………………………………….. 176 5.5.5 Import Goods …………………………………………….……… 178 5.6 Section 2- Qana Port ……………………………………………….. 180 5.6.1 Qana Port in Historical Sources …………………………………. 181 5.6.1.1 The Port Mentioned in the Holy Sources ………………………… 181 5.6.1.2 Classical Sources ……………………………………………... 181 5.6.2 Inscription Sources ……………………………………………….. 183

xi 5.6.2.1 Inscription (Ir 13) (Ry 533) (Ja 632) (Sh 17) …………………………. 183 5.6.2.2 The Inscriptions (CIH 728), (CIH 621) ………………………………. 184 5.6.2.3 Inscription of “BR Yanbuq 47” …………………………………….. 184 5.6.3 The Emergence of Qana Port …………………………………….. 185 5.6.3.1 The Pre- Christian Period …………………………………….. 186 5.6.3.2 Qana Port from the first Century AD to the Second Century AD ……. 187 5.6.3.3 Qana Port during the 3rd and 4th Century AD ……………...... 190 5.6.4 Commercial Activity Related With the Port of Qana ……………...... 194 5.6.5 Commercial Products and Items of Export ……………...………...... 195 5.6.5.1 Incense ……………………………………………………... 195 5.6.5.2 Frankincense ……………………………………………………... 195 5.6.5.3 Myrrh ……………………………………………………………... 197 5.6.6 Import of Commercial Goods ……………………………………. 197 5.6.7 Commercial Routes ……………………………………. 198 5.6.7.1 Commercial Land Routes ……………………………………. 198 5.6.7.1.1 Incense Route ……………………………………. 199 5.6.7.1.2 Qana- Qoult- Shabwah Route ……………………………………. 200 5.6.7.1.3 Qana- Wādī Mifa‟ah- Shabwah Route ……………………………… 200 5.6.7.1.4 Shabwah- Najrān Route ……………………………………. 201 5.6.7.1.5 Qana- Gerrha- Palmyra Route ……………………………………. 202 5.6.7.2 Marine Trading Routes ……………………………………. 203 5.6.7.2.1 Qana Port- Red Sea Route ……………………………………. 203 5.6.7.2.2 Qana- Khor Rori Route ……………………………………. 207 5.6.7.2.3 Qana- Socotra Island Route ……………………………………… 207 5.6.7.2.4 Qana- Persian Gulf Route ……………………………………… 209 5.6.7.2.5 Qana Port- Ports of Northwestern India Route …………………….. 211 5.6.7.2.6 Qana- Barygaza Route ……………………………………………. 212 5.6.7.2.7 Qana- Muziris Route ……………………………………………. 212 5.6.7.2.8 Qana- Socotra Island- Muziris Route ……………………………... 212

CHAPTER VI- THE TRADING RELATIONS BETWEEN ANCIENT YEMEN AND WEST INDIA

6.1 Relations from Antiquity until the first Century BC ………………… 214 6.1.1 The Erythraean Sea ……………………………………………….. 214 6.1.1.1 Maritime Activities in the Erythraean Sea ………………………….. 216 6.1.2 Monsoon …………………………………………………………. 223 6.1.2.1 Historical of Monsoon Winds ……………………………………. 224 6.1.2.2 Revealing the Secret of Monsoon ……………………………….. 225

xii 6.1.3 Yavanas …………………………………………………………… 228 6.2 The Maritime Network between West India Ports and the Southeast 232 Arabia Ports (1st Century – 2nd Century AD) ………………………… 6.3 Indo-Yemen Archaeological Remains (Antiquities) …………………. 235 6.3.1 Yemen Pottery and Amphorae from West Coast of India ……………. 236 6.3.2 Indian Pottery and Amphorae from South Arabia Coast …………...... 239 6.3.3 Arabia-Indian Trade Inscriptions ………………………………….. 239 6.3.3.1 Indian Inscriptions from the Hoq Cave in Socotra Island ……………. 239 6.3.3.2 Ḥadrami Inscription (Ja 931) …………...…………………...... 240 7 CONCLUSION ……………...…………………...... 242 8 APPENDIX ……………...…………………...... 245 8.1 Appendix of Figuers ……………...…………………...... 245 8.2 Appendix of Tables 263 9 BIBLIOGRAPHY …………………...…………………...... 265

xiii Introduction

Arab Peninsula is located in the southwestern part of Asia. Consequently, it intermediates the old world civilization that had different climates as well as plants. It is bordered by the Persian Gulf on the east, the Arabian Sea, and Aden Gulf on the south, the red sea on the west, on north Levant, Mediterranean, and Mesopotamia. The Indian geographical boundaries are much larger than the present day political boundaries. It includes wide areas of land to the south and east of Asia making India one of the largest peninsulas in the world. It is a vast peninsula, including the East Indies which were part of the geographical framework of ancient India. In addition, the Yemen and India have a common border in the Arabian Sea, which has witnessed commercial activity through the ages.

Since the establishment of human settlements, human beings have been involved in the exchange of goods. With the passage of time, the small scale exchange of goods transformed into a large scale foreign trade activity. History informs that there were two main reasons which helped in the growth and development of foreign trade relations among different areas. First, non-availability of certain articles in the area was compelled its people to obtain those commodities from other areas (where they were present in abundance) and second, the improvement in the production techniques resulted in the extra production which required more markets. Thus an extensive system of exchange between the natives of different places and nations was started and foreign trade came into being.

Archaeological evidences and ancient sources show that as earlier century before Christian era human beings were involved in trade activity, both through land and sea. The people of Phoenicia, Egypt, Mesopotamia, Arabia, and India were the earliest nations involved in the trade relations. They established land and sea routes, developed cities on the land routes and on coastal line and thus trade routes with a logistical network of pathways and stoppages used for the commercial transport of cargo were developed.

xiv The time period chosen for this study is one of the most important period in which relations over land and sea route trade between the east and the west from the 3rd Century BC to 4th AD is emphasised. This issue is comparatively less addressed, most probably due to scarcity of archaeological records of identical nature in both the regions, in spite of the availability of historical accounts suggesting relations between Yemen and India. However, there is a growing quantum of archaeological data from either explored or excavated sites in both the regions suggesting a strong trade network during the period. This Indo-Yemen trade was grown possible due to the surplus economy of the ruling powers on both sides of the Erythraean Sea. Secondly it registered the growth due to mutual sharing of the overseas trade routes.

Monsoonal winds also contributed towards this successful seafaring. This was also the period in which the Romans had a commendable authority on the Erythraean Sea trade via the Red Sea. Ancient ports in Red Sea, Qana (in Yemen) Barbircom, Barygaza, Muziris (in India) contributed significantly to these trading activities. The historical sources suggest that political powers like Maurya Empire, Kushanas, Satavahanas and Shaka-Kshatrapas in India, and Political power like kingdoms of Maine Saba‟, Ḥaḍramawt, Qataban, Awsan, and Ḥimyar in Yemen during 8th century BC to 5th century AD were actively engaged in trading with their Neighbours (Assyrian, Egyptian, Gecko and Roman).

The Erythraean Sea has played a significant role in commercial history. Ships loaded with a variety of goods sailed between and from its ancient ports to the shores of the Red Sea, the Mediterranean, the Arabian Sea and Mesopotamia. Much of the information about these ancient maritime trade routes is derived from archaeological excavations.

There were a lot of the exchange networks of the Erythraean Sea starting in the late first millennium BC, when the Mediterranean, the South Arabia, the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia sustained long-distance contacts. Trading sites around the Erythraean Sea have received special attention, as these were the places where foreign cultures met and where goods were exchanged. Marine ports offer a sample of the foreign contact since such contact could have been achieved directly by goods sailing from the coasts of the Red Sea and the shores of Arabia to the Indian subcontinent. The long-distance trade

xv which took place around the Indian Ocean during the early period (3rd century BC- 4th century AD) was principally manifested in exotic commodities as gleaned in literary and archaeological sources1.

Historically the Indian Ocean had always been in prominence and of strategic importance ever since humans navigated the oceans. It had provided a great connectivity along which peoples and goods had travelled. In fact, it had been the highway for transmission of ideas, culture and religion between the ancient countries that had intermingled over the millennia to give shape to a uniquely interlinked world.

This work is an attempt to understand the various aspects of the growth of trading and commercial activities between Yemen and India, through the Qana port and western Indian ports (Barbacum, Barygaza, Muziris) during the period from the 3rd Century BC to 4th century AD. Furthermore, the Indian traders, used to sail in the Erythraean Sea by the ships, had to go on long trips between Indian ports and those of eastern Arab Peninsula ports. On the other hand, the inhabitants of Yemen sailed from the coast of Yemen across the Arabian Sea to the western part of India. Consequently, traders could meet Indian merchants and exchanged precious cargo such as incense, perfumes, copper, frankincense, myrrh and pearls.

Yemeni traders then transferred these Indian goods via the ports of Yemen to Persia, Mesopotamia, the Levant, and Egypt. This to some extent helped Yemeni traders to get richer on one hand while on the other hand, it brought wealth to Yemen in particular and Arabs in general. In the Arab Peninsula, the people played the role of trading, since the end of the third millennium BC. Assyrians tried to impose their control over the commerce of the East, taking the advantage of the Arabs as playing the role of intermediaries.

The Persians had tried their best to get control over the sea routes since the time of the old rivalry of Southern Arabs to get the benefits of this trade. To achieve this, they had equipped maritime campaigns during the reign of emperor Dara I (521-485 BC) who

1 . M. L. Smith, The Role of Local Trade Networks in the Indian Subcontinent during the Early Historic Period. Man and Environment, Vol. XXVII, No. 1, 2002, p.140 (140-151)

xvi succeeded in turning around the Arabian Island from the Persian Gulf to Gulf of Suez (Egypt) to get control over the Silk Route. Therefore, Persians monopolized the trade in the Persian Gulf and most of the north Arabian Peninsula, excluding the Yemeni traders who used their trading in the Arabian Sea, and land trade routes from south Arabia to the north. The Greeks also tried to impose their control over navigation in the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, where the Macedonian Alexander sent expeditions to identify the trade routes that passed on the Arabian Peninsula, where there were the first campaigns of Alexandria and the other from the Persian Gulf.

Methodology

In the study, I have utilized both primary sources and secondary works. Moreover I have carried the comparison between the historical sources and the material which are found both sides, which could give any insight related to my study. Logical analysis of the coins, pottery, tractor, inscriptions, etc. has been provided in order to draw a clear picture of the kind of relationship that existed between the two civilizations i.e. Yemen and India.

Significance and Objectives of the study

The study is confined to the maritime activities between Yemen and India, which mainly highlights the relations between the ancient South Arabia (Yemen) and India. It is considered as one of the most important and significant historical studies. These two geographical places were historically related since ancient ages till present, therefore a historical era of the relations between India and Yemen from the third century BC to the fourth century AD is explored.

This study is also significant because the previous works that are relevant to ancient relations between India and Yemen, did not cover all the relations between the two countries. The previous works mainly comprised of articles and short papers that do not explore such relations comprehensively and completely. To the best of my knowledge, there is no thesis that has covered the importance of the economic, social and political relations between India and Yemen during the period of present study.

xvii There are many reasons behind this paucity of studying India-Yemen relations, most of which are the following:

- Ancient History of India is almost ambiguous for the Yemeni researchers and scholars. - There are no Yemeni specialists of the Ancient History of India. - The Ancient History of India is not taught in Yemeni schools and universities. - Marginalizing or underestimating the studies of the commercial relationship between Yemen and India. Therefore, this researcher has strived hard to accumulate the scattered pieces of information to do an academic work, through historical exploration of India-Yemen economic and commercial relations.

In this study, we attempted to provide a historical survey about the ancient Indian civilizations and its role of maritime trade relations with foreign countries. It explored the trading activity with Yemen during the period of study how it grew and reached to its great prosperity. The goods that were exported and imported to/from Yemen and India and there sources were explored. The role of trade routes was coming from India to Yemen, Egypt, and the Mediterranean Sea, which is discussed in details.

The study is divided into six chapters. These are as follows:

CHAPTER I: The Nature of the Sources

The First Chapter talk discusses various sources from where the Data has been collected. It gives a detailed account of the sources and describes the various aspects of their experiences with excerpts from their original writings.

Some of the sources mentioned are Herodotus )484 -424 BC, Theophrastus (272 – 287 BC), Eratosthenes (276-196 BC), Megasthanese (born in 350 BC), Arrian (86 –160 AD), Diodorus Siculus 80-30 BC, Claudius Ptolemy (90-168 AD), Strabo (64-20/19 BC), Gaius Plinius Secundus, Pliny the Elder (23/24 – 79 AD), The Periplus of the Erythraean.

Apart from them, the Ancient Indian Sources which are divided into two groups i.e. Archaeological and Literary. The Literary Sources includes the Sangam Texts, Kautilya‟s

xvii i Arthashastra and Archaeological Sources (Archaeological Remains, Coins) and the Ancient Yemen Sources (Inscriptions, Coins, Archaeological Remains).

CHAPTER II: The Historical Background of the Study: It is composed of two sections;

Section I – Ancient Indian Background

This section mainly discusses about the Historical Background of Yemen and India geographical boundaries and topography are mentioned in detail. The geographical feather of India are mainly the Northwest Himalayan Range, The Northern Himalayan Range, The Northeast Himalayan Range, The Peninsular Plateau, The Aravalli Range, The Central Plateau, Deccan plateau, the Dessert and the Rivers comprising of the three Perennial Himalayan Rivers, the Peninsular Rivers and the Plains. There are two types of plains, the great plains of north India, and coasts plains.

Then it goes on to discuss various eras of dynasties and rulers some of which are, Achaemenid Era 428–227 BC, The Greek Era (327- 322 BC), The Mauryan Empire (322-188 BC), The Kushan Empire (2nd BC-AD 3rd) and The Rule of Gupta Dynasty (320-550 AD).

Section II - Historical Background of Ancient Yemen

In this part of the Chapter the climate and Geography of Yemen is explained with exquisite detailed description of the geographical layout of Regimes, Trade, Agriculture, Economic Situations, Law, and struggle for power between the many of the kingdoms of which some are mentioned here. Such as, Saba' kingdom, Ma‟in Kingdom, Awsan Kingdom, Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom, Qataban Kingdom, Ḥimyar Kingdom etc.. There is also a brief account of the rise and fall of these empires with the political conditions and foreign influences.

A brief mention of the Arab terrain is also presented The Sarawat Mountains, West Southern Heights, Eastern and southeastern heights, Central Heights, Oases and valleys, Al-Dahna Dessert and The Al-Nafūd Dessert

xix There is also emphasis on various Arab territories such as the Najd Region, Hejaz Region, Al-Arudh (Al-Yamamah) Region and Tihāmah Region

CHAPTER III: Ancient Commercial Laws and Regulations

This chapter discusses in detail the notion of law and how it came into existence. Then it goes on to discuss various kingdoms and their formulated laws. Commercial Laws of some of the kingdoms discussed are Sumerians Laws, Babylon Laws, Assyrian Laws, Levant Laws, Egyptian Laws, Roman Laws, Indian Commercial Laws and Commercial Laws of Ancient Yemen.

It also deals with Legislation and Tribal Customs which were locally developed and how they played a crucial role in the trade with other kingdoms.

The Royal laws, the law of Code of the Shamir Market, The Code of Shamir Yuhar’esh, The Agreement of the Market of Sirwah and The Law of Grain Trade in Ancient Yemen is amongst some which are mentioned.

CHAPTER IV: Political Conditions in the North of the Arabian Peninsula and its Influence on the Trade of the Southern Arab Kingdoms and India

This Chapter describes in detail Political conditions in the North of the Arabian Peninsula and its Influence on the Trade of the Southern Arabs Kingdoms and India. Here the rise and fall of great kings and how they influenced the political conditions during their reign is discussed.

When these kings fell, they directly influenced the political and economic trade while their kingdoms faced a transition of power and change in legislature. Some of the rulers mentioned are Alexander the Great, Seleucus I, and Antiochus III. Trade activities are also discussed in abundance.

Trade routes through land and sea are mentioned such as the Royal Road, Silk Route and The Seleucids Trade Sea Routes. The Decline of the Seleucids Empire, The Ptolemaic Era, Conditions in the Era of Parthians, Kingdom of the Nabataeans, The Relationship between Nabataeans and Seleucids, The Relationship between Nabataeans & Romans,

xx and the impact of the political interaction between these forces on the commercial relationship between Yemen and India. In the same way the impact of the political situation prevailing in the North of the Arabian Peninsula are some of topics covered in detail in this chapter.

CHAPTER V: Commercial Seaports of Ancient India and Yemen- It is consisted of two sections.

Section I - Sea Ports of Western India (Barbaricum, Barygaza, Muziris)

In this section, the most important part of trade i.e. sea ports are discussed in detail. The mode of transport at the time was mainly by water to distant unreachable places by land. Hence ships were a very important mode of transport. The ports were natural formations of land and water which made the ports key locations in the trade routes.

In this chapter I have also mentioned the ships in the ancient Indian Literature, export of goods, import of goods and trade routes such as Indus Valley Trade Route, Barygaza Port, Muziris Port, Muziris Archaeological Excavations, History of Barygaza, Trade Land Routes, Sea Trade Routes, Export of Commercial goods, Import of Commercial goods, etc.

Section II - Qana Port

This Section discusses the Port of Qana on the basis of Historical Sources, which is also being mentioned in the Holy Scriptures, Classical Sources. The port of Qana was one of the most important of those commercial ports. The period and conditions prevailing at the time are discussed in detail including the Commercial Activity Related with the Port of Qana and Commercial Products and Items of Export such as Incense, Frankincense & Myrrh.

The various land routes especially the Incense Route is a term used by researchers to call the commercial route, which extended from the incense production areas in the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt in southern Arabia to the Levant and other various routes such as Qana- Qoult- Shabwah Route, Qana- Wādī Mifa'ah- Shabwa Route, Shabwah- Najrān Route, Qana -Gerrha- Palmyra Route. Marine trading Routes , Qana Port - Red Sea Route, Qana

xxi - Khor Rorī Route, Qana - Socotra Island Route, Qana - Persian Gulf Route, Qana Port – Ports of Northwestern India Route, Qana - Barygaza Route, Qana- Muziris Route and the Qana – Socotra Island – Muziris Route

CHAPTER VI: The Trading Relations between Ancient Yemen and West India

This chapter deals with many signs, historical events that testify to the existence of commercial relations between ancient Yemen and India in detail. During this historic period of relations between the Indian subcontinent and the Arabian Peninsula, the sea route was the only passage for trade movement between the ports on the Erythraean Sea. It‟s origin, Geographical boundaries and Archeological background.

Further is maritime activities in the Erythraean Sea have also emphasized, The Monsoon season in the region and its effects on trade, history of monsoon winds, revealing the secret of Monsoon, Yavanas- their origin and historical background, Indo-Yemeni Archaeological Remains (Antiquities), Yemen pottery and amphorae from west coast of India, Indian pottery and amphorae from south Arabia coast, Inscriptions of Arabia-India Trade, Indian Inscriptions from the Ḥoq cave on Yemen, Hadhramis Inscription is discussed critically.

xxii Abstract

This work is an attempt to understand the various aspects of the growth of trading and commercial activities between Yemen and India, through the Qana port and western

Indian ports (Barbaricum, Barygaza, Muziris) during the period from the 3rd Century

BC to 4th century AD. Furthermore, the Indian traders, used to sail in the Erythraean

Sea by the ships, had to go on long trips between Indian ports and those of eastern

Arab Peninsula ports. On the other hand, the inhabitants of Yemen sailed from the coast of Yemen across the Arabian Sea to the western part of India. Consequently, traders could meet Indian merchants and exchanged precious cargo such as incense, perfumes, copper, frankincense, myrrh and pearls.

1 There are many reasons behind this paucity of studying India-Yemen relations, most of which are the following:

- Ancient History of India is almost ambiguous for the Yemeni researchers and

scholars.

- There are no Yemeni specialists of the Ancient History of India.

- The Ancient History of India is not taught in Yemeni schools and universities.

- Marginalizing or underestimating the studies of the commercial relationship

between Yemen and India.

Therefore, this researcher has strived hard to accumulate the scattered pieces of information to do an academic work, through historical exploration of India-Yemen economic and commercial relations.

The study is divided into six chapters. These are as follows:

CHAPTER I: The Nature of the Sources

The First Chapter talk discusses various sources from where the Data has been collected.

It gives a detailed account of the sources and describes the various aspects of their experiences with excerpts from their original writings.

2 Some of the sources mentioned are Herodotus )484 -424 BC, Theophrastus (272 – 287

BC), Eratosthenes (276-196 BC), Megasthanese (born in 350 BC), Arrian (86 –160 AD),

Diodorus Siculus 80-30 BC, Claudius Ptolemy (90-168 AD), Strabo (64-20/19 BC),

Gaius Plinius Secundus, Pliny the Elder (23/24 – 79 AD), The Periplus of the Erythraean.

Apart from them, the Ancient Indian Sources which are divided into two groups i.e.

Archaeological and Literary. The Literary Sources includes the Sangam Texts, Kautilya’s

Arthashastra and Archaeological Sources (Archaeological Remains, Coins) and the

Ancient Yemen Sources (Inscriptions, Coins, Archaeological Remains).

CHAPTER II: The Historical Background of the Study: It is composed of two sections;

Section I - Indian Background.

Range, The Northeast Himalayan Range, The Peninsular Plateau, The Aravalli Range,

The Central Plateau, Deccan plateau, the Dessert and the Rivers comprising of the three

Perennial Himalayan Rivers, the Peninsular Rivers and the Plains. There are two types of plains, the great plains of north India, and coasts plains.

Then it goes on to discuss various eras of dynasties and rulers some of which are,

Achaemenid Era 428–227 BC, The Greek Era (327- 322 BC), The Mauryan Empire

(322-188 BC), The Kushan Empire (2nd BC-AD 3rd) and The Rule of Gupta Dynasty

(320-550 AD).

3 Section II Yemen Background

In this part of the Chapter the climate and Geography of Yemen is explained with exquisite detailed description of the geographical layout of Regimes, Trade, Agriculture,

Economic Situations, Law, and struggle for power between the many of the kingdoms of which some are mentioned here. Such as, Saba' kingdom, Ma’in Kingdom, Awsan

Kingdom, Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom, Qataban Kingdom, Ḥimyar Kingdom etc.. There is also a brief account of the rise and fall of these empires with the political conditions and foreign influences.

A brief mention of the Arab terrain is also presented The Sarawat Mountains, West

Southern Heights, Eastern and southeastern heights, Central Heights, Oases and valleys,

Al-Dahna Dessert and The Al-Nafūd Dessert

There is also emphasis on various Arab territories such as the Najd Region, Hejaz

Region, Al-Arudh (Al-Yamamah) Region and Tihāmah Region

CHAPTER III: Ancient Commercial Laws and Regulations

Levant Laws, Egyptian Laws, Roman Laws, Indian Commercial Laws and Commercial

Laws of Ancient Yemen.

It also deals with Legislation and Tribal Customs which were locally developed and how they played a crucial role in the trade with other kingdoms.

4 The Royal laws, the law of Code of the Shamir Market, The Code of Shamir Yuhar’esh,

The Agreement of the Market of Sirwah and The Law of Grain Trade in Ancient Yemen is amongst some which are mentioned.

CHAPTER IV: Political Conditions in the North of the Arabian Peninsula and its

Influence on the Trade of the Southern Arab Kingdoms and India

Trade routes through land and sea are mentioned such as the Royal Road, Silk Route and

The Seleucids Trade Sea Routes. The Decline of the Seleucids Empire, The Ptolemaic

Era, Conditions in the Era of Parthians, Kingdom of the Nabataeans, The Relationship between Nabataeans and Seleucids, The Relationship between Nabataeans & Romans, and the impact of the political interaction between these forces on the commercial relationship between Yemen and India. In the same way the impact of the political situation prevailing in the North of the Arabian Peninsula are some of topics covered in detail in this chapter.

5 CHAPTER V: Commercial Seaports of Ancient India and Yemen- It is consisted of two sections.

Section I - Sea Ports of Western India (Barbaricum, Barygaza, Muziris)

In this section, the most important part of trade i.e. sea ports are discussed in detail. The mode of transport at the time was mainly by water to distant unreachable places by land.

Hence ships were a very important mode of transport. The ports were natural formations of land and water which made the ports key locations in the trade routes.

In this chapter I have also mentioned the ships in the ancient Indian Literature, export of goods, import of goods and trade routes such as Indus Valley Trade Route, Barygaza

Port, Muziris Port, Muziris Archaeological Excavations, History of Barygaza, Trade

Land Routes, Sea Trade Routes, Export of Commercial goods, Import of Commercial goods, etc.

Section II - Qana Port

Qana and Commercial Products and Items of Export such as Incense, Frankincense &

Myrrh.

The various land routes especially the Incense Route is a term used by researchers to call the commercial route, which extended from the incense production areas in the Kingdom

6 of Ḥaḍramawt in southern Arabia to the Levant and other various routes such as Qana-

Qoult- Shabwah Route, Qana- Wādī Mifa'ah- Shabwa Route, Shabwah- Najrān Route,

Qana -Gerrha- Palmyra Route. Marine trading Routes , Qana Port - Red Sea Route, Qana

- Khor Rorī Route, Qana - Socotra Island Route, Qana - Persian Gulf Route, Qana Port –

Ports of Northwestern India Route, Qana - Barygaza Route, Qana- Muziris Route and the

Qana – Socotra Island – Muziris Route

CHAPTER VI: The Trading Relations between Ancient Yemen and West India

It’s origin, Geographical boundaries and Archeological background.

Archaeological Remains (Antiquities), Yemen pottery and amphorae from west coast of

India, Indian pottery and amphorae from south Arabia coast, Inscriptions of Arabia-

India Trade, Indian Inscriptions from the Ḥoq cave on Yemen, Hadhramis Inscription is discussed critically.

7 Chapter I: The Nature of the Sources

1. The Nature of the Sources

The present chapter deals mainly with the nature of the sources which I have utilized in my thesis. I have consulted the primary sources like Arabic, Greek, Roman, and Sanskrit during the period of my studies. Besides I have also consulted epigraphical records Coins, Inscriptions and also travellers‟ accounts. These sources are crucially important for the economic, political, and social history of ancient India and Yemen. Along with these primary sources, I have also gone through with several modern works produced by modern researchers. These modern works also assist immensely in writing history like Yemen‟s relations with India during the ancient periods.

Mention may be made of foreign travellers like Greek, Roman visited Yemen and India, some of them left valuable accounts of their travels which are very fruitful for the reconstruction the history of relations between Yemen and India. These sources also give further evidence that Yemen had very prosperous kingdoms since ancient times, especially her Yemen‟s magnificent capital cities which were very much decorated and the natural resources, especially the frankincense tree was well known as export items abroad especially to Greece, Rome, and India. These sources also highlighted the process of harvesting important products frankincense, myrrh, etc. and these were in great demands in the foreign markets.

The sources also provide economic, political, religious-cultural glimpses of Ancient India and her cordial relations with Yemen. These sources also throw light on various aspects of Ancient India, mention may be made about the daily life of the people, the relations between the different rulers as well as the relationship between the rulers and their people, the different socio-economic steps of the communities and finally the agricultural crops which became essential commodities to the people of different nations of the ancient world and very helpful in reconstructing the history of the trading relations between Yemen and India. These sources also inform about the geography of ancient

1 India, including its various trade routes such as seaborne and land route. The various sources are discussed as follows:-

1.1 Herodotus )484 -424 BC)

He was a famous Greek author and researcher born in 484 BC in the city of Halicarnassus Caria in Asia Minor1. He is known as the "Father of History"2. His great work The Histories, which goes into nine volumes, is one of the most important history books. His works also mention southern Arabia i.e. Yemen.

In the second volume, Herodotus has pointed out the agricultural production which ancient Yemen was famous and the most important is the Myrrh tree, where it grows and how it was used in the process of Mummification3. In the third volume, he has written about the relationship between the kings of southern Arabia with their neighbouring counterparts. He further mentioned the coordination between Sabaeans of southern Arabia and the Persian king Cambyses II (559-522 BC) during his invasion of Egypt4. He also refers the gifts that the Sabaeans traders gifted to the Persian king, which most importantly consisted of to the precious south Arabian frankincense5. In the same volume, he cited that southern Arabia was the only land that produced fragrances and he explained its production process. He also mentions that these trees were guarded by winged serpents that did not allow strangers to approach6.

Although the information about Arabia is somewhat scattered in the volumes, this book plays an important role in the study of the history of ancient Yemen especially economic socio-cultural and trade relations with foreign countries. His works also draw the geographical borders of ancient Yemen. His works also mention about Indian society-

1. T. J. Luce, The Greek Historians, Routledge Publ, London& New York, 2002, p. 26. 2. S. Jain, The India They Saw, Foreign Accounts: 5th Century BC-7th Century AD, Vol.1, Prabhat Prakashan Publ, New Delhi, 2011, p. 1 3. Herodotus, The History of Herodotus, ed. G. Rawlinson, William Clowfs and Sons, Stamp Publ, London, 1859, Bk. 2, ch.85-90. 4. Herodotus, BK.3, ch. 4:7& 9. 5. Ibid, BK.3, ch. 96. 6. Ibid, BK.3, ch.107:113.

2 culture and economy7. He was of the view that Indians got the plentiful supply of gold, which enables them to furnish year by year, and he further informs that, how the people did collect the gold, with Ants help8.

He mentions too that the whole country became desert on account of the sand, and Indian tribes they did not speak the same language. Some of those tribes were wandering tribes while others were not. He points out that people who lived in the marshes, along the river, they lived on eating raw fish, which they hunted in boats made of reeds. Also, the Indians wore a dress of sedge9, and wore cotton dresses10. He also points out that Darius II was dominating the northwestern regions of India and the Indus River was an important trade route for the foreign countries11.

In the Book IV, Herodotus mentions to the presence of Indian warriors in the formations of the Persian army such as cavalry, and infantry, and they used different types of weapons12. Although, there was a hint that Herodotus did not visit India and he collected his information about India through merchants, soldiers, and other sources13.

Indeed, his work is very important, which refers to the different parts of the ancient world, including southern Arabia and India. It is dealt with many contemporary observations that help to know the political, economic, socio-cultural conditions, and the relations between Yemen and India14.

7. E. J. Rapson, The Cambridge History of India, Vol.1, Cambridge University Press, 1957, p.395. 8. Herodotus, Bk. 3, ch. 105-106. 9. Ibid, BK. 3, ch. 98:102. 10. Ibid, BK.7, ch.65. 11. Ibid, BK. 4, ch. 44. 12. Ibid, BK. 7, ch. 65: 86. 13. M. Jain, Op. Cit, p. 15; P. Freeman, Alexander the Great, Simon and Schuster Press, New York, 2011, p. 169. 14. J. D. Hughes, Early Ecological Knowledge of India, Indian Forestry, a Perspective, ed. A. S. Rawat, Indus Publ, 1993, p. 13(13-28).

3 1.2 Theophrastus (272 – 287 BC)

He was a Greek author and philosopher, born on the Greek Island of Lesbos15, and he was a student of the famous philosopher Aristotle who called him ''the divine speaker''16. He wrote a number of books and research papers in the fields of philosophy, science, rhetoric figurative language, poetry, music, and politics17. His famous book is the Theophrastus Enquiry into Plants in nine volumes in which he classified and described the plants.

Mention may be made of the ninth volumes, Theophrastus discusses the plants of Yemen especially aromatic trees: the Arabic frankincense tree, the myrrh-tree and the cinnamon tree; each tree's exact place of growth; describing in detail the production and harvest processes and finally their prices including the amount of taxes18.

He presents a thorough and vivid description of both the Arabic frankincense tree and the myrrh-tree. He also compared these two trees to the other trees of southern Arabia. He mentions that Aromatic trees were cultivated in all the ancient Yemeni kingdoms, especially in the valleys of the mountainous areas where deadly snakes lived19.

His work was systematic and better than many other classical studies which described southern Arabia in disorganized and in nonsystematic matters. Theophrastus did not shed any light on the political situation in the region because from the sources he collected his information from the merchants who frequently visited Yemen. Thus his work mainly focuses on trade and commerce20. He further mentions that as to all the other fragrant

15. M. I. Al-Nadim, Index, Achieving, A. F. Sayed, Institution of Furqan for Islamic Heritage, London, 2009, p. 172. 16. R. C. Jebb, & J. E. Sandys, The characters of Theophrastus, A. J. Valply printed, London, 1909, pp. 1-4. 17. H. Baltussen, Theophrastus against the Presocratics and Plato: Peripatetic Dialectic in the De Sensibus, Vol. 86, Leiden, Brill, 2000, p. 80. 18. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants and Minor Works on Odours and Weather Signs , Tr. S. A. Hort, Loeb Classical Library, William Heinemann Publ, London, 1916, BK. 4, Ch. 3-4, pp. 233-238. 19. Theophrastus, Bk. 4, Ch, 5:1-2. 20. M. Rodonsour, The country of Yemen in classical sources, Tr. Hamid Al-Awadi, Ministry of Culture and Tourism Press, Sana'a, 2001, p. 27.

4 plant used for aromatic, for example, Perfumes, and spices like cinnamon, cassia, cardamom and Nepal exports from India to Yemen via seaborne trade21.

He never visited India and collected his information about India from people who travelled along with the army of Alexander the Great. He refers to the Indian plants such as cotton, banyan, pepper, cinnamon, myrrh, and frankincense. Theophrastus mentions at least twenty-five different species of Indian plants. This source is very important for the study of the economy of southern Arabia as it describes in detail the plants and trees (cash crops) that were important in the trade of those times. It also mentions the harvesting process, marketing and how these products helped to establish trade relations between Yemen and other parts of the ancient world.

1.3 Eratosthenes (276-196 BC)

He had born in Cyrene, which was the part of Libya at the time22 and he is considered to be the father of geography and he also wrote history, mathematics, and astronomy. In the reign of Ptolemy III Euergetes (246-222 BC),23 Eratosthenes was assigned in charge of the library of Alexandria from 235 BC until the end of his life. His work is also crucially important for the history of Yemen.

Like Eratosthenes, Strabo was also a famous geographer and he describes the boundaries of the Arabian Felix, the kingdoms of the time, the borders between them as he also points out some political features like the form of government in some of the kingdoms24. He also mentions the wealth of these kingdoms because of their active participation in international trade of the ancient world25.

21. Theophrastus, BK. 4, Ch. 4:6-10, pp. 239-241. 22. P. H. Gommers, Europe - What‟s in A Name, Leuven University Press, Belgium, 2001, p. 27. 23. O. Mørkholm, Early Hellenistic Coinage from the Accession of Alexander to the Peace of Apamaea (336-188 BC), ed. P. Grierson, & U. Westermark, Cambridge University Press, UK, 1991, p. 106. 24. M. A. al-Bakr, Studies in the History of the Arabs before Islam, the History of the Southern States in Yemen, Basra University, Basra, 1980, p. 214. 25. Strabo, The Geography of Strabo, Tr. H. C. Hamilton, Henry Ghilds and Son Publ, London, 1854, Bk.16, ch. 2:4.

5 Moreover, Strabo mentions that the cash crops of the Yemeni kingdoms, especially the Aromatic trees because of their importance in the international trade of the ancient world. The importance of these products is that they helped to create economic ties between ancient Yemen and neighbouring regions such as northeast and north of the Arabian Peninsula. They also engaged in trade with the city of Gerrha in the Persian Gulf and Eilat (now a day's Aqaba, in Jorden) in the north-west of the Arabian Peninsula26.

1.4 Megasthanese

He was born in 350 BC27 and he was a Greek historian. He came to India from the north through Bactrian, in the fourth century BC as the representative or an ambassador of Seleucus I to King Chandragupta Maurya28. He provides an eyewitness account of India in his book Indica29. He stayed in India for several years and recorded his personal observation and experiences in his book. Unfortunately, the original work was lost and is currently available only in the form of extracts and quotes from the works of other historians such as Arrian. Megasthanese describes of the society of ancient India, he referred to that there were seven castes in ancient India, and he mentions it to the tribes which were one hundred and eighteen30. Megasthenes travelled beside the Mauryan Empire as he had also visited Madurai the capital of the Pandya kingdom and further visited in Sri Lanka31. He made observations that were recorded in his Indica, which had disappeared, but much of which is preserved in the book of the same title by Arrian32.

26. S. A. al-Naciri, Conflict on the Red Sea in the Ptolemaic Era, Studies in the History of the Arabian Peninsula, Vol.2, , King Saud University, Riyadh, 1996, p. 408. 27. A. Lesley & A. A. Roy, Ancient Greece: A Handbook, Oxford University Press, USA, 1998, p. 275; G. D. Matlock, The Open Secret of India, Israel and Mexico from Genesis to Revelations, Universe, Inc Publ, New York, 2008, p. 48. 28. B. Timmer, Megasthenes en de Indische Maatschappij, Amsterdam, 1930, 304; B. Breloer, Kautaliya Studies, vol. I, Bonn, 1927, p. 48. 29. J. W. McCrindle, Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, Trubner& co Press, Landon, 1877, pp. 14-15; R. K. Mookerji, Chandragupta Maurya and his Times, Motilal Banarsidass Publ, New Delhi, 1988, p. 38 ; J. D. Hughes, Op. Cit, p. 22. 30. T. S. Brown, The Reliability of Megasthenes, The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 76, No.1, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1955, p.19 (18-33). 31. S. Sarma, 103 Journeys Voyages Trips and stuff, Scholastic Press, India, 2009, p. 41. 32. J. D. Hughes, Op. Cit, p. 22.

6 This book is not at present available, but most of its passages are found in the form of quotations in the writings of various Greek and Roman authors like Strabo, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, and others. From these passages, it comes to know that Megasthenes had tried to write about everything that he had seen in India, its geography, politics, religion, and society33. Thus his writing greatly helps to know about Ancient Indian society, culture, economy and politics.

1.5 Arrian

Arrian (86 –160 AD) was born in Nicomedia (present-day Izmit), the provincial capital of Bithynia34. He was a Greek historian, public servant, military commander and philosopher of the Roman period.35 His short book “The Indica” dealt with the Voyage of Alexander's fleet from India to the Persian Gulf36. The Anabasis of Alexander is perhaps his best-known work and is generally considered one of the best sources on the campaigns of Alexander the Great37. Its title and style are designed to evoke the Anabasis by Xenophon, for which reason Arrian became known by the surname Xenophon after the older author. Arrian's other works include Discourses of Epictetus and Indica38.

He describes many places of North India in his Indica book and he further visited from the north Indian coast to the Persian Gulf. He also describes trade route between India and Yemen. Besides, Arrian also refers to the Indian rivers, especially the Ganges and the Indus, both of the rivers were found larger than the Egyptian Nile River and the Scythian

33. U. Singh, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the 12th Century always learning, Pearson Education India, New Delhi, 2008, p. 324. 34. S. Hornblower, A. Spawforth, & E. Eidinow, The Oxford Companion to Classical Civilization, Oxford University Press, UK, 2014, p. 82. 35. B. Bauer, Christ and the Caesars: The Origin of Christianity from the Mythology of Rome and Greece, Tr. Brunar& Marchant, Xlibris Corporation Publ, 2015, p. 424. 36. J. Speake, Literature of Travel and Exploration, An Encyclopedia, Routledge Publ, 2014, p. 614. 37. M. Hammond, & J. Atkinson, Arrian: Alexander the Great: The Anabasis and the Indica Oxford World's Classics, Oxford University Press, London, 2013, p. 18. 38. Arrian, Anabasis Alexander, Tr. F. I. Robson, Vols.1-2, Harvard University Press, London, 1967, p. 5.

7 Ister River (Danube River)39, even if their waters came together into one40. Thus his book is very important for the economy and geography of Ancient India.

1.6 Diodorus Siculus 80-30 BC

He is a famous Greek historian of the first century BC during the time of Julius Caesar and Augustine. There is very little personal information available about Diodorus except what he wrote about himself. He was born in Cecilia but lived in Rome. He visited many countries in the south and the east of the Mediterranean, allowing him to gather much information in various aspects of these countries which he collected in a book known as “Bibliotheca Historica” written in forty volumes41. Most of them did not survive and the only ones that reached us are volumes 1-5 and 11-2042. Fortunately, the information about southern Arabia lies in these parts.

In the second volume, Diodorus explains how fertile the land of the Arabian Felix was resulting in the spread of agriculture, which, on its part, contributed in facilitating active trade. The cash crops and aromatic plants such as frankincense tree, the gum tree, the myrrh-tree and cinnamon were the reason behind the wealth of ancient Yemen. He also points to the availability of commercial amounts of metals such as gems and precious stones and gold. He also mentions that the kingdoms of south Arabia enjoyed good relations with their neighbours in the region. In addition, he mentions the wildlife and even the domestic animals present in southern Arabia43.

In the third volume of the book, Diodorus describes the wealth of the people of the kingdom of Sheba and the natural resources such as the metals and gems which were also commercial commodities. He says that the inhabitants of Arabia Felix are called

39. H. Cary, Herodotus: a new and literal version from the text of Baehr, with a Geographical and General Index, Harper & Brothers Pub, New York, 1889, Bk. IV, ch. 49-53, pp. 253- 254. 40. Arrian, Anabasis Alexander, Vol. 1, Ch. 2, 1-5, p. 11; H. Cary, Op. Cit, Bk. IV, Ch. 49-53, pp. 253-254. 41. D. Siculus, Diodorus of Sicily, Tr. C. H. Oldfather, Vols. 12, Harvard University Press, London, 1946, Bk.1, p. 7. 42. J. Sievers, & G. Lembi, Josephus And Jewish History in Flavian Rome And Beyond, Journal for the study of Judaism / Supplements, Vol. 104, Brill, 2005, p. 17. 43. D. Siculus, Bk. 2, ch. 49: 52, pp. 47, 59.

8 Sabaeans and they were the largest tribe in terms of population and that their capital was Maʾrib City. He infers that the ancient Yemenis did not have much experience in agriculture, though he had mentioned in the beginning of his description that agriculture was one of the important factors in the wealth of the Sabaeans44. But he did not discuss any of the other Yemeni kingdoms.

This source is very important for the study of the economic conditions as well as the geography of the region at that time and for describing the locations of the cities especially Maʾrib city the capital of the Saba kingdom.

1.7 Ptolemy

Claudius Ptolemy (90-168 AD) was a Greco-Egyptian writer of Alexandria45, known as a mathematician, astronomer, geographer, astrologer, and poet of a single epigram in the Greek Anthology46. He lived in the city of Alexandria of the Roman province of Egypt47. Ptolemy was the author of several scientific treatises48, but one of his books has to be mentioned and known Geographical, also called the ''Geographia'', which also is a compilation of what was known about the world's geography in the Roman Empire during his time. He relied somewhat on the work of an earlier geographer and on gazetteers of the Roman and the ancient Persian Empire.

Ptolemy had collected his information from the Greek and Roman trader who had visited India for commercial purpose. On the basis of Greek and Roman trader‟s information, he developed his hypothesis about India and he viewed that, India had the seven internal mountain ranges, which can be identified, not only by their names but also by the latitudes and longitudes he assigns to them, despite his faulty conception of the shape of the country49. He also describes the rivers of India and their origin50. Further, he also

44. D. Siculus, Bk. III, ch. 45-47, pp. 223-233. 45. W. Hughes, Western Civilization, Vol.1, Dushkin Publ, 1991, p. 59. 46. A. G. Traver, From Polis to Empire, the Ancient World, C. 800 BC-AD 500: A Biographical Dictionary, Greenwood Group Publ, 2002, p. 329. 47. M. Bunson, Encyclopedia of the Roman Empire, Infobase Publ, USA, 2014, p. 459. 48. B. Lasater, The Dream of the West, Part. 2, Lulu Enterprises Publ, USA, 2007, p. 208. 49. E. H. Johnston, Two Notes on Ptolemy's Geography of India, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 73, No. 3, 1941, pp. 213-214 (208-222).

9 mentions the various districts of India with their principal towns, travelling from the north to the east, then to the west to the south51. Ptolemy describes also many ports, harbours, and cities from the north coast of India to the south-west coast of India, and refer to the rivers which fell into the Arabian Sea52.

Ptolemy was able to list many of new commercial settlements that had risen to prominence in Roman trade dealings with Indian and the lands beyond. He occasionally reveals his sources when he mentions articles of trade in his catalogues of the eastern coordinates and he mentions the seaborne trade of the Indian coastal regions with the foreign countries53.

1.8 Strabo (64-20/19 BC)

He was a geographer and historian born in about 63 BC. at Amasia in Pontus in west Asia. His Geography consists of 17 books, of which the fifteenth deals with India and Persia54. He is the author of a geography book known as Strabo's geography55. He quoted from other authors like Eratosthenes, Megasthanese, and Nearchus56. Strabo wrote about ancient Yemen in the third and fourth chapter of the sixteenth volume. He included a wide range of information about the economic, social and political backgrounds of southern Arabia57, and in the third volume, he borrowed information from Eratosthenes's book about south Arabia and its exact location and what surrounded it58.

50. J. W. McCrindl, Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy, Trubrer& Co Press, London, 1885, pp. 98-112. 51. E. H. Johnston, Op. Cit, pp. 213-214. 52. J. W. McCrindle, Op. Cit, pp. 98-112. 53. R. McLaughlin, Rome and the Distant East: Trade Routes to the ancient lands of Arabia, India and China, Continuum Press, USA & UK, 2010, p. 14. 54. U. Singh, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India from the Stone Age to the 12 Century, Pearson India Education Servies Pvt. Ltd Publ, New Delhi, 2016, p. 324. 55. H. Al-Awadhi & A. Al-Adham, Op. Cit, p. 27. 56. D. Dueck, The Routledge Companion to Strabo, Taylor & Francis Press, 2017, p. 302. 57 . Ibid, p. 134. 58. Strabo, Bk. 17, ch. 3.

10 Strabo divided the people of Arabia into four nations: the people of Minaean, Sabaeans, Qatabanians and Hadramis59. Then he divided the Arabian land according to a combination of the different crafts with the kingdoms into five divisions which are: 1- the worriers, 2- the farmers, 3- the craftsmen and two kingdoms which are 4- the kingdom of the gum (or the frankincense tree), and 5- the kingdom of the myrrh-tree. This indicates that Eratosthenes did not differentiate between two separate entities which are crafts and social layers on one hand and the kingdoms on the other hand. He also pointed out to the system that governed the political life in the kingdom of Sheba and the distribution of properties between the different families.

Eratosthenes did not provide any significant information. As all other sources, he listed the cash crops which were an important asset in trade of ancient times. However, he doubted that Yemen was the source of all the fragrance goods and that Yemenis brought it from other countries like Persia and India especially the finest kinds of frankincense.

Though unlike the other classical writers, Eratosthenes was fortunate to visit Arabia but his writings are suffered from authenticity as he was not able to choose the most systematic and reliable sources of information, and he mentions that the land of southern Arabia was fertile and produced fragrances, gum, and frankincense and that the people were traders both on land and in the sea. Then he contradicts himself on other occasions says that they import their fragrance goods from Persia and India rejecting the other classical sources that he collected his information from. No other source mentions that India or Persia produced those kinds of fragrance trees. Too, Strabo was one of the members of the Aelius Gallus campaign in South Arabia and he mentions to many geography eras in the southern Arabian Peninsula and states the reasons for the failure of the campaign on ancient Yemen60.

Strabo also wrote about India of the first century BC as he was an extensive traveller, and although he had not visited India himself, he had journeyed sufficiently in distant lands which abled him to judge of the general characteristics of countries described by others. His account of Hindustan was based on the Greek records of Alexander‟s campaigns and

59. Strabo, Bk. 17, ch. 4: 2. 60. Strabo, Bk. 17, ch. 4: 22-24.

11 of the historians of Seleucus. He starts to describe India in the first portion of the fifteenth book of his Geography61. He mentions to the Alexander who invaded India and also Seleucus Nicator when he became a king he controls many areas including India62.

Strabo referred to the trade relations of the western worlds with India of his age and describes how the ships were sailed from the Alexandria to the Red Sea and the Arabian Sea to India63. He also gives remarks on the geographical boundaries of India and describes the rivers and the reason for the fertility of the soil and a large number of agricultural products and also pointed out to the overflowing rivers in the spring as a result of melting snow64. As a result of it there was the fertility of the soil which helped to produce fruits and grain twice a year, mention may be made of Wheat, corn, barley and corn smaller than wheat, and many of the fruits, and many singular trees65.

1.9 Pliny the Elder (23/24 – 79 AD)

Gaius Plinius Secundus, better known as Pliny the Elder66 was an author, naturalist, and philosopher as well as a naval, and army commander of the early Roman Empire67. He lived from 23-79 AD68. He wrote a very famous encyclopedia named as The Natural History, which he wrote in thirty-seven volumes and included many fields of study such as astronomy, geography, history, and zoology. It remained a very important source of knowledge till the medieval ages.

In the sixth and the twelfth volumes, Pliny wrote about Arabia. In the sixth volume, he discusses the location of the Arabian Peninsula. He also mentions the ancient Yemeni

61. A. V. W. Jackson, History of India: Historic Accounts of India by Foreign Travellers, Classic, Oriental, and Occidental, Vol.9, Cosimo Inc Publ, New York, 2009, pp. 1-2. 62. Strabo, BK. 15, ch. 1:3; A. V. W. Jackson, Op. Cit, p. 3. 63. Strabo, Bk. 15, ch. 1: 4; A. V. W. Jackson, Op. Cite, p. 3. 64. Strabo, Bk. 15, ch. 1: 17. 65. Ibid, Bk. 15, ch. 1: 20-28. 66. U. Singh, Op. Cit, p. 324. 67. H. Huhnel, Geographical from the first Half of the 16th Century, A World of Innovation: Cartography in the Time of Gerhard Mercator, eds. G. Holzer, & et at, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, UK, 2015, p. 26 (2-26). 68. A. Claridge, J. Toms, & T. Cubberley, Rome: An Oxford Archaeological Guide, Oxford University Press, UK, 1998, p. 34.

12 kingdoms, cities, temples, the tribes of southern Arabia and the lifestyle of the people. He refers that Ḥimyar was the largest tribe of southern Arabia. He then informs about the towns and cities that were destroyed by the Roman conquest lead by Aelius Gallus. The Arabs of southern Arabia were known for being strong and vigorous, especially the people of Ḥaḍramawt. In addition, he indicated about the wealth that the people of Saba processed because of their involvement in international trade as he indicated that their kingdom "Saba" spread from the Arabian Sea to the Red Sea. He also emphasises the fertility of the land of southern Arabia69.

In the twelfth volume, Pliny drew attention about the wealth that Yemenis gathered out of cultivating crops such as frankincense trees and myrrh-tree. He defines the harvesting process, the amounts in which they were used; and the taxes that were paid for the production and the taxes of export. He also sheds light on the political and economic relations between the ancient Yemeni kingdoms with the other kingdoms of that period70.

The dominant focus of Pliny is the economic point of view as he mostly discusses the goods and cash crops from the production process, the harvest, and the taxes of export which all led to the increase in the prices of these products. Pliny too gives an account of the Indian animals, plants and minerals in the first century AD. He never visited the east, yet, he resided in Alexandria at a period when the trade with India was carried on there with great activity, he was favorably situated for obtaining information from persons who had visited that country, and was indefatigable in collecting material for his geography71.

Pliny furthermore quotes much information from the Megasthanese book72, as his work or description was a guideline to the trade relations between Rome and India. As well, these refer to the Indian rivers, with people it was dwelling near that river and he mentioned the Ganga River as the Nile River in ancient Egypt73.

69. Pliny, Natural History, Tr. H. Rackham, & M.A. William, Vol. 2, Bk. 6, ch. 32-33, Harvard University Press, London, 1999, pp. 453-461. 70. Pliny, Bk. 12, ch. 30&43, pp. 37-71. 71. J. Hough, The History of Christianity in India: From the Commencement of the Christian era, Vol.1, R. B. Seeley & W. Burnside Publ, London, 1839, p.26. 72. Pliny, BK. 2, ch. 14:22. 73. Pliny, BK. 21, ch. 9:22.

13 1.10 The Periplus of the Erythraean

The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea is a text belonging to the periplus „a sailing around‟; to unknown authors of the book „The Periplus who were flourished presumably, in the first century AD74. The book presents valuable information about the economic and geographical conditions of India during the said period. The Greek account of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea gives an idea of the maritime activities between India and the western world75.

It is a diary of an anonymous sailor76. Even the exact date of writing is not known. Most historians relate it to the second half of the first century AD. It is a manuscript of twenty- eight pages consisting sixty-six paragraphs which seems to be short chapters. This manuscript describes trade in the Red and Arabian Seas. He also comments the seaports on both sides of the Red Sea and on the eastern part of Arabia, overlooking the Arabian Sea as well as the ports of western India77.

From chapter 20-33 he started to describe the coasts of southern Arabia and its most important ports. This manuscript puts forward valuable information about the active trade routes and the goods that the Yemenis traded between the African and Yemeni coasts and the kinds of boats used to carry the different goods from different places to Arabia78. He also shed some light on the political settings of southern Arabia and he mentions about some rulers and the boundaries of their rules and their rule over the trade that passed through their land79.

74. K. D. S. Lapatin, Chryselephantine Statuary in the Ancient Mediterranean World, Oxford University Press, 2001, p. 12. 75. W. Ball, Rome in the East: The Transformation of an Empire, Routledge publ, London & New York, 2002, p. 123. 76. A. Laviolette, Swahili Archaeology and History of Pelmba, Tanzania: A Critique and Case Study of the ues of Written and Oral Sources in Archaeology, in African Historical Archaeologies, ed. A. M. Reid, & P. J. Lane, Springer Publ, New York, 2014, p.131-132 (125-162). 77. W. H. Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, Longmans, Green & Co Publ, Bombay and Calcutta, 1912, pp. 7-17. 78. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 20-34, pp. 104-147. 79. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 22, 27, pp. 107, 117.

14 In the Periplus description of the West Indian coast from the north up to the south are mentioned. He mentions many ports and market along the coast80. The main port on the north coast, it's named "Barygaza" he describes extensively everything about this port as which kinds of the goods were carried in this port. He refers to this port as the main station in West Indian coast81. He mentions the Malabar Coast with the important port Muziris, which was the centre of the foreign traders for many countries. In this part, the goods were brought to the coast in south India and shipped by foreign traders to the west82.

The importance of this manuscript lies in the fact that it discusses trade activity taking place in the sea in the area which was considered to be the central trade point of the ancient world, the goods involved in the trading process and the countries involved in this active trade such as India, Persia, Yemen, eastern Africa, and Egypt. It is also an exclusive source in terms of mentioning some trade norms that weren't mentioned in any other classical source and this book is proved very useful for reconstructing trading activities of coastal regions of Ancient India.

1.11 Ancient Indian Sources

These sources in this study are divided into two main groups i.e. Archaeological and Literary.

1.11.1 Literary Sources

The ancient literary scriptures are important sources of information for the reconstruction of ancient Indian history. Their classification includes religious and secular literature, historical literature.

80. Ibid, ch. 38-40, pp. 165-173. 81. Ibid, ch. 41-50, pp. 173-195. 82. Ibid, ch. 51- 56, pp. 195-227.

15 1.11.1.1 Sangam texts

The Sangam literature is the ancient Tamil literature about the history of ancient southern India83 spanning from c. 300 BC to 300 AD84. It may even be claimed, with justification, that this remarkable corpus of poems as the only known literary source of evidence for early South Indian trade with the West Asian and Mediterranean regions and the Southeast Asian countries85. This Sangam contains 2381 poems in Tamil composed by 473 poets, some 102 of whom remain anonymous86. Composed at various points of time over a long span of about 600 years, and authored by people of various levels-princes, peasants, merchants, carpenters, Brahmins, Jains and Buddhists, the poems deal with disparate social groups. Most of the available Sangam literature is from the Third Sangam, this period is known as the Sangam period87, which refers to the prevalent Sangam legends claiming literary academies lasting thousands of years, giving the name to the corpus of literature.

The works of Sangam literature were lost and forgotten for several centuries before these were brought to light by several Tamil scholars88. They published more than 100 works in all, including minor poems. J V Chellaiah of Jaffna College did the entire translation of the Pattuppāṭṭu in English in 1945.

The Sangam literature is useful for the study because it mentions the trade, Urbanism, Geography, and the ecology. The products of different eco-zones, exchanging points,

83. S. Chattopadhyaya, Some Early Dynasties of South India, Motilal Banarsidass Publ, 1974, p. 193. 84. N. Subramanian, History of Tamil Nadu upto 1336 AD, Koodal Publ, Madurai,1972, p. 46; K. Zvelebil, The Smile of Murugan: On Tamil Literature of South India, E. J. Brill Press, Leiden,1973, p. 45; U. Singh, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the 12th Century, Pearson Education India, 2008, pp. 27,403; K. Zvelebil, Companion Studies to the History of Tamil Literature, E. J. Brill Press, Netherland, 1992, p. 105. 85. R. Champakalakshmi, Trade, Ideology, and Urbanization: South India 300 BC to AD 1300, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1996, p. 175. 86. K. Zvelebil, Op. Cit, pp. 55-57; M. Varadarajan, The Treatment of Nature in Sangam Literature( Ancient Tamil Literature), Tinnevelly, Ltd Publ, Madras,1969, p.1. 87. D. Shulman, Tamil, Harvard University Press, London, 2016, p. 28. 88. Ibid, p. 28.

16 consumption points, ports of try and hinterlands, have been mentioned. Aspects and areas of trade for which direct evidence exists in the literature89. With no direct and indisputable reference to the Romans and Roman trade, the term Yavanas are taken as referring to foreign traders which they came from the western world to west India coast90.

1.11.1.2 Kautilya‟s Arthashastra

Kautilya or Chanakya was a pioneer in diplomacy and government administration and his political vision had a heavy influence on Chandragupta, the first Indian ruler who unified northern India under a single political unit.91 The date of this treatise is debatable as different historians have proposed different dates of this treatise. However, the consensus seems to be on the period generally spanning from 321 to 296 BC92. It consists of 15 books, with 150 chapters and 180 sections93. Arthashastra is considered one of the most important historical sources that helps to shed light on the history of ancient India‟s economic, political, military, social and religious.

In this treatise, he refers to many economic commercial functions such as (Lakshanádhyakshah), the superintendent of coinage (Kshára), the superintendent of seals and pass-ports (Vástuka), the warehouse of merchandise (Vartani), merchants, the superintendent of rivers, ferries, boats, and ships94.

Kautilya refers to several laws relating to trade and commercial transactions that help to increase commercial activity and imposed fines on those who shorten the trade or fraud and manipulate the quality of commercial goods by paying a fine ten times the capital he owns. He refers to agriculture and its importance. Kautilya was also concerned with the internal and external transportation movement, on land, sea, and rivers, where he explained rights and duties in chapter 28 of the second book. He also contributed to the

89. M. Wheeler, Rome beyond the Imperial Frontiers, G. Bell and Sons, LTD Publ, London, 1954, p. 60; M. Varadarajan, Op. Cit, pp. 73, 221-227. 90. S. Chattopadhyaya, Op. Cit, p. 192. 91. S. Yelegaonkar, Chanakya's Views on Administration, Ashok Yakkaldevi Publ, 2015, p. 11. 92. R. K. Arora, & R. Goyal, Indian Public Administration: Institutions and Issues, New Age International Publ, New Delhi, 1995, p. 3. 93. Kautilya‟s Arthashtara, Tr. R. Shamasastry, Government Press, Bangalore, 1915, Bk. 2, p. 8. 94. Kautilya‟s Artheashtara, Bk. 2, ch. 6, p. 78.

17 economic situation that prevailed in ancient India during the reign of the Mauryan Kingdom. He refers to trade at different places of the chapters, and its importance and its activities which raise the economic level. In addition, he refers to agricultural laws, land ownership, and taxes on agricultural products95.

1.11.2 Indian Archaeological Sources

1.11.2.1 Archaeological Remains

Ancient ruins and monuments which were recovered as a result of excavation and exploration are archaeological sources of history. The archaeological remains are subjected to scientific examination of a radio-carbon method for its dates. Archaeological sources highlight the various aspects of the life of the ancient people. India is rich with ancient ruins, remains, and monuments96.

Many historical places are lying buried under the earth. But excavations are being carried out to bring some such places to light. The material remains discovered from excavations and ruins speak a good deal of the past. For example, the excavations at Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa brought to the knowledge of the world the existence of the Indus Valley Civilization97, also the excavations at Malabar Coast brought port Muziris to light98.

95. Kautilya‟s Artheashtara, Bk 2, ch.8, 28, 35, pp. 87, 179-180, 205. 96. A. Ghosh (ed), Indian Archaeology 1959-60, A Review, The Director General Archaeology Survey of India Publ, New Delhi, 1996, pp. 1- 10. 97. A. Cunningham, Harappa. Archaeological Survey of India, Report 1872-73, Dales, G. F Publ, Delhi, 1875, pp. 105-108; G. L. Possehl, A Short History of Archaeological Discovery at Harappa, Harappa Excavations 1986-1990 A Multidisciplinary Approach to Third Millennium Urbanism, ed. R. H. Meadow, 1991, pp. 1-11; G. L. Possehl. Discovering Ancient India's Earliest Cities, in Harappan Civilization, Oxford and IBH, New Delhi, 1982, pp. 405-413; M. S. Vats, Harappa. Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Delhi, 1926-27, pp. 97-108. 98. V. Selvakumar, P. K. Gopi, & K. P. Shajan, Trial Excavations at Pattanam: APrelimnary Report, The Journal of the Centre for Heritage Studies, 2005, pp. 57-66; K. P. R. Shajan, T. V. Selvakumar, & P. J. Cherian, Locating the Ancient Port of Muziris: Fresh Findings from Pattnam' Journal of Roman Archaeology Vol.17, 2007, pp. 312-320; P. J. Cherian (ed), Pattanam Excavation: Interim Report of the Eighth Season-2014, KCHR Publ, Thiruvananthapuram, 2014.

18 1.11.2.2 Coins

A large number of coins have been found on the surface, and another unearthed by digging. Ancient coins were made of metal-copper, silver, gold, and lead. Most of them relate to the Kushan period, that is, the first three Christian centuries. The use of such moulds in the post-Gupta period virtually disappeared99.

The earliest coins contain a few symbols but the later coins depict the figures of kings, and divinities, and also mention their names and dates. The areas where these were found indicate the region of their circulation. This has enabled us to reconstruct the history of several ruling dynasties, especially of the Indo-Greeks who came to India from north Afghanistan and ruled here in the second and first centuries BC.

As coins were used for various purposes such as a mode of payment and as a medium of exchange, they throw considerable light on economic history. Some coins were issued by guilds of merchants and goldsmiths with the permission of the rulers. This shows that crafts and commerce had become important. A coin helps transactions on a large scale and contributed to trade.

The largest number of Indian coins date to the post-Mauryan period. These were made of lead, copper, bronze, silver, and gold. The Guptas issued the largest number of gold coins100. All this indicates that trade and commerce flourished, especially in post-Maurya and a good part of the Gupta period. However, only a few coins belonging to the post- Gupta period have been found, which indicates a decline of trade and commerce in that period. Coins also portray kings and gods and contain religious symbols and legends, all of which throw light on the art and religion of the time101.

Plenty of Roman coins have been found all over Tamil Nadu, particularly in the coastal areas102. From these coins, it is known that the Roman emperors like Augustus Caesar,

99. R. S. Sharma, India's Ancient Past, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2006, pp. 93-94. 100. R. S. Sharma, Early Medieval Indian Society, Orient Longman Pub, Hyderabad, 2003, P. 123. 101. R. S. Sharma, Indian Feudalism, Macmillan Company of India Limited Publ, Delhi, 1980, p. 11; P. L. Gupta, Coins: India-the Land and the People, New Delhi, 1969, p.17. 102. A. V. Pillai, Epigraphical Evidences for Tamil Studies, International Institute of Tamil Studies, No.27, Ulakat Tamil ārāycci Nir uvan am, Madras, 1980, p. 27.

19 Tiberius and Nero had issued them. Since they lived in the First and Second centuries A. D. is emphasised that the Sangam Tamils had trade relations with the Roman Empire103.

The areas where coins are found indicate the region of their circulation and thus help us to ascertain the territorial extent of the rulers. They are useful in fixing chronology of various dynasties. Sometime coins also provide information about the personal tastes of king and their religions. The metal or the alloy used to mint the coins indicates the level of scientific advancement the age. Often coins also provide valuable clue regarding the economic condition of the country. Some coins were issued by guilds of merchants and goldsmiths with permission of the rulers. This shows the growing importance of crafts and commerce during that period.

1.12 Ancient Yemen Sources

The sources for studying the history of ancient Yemen are divided into three sections as follows:

1.12.1 Inscriptions

Inscriptions are the main source for the study of the history of ancient Yemen. Their study is called epigraphy and the study of the old writing used in inscriptions is known as Palaeography. Inscriptions were carved on stone, rocks, copper plates, temple walls, and wooden tablets104. The earliest Yemeni inscriptions date back to the 8th century BC105 the most recent of which dates back to the third quarter of the 6th century AD. Thousands of inscriptions that have become one of the characteristics of Ancient Yemenite civilization,

103. R. E. M. Wheeler, A. Ghosh, & K. Deva, Arikamedu: an Indo-Roman Trading-station on the East Cost of India, Ancient India Bulletin of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 2, Lakshmi Book Store Publ, New Delhi, 1970, pp. 108, 116-121(107-123); P. J. Turner, Roman Coins from India, Routledge Publ, London & New York, 2016, pp. 5-16 (24-41); S. Jansari, Roman Coins from the Masson and Mackenzie Collections in the British Museum, South Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No. 2, Routledge Publ, 2013, pp. 180-190 (177–193). 104. Ch. J. Robin, Civilization of Writing, Yemen in the Country of the Queen of Saba', Tr. B. Arduke, Institute of al-Alam al-Arabi Press, Damascus, 1999, pp.79-85; A. Avanzini, Corpus of South Arabian Inscription I-III Qatabanic, Marginal Qatabanic, Awsanite Inscription, Universita of Pisa Press, Pisa , 2004, pp. 8-12. 105. D. D. O'leary, Arabia Before Muhammed, London, 1927, pp. 93-95; F. V. Winnatt, The Place of the Minaeans in History of pre Islamic Arabia, BASOR, No. 73, 1939, p. 8 (3-9).

20 the Yemenites wrote much and often106. Travelers and military commanders recorded their presence on rocks by the wayside107. They requested the aid of the gods, commemorated ritual hunts and boasted of victories.

All the monumental edifices were literally covered with inscriptions giving the names of the builders and the organizers of the construction of temples, dams and fortress walls108. The best offerings to a deity were inscriptions and bronze sculptures. Most of the sculptures perished, but the inscriptions mentioning them remained. People asked the gods for help and gave thanks for it. The names of the gods were carved on rocks, building blocks and amulets. They were the protectors of the people109.

Inscriptions are essential sources for the study as it contains the names of the kingdoms, kings, cities, commercial goods, ancient commercial ports, as well as the sea, and the various commercial vessels. It also shows the internal commercial relations between the ancient Yemeni kingdoms from the one hand and these kingdoms with the neighbouring kingdoms and empires from the other hand.

1.12.2 Coins

The coins in southern Arabia (Ancient Yemen) Under Greek influence, at the beginning of the fourth century BCE, Old South Arabian coinage emerged from fourth century BC to third century AD110, and then waxed and waned successively during the Sabaeans,

106. Ch. J. Robin, Civilization of Writing, p. 79. 107. Ibid, p. 80. 108. Ch. J. Robin, Civilization of Writing, p. 79. 109. M. A. Iryani, Inscriptions Musndih and Commentaries, Office of Studies and Research, Sana'a Publ, Sana‟a, 1990, pp. 20-40. 110. A. V. Sedov, & D. Barbara, Minting of Coins, Yemen In the Country of the Queen of Saba', Tr. B. Arduke, Institute of al-Alam al-Arabi Press, Damascus,1999, p. 18 (118-120); G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Arab, Mesopotamia, and Persia, Oxford University Press, London, 1922, pp. 45-77; S. C Munro-Hay, Coinage of Ancient South Arabia: Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. 154, London, 1994, pp. 191-203; O. Abdel-Kareema, A. Al-Zahrani, & M. Arbach, Authentication and conservation of corroded archaeological Qatabanian and Himyarite silver coins, Journal of Archaeological Science, 2016, pp. 565- 576.

21 Qatabanians, Hadhramitic and Himyaritic periods, each with their characteristic motifs and styles111.

1.12.3 Archaeological Remains

Ancient man-made objects, structures, or ancient burials that have been preserved on the earth‟s surface, underground, or underwater, serve as the objects of archaeological study. Basic archaeological remains include work tools, weapons, domestic utensils, clothing, and ornaments; settlements including campsites, fortified and unfortified settlements, and separate dwellings; ancient fortifications; the remains of ancient hydraulic structures; ancient agricultural fields; roads; mining pits and workshops; ancient burial grounds and various burial and religious structures drawings and inscriptions carved into individual stones and cliffs; and architectural monuments. Archaeological remains are the material historical sources that make it possible to reconstruct the past history of human society, including mankind‟s prehistory, also the remains be especially important in situations where the societies and cultures in question have left no written records or where these records are few112.

111. M. FoX, Making Sense of Coins of the Qatabanian Kings, Vol.126, No.12, The Numismatist, 2013, pp. 38-43; A. V. Sedov, On the Beginning of the Coin Circlation in South Arabia, Sabaean Studies in honour of Y. M. Abdallah, A. de Maigret & Ch. J. Robin, on the Occasion of their sixtieth birthdays, eds. A. M. Sholan, S. Antonini, & M. Arabach, Paris, 2009, pp. 423-441. 112. I. Gerlach(ed), 25 Years Excavations and Research in Yemen 1978-2003, Deutsches Archaologisches Institut Orient, Sana'a, 2003.

22 Chapter II- Historical Background of the Study

2. Historical Background of the Study

2.1 Section 1- India Background

India and its surrounding countries are so similar in culture and climatic conditions that the region is sometimes called the Indian sub-continent. When considering the history of India, it is worthwhile mentioning that India's geographical boundaries are of high importance and are much larger than the present day India1. It used to include wide areas of land to the south and east of Asia making India one of the largest peninsulas in the world2. It is a vast peninsula3, including the East Indies which were part of the geographical framework of ancient India4. India's natural boundaries are the Himalaya mountains on the north5, and the Bay of Bengal on the east, Sri Lanka on the south and both the Arabian sea and Persia Gulf on the west6.(Fig. 1)

The Arabic travellers and merchants write about the geography of India7 saying it is a vast land including wide territories and that it was twice as large as China8. As for its geographical divisions, Ibn Hawqal says that Sindh and parts of the Tibet are included.

1. J. S. Chhokar, India: Diversity and Complexity in Action. Culture and Leadership Across the World, eds. J. S, Chhokar, F. C. Brodbeck & R. J. House, Taylor& Francis Group Publ, USA, 2013, p.972. 2. R. K. Koshy, Saint Thomas and the Syrian Churches of India, Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, New Delhi, 1999, p. 1; S. M. Al-Ghamdi, Islamic Conquests for the India and Sind, King Fahd National Library Press, Riyad, 1999, p. 31. 3. N. Jayapalan, Economic History of India, Atlantic & Dist Publ, New Delhi, 2008, p. 1; A. al- Nmir, The History of Islam in India, Dar Ala'hd al-Jaded Press, Cairo, 1959, p. 2. 4. A. Maqbul, Arab-Indian Relations, Tr. N. Ziadah, al-Dar al-Mutahdah Press, Beirut, 1974, p. 139. 5. A. Cunningham, The Ancient Geography of India, Vol. 1, Cosmo Publ, New Delhi, 2007, p.13. 6. K. Kapur, History of Ancient India, Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi, 2010, pp. 93- 95; A. Shalabi, Encyclopedia of Islamic History, Vol. 8, Maktabat al-Nahdat al-Misria Press, Cairo, 1999, p. 247; A. al-Nmir, Op. Cit, p. 2. 7. Ptolemy, Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy, Tr. J. W. McCrindle, Hacker, Spink & Company Press, London, 1885, p. 255. 8. A. M. al-Hamthani, Kitab Mukhtasir al-Buldan, Leiden, 1883, p. 14.

23 He went on to define its boundaries as the Indian Ocean on the east, the Arabic sea on the west, Sri Lanka on the south and all the adjacent areas to China on the north9. Abu Al- Feda'a, however, mentions that there are no fixed borders in the north because of the presence of many ethnic Turkish groups whereas the Persian sea forms the western border, on the south is the Indian Ocean and on the east are the Chinese mountains10.

Indian subcontinent right now is a vast region. Lying totally within the northern hemisphere the main ground stretches between the latitudes 8°4'N and 37°6'N and longitudes 68°7'E and 97°25'E. So far the southernmost tilt of Indian subcontinent is Indira point inside of Andaman and Nicobar islands within 6°45΄N latitudes. The Tropic of Cancer (23° 30'N) splits the country into just about two equal parts11.

India is limited by the young twist mountains within the northwestern, north and northeast, South of around 22° north latitude, it has started to taper, and stretches in the direction of Indian Ocean, dividing it into two different seas, the Arabian Sea on the west and the Bay of Bengal on its east12.

2.1.1 Physiographic Regions

The Physical geography of India is a vast region that has a great variety of different geological structures13. It is, however, possible to divide the region into five physiographic regions, namely.

2.1.1.1 The Mountains

There are lot of mountainous highlands in India, of which the most important is the mountain range that splits India into two parts, starting from the west reaching to east coast14, The Himalayan Mountains in the north and north-eastern region, and the

9. M. A. Ibn Hawqal, Sorat al-Earth, Leiden, 8391, p. 9. 10. I. M. O. Imad Al-Din, Taquim al-Buldan, Dar al-Sultaniyah Press, Paris, 1850, p. 353. 11. A. Cunningham, Op. Cit, pp.7-8. 12. P. Nag & S. Sengupta, Geography of India, Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, 1992, p. 15. 13. A. Cunningham, Op. City, pp. 4-13. 14. D. J. f. Newall, The Highlands of India, Vol.1, Logos Press, New Delhi, 1887, pp. 126-163; A. Shalabi, Encyclopedia of Islamic History, p. 248.

24 Himalayan ranges are further divided into different ranges, one in northern India or Hindustan and the other is south India or Deccan15.

The Himalayan Mountain Ranges extend in a broad arc between 20oc-38oc north latitudes and 63'c-104'c east longitudes scaling an east-west length of about 2500 km16, all along the northern border of the Indian sub-continent, from Jammu and Kashmir in the west to Arunachal Pradesh in the east17, constituting the Extra-peninsular region18. The Himalaya is broadly divided into four main geological zones as (i) Foothill or Outer Himalaya, (ii) Lesser Himalaya, (iii) Higher Himalaya and (iv) Tethyan or Trans- Himalaya across its length19. The Himalayan Mountain is divided into three divisions, namely

2.1.1.1.1 The Northwest Himalayan Range

A series of mountain ranges radiate from Pamir Knot-Hindukush toward southwestward, Kunlun towards the east and Karakoram towards the south-east with Ladakh, and Zaskar as parallel range from the great northern wall. The northern western ranges are almost dry, devoid of any vegetation.

2.1.1.1.2 The Northern Himalayan Range

The great Northern Range runs in the form of the convex arc, from Kashmir in the west to Assam in the east. It is a very high range and has the distinction of having the highest peaks of the world. The Great Himalayan Range extends from west to east over 2400 km. It comprises three distinct, parallel ranges.

15. G. Le Bon, The world of Indian civilization, Tr. A. Zuayter, Dar Ehia altrath Press, Cairo, 1948, p. 228. 16. P. C. Tiwari & B. Joshi, Wildlife in the Himalayan Foothills: Conservation and Management, Indus Publ, New Delhi, 1997, P. 60. 17. A. P. Kaminsky & R. D. Long, India Today: An Encyclopedia of Life in the Republic, Vol. 2, ABC-CLIO Press, USA, 2011, pp. 55&309. 18. P. C. Tiwari & B. Joshi, Op. Cit, pp. 60-61 19. Ibid, pp. 67-68.

25 2.1.1.1.3 The Northeast Himalayan Range

On this part are located the Eastern Hills, these hills covering out Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram, Tripura and eastern Assam are series of hills mostly composed of sedimentary rocks with steeper western slopes and are highly dissected and slightly accurate with the convex side facing west.

2.1.2 The Peninsular Plateau

The Peninsular Plateau of India is the oldest and the most stable landmass of Indian subcontinent. It contains a rich variety of minerals20. The Peninsular Plateau extends from the edge of Great Plain of India in the north, to the Kanyakumari in the south21. In the west it extends from Kuchchh along the western bank of the Aravalli Range to near Delhi in the Ganga delta22. It is surrounded by the hill ranges on all three sides. To its north are the Aravalli range, the Vindhya, the Satpura, Barmer and the Rajamahal Hills. The entire plateau measures about 1600 km in north-south and 1400 km in an east-west direction, which covered an area of about 16 lakh square km, is the largest physiographic division of the country23. It has topographical features as following:

2.1.2.1 The Aravalli Range

It is one of the oldest fold mountains in the world. The highest peak is Gurushikhar (1,722m) in Mount Abu hills. The Delhi ridge marks the northern end of the range24.

2.1.2.2 The Central Plateau

It consists of Plateau of Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. The Malwa Plateau in Madhya Pradesh lies in the north of Vindhyas. The Plateau is largely broken. The Chambal ravine

20. P. Sharma, Human Geography: The Land, Discovery Publishing House, New Delhi, 2007, p. 213. 21. K. Johnston, A Physical, Historical, Political, and Descriptive Geography, E. Stanford Press, London, 1881, pp. 262-263. 22. G. Philip, Encyclopedic World Atlas, Oxford University Press, USA, 2002, p.119. 23. P. Sharma, Human Geography: The Land, Discovery House Publ, New Delhi, 2007, p. 200. 24. P. Deka, Geography, Economic and Regional, New Age International Publ, New Delhi, 2007, p. 154.

26 is an important feature. The area between the Yamuna and Vindhyan Plateau is called Bundelkhand Plateau25.

2.1.2.3 Deccan plateau

It is also known as the peninsular block, one of the distinct features of the peninsular plateau, lies south of the Vindhyas, enclosed by the eastern and western Ghats. It has the black soil area, and its volcanic origin hence the rocks are igneous26. These rocks have denuded over time and are responsible for the formation of black soil. They extend from Gujarat to Delhi in a southwest and northeast direction. It is lying to the north of the Narmada River covering a major area of the Malwa plateau is known as the Central Highlands27. There are many other plateaus as Vindhya Range, Satpura Range, Eastern Plateau, Chhota Nagpur Plateau, Kathiawar, Kutch Peninsula, and Deccan Plateau28.

2.1.3 The Rivers

The Indian subcontinent is characterized by having a large number of perennial or permanent rivers which are considered the source of life and the important factor in the development of civilization and the historians attach much importance on the role of the rivers in India. The civilizations of ancient India flourished on the banks of the rivers. The first pre-historic Ancient Indian civilization better known as Harappa Civilization developed on the Indus Valley created by the river Indus. The most of these rivers in India have one of the two sources.

25. S. Pacholi, Medical Geography of Malaria in Madhya Pradesh, Northern Book Centre Press, New Delhi, 1993, p. 41; D. Mandal, Social Structure and Cultural Change in the Saharia Tribe, Pvt. Ltd Press, New Delhi, 1998, p. 9. 26. N. T. Singh, Irrigation and Soil Salinity in the Indian Subcontinent: Past and Present, Lehigh University Press, USA, 2005, pp. 31&131. 27. S. K. Jain, P. K. Agarwal & V. P. Singh, Hydrology and Water Resources of India, Vol. 57, Springer Science & Business Media Press, Netherland, 2007, p. 7. 28. G. Dole, V. V. Peshwa & V. S. Kale, Evidence of a Palaeoseismic Event from the Deccan Plateau Uplands, JGSI, Vol. 56, 2000, pp. 547-548 (547-555).

27 2.1.3.1 Perennial Himalayan Rivers

The major rivers that originate from the great Himalayan mountain ranges are the Indus, Ganges, Brahmaputra and their various tributaries29. They are divided into three groups30.

2.1.3.1.1 The First River

Ganga River the flowing towards the east31, popularly known as the Ganga, the river is the longest in the country32. The river originates in the name of Bhagirathi from the Himalayas, at Gaumakh. However the name Ganga follows only after the confluence of river Bhagirathi and Alaknanda at Devaprayaga. Though the river has so many streams joining the flow, there are six popular main streams namely Alaknanda, Dhauliganga, Nandakini, Pindar, Mandakini and Bhagirathi33. The length of Ganga River is about 2510 km, and flows through China, India, Nepal and Bangladesh34. The basin of the river Ganga is one of the most fertile and densely populated regions in the world covering an area of 400 000 sq miles35. The Ganga River flows into the Bay of Bengal36.

2.1.3.1.2 The Second River

Indus River the flowing towards the west of which the most important is the Indus that originates from the Himalaya Mountains, joins with a number of other rivers in the

29. D. S. Upadhyay, Cold Climate Hydrometeorology, John Wiley & Sons Inc Press, 1996, p. 122. 30. V.S. Kale, Fluvial geomorphology of Indian rivers: an overview, Progress in Physical Geography, Vol. 26, 2002, P. 403 (400-433). 31. S. K. Jain, P. K. Agarwa & V. P. Singh, Op. Cit, pp. 770-771. 32. V. Hansen & K. Curtis, Voyages in World History, Vol.1, Wadsworth Cengage Learning Press, Canada, 2013, p. 59. 33. P. Ray, Ecological Imbalance of the Ganga River System: Its Impact on Aquaculture, Daya Books Press, New Delhi, 1998, pp. 4-16. 34. M. Husain, Geography of India, Tata McGraw-Hill Education Publ, New Delhi, 2012, p. 8- 14; R. Guo, Territorial Disputes and Conflict Management: The Art of Avoiding War, Vol. 8, Routledge Press, New York, 2011, p. 45. 35. J. S. Buckingham & J. Sterling, The Athenaeum: A Journal of Literature, Science, the Fine Arts, Music, and the Drama, J. Francis Press, London, 1865, p. 817. 36. P. Nelliyat, "Water Pollution: Impact ,and Abatement", Indian Water Policy at the Crossroads: Resources, Technology and Reforms, eds. V. Narain, and A. Narayanamoorthy, Vol. II, Springer, 2016, p. 143(131-152).

28 Punjab region then empties into the Arabic sea37. The river Indus rises in Tibet, near Lake Mansarowar38. Flowing west, it enters India in the Ladakh district of Jammu and Kashmir39. The Indus flows southwards eventually reaching the Arabian Sea, east of Karachi. The Indus plain has a very gentle slope40. With a total length of 2900 km, the Indus is one of the longest rivers in the world41.

2.1.3.1.3 The Third River

Brahmaputra River began from Tibet region of China locally named as Tsangpo River, which merges with the Kyichu River42. This river finally enters Assam in India, where it becomes the famous Brahmaputra43. The length of Brahmaputra River from its source in Tibet to Goalundo is about 2,817 km, of which 1,625 km lies in Tibet, 918 km44. And finally joins Bangladesh in the Padma, and flowing into the Bay of Bengal45.

2.1.3.2 The Peninsular Rivers

This range formed by western Ghats, runs from north to the western coast, and the main water divide in this region to two directions, the first to the east, and then secondly to the west, as follows46.

37. I. Al-Arabi, Islam and Cultural Currents in the Indian Sub-Continent, Dar Alkitab Alarabi Press, Libya,1985, p.11. 38. S. S. Negi, Himalayan Wildlife, Habitat and Conservation, Indus Publ, New Delhi, 1992, p. 12. 39. M. Husain, Geography of India, p.12. 40. P. N. Stearns, The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern World, Vol. 4, Oxford University Press, 2008, p. 24. 41. S. K. Jain, P. K. Agarwal & V. P. Singh, Op. Cit, p. 473. 42. V. Singh, N. Sharma & C. S. P, Ojha, The Brahmaputra Basin Water Resources, Vol. 47, Springer Science & Business Media Press, 2013, pp. 174-175. 43. D. N. Tsarong, In the Service of His Country: The Biography of Dasang Damdul Tsarong, Commander General of Tibet, Snow Lion Publications, Canada, 2000, p. 90. 44. K. D. Adhikary, Cooperation on the Eastern Himalayan Rivers: opportunities and challenges, Konark Publ, New Delhi, 2000, p. 4. 45. N. K. Sengupta, Land of Two Rivers: A History of Bengal from the Mahabharata to Mujib, Penguin Books India, New Delhi, 2011, p. 7. 46. M. Chand & V.K. Puri, Regional Planning in India, Vol.1, Allied Publ, New Delhi, 1983, p.16.

29 2.1.3.2.1 The Rivers Flowing Towards the East

These rivers stem from the Western Ghats. There are many rivers flow to the east, as the Mahanadi River, the Godavari River, the Krishna River and the Kaveri River flow and drain into the Bay of Bengal47.

2.1.3.2.2 The Rivers Flowing Towards the West

From the western Ghaat there are many rivers flow towards the west, but the famous rivers are Narmada River and the Tapti River, because they are only long, and flows into the Arabian sea48.

2.1.4 The Plains

The Indian plains are the base for the survival of the majority of the people in India because various types of crops can be grown in this region. The fertile alluvial plain helps in growing crops to feed human population as well as cattle. In these plains many agro- industries are established, these plains provide raw materials to these industries. There are two types of plains, the great plains of north India, and coasts plains, as follow:

2.1.4.1 The Great Plains of North India

The north India plains located between the Himalaya Mountain and peninsular from the south, and the extending nearly 3200 km and having an average width that varies from 150-300 km49.

2.1.4.1.1 The Ganga plain

The Ganga Plain extends from the Delhi in the west towards the east to the western borders of Bangladesh, and roughly between longitude 770E, and 880E, and lat. 240N and

47. M. L. K. Murty, Physiography and Environment, Comprehensive History and Culture of Andhra Pradesh: Pre- and protohistoric Andhra Pradesh up to 500 BC, ed. M. L. K. Murty, Vol. I, Orient Blackswan, Chennai, 2003, p. 9. 48. H. M. Aghunath, Hydrology: Principles, Analysis and Design, New Age International Publ, 2006, p. 5. 49. K. S. Valdiya, The Making of India: Geodynamic Evolution Society of Earth Scientists Series, Springer, 2015, p. 8.

30 300N and occupying an area of about 250,000 km, with length about 1000 km50, covering a distance of about 1,400 km and an average width of 300 km. the width is not regular, it is being wider in the western part and start to be narrow in the eastern part51.

2.1.4.1.2 The Indus Plain

It is large alluvial plain in northwestern India, and includes the Pakistani province of Punjab, and covers the states of Punjab, Haryana and the union territory of Delhi. It is bounded by the Siwalik (Shiwalik) range to the north, the Yamuna River to the east, the arid zone of Rajasthan state to the south, and the Ravi and Sutlej rivers to the northwest and southwest, respectively. The Punjab plain area covered is approximately 35,000 square miles or 91,000 square km52. The total area of this plain is above 1.75 lakh sq km53.

2.1.4.1.3 The Brahmaputra Plain

It is also known as the Brahmaputra Valley or Assam Valley or Assam Plain and is often treated as the eastern continuation of the great Plain of India54. It extends from the Eastern Himalaya of Arunachal Pradesh in the north Patkai and Naga Hills in the east and the Garo-Khasi-Jaintia and Mikir Hills in the South55. Its western boundary is formed by the Indo-Bangladesh border as well as the boundary of the lower Ganga plain56.

2.1.4.2 The Coastal Plains

Indian sub-continent has a narrow coastal strip between the edges of the Peninsular Plateau and coastline of India running for a distance of about six thousand km, from the

50. S. S. Gowd, M. R. Reddy & P. K Govil, Assessment of heavy metal contamination in soils at Jajmau (Kanpur) and Unnao industrial areas of the Ganga Plain, IJHM,Vol.174, No.1, Uttar Pradesh, 2010, p. 99 (99-121). 51. N. T. Singh, Irrigation and Soil Salinity in the Indian Subcontinent: Past and Present, p.30. 52. A. H. Siddiqi, Pakistan, its resources and development Asian studies monograph series, Asian Research Service, 1979, p. 26. 53. P. Sharma, Op. Cit, p.195. 54. V. Singh, N. Sharma & C. S. P. Ojha, The Brahmaputra Basin Water Resources, p.119. 55. E. M. Rammohun, Countering Insurgencies in India: An Insider's View, Vij Books India Pvt Ltd Publ, New Delhi, 2011, p. 7. 56. S. K. Jain, P. K. Agarwal & V. P Singh. Op. Cit, p. 427.

31 Rann of Kachchh in the west to the Ganga-Brahmaputra delta in the east is called the coastal plains57, there are two coastal plains, the first located in the east, that coast is known as the Bay of Bengal coast, and the second one located in the west, which known as Arabian sea coast, they are called, east coastal plain and west coastal plain58.

2.1.4.2.1 The East Coastal Plain

The east coastal also known as Bay of Bengal59, begin from the south with the plain of Kanyakumari extended to the north till Subarnarekha River, in this coast there are many deltas made by the rivers it flowing in this coast60, as the Mahanadi, Krishna, Godavari and Kaveri rivers have formed nearly 25% of the area of this plain. The East Coastal Plain is divided into three namely, the Utkal Plain, the Andhra Plain and the Tamil Nadu Plain61.

2.1.4.2.2 The West Coastal Plain

The Western Coastal Plains of India extends along the line Arabian cost, from the Gujarat coast in the north to the Kerala coast in the south, the western coast may be divisions into following, the Kachchh and Kathiawar coast plain in Gujarat, Konkan coast plain in Maharashtra, Goan coast and Malabar coast in Karnataka and Kerala62. The Western Coastal Plains extend from the north in Gujarat to Cape Comorin in the south about 1,600 km63. The western coastal plains are narrow in the middle and get broader towards north and south, the wide from 10 to 25 km from north to south64.

57. P. Sharma, Human Geography: The Land, p. 213. 58. M. S. Naravane, The Maritime and Coastal Forts of India, APH Publ, New Delhi, 1998, p. 11. 59. M. H. Rahman, Legal Regime of Marine Environment in the Bay of Bengal, Atlantic Publishers & Dist, New Delhi, 2007, p.13. 60. P. C. Varghes, Engineering Geology for Civil Engineers, PHI Learning Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi, 2011, pp. 97, 104. 61. T. A. Rao & V. M, Meher-Homji, Dry Coastal Ecosystems of the Indian sub-Continent and Islands, Ecosystems of the World, Dry coastal ecosystems: Africa, America, Asia and Oceania, ed. V. der. Maarel & E, Amsterdam, Elsevier Publ, 1993, p.154 (151–164). 62. P. Deka, Op. Cit, p. 157. 63. S. K. Jain, P. K. Agarwal & V. P. Singh, Op. Cit, pp. 245-246. 64. P. Nag & S. Sengupta, Geography of India, p. 44.

32 2.1.5 The Desert

The desert in India also Known as Thar Desert is a vast tract covering over 4000 sq. km in the northwestern part of the Indian subcontinent and it stretches from the western fringes of Aravalli mountains to the Indus river65, about 10% of this region comprises sand dunes, and the remaining 90% consists of craggy rock forms66.

The Great Indian Desert Thar lies mostly in the Royal Rajasthan states of India, and extended into some portion of Haryana, Punjab and Rann of Kutch in Gujrat67. The Thar Desert covers eastern Sindh province and some area of Pakistani Punjab as well. The maximum area is covered in Rajasthan and total covered area is 208,110 km. It is known as ''The Great Indian Desert''68.

2.1.6 Brief of Ancient Indian History

The ancient Indian civilizations are considered to be among the most important civilizations of the whole world. Its advanced civilizations reached a level that qualified it to compete with the most well-known civilizations of the ancient world such as the civilizations of Mesopotamia, ancient Egypt and south Arabia69.

Modern discoveries have helped in revealing the pre-Aryan period and the degree of development it reached in the different fields such as architecture, agriculture and social relations which began around 3000 BC, which means that the pre-Aryan civilization emerged and flourished 1500 years before the Aryan invasion70.

65. R. P. Dhir & A. K. Singhvi, The Thar Desert and its Antiquity, CURRENT Science, Vol. 102, No. 7, 2012, p. 1001 (1001-1008). 66. P. Ram, Life in India, Issue 1, AnVi Open Source Knowledge Trust, 2014, pp. 62&197. 67. S. A. Matheson & R. Beny, Rajasthan: Land of Kings, Vendome Press, New York, 1984, p.12. 68. S. K. Verma, Environmental Crisis and Conservation, Laxmi Book Publ, Solapur, 2015, pp. 90-91. 69. J. Cumming, Revealing India`s Past: A Record Of Archaeological Conservation And Exploration In India And Beyond, Cosmo Publ New Delhi, 2005, p. 98. 70. S. C. Malik, Indian Civilization: the Formative Period: A Study of Archaeology as Anthropology, Motilal Banarsidass Publ, New Delhi, 1968, pp.128-132; B. Bhattacharya, Urban Development in India: Since Pre-Historic Time, Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, 2006, p. 77.

33 A group of historians and archaeologists are of the opinion that this history was started in 3000 BC this is supported by archaeological excavations of a very advanced civilization found in the basin of the Indus River. The archeological evidence in two locations, i.e Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa on the shores of the Indus, suggests that this mature urban civilization belongs to the original natives of India or the Dravidians, because of the fertile river basins that India processes, the subcontinent was continuously exposed to waves of migration or rather say attacks, from different nations throughout the country's long history71.

During this period of Indus valley civilization, ancient India encompassed the influx of Aryan tribes, though the origin of these tribes is an issue of argument among historians,72 the reason that forced them to migrate towards different destinations in the old world was drought and famine in their original land, One of the destinations was India73. In a short period of historical time, however, the Aryans were able to reestablish a civilization that became one of the most important civilizations in the history of the sub-continent74. And the Important thing besides extensive inland trade, the Aryans carried on seaborne trade, by using the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean in their external trade75.

The Aryan rule continued until they were defeated by the Persian Achaemenid giving way to a new era between 527-327 BC, their Civilization prevailed and continued till the arrival of the Achaemenids from Persia to India.

71. J. Cumming, Op. Cit, p. 98. 72. P. Bilimoria, Indian Religious Traditions, In Spirit of the Environment: Religion, Value and Environmental Concern, ed. D. E. Cooper & J. A. Palmer, Routledge Publ, London & New York, 2004, pp. 1-2 (1-14); F. Gautier, Rewriting Indian History, India Research Press, New Delhi, 2003, pp. 5-7. 73. R. B. Mandal, Spatial Diffusion of Clan Groups: A Comparative Study of Population Migration in North Bihar, Frontiers in Migration Analysis, ed. R. B. Mandal, Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, 1981, p. 168(167-182); S. Shahshahānī, Cities of Pilgrimage, LIT Verlag Münster, USA, 2009, p.111; A. Parpola, The Coming of the Aryans to Iran and India and the Cultural and Ethnic Identity of the Dasas, Study Orientale, Vol. 94, 1988, pp. 195-302. 74. P. Bilimoria, Op. Cit, pp. 1-2. 75. S. N. Sen, Ancient Indian History and Civilization, p. 33.

34 2.1.7 Achaemenid Era (428–227 BC)

The Persian conquest at the beginning of the sixth century BC represents a new age in the ancient history of India, during this period, the Persians conquered the north-western part of India76. They arrived through the passages of the high Hindu Kush Mountains in the north-western extremity of the Indian subcontinent. These were always the main passages through which most barbaric as well as the Aryan came through77. India remained under Persian control for two centuries. During this time, they used India's animals and manpower to supply mercenaries to the Persian army fighting Greece78.

There was an ongoing conflict between the east and the west represented at the time by the collision between the two empires, the Greeks and the Persians. Most of the wars took place in western Asia and southern Europe. Persia's strength reached its peak in the reign of Emperor Darius the Great (521-485 BC) to the degree that all the Greek cities were feared of him and tried to reach peace treaties to avoid any war with him. The situation changed in the time of king Darius III (998- 742 BC)79, who was subsequently defeated in a number of battles by the Macedonians. Darius III rule is remembered in history as the end of the Persian Empire and the rise of Alexander the Great of Macedonia who was able to put an end to the Persian Empire in a very short time then expanded into large areas of Asia including northwestern India80.

2.1.8 The Greek Era (327- 322 BC)

In the first half of the fourth century BC, precisely in 972 BC, Alexander the Great of Macedonia conquered Persian Empire81, and then continued his march to reach India

76. M. Waters, Ancient Persia: A Concise History of the Achaemenid Empire, 550–330 BCE, Cambridge University Press, 2014, p.5; A. Shalabi, Major Religions of Indi, p. 259. 77. S. M. Al-Ghamdi, Op. Cit, p. 35. 78. A. Shalabi, Encyclopedia of Islamic History, p. 259. 79. J. H. Walton, V. H. Matthews & M. W. Chavalas, The IVP Bible Background Commentary: Old Testament, Inter Varsity Press, USA, 2000, p. 739. 80. P. Hitti, History of Syria, Including Lebanon and Palestine, Tr. G. Haddad & A. Raafq, Vol.1, Dar Al-Thqafh, Beirut, 1957, pp. 253-254. 81. E. M. Anson, Why Study Ancient Macedonia and What this Companion is About, A Companion to Ancient Macedonia, ed. J. Roisman & I. Worthingtonp, Blackwell Publ Ltd, 2010, p. 4 (1-20).

35 entering from its northwestern passages to Punjab as all invaders did82. Alexander gained control over western part of India after defeating its kings83. He then stopped his conquest and went back from west leaving only army patrols over the vast areas of the Indian land84. It is said that the reason behind his retrieval was the situation of his soldiers who felt homesick and were unable to continue in the hot weather conditions of India85.

If Alexander's conquest cold be considered as enlightenment campaign, there weren't many effects on the political arena in India because the Greek garrisons left by Alexander were vanished just in a few years. It did have positive effects, however, as it was the first direct interaction between ancient India as a land and Europe86. Accompanying Alexander were Greek philosophers, writers and other elite personalities which directly resulted in a much cultural exchange between the two civilizations87.

It is important to mention, though, that India had already had some lesser form of interaction with the west even before Alexander's conquest. It is mentioned that the Greeks came to know about India through their economic relations with Persia in the time when the western banks of the Indus river were under Persian rule during Darius's reign (178-411 BC)88. Indians were also the part of the army led by Darius to invade Greece89. These means of interaction the Greek and the Indians of those times led to an exchange between the two nations. The Greeks took Indian tales and myths which they heard in Persia back to their homeland; the Indians took some of the Greek's culture home as well. These types of ties were present even before Alexander's conquest which only further

82. R. S. Tripathi, History of Ancient India, Motilal Banarsidass Publ, New Delhi, 1992, p.116. 83. J. J. Spielvogel, Western Civilization: A Brief History, Cengage Learning Press, USA, 2010, p. 73. 84. J. W. Snyder, Alexander the Great, Twayne Publ, New York, 1966, p.151. 85. N. J. Saunders, Alexander's Tomb: The Two-Thousand Year Obsession to Find the Lost Conquerer, Basic Books Press, New York, 2007, p.15. 86. S. M. al-Ghamdi, Op. Cit, p. 35. 87. A. Shalabi, Encyclopedia of Islamic History, p. 259. 88. K. C. Sagar, Foreign Influence on Ancient India, Northern Book Centre, New Delhi, 1992, p.1. 89. P. Barua, The State at War in South Asia, University of Nebraska Press, London, 2005, p.8.

36 developed into stronger relations by incidents of marriage, for example when King Seleucus Nicator get his daughter married to Chandragupta to forge allianc90.

2.1.9 The Mauryan Empire (322-188 BC)

Chandragupta Maurya founded the Mauryan dynasty in 322 BC91, of the powerful and highly centralized state of Magadha in the North of India. After the overthrow of the Nanda dynasty at Magadha the Mauryan came to prominence92. The origin and early life of Chandragupta remain obscure, though according to the prevalent view he belonged to the Moriya tribe and his caste was low93. Chandragupta created an empire; it was the first real dynasty in Indian history94. Chandragupta Maurya had gained control of an immense area ranging from Bengal in the east to Afghanistan in the west and as far south as the Narmada River95.

After Alexander the Great was died, his empire had splitted up96. Seleucus I, the ruler of the eastern part, and he attempted to reclaim the Indian provinces which was ruled by Alexander97, However, his army was stopped by Chandragupta in 305 BC, Seleucus was then forced to cede most of Afghanistan to Chandragupta98. But the Seleucus I realized, that there was no benefit of this war, and changed his strategy to make an effort towards gaining the alliance of the kings of India to fight against his enemies. In one effort to do

90. G. L. Bon, Op. Cit, p. 21; K. C. Sagar, Op. Cit, p. 82. 91. M. Radhakumud, Chandragupta Maurya and His Times, Motilal Banarsidass Publ, New Delhi, 1988, p. 235. 92. M. B. Wangu, Images of Indian Goddesses: Myths, Meanings, and Models, Abhinav Publ, New Delhi, 2003, p. 47; M. C. Howard, Transnationalism in Ancient and Medieval Societies: The Role of Cross-Border Trade and Travel, McFarland, USA, 2012, p. 46. 93. D. H. Manohar, Ancient India In Historical Outline, Ajay Kumar Jai Publ, New Delhi, 2009, pp. 92-93. 94. M. Radhakumud, Op. Cit, p. 1. 95. M. B. Wangu, Op. Cit, p. 46. 96. I. Al-Arabi, Op. Cit, p. 15. 97. M. L. Runion, The History of Afghanistan, Greenwood Publishing Group, London, 2007, p. 41. 98. M. Ewans, Afghanistan: A New History, Routledge Curzon Press, London, 2013, p. 13.

37 so, his daughter was married to Chandragupta Maurya99, and he sent him an ambassador named Megasthenes, who stayed in the king's court for a long time100.

The Mauryan Empire was rich and trade was thrived. Its capital was one of the largest cities in the ancient world. In 296 BC Chandragupta abdicated throne in favour of his son Bindusara. The Mauryan Empire expanded to include large areas of the Indian subcontinent, from the north-west to the south-east of India101.

2.1.9.1 Bindusara (297-272 BC)

Bindusara succeeded the throne after his father Chandragupta102. He was known in the Greek sources as 'Amithrochates' which means 'the warrior or the slayer of the foes'103. The Buddhist sources name him Bindusara104. He expanded and strengthened the empire between 273 and 268 BC to south India105.

2.1.9.2 Ashoka

Ashoka was born in 304 BC in Pataliputra106. He represented the king in many different provinces of the kingdom107. Thus, when his father died, he was the best fit for becoming the king though, he was not the first in line to the throne, and according to the Buddhist sources he usurped the throne after killing all rival claimants108 and he became emperor

99. V. A Smith, The Early History of India, Atlantic & Dist Publ, New Delhi, 1999, p.147; K. C. Sagar, Foreign Influence on Ancient India, Northern Book Centre, New Delhi, 1992, p. 82. 100. G. L. Bon, Op. Cit, p. 212; K. C. Sagar, Op. Cit, p. 84. 101. M. Chandra, Trade And Trade Routes In Ancient India, Abhinav Publ, New Delhi, 1977, p. 70. 102. K. A. N. Sastri, History of India, Vol. 1, S. Viswanathan Press, Madras, 1950, p. 65. 103. K. C. Sagar, Op. Cit, p. 85. 104. K. S. Srivastava, History of Magadha: from the 6th century BC. to 12th century AD, Sangeeta Prakashan Publ, New Delhi, 1995, p. 44. 105. M. B. Wangu, Op. Cit , p. 47; R. Rowell, Ancient India, Abdo Publ, USA, 2015, p. 34; K. A. N. Sastri, Ashoka and his Successors, Age of the Nandas and Mauryas, ed. K. A. N. Sastri, Motilal Banarsidass Publ, New Delhi, 1988, pp. 211-212 (202-243). 106. R. Mookerji, Asoka, Motilal Banarsidass Publ, New Delhi, 1995, p. 44. 107. R. Mookerji, Op. Cit, p. 3. 108. M. Scott, Ancient Worlds: An Epic History of East and West, Penguin Random House Publ, London, 2016, p. 136

38 four years after his father died109, he ruled between (267-232 BC), and became the greatest Mauryan ruler110. He conquered Kalinga (modern-day Orissa)111. Afterwards he declared, he was appalled by the suffering caused by war and decided against any further war and conquest112.

He had an important role in strengthening the unity of the subcontinent under one political body and in the spread of the Buddhist teachings both in and even outside the borders of the Indian subcontinent113. He is also known for building the pillars of Ashoka (Ashoka Stambha) with carved inscriptions noting the instructions of the kingdom in the Brahmin script114. The empire in his period after the conquest of Kalinga extended over the whole of the subcontinent India from the north to the south, and Sri Lanka, it was ruled by his son115. Asoka maintained friendly relations with Antiochus II, grandson of Seleucus, the frontier king of Syria and western Asia, whose dominion was the similar amicable relations were also maintained with Ptolemy II of Egypt, Antigonus Gonatas of Macedonia, Magas of Cyrene116. Emperor Ashoka's navy regulated traffic and suppressed piracy and his vessels visited Egypt, Ceylon (Sri Lanka)117.

Soon after Ashoka‟s Death in 232 BC the Mauryan Empire moved towards his end, and was conquered by Greek and Bactrian about 184 BC118.

109. J. E. Walsh, A Brief History of India, Infobase Publ, New York, 2006, p. 37. 110. D. H. Manohar, Op. Cit, p. 94. 111. I. Copland, I. Mabbett, A. Roy, K. Brittlebank & A. Bowles. A History of State and Religion in India, Routledge Publ, London & New York, 2013, p. 54 112. R. Mookerji, Op. Cit, p.18. 113. M. B. Wangu, Op. Cit, p. 48; M. Khorana, The Indian Subcontinent in Literature for Children and Young Adults: An Annotated Bibliography of English-language Books, Greenwood Publishing Group, New York, 1991, p.199. 114. A. Cunningham & E. Hultzsch, Inscriptions of Asoka, Vol. 1, Calactta Government Printing, Calactta, 1877, pp. 34-42. 115. K. A. N. Sastri, Op. Cit, p. 219. 116. S. N. Sen, Ancient Indian History and Civilization, p. 145; S. Tandle, Indian History: Ancient Period, Laxmi book publ, Solapur, 2014, p.109. 117. G. S. Sandhu, A Military of Ancient India, Vision Book Publ, New Delhi, 2000, p. 230. 118. M. Ewans, Afghanistan - A New History, Routledge Publ, London& New York, 2013, p, 13; M. B. Wangu, Op. Cit, p. 49.

39 2.1.10 The Kushan Empire (2nd BC- AD 3rd)

Kushanas were residents of the Kan-su region of northwestern China119. They were forced westward by the Chinese Han dynasty. They arrived in the Gandhara region northwestern India, about 135 BC120.

Kushan Empire became one of the most interesting which ruled over the land of north India121, and controlled parts of Afghanistan and Iran, and in India the realm was stretched from Purushapura (modern Peshawar, Pakistan) in the northwest, to Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh) in the east, and to Sanchi (Madhya Pradesh) in the south122. For a short period, the kingdom reached still farther east. In Kanishka‟s time the Kushan Kingdom became a large empire extending into India123. Kushans were called themselves "Diveputra" which mains son of the god124, Kanishka has been greatly associated with Buddhism and he controlled all the west-northern India at least as far as Banaras125 . This dynasty was much interested in the artistic, cultural, spiritual and literary activity and was encouraged by him to promote the religion126.

The Kushans, having established their power over the land routes from China to the western parts of India, took full advantage of the Roman maritime trade, as well as their

119. J. Gernet, A History of Chinese Civilization, Cambridge University Press, USA, 1996, p. 213. 120. M. B. Wangu, Op. Cit, p. 49. 121. J. A. Millward, The Silk Road: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, New York, 2013, p.25. 122. C. Gladstone, Afghanistan Revisited, Nova Publishers, New York, 2001, p. 92. 123. I. Habib, Post-Mauryan India 200 BC- AD 300; A political and Economic History, Tulika Book, New Delhi, 2012. p. 68; M. L. Runion, Op. Cit, p. 46. 124. S. Tandle, Op. Cit, p.137. 125. S. N Sen, Ancient Indian History and Civilization, New Age International Press, New Delhi, 1999, p. 593. 126. T. Chung, Across the Himalayan Gap: An Indian Quest for Understanding China, Gyan Publishing House Publ, New Delhi, 1998, p. 73.

40 old commercial ties to the Chinese, to build a regime crossing Central Asia and South Asia127.

2.1.11 The Rule of Gupta Dynasty (320-550 AD)

On the ruins of the Kushan Empire arose a new empire which established its sway over a large part of the former dominions of both the Kushan and Satvahans128. It existed approximately from 320 to 550 AD129, and extended from the Arabian Sea in the west to the Bay of Bengal in the eats; from the Himalayan foothills in the north to the Deccan in the south130. The first Gupta king was Chandragupta I (320-335 AD), in the beginning he was a local chief in the Magadha kingdom. His power grew when he married the princess of a tribe controlling much of northeastern India, which added the Ganges Valley to his rule131. After Chandragupta‟s death, his son Samudragupta (335-375 AD), became king, and he defeated kings all over northern and southern India, and came up with a plan to keep the newly acquired territories as annexed lands; which meant that he retained the old kings as vassals to keep the administration going. So, effectively his kingdom was like a loose federation, where everyone knew who the boss was while the actual ruling was handed over to other more competent authorities132. Chandragupta II became king after his father Samudragupta‟s death in 380 C.E. He continued expanding the Gupta Empire, relying on military action and arranged marriages between his children and those of other leaders to extend his reach and power. This helped him gain control over trade routes, which strengthened the economy. And the economy was well developed. The empire minted gold coins with images of the Gupta Kings. Chandragupta II‟s government was strong and included a second capital at Ujjain. The Guptas supported cultural development, including the arts, education, and medicine. They sought to improve the

127. X. Liu, The Silk Road in World History, Oxford University Press, New York, 2010, p. 40. 128. R. S. Chaurasia, History of Ancient India: Earliest Times to 1200 A. D, Atlantic Publ & Dist, New Delhi, 2002, p. 157. 129. L. K. Singh, Indian Cultural Heritage, Isha Books Publ, New Delhi, 2008, p.69; J. E. Walsh, A Brief History of India, Facts on File Publ, New York, 2006, p. 47. 130. M. B. Wangu, Op. Cit, p. 64. 131. R. C. Majumdar, Ancient India, Motilal Banarsidass Publ, New Delhi, 1977, p. 230. 132. L. K. Singh, Op. Cit, pp. 171- 174.

41 lives of their people133, because of that the Gupta age is known as the golden age of ancient India134. The administrative system during the Gupta dynasty reign was similar to that of the Mauryan Empire135.

Towards the close of the fifth century AD the far-flung Gupta Empire developed the signs of disintegration. Skandagupta was the last Gupta emperor who had undoubted sway over western India. After 467 AD, the Imperial Guptas had lost hold over the major part of western Malwa. During the last years of the Gupta rule the only territories outside Magadha which continued its dependence on the Guptas, were Kalinga and northern Bengal.

133. R. Rowell, Op. Cit, p. 38. 134. R. S. Chaurasia, Op. Cit, p. 167. 135. Ibid, p. 64.

42 2.2 Section 2- Historical Background of Ancient Yemen

Many civilizations appeared in the ancient world and they differed because of the difference of their existence. Some of them appeared in the sea coasts like Phoenicians civilization on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea. This civilization was known as the Marine Civilization because of the sea and trade was the reason of its existence and spread in most areas of the ancient world136. The other kind of the civilization was known as the riverine civilization. The major factor for its existence was rivers and the concomitant availability of co-factors to form communities like land fertility, water abundance which helped the emergence of agriculture and its diversity , the easiness of the moving between the banks of these rivers by the available means of transportation . The most important civilizations of this type are: civilization of Mesopotamia, the civilization of Indus River and the civilization Nile Valley137.

The civilization of Ancient Yemen has flourished in the eastern part of Yemen in the form of crescent on the outskirts of Sayhad Desert (Rub` al-Khali)138. It was somewhat different from the other civilizations in terms of its growing away from civilization constituents which were available to other civilizations. However, man, in ancient Yemen managed to build a well famed civilization in the ancient world139. These civilizations surrounding Arab Peninsula have certified various relations. The commercial relations between the Indus and Mesopotamia were almost flourishing between 2600-1500BC. This was approved by the archaeological techniques in different areas of the western

136. S. Moscati, The Phoencians, I. B. Taurint & Co Ltd Press, Venice, 1988, p.8 & 10; J. Wright, History of Libya, C. Hurst& Co. Ltd, Publ, London, 2012, pp. 8-9. 137. G. Daniel, The first Civilizations: the Archaeology of their Origins, Ponguin Book Press, 1971, pp. 94-105. 138. A. S. Al-Jaroo, Date of valleys and its Impact on the Evolution of Agricultural Renaissance, Journal of Saba‟, No. 4, Adan University Press, Adan, 1988, p. 94 (94-122); A. al-Jaroo, The Brief of the Ancient Political History of the South of the Arabian Peninsula (oldYemen), Muassat Hamah Press, Irbid, 1996, p. 85. 139. B. Abu Al-Oyun, Caribou in the Ancient Yemeni Civilization, The Yemen's new Journal, No. 12, 1986, p. 199.

43 coasts of the Persian Gulf140. The southern kingdoms of the Arab Peninsula had different relationships with the Levant and Mesopotamia dominated by the commercial nature as it was pointed out by the ancient inscriptions and writings141. At the level of relations between Egypt, Levant, and Mesopotamia, it had varied between political and commercial as it was pointed out by the studies and inscriptions between the two areas142.

The relationship between the South of Arabian Peninsula and India had been somewhat mysterious though there are many archeological evidences which prove that there was a thriving relation where the trade was its bedrock. So the historical background has to be explored for the study area in the limit of particular time period and the most important kingdoms which appeared and its advantages.

2.2.1 The Geography of Yemen

2.2.1.1 The Site

Arab land is located in the southwestern part of Asia consequently143, it intermediate the old world civilization that have different climates as well as plants144. It is bordered by the Persian Gulf on the east, Arabian Sea, and Aden gulf on the south, the red sea on the west145; however, there is a moot point regarding the northern borders. They argue of northern boundaries of Arab countries is of two sides, some mentions that it is a peninsula. Their opinions were based on the information that "al-Nefud Desert" is the

140. R. L. Bowen, Boats of the Indus Civilization, the Mariner‟s Minor, Vol.42, No.4, London, 2013, p. 280 (279-290). 141. M. Maraqetn, On the Relation between Levant and Yemen in the Pre- Islamic Period, Roma, 2014, pp. 97-114. 142. M. H. al-Saadi, Bookmark studies for Egyptian-Syrian Relations in the Second Millennium BC, the Annals of literature and Social Sciences, Vol. 22, No.181, Kuwait University Press, Kuwait, 2002, pp. 20-50; A. H. Fatlawi, Egyptian Babylonian Relations in the Modern Babylonian Era (626-539 BC.), Babylon Centre for StudiesHumanity,Vol.2, No.1, Babylonian University Press, Babylonian,2012 pp. 305-345. 143. F. M. Abu Ayana, Studies in Geography Arabian Peninsula, Dar al-Maarif Al-Jamiah, Alexandria, 1994, p. 3. 144. N. A. al-Naiam, The Economic Situation in the Arabian Peninsula, from the Third Century BC, to the Third Century AD, Dar Shawwaf Press, Riyadh, 1992, p. 21. 145. A. A. M. Al-Shaheen, The History of the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula, That Al-Slasl press Distribution, Kuwait, 1997, p. 18.

44 northern borders of Arab countries, also they exclude "bādiyat al-shām" (The Syrian Desert), and Iraq to be the part of Arab countries146. However, this opinion prevails due to either lake of information or the literal translation of the ancient writers147. An imaginary boundary was separating the northern part of the island from the southern part. In other words it divides the Arabian desert into two parts one part belong to the sham land and the other part belonging to north Hejaz, however, who made this distinction did not take in to consideration that the people of this area are Arabs since the dawn of history. It means that this area was Arab even before the Islamic conquest148, as well as Jesus Christ birth just as the inscriptions and old writings have proved149. (fig. 2)

Assyrians delimitate Arab land as the area or land that its people were called "Arabs" and their land as "Arabia". According to Assyrians it stretches from sham desert till it ends on Euphrates River which is considered as the eastern borders to it150. They also delimitate Palestine and Sinai tor as the western borders151.

Scholars with the second opinion refer that Arab land is an island, and that is due to the existence of Euphrates River on the northern part to it, hence it becomes surrounded by seas and rivers. They based their opinion on what was said by al-Hamadānī who pointed

. It is the vast desert stretching from the Euphrates River to the edge of the Levant. They called on the eastern part of the desert under the rule of the Persians the name, "Bēth 'Arabāyē" and"Ba' Arabāyē", that meaning of "land of the Arabs." This label was used in Greek literature late. I. Shahid, Roman and the Arabs: Aprolegomenon to the Study of Byzantium and Arabs, Dumbarton Oaks Press, Washington, 1984, p.7; J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol.1, p. 9. 146. L. A. Siduf, The General History of the Arabs-Civilizations-Schools of Philosophical scientific literary, Tr. A. Zuayter, Vol. 2, Cairo,1969, P. 19. 147. Shamsuddin Abu Abdullah Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Maqdisi (d. 375 AH / 985AD), Aḥsan al-Taqāsim fī Maʿrifat al-Aqālīm, Vol. 2, Brill Press, Leiden, 1909, p. 248. 148. R. Edison, Arabs in Syria before Islam, Tr. A. Al-Doakhli, Dar Al-Tabaha Press, Cairo, 1959, p. 2; Abu al-Qasim Ali ibn al-Hasan, Ibn Asakir, History of the city of Damascus, Vol. 2, Dar Al-Fikr Press, Beirut, 1995, p.195. 149. M. H. Sharab, The Historical Roots of the Arabs in the Levant: Levant of th Arabian Peninsula, Dar Koutaiba Press, Syria, 2006, p. 37. 150. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol.1, p. 35. 151. L. D. Stamp, Asia, an Economic and Regional Geography, Methune Press, London, 1962, p. 133.

45 out that Arab land have been called an island because seas and rivers surround it on all the sides152. They took also in to consideration other reasons such as;

The people of that land were originally Semitic, as it was mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions that the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (824-859 BC) fought many tribes at ''Qar Qar'' battle (853.BC)153, and one of them was the Arabian Jandeebo who may had established an emirate or chiefdom since 2nd century BC154. Moreover, sham land had many Arab rulers, who migrated from the island and settled in the north Syrian parts in different historical decades155, maybe it goes back to the 1st century BC, which prove the Arabism of this place since long time156. In addition to what Arab conquerors had found in the beginning of their conquests of the similarities between Syrians, Palestinians, and Arabs in their sex, and language even the nature of life did not differ from the life that Arabs used to have157. Arguments were also depended on what some Greek writers used to call the areas east to Araxes River "khābūr" As Arabia158. Herodotus on the other hand included Sinai or to the Arabs land159.

152. Abu Muhammad al-Hasan bin Ahmed bin Yaqub Al-Hamadānī, (d. 334 AH / 949AD), Sifat Jazirat al-'Arab, ed. Mohammed bin Ali al-Akwa al-Hawali, Mktabit al-Ershad, Sana'a, 1990, p. 84; Abu Abdullah Yaqut ibn Abdullah al-Hamwi, (626 AH / 1229 AD) Mu'jam al- Buldan, Vol. 2, Dar Sader, Beirut, 1995, p. 137. 153. S. Yamada, The Construction of the Assyrian Empire: A Historical Study of the Inscriptions of Shalmaneser III (859-824 BC) Relating to His Campaigns to the West, Brill Press, London, 2000, p. 143. 154. M. J. Behm, Arabism Caravans, and their Processions through the ages, Al-Kashif Press, Beirut, 1948, p. 7; A. Al-Dory, Arabs and land in the Levant in Early Islam, International Conference for the History of the Levant, al-Dar al-Muttahidah Press, Amman, 1974, p. 25; Abu Ishaq Ibrahim bin Muhammad al-Istakhri (4 H /10AD), al-Masalik wa-al-Mamalik, ed. M. J. Abdel-Al-Husseini, Dar al-Qlm, Cairo, 1961, p. 43; Abu al-Qasim Muhammad Ibn Hawqal (4 H /10AD), Kitāb Suwrat Elerth,Vol.1, Braille Press, Leiden, 1938, p. 65; al- Hamwi. Op. Cit, Vol.2, p.170. 155. P. Hitti, The History of Syria, Lebanon and Palestine, Vol.1, pp. 66-67. 156. M. H. Sharab, Op. Cit, p. 86. 157. A. M. Omar, The History of the Arabic language in Egypt, Dar Hamid Press, Cairo, 1970, pp.12-13 . Araxe "khābūr" It is a tributary of the Tigris River originates from the Eastern Anatolia region of Turkey, Iraq and the direction of being hurt in the Tigris River near the village of Fishkhabour. The river is one of the parts between the borders of Turkey and Iraq borderline near the Turkish town of Silopi.

46 2.2.2 Roman and Greek Classification of Arab Island

Roman and Greek had divided Arab island into three parts as flowing:

2.2.2.1 Arabia Petraea

Arabia Petraea or Petra, this area includes the northwestern part of the Arab island, which known as Jordan in the present time. They attached this name to it due to the rocky geographical nature that is found in most of its parts. According to Diodorus it is located in the eastern part of Egypt160, and on the south as well as the side of the southwestern Dead Sea, He also stated that the Nabataea were living in the mountainous areas, also in the hills areas close to it to the east of the Dead Sea and Wadi Araba. Jewish lived in the southern parts of the Dead Sea and al-Aqabah Gulf; however, the remaining areas of the Arabia Petraea were inhibited by Arabian tribes who were known to the Greek and Roman writers as Sabaeans161.

2.2.2.2 Arabia Desert

It includes the middle areas of the Arab island which were known by its sand. It represents most of the areas of the Arab island such as Sham dessert, Samawa dessert, Dahna dessert in the north, and Rub'al-khali dessert in the middle and south. Its northwestern boundaries stretched to "Metropolis" at the end of Suez Gulf and to Babylon city on the east162.

2.2.2.3 Arabia Felix

Arabia Felix means “happy Arabia”163, it is the Latin name previously used by geographers to describe the southern part of the Arabian Peninsula and South Arabia. (Ancient Yemen). It stretches from the Arabian sea coast, which starts from the Red Sea

158. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol.1, p. 35. 159. Herodotus, BK. 2, ch. 15. 160. D. Siculus, Diodorus of Sicily, BK.11, ch. 48. 161. S. Al-Ahmad, Glimpse at the Geography of the Arabian Peninsula, Journal of the Arabs, No.12, Dar Al-Yamamh Press, Riyadh, 1969, p. 597 (596-605). 162. Strabo, BK. 16, Ch. 1, 2: 32; A. Musil, In the Arabian Desert, ed. K. M. Wright, H. Liveright Press, New York, 1930, p. 235. 163. Strabo, BK.16, ch.14: 2.

47 and Aden Gulf on the west to Oman Gulf on the east,164 and this region is considered as the most important and fertile region among the others; therefore, many empire and kingdoms were established there165. Xenophon, on the other hand, delimitates the northern boundaries of the Arab land as starting from Euphrates River consequently, "al-Rage" part of Syria was added to it166, this means that Arab land despite its surrounding by three seats on the east, south, and west, the existence of Euphrates River on the north gives it the shape of an island, at least in their opinion167. However, regarding the regional differences every of Arab land has its own climate characteristics. Obviously the reason is laying in the geographical location, and this applies to "Badiat al-Sham" land also. Some scholars denoted that "Badiat al-Sham" is just a natural and geological stretch to Arab land therefor they call it as a whole, Arab island. This led us to the fact that Arab land is a whole complete unit from the south to the north, and in fact it matches what Greek and Roman have claimed about Arab land that it is one single island since it has no natural partition that separates its parts168. Simply saying, the northern dessert (Iraq and sham)169, is nothing but a part of the Arab island and one of its parts170. Based on these information Arab geographers classified the Arab island into five parts i.e. Tihāmah, Najd, Hejaz, Al-'Arudh (Al- Yamamah), and Yemen171.

164. L. A. Yahiya, The Arabs in ancient times, Civilization Entrance in the History of the Arabs before Islam,Vol. 2, Dar al-Nahdhah Press, Beirut, 1979, p. 99. 165. M. M. Nafie, The Arabs History; Pre-Islamic Era, p. 51. 166. O. R. Kahala, The Arabian Peninsula Geography, al-Trqy Press, Damascus, 1945, p. 3. 167. Euphrates River starting from the mountains of Turkey in particular the south-eastern regions, and passing in Syria and Iraq to be hurt in the Persian Gulf in the Karmt area of the Shatt Al-Arab, was hurt old in the al-Qurnh area far from the current estuary about 110 kilometers and a total length of 2,300 km, J. M. al-khalaf, Iraq's Geography, Natural, Economic, and Human, Dar al-Marifah Press, Cairo, 1965, pp. 178-180. 168. M. Cary, The Geographic Background of Greek & Roman History, Oxford University Press, London, 1967, p. 165; S. Irfan, Op. Cit, pp.3-13. 169. Abu al-Qasim Muhammad Ibn Hawqal, Op. Cit, p. 29. 170. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol.1, p. 544; A. R. Hassani, The Ancient Iraq and Modern, Dar al-kutub Press, Beirut, 1974, p. 7. 171. Al-Hamdani, Op. Cit, p. 58.

48 2.2.3 Physiographic Regions

2.2.3.1 Najd Region

This region includes plateaus which constitute the heart of the Arab island. On the north it is bordered with the northern region, (Iraq and sham), and on the south it is bordered with Yemen and Tihāmah regions172. This region stretches to Dahna and al-Ahsa173, areas which considered as an arable land, but it also had some wastelands. Najd region basically consists of two parts, lower Najd which overlook Iraq, and upper Najd which overlook Hejaz and Tihāmah174.

2.2.3.2 Hejaz Region

This is the geographical area that works as a partition between the coast of the Red Sea and Najd region. As the name indicates, this region constitutes the partition between Yemen and Sham regions. It contains a large areas stretching from al-Aqabah city in the north till it reaches Sarat Mountains near to the Red Sea in the northern part of Tihāmah region. Along with an about 700-miles, from north to south and display ranges about 10- 40 miles175, to Palestine and Tabuk are considered as parts of Hejaz region, in addition to that it has many valleys, but the most important one is Omm al-qura valley. It is important because it was a trading road in the old world known as Bechor road.

2.2.3.3 Al-„Arudh (Al-Yamamah) Region

This includes the eastern part of the Arab island176, and most of its areas are coastal flats and sand hills. This region has many wells and springs177, and the region is called the al- „Arudh because it has a common border with the region Yemen and Najd178.

172. Al-Hamdani, Op. Cit, p. 58. 173. M. S. Al-Otaibi, Najd and Yamama Concept to the Ancients and Modern, and the Political Situation in the Al-Yamamah From 3-6 AD, Journal Manhal, No.49, 1988, pp. 144-151. 174. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 1, pp.197-182. 175. A. Al-Wahbi, Hijaz as Defined by Arab Geographers, Riyadh Journal, Vol. 1, 1970, pp. 53- 70. 176. Al-Hamawī, Op. Cit, Vol. 3, p. 110. 177. L A. Yahiya, Op. Cit, p. 102. 178. Al-Hamawī, Op. Cit, Vol. 4, p. 112.

49 2.2.3.4 Tihāmah Region

These are the coastal areas of the Red Sea which stretch along with the red sea starting from Aden Gulf to the north179. It is considered the lowest areas in the island in which the highest part 200 m of sea level180. Scholars differ in their opinion regarding the name Tihāmah. According to some scholars the name of Tihāmah was mentioned in the south Arabian inscriptions, and it means the low coastal areas. Some scholars mentions that the name came from the word "Taham" which means the highest degree of heat, and others go to the notion that there is a relation between the word Tihāmah and the Babylon word "Tiamyu" which means the sea, and also in the Hebrew word mention to it as Tehom181. The widths of these areas differ according to the mountain series nearer to the sea, yet the width of Tihāmah region varies from 20-60 km of the sea level. The most important valleys of this region are: Maor valley, Surdud valley, Siham valley, Ramah valley, and Zabeed valley182.

2.2.3.5 Yemen Region

Yemen is located on the southern part of the island. It is bounded on the east by Arab sea as well as Persian sea, and on the south by Aden gulf183; however, the northern borders was not stable. It was changing (increasing and decreasing) according to the political and powerful situations of the kingdoms of that area184. It was mentioned that one king of the south part of the island made some conquests of some parts of Madinah185. Regarding the origin of the name Yemen there is still disagreement between the scholars; therefore, some said it earned this name after the first person inhibited it that was "Aimen bin

179. Al-Hamdānī, Op. Cit, p. 85. 180. A. A. Muhammad, The Yemen Nature geography, al-Muntada al-Jamie Press, Sana'a, 2001, pp. 44-45. 181. A. A. Salim, Landmarks in the History of the Arabs before Islam, Kreidieh Brothers Office Press, Beirut, 1990, p. 7. 182. S. M. Abbas, The Yemen Nature geography, Sana'a: Zuhair Foundation of Educational, 1994, p. 29. 183. Al-Hamdānī, Op. Cit, pp. 65-68; J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 1, pp. 170-171. 184. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol.1, p.164. 185. Ry. 509.

50 Qahtan" (Son of the first father of the Arabs). Others stated that it was given this name because it is located to the right side of "Grand Kaaba"186, another opinion favours that the nomenclature was due to the nature of country itself, since it has a variable climate187. The last opinion says that it came from the word "Yamanat" which was used in many old Yemeni inscriptions188. Yemen was famous with the variety of its agriculture products. The variety of its climate makes it one of the important sources of agriculture products, even it was known as the “ al-Yemen al-khadra” which means the green Yemen, and that is due to its exposure to the monsoon and rainfall, which helped it to produce a lot of crops, and one of the most important products was frankincense189.

2.2.4 Geographical Properties

2.2.4.1 The Terrain The Terrain has played an important role in the cultural as well as in the economic. It helped in the existence of many cities that never exist especially the agricultural areas therefore it has a quite deep effect on the climate of the island particularly in the road of commercial convoys and its direction, in addition the daily life of the people. These properties are as follows:

2.2.4.2 Mountains Mountains had a large impact on the life of Arab people. And the Arabian Peninsula surface slopes from west to east190. There are also many heights spreading all over the Arabian island. These mountains can be divided on the basis of their existing places which are given below.

186. Al-Hamawī, Op. Cit, Vol. 5, p. 447. 187. A. A. Salim, Op. Cit, p. 6. 188. Ja. 656/9-10; Ja. 660/5; Ja. 665/8-9; Ja 669/28-29. 189. A. Al-Tyreese, Country of Saba and the Early Arabs civilization, Vol. 2, Dar al-Fikr Press, Beirut & Damascus, 1990, p. 24. 190. B. Lewis, The Arabs in History, edi. 5, Oxford University Press, London, 2002, p. 21.

51 2.2.4.2.1 The Sarawat Mountains

These mountains contain the western parts of the Arabian island that overlooks the Red Sea. However, these mountains stretch from the north till it reaches the mountain series of the Levant, in addition to that some of these heights usually witness snow falling, such as Dubagh Mountain which considered as the highest crest (2,200 m) upon the sea level. This series goes down when its proximity to the holy city of Mecca, and the mountains are in the lower height, Then these mountains rise again as moving to south until it reaches the high level in Yemen191.

2.2.4.2.2 West Southern Heights

These heights include Yemen plateau and Ḥaḍramawt plateau. It also include other peaks that stretch to (1200-3000 m) upon the sea level and the most important of those peaks are Jabal an-Nabi Shu'aib which range about (3666m) upon the sea level and Jabal Isbil in Thamar state which range around (3190m) upon the sea level192. These heights combine the south of the Arabian island with Ḥaḍramawt plateau that is considered as a stretch to it193.

2.2.4.2.3 Eastern and Southeastern Heights

These are the mountains which are located in Oman near to the Persian Gulf entrance. These mountains stretch from north to south-east parts of Salalah. Jebel Akhdar is one of the famous mountains in this area, which elevates (3000m) upon the sea level194. To the south of these heights is Dhafar Mountain which located at the far south, these heights are mainly far from the sea-coast, and in some parts can range around (1400m) upon the sea level. However, the height of these peaks decreases as going toward the east195.

191. A. A. Salim, Op. Cit, p.12; Zakaria bin Mohammed bin Mahmoud Al-Qazwini, Athar al- bilad wa-akhbar al-„ibad "Monument of Places and History of God's Bondsmen", Dar Beirut Press, Beirut, 1984, p. 88. 192. A. A. Mohammad, Op. Cit, p. 51. 193. N. A. al-Naiam, Op. Cit, p. 25. 194. M. Metwally, The Arabian Gulf Basin, Vol. 2, Cairo: 1974, p. 16. 195. J. J. Perby, The Arabian Island, Tr. N. Hajar., S. Ghaz, al-Maktab al-Tijaria Press, Beirut, 1960, p. 39.

52 2.2.4.2.4 Central Heights

These heights include the central plateau of the Arabian Island. Najd plateau is considered as one the most important part of these heights which range around (2500f) upon the sea level and it stretch from Hejaz in the west to al-Ihsa'a in the east196. These mountains in the southern regions helped the fulling of heavy monsoon rains, which led to the fertility of the soil, and the diversity of agricultural products, especially frankincense, which has contributed a great contribution to the prosperity of economy of the southern Arabian Peninsula197.

2.2.4.3 Oases and valleys

Arab land was considered as one of those lands that lacks rivers and lake, hence drought prevail most of its parts in the rest of the seasons. So, only few people occupied this land and that was due to drought, however, there are some valleys that turn into Quarter Rivers in which the seasonal rain floods runs through it to drop in the sea. These rivers are usually long and go with the same direction of the land. These rivers are very steep; hence the water runs very fast in the rain season198.

There are also small valleys which slope in the Red Sea i.e. in the west side of the Arabian island. Other valleys are directed in the south to drop in Aden gulf and these valleys are not sloppy, some of these valleys are Wadi Tuban, Wadi Bana, and Wadi Maifa'a. In the east there are some valleys which drop in Arab sea and Arabian Gulf, Wadi al-Jawf, Wadi Saba, Wadi Bayhān, and Wadi Hareeb are existed in the eastern part where many old Yemeni kingdoms were built there199. There are lot of valleys in the middle of the Arabian island and the most important are Wadi Al-Rummah which stretch from Madinah in the east north till it reach to the front of Ba'ayth oasis, Wadi al-Hamdh which was known in the past as Wadi Adham, it stretch from khaiber to Madinah. There are some valleys that are connected to Wadi Adham such as Wadi al-Aqeeq, Wadi al- Quraa, and Wadi al-Sarhaan. It is a low-Earth which runs from south to north. Ptolemy

196. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol.1, p. 157. 197. J. J. Perby, Op. Cit, p. 20. 198. S. M. Abbas, Op. Cit, pp. 80-82. 199. Ibid, pp. 90-96.

53 also pointed out to 'Lara' river one of the big rivers that penetrate the Arabian Peninsula from west to east, and pours into the Persian Gulf, and Morneau, the river, which is referred to by Ptolemy is Wadi al-Dawasir200. There are many other valleys, such as Wadi Najran and Wadi Haradh201. However, there is no type of navigation on the lakes and rivers of the Arabian Peninsula, because either it is short and fast-flowing, or it collapsed quarterly shallow waters with the end of rain season.

Oasis Spread on the outskirts of the desert areas, and in some cases these oases are found in the deep parts of the desert, however, it was less important than the oases of the Parties, such as the permanent and seasonal Oasis. These oases originated due to the availability of the water near to the ground surface, which consisted of rainwater, with the passage of time these oases became populated, because it is located on the road of trade caravans. The road coming from the south to north was found many cases that have become cities for caravans such as Dadan, Al-`Ula, and al-Hajar, on the eastern side of al-Sarat Mountains202. And on the eastern side of the Arabian Peninsula there is the oasis of al-Hofuf, which include Oasis al-Qativ, and al-Ahsa that is considered as one of the largest oases of the island, where groundwater is available as a result of the decline of the mountains of Central Island203.

200. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol.1, pp. 158-159. 201. P. Hitti, History of Lebanon since the Oldest Historical Ages to the Present Era, Dar al- Thaqafah Press, Beirut, 1972, p.17; M. M. Bayoumi, Studies in the History of the Ancient Arabs, Dar al-Marifah al-Jamaih, Alexandria, 1993, p.115; J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol.1, p.161; al- Hamawī, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, p. 316; H. S. A. Abu Al-Ainain, Lebanon: a Study in Physical Geography, Dar al-Nahdhah al-Arabih Press, Beirut,1980, p. 253; H. Jasser, Texts from the North-West of the Island Views and Impressions, Dar al-Yamamah Press, Riyadh,1970, p. 40; M. T. Abu Al-Alaa, The Geography of the Arabian Peninsula and Saudi Arabia Geography, Vol. 2, Anglo-Egyptian Library Press, Cairo,1995, p. 94. 202. R. J. al-Hashemi, Monuments of the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula, Baghdad University Press, Baghdad, 1984, p. 32. . Hofuf and Qatif cities are characterized by the fertility of the soil and the abundance of water. Also they were important stations on the caravan routes commercial. From this station, there were two roads, one toward the south to Oman, and the other towards the north of the Arabian Peninsula. In Qatif, a statue was found which have Palmyrene features, which means the existence of a trading relationship between them and the Palmyra, and these two cities were known in the Hellenistic and Roman eras, N. A, Al-Naiam, Op. Cit, p. 227. 203. H. Wahba, The Arabian Peninsula in the Twentieth Century, Maktabat al-Nahdhah al- Masriya Press, Cairo, 1965, p. 68.

54 In addition to the oasis that have been mentioned above there are seasonal or quarterly oasis that appear in season of heavy rains as in the winter, or spring, and the most important one is oasis of Yprin that is located on the eastern side of the Arabian Peninsula, and just 270 km away, to the south-west of al-Ahsa. Nomads are utilizing such oasis for the purpose of grazing, where the presence of herbs, and surface water are lasting for several months after the fall of the monsoon rains204.

2.2.4.4 Deserts

The centre of the Arabian Peninsula is not a homogeneous i.e. it has different parts. In the north there is Badiat al-Sham, which is a flat area, some parts of it are open and barren desert, and others are covered by some kinds of herbs. But to the south stretches the great part between al-Jawf and Hail. It is just sandy areas or bare rocks205. Desserts include large parts of the Arabian Peninsula that turn into pasture when it rains. The most important deserts are: -

2.2.4.4.1 Al-Dahna Desert

Merely a piece of land that is covered by usually red sands, stretches from near al-Nafūd desert in the north to Yemen in the south, where the chains of dunes, with different altitudes and cover large areas of the centre of the Arabian Peninsula, and as a result of the intensity of the heat and drought of al-Dahna desert, people left most of its areas. The southern part is known as the al-Rabʿ al-Khali (Empty Quarter), which is severely dry and few plants are found, and they are no population living there. It had so many names some of them are Hill Sea, the big desert of Yemen206, net sea, while the western part of al-Dahna known as the al-Ahqaf desert207.

204. R. J. Al-Hashemi, Op. Cit, p. 33. 205. M. M. Al-Saiad, The Geography landmarks the Arab Homeland, Vol.1, Dar al-Nahdhah al- Arabiah Press, Beirut, 1970, p. 75. 206. A. A. Muhammad, Op. Cit, p. 55. 207. A. Salem, Studies in the History of the Arabs before Islam, Moasasat Shabab al-Jamiah Press, Alexandria, 1969, p. 69.

55 2.2.4.4.2 Al-Nafūd Dessert

It is known as Samawa desert consists of sandy chains high, undulating, bordered on the north Wadi al-Sirhan, on the southwestern oasis Teima, on the south by Shamar Mountains, on the south-eastern city of Ḥā'il, was called this desert old Ramlet Alij208.

Arabian Peninsula plateau overcome capacity Organised desert except for the South, areas which led to the creation of a nomadic environment in most areas of the island, especially the central ones areas, causing inequality in various aspects of life of the North St., and south on the one hand, and the centre on the other hand, and make that nomads to settle in the green oasis, along the areas located to the east of Sarat Mountains, and worked in the trade caravans that pass in these oasis service, even evolved into an important city on the trade route, which runs from south to north, and it was also known as the incense route209, where the water is the most important factors that help to form civilizations and progress210.

2.2.4.5 Climate

Yemen has varied and differed with regard to the change of the climate since the ancient ages. But, did it really change or it stills the same? Though the study of climate has a great importance all over the world, there is no basic theory that offers clear-cut evidence regarding the climate change. It probably didn‟t change for the last four thousand year211.

Consequently, the climate in the Arabian Peninsula differs in relation to the different geographical regions. The northern region and the west-northern regions follow the climate of the Mediterranean where rains fall in the winter season212. But, in the south of the Arabian Peninsula, the seasonal rains fall in the summer season and this is due to the

208. M. A. Al-Bakr, Studies in the History of the Arabs before Islam (History of the South Countries in Yemen), University of Basra Press, Basra, 1980, p. 61. 209. H. S. N. Al-Omari, The Ancient Incense Route and the Yemeni Economy Impact on this Road, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Baghdad University Press, Baghdad, 2003, pp. 32-33. 210. H. H. Hassan, Arab Civilization in the Early of Islam, al-Muassah al-Jamaih for Study, Publication and Distribution, Beirut, 1992, p. 36. 211. S. Lloyd, The Archaeology of Mesopotamia from the Ancient Stone Era until the Persian invasion, Tr. S. S. Aal-Ahmadi, Ministry of media &Culture Press, Iraq, 1980, p. 14. 212. M. Cary, Op. Cit, p. 165.

56 variations of the barometric pressure above the sea level. These variations cause the movement of the winds from the Indian Ocean in a form of east-southern commercial- winds, and when these winds cross the equator moving to Yemen, it changes into southern-winds known as "seasonal-winds". Since these winds came up from the stored- water, it comes full of vapours which cause the falling of rains on both Yemen and Ethiopia213. This led to the availability of water and the existence of regular agriculture all over the years which affect the prosperity of the south Arabian Peninsula214. The middle of the Arabian Peninsula is considered as one of the hottest and driest regions, and this is due to the following reasons;

Firstly, it's location near the Equator. Secondly, most of its parts are located in the hotter tropical region. Thirdly, it is not surrounded by wide stored water streams which help in reducing the degree of dehydration215. Moreover, the hills of Ḥaḍramawt and Oman Mountains are working as a block to the winds carrying the vapour leading to the fall of the rain on these hills and the inner regions are termed216. The geographical site of Arabia helped to the appearance of civilizations such as the ancient Yemeni civilization in the southern corner of Arabia, besides its location in the ancient world. This helped in producing different civilization totally from the neighbouring civilization with special techniques and characteristics. It was far from the political side and near from the economic side.

No historical reference was available for the battle between Yemeni's kingdoms and the civilization existing around them, but on the contrary there is a lot of evidence that prove the availability of commercial relationships among the ancient Yemeni kingdoms and the surrounding civilization, such as the Mesopotamia civilization, Levant civilization, ancient Egyptian civilization and the Indian subcontinent civilization217. Its location is at the intersection point of the red sea with Arabic sea and the Indian Ocean. That helped in

213. A. A. Muhammad, Op. Cit, pp. 72-73. 214. M. A. Ba Faqih, Selection of Yemen, p. 19. 215. A. A. Salim, Op. Cit, p. 13. 216. M. Cary, Op. Cit, p. 184. 217. K. A. Kitchen, Documentation for Ancient Arabia, Part I: Chronological Framework and Historical Sources, Liverpool University Press, Liverpool, 1994. p.110.

57 the prosperity of the commercial exchange among Yemeni kingdoms and kingdoms of the ancient world, in addition to the land ways that direct towards Arabia to arrive at Levant, Egypt, Mesopotamia. The regions of South Arabia are those regions that produce incenses and perfumes and later become the main point for controlling the old trading road between east and west218.

2.2.5 Political Situation of Ancient Yemen

The political situation between the kingdoms of southern Arab Peninsula have experienced different kinds of relationship either in its relation between each other or in the relation of Yemeni kingdoms with other kingdoms and emperors. (Fig. 3)

2.2.6 Saba' kingdom

Although there is a difference between the archaeologists and historians about determining the emergence time of the first Yemeni kingdoms, the new discoveries proved that Saba' Kingdom which dates to the 8th century BC is the first Yemeni kingdoms which emerged in the south of Arab Peninsula. It includes Maʾrib, Sirwah, and the southern slope of the region of al-Jawf219. It is one of the most important and ancient Yemeni kingdoms. Its location was not fixed as it was differing from time to time according to the strength or weakness of its kings220. There is still a difference of opinions between the scholars about specifying its emerging time. It was mentioned in different historical times especially in the inscription of the neighbouring civilizations. The Sabaean capital was Ma'rib, where a large temple was built221.

2.2.6.1 Saba' in the Egyptian Civilization The earliest mention of Sabaeans backs to the era of Egyptian king (Thutmose III) 1425 BC. One of the inscriptions indicates that Sabaeans traders gave him gifts of incense in

218. N. A. Al-Naiam, Op. Cit, pp. 211-218; B. Abu Al-Oyun, The Yemeni Old City, Journal of the Faculty of Arts, No. 43, Alexandria University Press, 1995, p 197 (197-248). 219. Ch. J. Robin, The establishment of an empire, Saba'ean control on the first Kingdoms (8-6 century BC), Yemen In the Country of the Queen of Saba', Tr. B. Arduke, Institute of Al- Alam Al-Arabi Press, Damascus, 1999, p. 89 (89-93). 220. A. H Al-Shaibah, Studies in the Ancient History of Yemen, pp. 14-15. 221. Strabo, BK. 16, ch. 4: 19.

58 the period in which Egypt was controlling the Mesopotamia during the 15th century BC approximately which prove that the Sabaeans traders has reached early to Syria and Mesopotamia222. This inscription agrees with one of the studies done by a German expedition in Maʾrib Oasis which proves that the region has known the irrigated agriculture before 4000 years BC223. In other words, the residents of the area have settled a long time ago and worked in agriculture which was considered one of the stability factors. Moreover, agriculture was one of the basic sources of incomes in Ancient Yemen.

2.2.6.2 Saba' in Bible (the Old Testament) Saba' and Sabaeans were mentioned in the Old Testament in different images and meanings; some of them refer to the Sabaeans Settlement in the north of the Arabian Peninsula near Jerusalem areas as in the Book of Genesis (7:10), (3:25), and in the News first days (9:1) and in Ezekiel (13:25), (20:27), (3:38). The reference to the Saba Kingdom and its kings in the south of Arabian Peninsula was mentioned in Psalm (10: 72) and (15:72), that the kings of Saba gave gifts of gold to King Solomon. In the “The Book of Kings I (13, 15-1:15”, and “Book of the Second Days (9: 1-9-12), the story of the Queen of Saba visit to King Suleiman and what she carried with her of gifts in a great procession of camels loaded with perfumes, gold, and gems was mentioned.

The Holy Quran confirmed what has come in the Old Testament (Torah) of mentioning the story of the Queen of Saba' visit to King Suleiman224, in one chapter entitled “Surat Saba' ”225. While the history of King Suleiman dates back to the 10th century BC. Queen of Saba‟ who carried the gifts and her kingdom must have passed through many historical stages until it became stable and constituted a democratic political regime as it was

222. K. A. Kitchen, Op. Cit. p.110. 223. B. Vogt, Towards a new Dating of the Great Dam of Maʾrib, In Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol. 34, Oxford University Press, 2004, p. 386 (383-394). 224. R. D. Barnett, South Arabian Sculptures, The British Museum Quarterly, Vol. 17, No.3, 1952, p. 47 (47-48). 225. Holly Quran, Surat Al-Naml, Sin, 22-44.

59 mentioned in the Holy Quran226. Thus, it is confirmed that the emergence of Saba' Kingdom dates back to earlier than the 10th century BC.

2.2.6.3 The Mentioning of Saba' in the Mesopotamia Civilization From the 8th century BC, the inscriptions of the kingdoms and empires in Mesopotamia and Levant mentioned the Sabaean, the residents of the south of Arabian Peninsula where find the earlier mentioning to the era of 'Ninurta-Kodori-Awsar' provincial governor of Sukho and Mary on the Euphrates who ruled during the middle of the 8th century BC indicates that there was a control over a convoy combined of 200 camels led by people from Teima and Saba' lived far away.227 There is another inscription from the reign of Assyrian King Shalmaneser III. In his inscription which is dated in 838 BC, he mentions that he brought camels, horses and aromatic plants and gems for Saba'228. But in the reign of King Tiglath-Pileser III (744-705 BC), who mentioned that Saba' among the tribes that fought against Assyria229.

In the annals of second Assyrian King Sargon II (722-705 BC), which indicates that he received a gift of gold and precious stones and herbs from Ithamar Saba'ean 230. Formula Name of the King in the Yatha`amar sources is equal to the name of al-Mukarib Saba'ean who mentioned in the Yemeni inscription, it was about (715 BC.)231, al-

226. Ibid, Surat Saba‟, sin, 15-16. 227. Ch. J Robin, Op. Cit, p. 90; F. Ismail, Saba'ean Commercial Caravans in the Middle Euphrates Region, Fifth International Conference of the Civilization of Yemen (Sana'a Civilization and History), part.1, Sana'a, 2005, p. 61. 228. K. Klengel, Kulturgeschichte des alten Vorderasien. Akademie- Verlag. Berlin,1989, p. 461. 229. H. Niehr, Northern Arabia, The Aramaeans in Ancient Syria, ed. H, Niehr, Vol.106, Brill Press, Netherlands, 2014, p. 380 (378-390); A. A. Ismail, Studies in the History of the Ancient Near East, relations between Iraq and the Arabian Peninsula since the mid-third millennium BC. to the Middle of the First Millennium BC., Aubadi Center for Studies and Publishing, Sana'a, 1998, p.113. 230. D. D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, Historical Records of Assyria from Sargon to the End, Vol. 2, Chicago University Press, Chicago, 1989, p. 27. 231. A. A. Ismail, Op, Cit, p. 112.

60 Mukarib built the right pane of the Maʾrib Dam and the fort of Hareeb. The Agriculture, trade and foreign relations are flourished at his time232.

During the reign of Assyrian King Sennacherib (705-681 BC)233, the inscription, which dates to 685 BC, mentioned that the Karibi-ilu king of Saba' brought the gift of treasures which is placed in the Temple of the New Year holiday, which ensures the inscription victory234. But the King of Sabaean Karb il Watar bin Thamar Ali sent a gift to the Assyrian King Sennacherib on the occasion of building Akito temple. Although, it doesn't know the exact way for giving those presents, were it like gifts or taxes? But the intent astray is facilitating the passages of convoys through the Sabaean roads235.

2.2.6.4 Saba' Reported in the Literature Classics Sabaeans mentioned in the writings of classical literature. The Greek writer Theophrastus is the first one who mentioned the kingdom of Saba'. He mentioned that Saba' with the rest of Yemeni kingdoms were the source of producing of incense and aromatic substances236. The geographical writer Strabo had mentioned to the Sabaeans wealth, as described their houses, the doors, walls, and roofs are variegated with inlaid ivory, gold, silver, and precious stones237. He also mentioned to the campaign on Saba' in 24 BC238.

232. Y. M. Abdullah, Maʾrib Dam, and Ordered Redone, In Papers in the History of Yemen and his Relics, p. 78; G. Zidane, The Arab before Islam, pp.151-152. 233. N. Norbert, Karb Il Watar Il, the first unified Yemen, Yemen In the Country of the Queen of Saba', Tr. B. Arduke, The Arab World Institute Press, Damascus,1999, pp. 95-97. 234. M. A. Ba Faqih, Ancient History of Yemen, The Arab Association for Studies and Publ, Beirut, 1985, pp. 55-56; J. A. Sharjabi, Yemen in the Era of Saba'ean al-Mukarib Karb il Watar bin Dhamar Ali seventh century BC., Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, Baghdad University, Iraq, 1998, p. 24. 235. F. Ismail, The Old Yemeni language, House of Scientific books, Taiz, 2000, p. 9; G. Zidane, the Arab before Islam, p. 17; F. Wolfdietrich & O. Jastrow, Handbuch der arabischen Dialekte, Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1980, p. 76. 236. Theophrastus, Enquiry into plants, by Sir Arthur Hort, ed. E. Capps, T. E. Page & W. H. D. Rouse, the Loeb classical Library, William ltd Press, London, 1916, Ch. 4: 5. 237. Strabo, Bk. 16, Ch. 4: 19 238. Ibid, Bk. 17, Ch. 4: 2-3& ch.19: 22-24.

61 Eratosthenes mentioned a description for Saba' kingdom and its borders. Strabo also mentioned Pliny, in his book "Natural History", described the Saba' kingdom and its houses and he mentioned that its people are the richest people in south Arabic peninsula who had the gold, silver and a lot of perfume trees239. In addition to many other writers, who pointed to the Sabaeans and their country and described that their country was one of the richest places in the Arabian Peninsula and called the "happy Arabia" because of its rich soil and contain the most important types of plants and myrrh incense which were the mainstay of the old trade, because of these rare commercial materials, they had controlled the trade routes from their kingdom to Gaza on the Mediterranean coast240.

2.2.6.5 The Rule System in the Sabaean Kingdom Sabaeans knew two kinds of regimes; the regime of kings and the regime of al-Mukaribs.

2.2.6.5.1 Saba' Mukarib Download the first title of the rulers of Saba' Mukarib Despite the difference in the meaning of the name he was a ruler who sits on the top of the political pyramid that combines religious and political power into one at the same time241. Mukarib, most of the fields which are related to the country‟s affairs, such as religious, political and economic

239. Pliny, BK. 12, ch. 161& 153-165. 240. H. al-Awadhi & A. al-Adham, The Yemen Country in the Classical Sources (Studies and Selection), Ministry of Culture and Tourism press, Sana'a, 2001, p. 27; A. H, al-shaibh, Studies in the Ancient Yemen History (2) "Trjmat Yāmānih", Bayt al-Kitab Press, Sana'a, 2008, pp.17-105. . Mukarib, It is a system of government, known as the system of Mukaribain in ancient Yemen, this system was older than the monarchy. Mukarib was a ruler of the alliance includes a number of the ancient Yemeni tribes. It is considered more important than the job of the king, who ruled one tribe within the framework of the Mukarib. transfer of the Mukarib job by heredity system. i.e. the job was transferred from father to son. The job of the Mukarib continues for life. The historical era was known as the Age of the Mukarbain. see, Ch. J Robin, Op. Cit, p. 88; A. Lunden, State of the Saba Mukarb (The Ruler of the Sba'ian Priest), Tr. Q. M. Tarboush, Aden University Publ, Aden, 2004, pp. 8-13. 241. G. W. F. Freytag, Lexicon Arabico-latinum, Vol. 4, apud C. A. Schwetschke et Filium, 1837, p. 21.

62 activity, also participates in the military works, issuing laws and demarcating borders242. Due to the significance of this status in Saba‟ unification, all tribes could not occupy it; rather, it was limited to some tribes243. The duration of Mukaribs reign was not agreed on: to some, it could be two centuries and a half (800-650 BC) and to others, it could be three centuries (750-450 BC). Yet, some of them stated that the beginning of the Mukaribs reign was in the 10th century or 9th century244. All lists that had put the chronology of Saba‟s rulers agreed that Mukarib „Samah Ali ‟ was the oldest Saba' Mukarib discovered so far245, and their capital was Sirwah, located between Ma‟rib and Sana‟a, away from Ma‟rib 40 km, situated presently in „Kharibah‟ city246.

Mukaribs devoted their attention for agriculture, trade and building, the most important of which are Ma‟rib Dam247, god Il-Muqah Temple, and Awam Temple (Mahram Belquis) in Ma‟rib, as referred to in the Mukarib‟s inscriptions Yada' Il Zarih (CIH.323)248. At the end of this period, Mukaribs waged many wars against their chief neighbours in order to widen the country, and to finish the neighbouring independent states249. Karb Il Watar, owner of victory inscription (RES. 3945/46 Or Gl. 1000)250, who was famous for the many wars he waged in this period, could extened his influence to wide areas in the south

242. A. A. al-Sulayhi, Mukarid, Encyclopedia of Yemen, Vol. 2, Dar al-fikr al-Ma'sir Press, Beirut, 1992, p. 902. 243. A. F. von Kremer, Kulturgeschichte des Orients unter den Chalifen, Vol. 1-2, Vienna, 1875. p. 90. 244. J. Ali, Op. Cit, p. 269. 245. P. Hitti, The background of Islam, 1947, p.141. 246. A. Fakhry, Archaeological Journey to Yemen, Government Press, Cairo, 1952, p.102; N. A. al-Sroory, Military life in the State of Saba'', study Through Muharram Bilqis Inscriptions, Sana'a University Press, Sana'a, 2004, p. 96. 247. A. Fakhry, Archaeological Journey to Yemen, p. 102. 248. N. A. S al-Azazi, State Saba'' and its Components and Political Developments from the 8th BC-6th AD, Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, Damascus University Press, Damascus, 2004, p. 68. 249. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, pp.128-129; Y. M, Haddad, Yemen's History of Political, Vol.1, Dar Wahdan Press, Cairo, 1968, p. 108. 250. M. A. Ba Faqih, Op. Cit, p. 57.

63 Arabian Peninsula, after he defeated Awsan kingdom251. As a result of these victories accomplished by Karb il Watar, the title Mukarib was substituted by King in about 630 BC252.

2.2.6.5.2 Kings‟ Period There happened a change to the regime in Saba‟ state by the change of the ruler‟s title from Mukarib to King. That was in the reign of Karibil Watar, the last Mukarib and the first who bore the title of King253. His reign is supposed to be (620-600 BC), around twenty years, he spent the first period of which (620-610 BC) bearing the title of Mukarib, and the last (610-600 BC) bearing the title of King254. This shift did not happen abruptly; it was however preceded by changes in the religious, political and economic sides in Saba‟ community255. During this period, the capital of Saba' people moved from the old capital Sirwah to the new capital Ma‟rib256, which is located 100 km away to the east of Sana‟a257, and it is the largest, oldest and most important city in the south Arabian Peninsula according to the archaeological evidence258. Saba's rulers continued to bear the title of King to the end of the 1st century BC; until Ḥimyarite appeared in 115 BC with their capital Dhafar, becoming the most powerful competitors to bear the title of Saba‟s King. During the first three centuries AD, the region witnessed wars among all internal political factors and with their ending, 257 AD was considered the date of the end of

251. A. F. Beeston, Problem of Saba'ean Chronology, BSOAS, 1954, pp. 37-56. 252. J. Ali, Op. Cit, vol. 2, pp. 128-131, 133,135, 138,155. 253. W. F. Jamme, An Arckaic South Arabian Inscription in Vertical Columns, BASOR, Vol. 137, 1955, p. 38. 254. P. Hitti, The background of Islam, p. 141. 255. N. A. S. Al-Azazi, Op. Cit, pp. 98-104. 256. A. H. Nur Al-Din, Introduction in the Yemenia Relics, Sana'a: Sana'a University publications, 1985, p. 169. 257. A. Salem, Studies in the History of the Arabs, the History of the Arabs before Islam, Moasasat Shabab al-Jamiah Press, Alexandria, 1969, p.107. 258. R. Eshman & H. Holger, Ma'rib, Capital of Saba', Twenty-Five Years of Excavations and Research in Yemen, German Institute of Antiquities Press, Sanaa, 2003, p. 14.

64 Saba‟s kingdom259, and Ḥimyarite took control of Saba‟ and their kings came to bear the title of King of Saba' and Thi Raydan260.

2.2.6.6 Economic Activities

2.2.6.6.1 Agriculture People of the south Arabian Peninsula knew agriculture since a long time ago. Ma‟rib was established by Wadi Athnah, which is considered one of the most fertile valleys in the region and also considered one of the oldest agricultural valleys as the studies and researches conducted on Ma‟rib‟s Oasis referred to261. Being cared by rulers of Saba', agriculture becomes so important, since it was the source of basic income before the emergence of trade. They started providing and facilitating everything related to agriculture. They built dams and water barriers in many regions to preserve the seasonal torrents of rain, which fall in the summer (July-September) due to the non-existence of rivers.

Ma‟rib Dam was considered a lifeline for Saba state. According to the studies conducted on Ma‟rib‟s Oasis, it was established at the beginning of the first thousand BC262. The area irrigated by the dam was around 9600 hectares263. By establishing Ma‟rib Dam, kings of Saba‟ achieved the greatest architectural accomplishment in irrigation, the Arabian Peninsula had ever known in its long history and because of this dam, agriculture

259. Ch. J. Robin, Kingdoms Combatant, Yemen In the Country of the Queen of Saba', Tr. Bdr. Arduke, The Arab World Institute Press, Damascus, 1999, p. 185 (180-188). 260. A. S. Al-Jaroo, Political Relations between Oman and Yemen in Himyarite period (4- 6.A.M), the International Symposium of Cultural Exchanges Omani-Yemeni, Omani Studies Centre, Oman, 2011, pp. 197-198 (193-211). 261. B. Vogt, Towards a new Dating of the Great Dam of Maʾrib, p. 386. . F. Ahmed, Op. Cit, pp. 89-113; G. Zidan, The Arabs before Islam, p.158; M. Al-shuaibi, Natural Phenomena and Archeological Land Marks, Dar Al-Kitab Al-Akadimy Press, Sana'a, 1998, pp. 35-41; M. T. Abu Al-Awla, The Old Irrigation Systems in the South of the Arabian Peninsula, the Third International Symposium on the History of Science at the Arabs, Kuwait,1988, p. 35. 262. B. Vogt, Towards a new Dating of the great Dam of Maʾrib, p. 385. 263. A. S. Al-Jaroo, Agricultural Renaissance in the Ancient Yemen, Journal of Saba', No.7, Aden University Press, 1998, p. 28 (25-61).

65 reached the climax of its development. In addition, the dam continued its function for more than a thousand many years during which it was exposed to cracks and collapse. All Yemeni kingdoms contributed to mend it, as referred to in the inscription of the king of Ḥimyar, Shuriḥbi il Yakkif bin Abi Karb Asa'ad (CIH 540), and Abraha‟s inscription (CIH 541). In spite of being affected by erosion through many years, Ma‟rib Dam remained a lifeline in the area. It was last repaired, after being cracked in 539 AD, in the era of Abyssinian colonisation, then it was less cared of in the late period of this era264, until it completely collapsed in 575 AD265. It became just one of the most prominent landmarks of Ancient Yemeni civilisation266. With its collapse, agriculture got deteriorated in Ma‟rib‟s Oasis, trade roads stopped and political and cultural prominence moved to the high, central regions, where there are fertile lands and abundant rainfalls, then Ḥimyar Kingdome, whose capital was Dhafar, came into existence in these regions to begin a new era of the Ancient Yemeni civilisation in these heights. Some of the important products referred to in the ancient inscriptions include grains, fruits, dates and grapes. Grains include many types, such as corns, barley and wheat267.

2.2.6.6.2 Trade The Sabaeans‟ name has been associated with the trade of spices in the ancient world. They had control over the trade roads which extended from Yemen southwards to Gaza northwards, where this road started from Qana harbour on the Arabian Sea to Shabwa, the capital of Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom to Ma‟rib, then Qrnaw, the capital of Ma‟in Kingdom, then to Najrān, then to Palmyra and finally to Gaza268. Via this road, the Sabaeans transported all of their agricultural products, spices and the creative manufactures, such as jewellery and gemstones and other goods which was a monopoly of Yemeni traders who were transporting them by sea and land to the Mediterranean

264. B. Vogt, Towards a new Dating of the great Dam of Maʾrib, p. 387. 265. A. S. Al-Jaroo, Op. Cit, p. 28. 266. A. S. Al-Jaroo, Date of valleys, p. 113. 267. A. S. Al-Jaroo, Agricultural Renaissance in the Ancient Yemen, p. 29. 268. H. S. N. Al-Omari, Op. Cit, pp. 38-43; P. Hitti, Arabs History, Vol.1, Dar Kashif Press, Beirut, 1949, p. 46.

66 Sea‟s harbours and Africa. Further, the Yemenis imposed high price to their goods due to the principle of supply and demand, which was given increasingly on these goods. They also raised the prices of the goods they imposed on the foreign goods, which passed through their country. They had overall control over the trade roads, so their wealth was increased269. Although a lot of these goods were brought from the neighbouring countries, these became the characteristics to the Ancient Yemeni trade270. Traders could conceal the source of those trading goods to remain a monopoly of Yemeni traders. The Sabaeans‟ welfare remained for a long time thence their wealth prospered and they headed to the construction activities; they built dams, water tanks, palaces and temples which they ornamented, enhanced and surrounded with walls271.

2.2.6.7 The End of Saba' Kingdom The End of Saba' Kingdom is due to in three main reasons:

2.2.6.7.1 Disagreement Inside the Ruling Family The disagreements inside the members of the ruling family resulted in the fragmentation of the kingdom and the appearance of more than one king at one time. This helped the other kingdoms to quickly and completely destroy Saba'272.

2.2.6.7.2 Foreign Desires Foreign forces aspired to dominate the trade of the south Arabian Peninsula, represented in Ptolemaic rulers of Egypt, and then the Romans. Ptolemaic tried for a long time to control the trade of the south Arabian Peninsula and move it to the sea line for two reasons: one is for destroying their enemies, the Nabateans, by preventing trade from reaching the land road (incense road) coming from the south of the Arabian Peninsula to

269. G. F. Hourani, Arabs and Navigation in the Indian Ocean in Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, Anglo-Egyptian Library, Cairo, 1958, p. 152. 270. P. Hitti, Arabs History, Vol. 1, p. 6. 271. J. M. Bauer & A. Londain, Ancient History of Yemen to the south of the Arabian Peninsula in ancient times, Tr. O. Ahmed, Dar al-Hamdānī Press, Aden, 1984, p. 24. 272. Y. M. Haddad, Op. Cit, Vol.1, pp. 16-17.

67 them273; other reason, to take maximum advantage of the trade coming from India without having the Sabaeans to compete them. To accomplish that, the Ptolemaic did their best to control marine trade, so they rushed to reopen Nekhau II‟s canal (610-595 BC), which links the Mediterranean Sea to the Red Sea274, where the latter became under the dominance of Ptolemaic, who tried to reach through it to the land of spices and break the Sabaeans‟ monopoly of trade, but they failed to achieve that; although they reached to Socotra Island and some coasts of the south Arabian Peninsula and they could alter a part of the land trade to the marine line via the Red Sea, consequently competed for the Sabaeans‟ trade275.

The Romans appeared and destroyed the Ptolemaic, Egypt‟s ruler in early first century and they became dominant over what the Ptolemaic had in the south Arabian Peninsula and they also desired to control the riches of the Arab‟s trading276, so they sent a Roman force, led by Aelius Gallus, in order to destroy Saba' Kingdom and control trade; yet this campaign was failed and returned back to Egypt277. In spite of the failure of the Roman campaign, it was one of the reasons that encouraged the political forces in the south Arabian Peninsula to indulge in a war with Saba' Kingdom.

The Romans realized the difficulty of controlling the south of the Arabian Peninsula militarily. So, they sought to complete control of the Red Sea, and eliminate the pirates, as a prelude to converting land trade route from the Arabian Peninsula to the Red Sea278. When the Red Sea became a Roman lake safe from dangers, the ships sailing to India,

273. W.W. Tarn, Ptolemy II and Arabia, Journal Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. 15, 1929, p. 17 (9- 25). 274. Strabo, BK. XVII, ch.1; E. Uphill, An Ancient Egyptian Maritime Link with Arabia, Proceedings of the Twenty First Seminar for Arabian Studies, London,1988, pp. 163-170. 275. N. Ziadah, The Development of Maritime Trade Routes between the Red Sea, Arabian Gulf and the Indian Ocean, Journal of the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula Studies, No. 4, Kuwait, 1975, p. 76 (69-94). 276. N. Rhodokanakis, Public life southern Arab states, Ancient Arabs History, Tr. F. Hassanein, Maktabat Al-Nahdat Al-Arabia Press, Cairo, 1958, pp.120-121. 277. Strabo, Bk. 16, ch. 4: 22-24. 278. A. B. Lloyd, Necho and Red Sea: Some considerations, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. 63, 1977, pp. 142-155.

68 without help the Yemeni traders. And Bring commercial material that was monopolized by Arab traders. And hence, this led to the collapse the economy of those kingdoms since its economy was based on the land trade route279.

2.2.7 Ma'in Kingdom

Researchers have a debate about the emergence and disappearance of Ma'in kingdom. Scholars like Homil go with the view that it emerged between 1500-1200 BC, and demolished at 700 BC. Others like Glaser, made the probability of its emergence on the 3rd or 2nd century BC, and their inference was based on the alphabet that was used in the 3rd or 2nd century, which means that their history should proceed this date280. However, Joseph Halévy and other researchers refused Glaser's view as they see that the first emergence of Ma'in kingdom can't proceed the 1st century BC281. Winnett and O'Leary estimate the history of Ma'in between (500-24 BC or 50 BC) considering all Musnad writings do not go back older than the 7th century BC except Sabian or Ma'in kingdoms282. However, the best estimation which was based on the written scripts indicates the history of Ma'in kingdom goes back to the 6th century283.

279. M. A. Al-Bakr, Studies in the History of Arabs before Islam, p. 40. 280. E. Glaser, Skizze der Geschichte und Geographie Arabiens von den ältesten Zeiten bis zum Propheten Muḥammad nebst einem Anhange zur Beleuchtung der Geschichte Abessyniens im 3. und 4. Jahrhundert n. Chr: Auf Grund der Inschriften, der Angaben der alten Autoren und der Bibel (Vol. 2). Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, Berlin, 1890, pp. 110 & 330. 281. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, p. 77. . Musnad is the ancient Yemeni alphabet, branched from the Proto-Simaitic script in about the 9th century BC. It was used for writing the Old South Arabian languages of the Sabaic, Qatabanic, Hadhramautic, Minaean, Himyaritic, The earliest inscriptions in the alphabet date to the 9th century BC, also there are no vowels, and instead using the mater lection is to mark them. A. Alessandra, Incense Route and Pre-Islamic South Arabian Kingdom, The Journal of Oman Studies, Vol. 12, Oman Government Press, 2002, pp. 21-22. 282. D. D. O'leary, Arabia Before Muhammed, London, 1927, p. 93-95; F. V. Winnatt, The Place of the Minaeans in History of pre Islamic Arabia, BASOR, No. 73, 1939, p. 8 (3-9). 283. A. Saleh, Some Monument of North West Arabia in Ancient Egyptian Style, Bulletin of Faculty of Arts, Vol. 28, Cairo University Press. Cairo, 1970, pp. 1-31.

69 2.2.7.1 Ma'in in the Classical Resources

Ma'in kingdom has been mentioned in the writings of the old Roman and Greek travellers. Some of the classics which indicated to Ma'in are Diodorus Siculus284, and Strabo who mentioned that Ma'in kingdom is located in the north of Saba‟ and one of their great cities is Qarnāwu. He took his information from the old book "Eratosthenes"285. On the other hand, Pliny indicates that Ma'in was located on the borders of Ḥaḍramawt and the incense road goes through Ma'in. Reflecting the importance of this road, one incense types in the ancient world was known as Ma'in incense, it earned this name because it was known in the international market by Minaeans traders286. The famous geographer Ptolemy also indicated that Minaeans great people287, however, ancient Arab historians never mentioned anything interesting about Ma'in except what some said that Ma'in is a territory in Yemen which denotes their unawareness of its originality as an ancient Arab country288.

2.2.7.2 Regimes

Rulers of Ma'in are known as "Mzwad", this name counts for the meaning of divination instead of the political governance. For instance, if one says Ma'in Mazwad, it means its priest and its governor289. However, the ruling system in Ma'in changed into a royal system where the monarch concerns only with the political acts while the divination is left to others. This royal system was hereditary, as the son takes the role of his father290. The king shares the rule with a council that was known as "Maswad", this council contains a huge power and its members were the great traders in the city291. It seems that Ma'in government was conducting the decentralize system; every city in it has its own

284. D. Siculus, BK.3, ch.42. 285. Strabo, BK.16, ch. 4:2. 286. Pliny, BK.16, ch. 28-30. 287. Ptolemy, BK.6, ch. 7: 23; M. A. Ba Faqih, Ancient History of Yemen, p. 30. 288. Hamadānī, Sifat Jazirat Al-'Arab, pp. 314-315. 289. M. A. Al-Bakr, Studies in the History of Arab before Islam, pp. 170-174. 290. F. A. Ba khshwain, Religious life in the kingdoms of Ma'in, Qataban and Ḥaḍramawt, p. 54 291. M. Abadi, Lectures in the History of the Arabs before Islam, Beirut, Library's Creedian Brothers Press, p. 61.

70 internal-independence. It has its own Gods, religious affairs in addition to its government which is led by a represent of the king called "kabīr" (governor)292. It also has its own local council to administer people's affairs and it consisted of the high-class people of the city. This council was also called "Msawad"293. Many monarchs took the rule of Ma'in kingdom but the dates and their ruling sequence were hard to determine because the discovered scripts did not date that could be counted on. The dates were written according to particular incidents294, and the few names the kings were also mentioned in the scripts. Even though, Scholars prepared the list the monarch of Ma'in and the years of their rule according to the information they have295.

2.2.7.3 Trading

The geographical location of Ma'in the trading road- helped to make it a very active commercial country, in addition to its location in the north of Yemeni kingdoms. It represented the last commercial point for those countries and the imported merchandises from China and India, like fabric, swords, gold, silk and Ostrich feathers were gathered in its markets. Then the Minaeans carried it to the north296, they built trading centers outside the range of their kingdom297, this helped them to control the trade between India and Mediterranean for a long time, even some products were named after them not because they produced it, only because the traded it Ma‟in commercial control spreaded to cover many regions in the north of the Arabian Peninsula298. It reached Basra-Gulf, south Syria, Gaza city and then into the Mediterranean299. One Minaean script was found in Delos island (RES 3570)300, which indicate that Minaeans trade had reached this place. In Egypt

292. G. Fisher, Arabs and Empires before Islam, Oxford, 2015, p.101. 293. F. A. Ba khashwain, Religious life in Kingdoms of Mai'n, Qataban and Ḥaḍramawt, Riyadh University Press, Riyadh, 2002, p. 54. 294. J. Ail, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, pp. 81-105. 295. J. Ail, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, p. 81. 296. H. Bauer & A. Lunden, the Ancient Yemen History in the South of the Arabian Peninsula in the oldest Ages, Tr. O. Ahmed, Dar al-Hamdani Press, Aden, 1984, p. 36. 297. A. A. Salim, Op. Cit, p. 71. 298. Pliny, BK.7, ch. 28-30. 299. S. Muskati, The Ancient Semitic civilizations, Tr. Y. Bakr, Cairo, 1986, p. 192. 300. R'ES. 3570, Vol. 6, pp. 225-226.

71 script was also found engraved on a coffin of an also Egyptian priest who was originally from Ma'in. He was providing the incense to their temples301.

Like other people of the world, Minaeans people were dealing by bartering in their daily life and trading. This way of dealing last until they knew the coins what is called currency today. One coin "Derakhama" was found showing the picture of a king sitting on the throne putting his legs on a doorstep with no beard and a long hair, holding a bird or a rose in the right hand and a long stick on the left one. His name was written behind him in a clear letters in Musnad302. This coin was dated to the 2nd or 3rd century BC303.

2.2.7.4 Agriculture

The reason behind the emergence of Minaeans civilization can be enumerated such as the fertility of its land, the humidity of its climate and the falling of rains that turned to torrents run in its valleys like the valley of Khareed which runs inwards. Minaeans people facilitated their land by building dams that helped them in irrigation process in the period of rain-breaks.304 The planted land reached approximately to 85 km in length and 25 km in width305. Moreover, Pliny described their lands as the land of fertility where palm trees and grapes were grown there, and they were having cattle306.

2.2.7.5 The End of Ma'in kingdom

Due to the changes of the political situation in the north of the Arabian Peninsula and the existence of Ptolemaic kingdom who were looking for controlling the land trading and changing the incense roads from land road to the sea roads, Minaeans people lost the land-trading that was the most crucial source of income, this lead to the collapse of kingdom. Although there is no certainty about the political end of the kingdom but there

301. N. Rhodokanakis, Dte Sarkophaginschrift von Glzeh, Zeischrltt tax Seml-tlstik, 11, 1923, p. 113; A. F. L Beeston, Two South Arabien Inscriptions: Same-Suggestions. JRAS .1937, p. 59 (59-78). 302. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, p.112. 303. G. F Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Arab, Mesopotamia, and Persia, British Museum Press, London, 1922, pp. 41 & 107. 304. A. S. Al-Jaroo, Date of Valleys, p. 107. 305. Ibid, pp. 27-29. 306. M. A. Ba Faqih, Ancient Yemen History, pp. 25 & 31& 168.

72 are some suggestions made by researchers. Some stated it was between (100-25 BC)307, while others mentioned that it was in (115 BC)308, but the nearest one to the right is that it was in the first century AD309. In spite of the end of kingdom from the political side, Ma'in as people was mentioned in many Minaeans scripts even in the later time310.

2.2.8 Awsan Kingdom

The Kingdom of Awsan is one of the most ancient Yemeni kingdoms appeared in the Wādī Markhāh311, surrounded by mountain arrays on both sides, which helped its protection and prosperity312. It is bounded by Qataban to the North, and parts of Sayhad desert, bordered to the East the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt, to the west part extends to include all western regions to Bab al-Mandab, and the coastal areas bordering the Arabian Sea313, it also ruled the East African coast that in front of Bab al-Mandab Strait, and with reference to The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea during his description to the African coast north of Zanzibar that there was coast called the Awsani coast314.

2.2.8.1 The beginning of Awsan Kingdom

There is no exact time that referred to the beginning of Awsan Kingdom, but the oldest mention in ancient Yemeni inscriptions as came in al-Nasr inscription (RES.3945) for the

307. H. V. Wissmann, Himyar, Ancient History, Le Museon, 77, No.3&4, 1964, p. 434; W. F. Albright, The Chronology of Ancient South Arabian Kingdoms in the Light of the First Campain Excavations Qataban, BASOR, Vol.119, Baltimore, 1950, pp.5-15; W. F. Albright, The Chronology of Minaean Kings of Arabia, BASOR, Vol.129, Baltimore, 1953, p. 22. 308. H. V. Wissmann, Himyar, Ancient History, p. 437. 309. J. Pirenne, Le Royaume Sud-Arabe de Quataban et sa Datation d'Apres. L' Archeologie et Les Sources Classiques Jusqu'a Peripherie de la Mer Erythree. Vol. 48, Louvain Universitaires Prees, 1961, p. 7. 310. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, p. 105. 311. A. Alessandra, Incense Route and Pre-Islamic South Arabian Kingdom, p. 23. 312. U. Brunner, Besuch im Wadi Marcha (visite au wadi Markha), Jemen Report 2, 1992, pp. 12 &14. 313. J. Pirenne, Historical Survey in the Area of the Awsan Kingdom, Raydān Journal, Vol. 3, 1980, p. 84 (70-85). 314. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch.15& 41,

73 king Karib'il Watar who completely destroyed the Awsan kingdom315 and he earned a lot of booty, and spread the Saba' kingdom rule on most areas south of Arabian Island316, except the lands of Ḥaḍramawt and Qataban, which were his allies317.

Although the al-Nasr inscription dated to the 5th century BC, it means the beginning of Awsan Kingdom was older than this date, and the evidence of its date was its spread and rule on many areas in Arabian Island.

Among the studies on Wādī Markhah that referred to the colonized in this place dated to the beginning of the second part of the third millennium BC318. As appeared that the Awsan kingdom obtained its strength through its control on sea trade roads of Aden and Bab Al-mandab which was closest to the African coast or among its control on Qana port which was the sea trade gate that was coming from India. From this port the trade road crossed through Wādī Maifah to pass through cities of the kingdoms of ancient Yemen on the edge of the Mefazah Siahet319.

The scholars have failed to identify the site of Maswara the capital of Awsan because there were no remain or inscription that indicated that the site was destroyed by Karib'il Watar campaign. Although almost of an archaeologist who agreed that the capital of the kingdom located in the Wādī Markhah, some of them referred that it located in Hajar Alsa'adah, others said that it was located in Hajar Alnab and the last opinion said that its site was in Ḥajar Yaḥirr320.

315. H. A. Al-Omri, M. A, al-Eryani & Y. M. Abdullah, In The Description of Yemen through the Ages from the Seventh Century BC. to the Nineteenth Century, Dar al-Fikr al-Muasir Press, Beirut, 1990, p.14. 316. A. F. L. Beeston, Saba'ean Inscriptions, Oxford University Press, 1937, pp. 50-70. 317. Y. M. Abdullah, Papers in the History of Yemen and his Relics, Beirut, 1990, p. 90. 318. U. Brunner, Geography and Human Settlement in Ancient South Arabia, Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, Vol.8, No.2, 1997, pp.190-202. 319. N. Groom, Frankincense and Myrrh, A Study of the Arabian Incense Trade. Butler and Tanner Ltd Press, London, 1981, p.168; R. L. Bowen, Archaeological survey of Beihan, Archaeological Discoveries in South Arabia, ed. R. L. Bowen & F. P. Albright, AFSM, Vol. 2, Baltimore, 1958, pp. 3-33; A. S. Aal-Jaroo, The Brief of the Ancient Political History of the South of the Arabian Peninsula, p.158. 320. A. Klaus, History of Ancient Kingdoms in South of the Arabian Peninsula, Tr. F. Ismail, The Center for Studies and Research of Yemen Press, Sana'a, 2002, pp. 69-99; J. Pirenne,

74 2.2.8.2 History of Awsan kingdom

In fact that the history of Awsan kingdom was unknown before the Sabaeans king Karib'il Watar campaign and nothing was known about it until the discovery the inscriptions which mentioned the first Awsani king called Thikr il lahyan ibn A'm Karb, dating to the end of the 8th century or the beginning of the seventh century BC321. However, this period was still unknown, but it is possible to revise the history of this Kingdom through contemporary historical events, it has grown its power from the beginning of the fourth century BC in reign of its King Marta to control vast areas extending from west of Almaafer to the east of Wādī Maifah, Habban and Hajar, in addition its control over the most important sea commercial ports, port of Aden and port of Qana322.

Awsan gained the control on the sea trade that came from East Africa, through its control over Yemeni and African coastal parts, which led to Awsan became a major competitor of Saba' kingdom with respect to sea trade, leaving the latter to focus its attention on the earth trade323. It means that the rare of the Sabaeans inscriptions in that time from any mention of maritime trade activity, although there are some inscriptions referred to the sea and commercial vessels.324 Also the Kingdom of Awsan was the strongest competitors to Saba' kingdom, showed that large crowd and the alliance which Karib'il Watar entered in order to destroy Awsan, which was threatening the neighbor kingdoms, such as Qataban and Ḥaḍramawt, which forced control over parts of its lands325, to return

Historical Survey in the Area of the Awsan Kingdom, p. 72; G. L. Harding, Archaeology in the Adan Protectorates, London, 1964, p. 1. 321. H. M. J. Al-Saqqaf, First Inscription Mentions to the Mukarb Awsan, Raydān journal, Vol. 6, Sana'a, 1994, p. 112 (111-120). 322. M. A. Ba Faqih, Ancient Yemen History, p. 21; A. S. al-Jaroo, The Brief of the Ancient Political History of the South of the Arabian Peninsula, pp.158-159. 323. M. A. Ba Faqih, Ancient Yemen History, p. 22. -افلكم There many inscription mention to the ships in ancient Yemen as (Ry 533/9- .324 .(Ashdqm – اؤدقمShr‟);(Rr 533/9-- شرعSUOFN); (Ir 13/3--سفن AFLKM);(Ir 13/13- 325. J. M. Bauer & A, londain, Op. Cit, p. 16.

75 that lands to Qataban and Ḥaḍramawt by Karib'il Watar, as indicated by the inscription (RES. 3945)326.

2.2.8.3 Religious life

Awsānians shared the worship of the God Wodd with Ma'in kingdom, but it was a phenomenon unknown in religions of ancient Yemen kingdoms, which appeared only in Awsan kingdom, when the King became the son of God Wodd, as indicated in a group of Awsānian inscriptions, which was not defined in the kingdoms of ancient Yemen327, this type of worship was known in Mesopotamia. The inscriptions mentioned that the Noman temple in Awsan was the main temple for the worship of God Wodd, and the sacrifices and vows were offered to the king Yasdeq il Far' Sherh 'eth son of the God Wodd328. This converges and religious similarities between Awsan kingdom, and civilizations of Mesopotamia, of worship and portrayal the God with human shapes, came to what the Awsānians enjoyed of development and political stability, accompanied by a boom in trade, which extended to beyond the borders Arabian Island329.

2.2.8.4 End of the Awsan Kingdom

The political Awsan history ended after Karib'il Watar campaign, and came under the rule of Qataban kingdom, as indicated by many Qatabāni inscriptions such as passage way of Mablqah inscription (RES.3550)330. But the Awsan kingdom reference was reappeared in the second century BC331, however, the emergence of Awsan in this period was a temporary independence, resulted because of the weakness of Qataban kingdom332.

326. A. F. L. Beeston, Op. Cit, 1954, pp. 37-56. 327. M. A. Ba Faqih, Ancient Yemen History, p. 23. 328. J. Pirenne, Historical Survey in the Area of the Awsan Kingdom, pp. 80-81. 329. A. M. Ba Slaamh, Statues of the Kings of Awsan: Technical Archaeological Study Comparative, Conference of Aden the Civilized Yemen Gate, Aden University Press, Aden, 2011, p.194 (178-202). 330. A. Avanzini, Carpus of South Arabian Inscription I-II: Qatabanic Marginal Qatabanic, Awsanite Inscriptions Arabian Antica 2, Plus Univrersita Pisa, Pisa, 2004, p. 537. 331. C. Robin, Awsan, Yemeni Encyclopedia, vol.1, Afif Cultural Foundation, Sana'a, 2003, p. 428. 332. M. A. Ba Faqih & et at, Anthology of Ancient Yemeni Inscriptions, The Arab Organization for Culture, Arts and Letters, Tunisia,1985, p. 33.

76 This period continued upto the 1st century BC333, as referred by that inscription (Ja.629), which mentioned the war between the Sabaeans king on one hand, and between Qataban and Ḥaḍramawt and Dhe Meaher on the other hand, came to an end with the destructing of all Awsānian cities334.

2.2.9 Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom

Ḥaḍramawt kingdom was located in the southeastern part of South Arabia, bordered the Al-Rub al-Khali desert of the north and northeast, to the west Qataban kingdom and to the south Awsan kingdom, and to the east Arabian Sea, followed by Socotra Island from an administrative side335.

2.2.9.1 Ḥaḍramawt in Classical Sources

Classics book indicated the location of Ḥaḍramawt within South Arabia kingdoms. Eratosthenes mentions to Ḥaḍramawt by "Hatramotitac" name336, and Theofrasto mentions to it by “Hadramyta” name. But Strabo describes Ḥaḍramawt as far kingdoms of South Arabia toward eastward and its capital “Saba'ta”337. Pliny describes Ḥaḍramawt into two words “Artamitea” and “Chatramotitac”338. He pointed the Shabwah city of Ḥaḍramawt capital that contains 60 temples339. Also Ptolemy mentioned to Ḥaḍramawt kingdom by name Adramitae340. The last person who wrote about the Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom from classical authors was the author of Periplus Erythraean Sea, who describes the coast of South Ḥaḍramawt as areas where trees grow frankincense. He mentioned it as that is endemic's country, no one enter it unless necessary, so it was

333. J. Pirenne, Corpus des Inscriptions et Antiquites Sud-Arabes: Le Musee d‟Aden, Tome II, fasc. 2, Peeters Publ, Louvain,1986, pp. 313-316. 334. M. A. Ba Faqih, Unification of Old Yemen ,Tr. A. M. Zaid, the French Institute of Archaeology and Social Sciences, Sana'a, 2007, p. 249. 335. Y. M. Abdullah, Papers, p. 62; M. A, Ba Faqih, Ancient Yemen History, 1985, p. 46; A. S. Al-Jaroo, Studies in the Cultural History of Ancient Yemen, 2003, p. 12. 336. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, p. 129. 337. Strabo, BK.16, ch. 4: 2. 338. Pliny, BK. 6, ch. 28: 32. 339. Pliny, BK.6, ch.32. 340. Ptolemy, BK. 6, ch.7:10; J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, p. 129.

77 assigned the task of collecting spices and incense to people sentenced to strict penalties341.

2.2.9.2 The Appearance of Ḥaḍramawt kingdom

About Ḥaḍramawt kingdom like the old Yemen kingdoms, there are conflicting views on the emergence and the end, as a result of the lack of historical information.

The term ḥaḍramawt has been mentioned in ancient Yemeni inscriptions nearly eighty times342. Some argue that the emergence of Ḥaḍramawt took place around (1020-290 BC)343, and some are of the opinion that it appeared in the end of 15th century, there are some other who see that Ḥaḍramawt as a political entity emerged to pre-fifth century BC and because it has been referred to Sirwah inscription (RES.3945/13), Which indicates that King Karb il water of Saba' returned to Ḥaḍramawt kingdom that had been occupied by the Kingdom of Awsan344. Some scholars are of the view that the beginning of Ḥaḍramawt was about the 5th century according that the rulers of Ḥaḍramawt nickname Mukarib carrying the title of king was evidenced that Ḥaḍramawt before the 5th century BC. Signal excavations which included large areas of Ḥaḍramawt including Hureidha site in the Wādī Amed, Where there was a temple of the god Sin, the housing in this region return to the 4th and 5th centuries BC345.

2.2.9.3 The Political History of Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom

The political situation of Ḥaḍramawt can be studied by clarifying its relationship with Yemeni kingdoms and other that have passed through different stages.

341. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 12. 342. F. A. S. Ba khashwain, Op. Cit, p. 60. 343. J. B. Philby, The background of Islam, Being a Sketch of Arabian History in Pre-Islamic, Whitehead Morns Press, Alexandria, 1947 p. 144. 344. A. F. L. Beeston, Saba'ean Inscriptions, Oxford, 1937, p. 64. 345. T. G. Caton, The Tombs and Moon, Temple of Hureidha (Ḥaḍramawt), Reports of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London, Oxford Publ,1944, p.153; W. Phillips, Qataban and Saba‟, Exploring the Ancient Kingdoms on the Biblical Spice Routes of Arabia, Harcort Brace and Compay Prees, New York, 1955, pp.10-11.

78 2.2.9.3.1 The Relationship between the Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom and the Qataban Kingdom

The relationship between the Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom and the Qataban Kingdom was passed through it two different phases; the first phase alliance prevailed between the two kingdoms to eliminate the Kingdom of Awsan the original enemy, as indicated by the victory inscription. But the situation changed between the fourth century and the first century BC, where it became Ḥaḍramawt kingdom living its golden age as its land expanded to include large areas of South Arabia, Where the spread of the East Valley of Bayhān, Qataban west, to the area of Oman (currently) to the east, and the Arabian Sea south to the desert north of Rub al-khali (Empty Quarter)346. The wide area Helped Ḥaḍramawt to play an important role in the economic and political situation in South Arabia Control of part of the territory Qataban which had been weakened as a result of wars that waged with Saba‟ Kingdom as pointed out by the inscription Alm'sal (Arbach- Ba faqih-Alaqlah 1)347. But Qatabani‟s inscription (Arbach-Sion1), which dates to the fourth century BC, informs about the grinding war waged by King of Qataban over Ḥaḍramawt and defeated them, and destroyed and burned a lot of Ḥadrami cities up to 300 cities348. At the end of this conflict triumphed Ḥaḍramawt, which teamed up with Saba' Kingdom, al-Ma'afer and Thi Raidan in its war against the Qataban Kingdom also refer inscription (RES.4336) dating back to the second century BC to the beginning of this stage because of the independence of a number of tribes in Qataban. Qataban conditions were continued in the collapse even Ḥaḍramawt able to control the territory Qataban at the end of the 1st century BC349.

346. M. A. Ba Faqih & et at, Anthology from the Ancient Yemeni Inscriptions, pp. 23-31. 347. M. Arbach, New Data about History of the Ancient kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt(7th century BC- 3rd century AD), Yemeni Annals, French Institute of Archaeology and Toward Social Sciences, Sana'a, 2003, p. 9 (7-14). 348. M. Arbach & A. H. Saqqaf, New Inscription from the Era Yda'Ab Thabyan Yhanam King of Qataban and Yda'ab Ghailan King of Ḥaḍramawt, Raydān Journal, Vol.7, Ala'faq for Printing and Publ, Sana'a, 2001, pp. 111-117 (110-123). 349. M. Arbach & A. H. Saqqaf, Op. Cit, p. 119.

79 2.2.9.3.2 The Relationship between the Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom and the Ma'in Kingdom

There was a good relationship between Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom and Ma'in Kingdom, as mentioned by two inscriptions (RES.25775), (RES.2928), which were found in al-Jawf, about the contribution of the kings of Ḥaḍramawt to the work of some of the constructions in Qrnaw capital of Ma'in350, in addition to a royal family judgment at the same time both of Ma'in and Ḥaḍramawt. As indicated by many of the Ḥadrami inscriptions that found in Shabwah to the existence of people who worked in the trade351, Evidence of a Commercial relationship is existed between the two regions for their position on the incense road, and there are no soldier conflicts between the two regions.

2.2.9.4 The Economic Activity

Ḥaḍramawt characterized an important geographical location in the southeastern part of South Arabia, and it occupies more space and the longest lands between the old kingdoms of Yemen. As it extends eastward as far to the port of 'Khor Rori' region of Saklan352, to include most of the production of frankincense, which stretches from the port of Qana in the south to an east area of Dhafar353.

The famous produce of the area was finest frankincense, which transferred to the export processing zones, either to Qana port across the sea as indicated by the author of Periplus Erythraean Sea354 or transported by road to the capital of Shabwah,355 including the movement of commercial Caravan to the north of the Arabian Peninsula356.

350. J. Al-Hasani. The God Sin in the Religion of Ancient Ḥaḍramawt Study through Inscriptions and Antiquities, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Adan University Press, Adan, 2006, p. 14. 351. M. Arbach, New Data about History of the Ancient kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt, p. 9. 352. N. Groom, The Northern Passes of Qataban, Proceeding of Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol. 6, London, 1976, p. 69 (69-80). 353. M. A. Ba Faqih & et at, Anthology from the Ancient Yemeni Inscriptions, p. 23. 354. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 2, p. 301; F. Deblauwe, Old South Arabian Trade Routes, OLPJ, Vol. 22, Departement Oriëntalistiek publ, Belgium, 1991, p. 137 (133-158). 355. M. A. Ba Faqih, Ancient Yemen History, Beirut, 1985, p.184. 356. N. Groom, The Northern Passes of Qataban, 1976, p. 69.

80 Marine trade flourished in the Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom as result of the availability of space suitable for docking and easy process of trade exchange between the land and sea, and the most important ports of Ḥaḍramawt Qana port which was considered the main port. Through it received commercial goods from home and abroad such as frankincense was collected from the near area of Dhofar coast and was sent to the Qana port by boat as pointed out in PES in order to re-export357. The port of Sumhuram, was built by the kings of Ḥaḍramawt in the beginning of the first century AD, and was known “Khor Rorī”358. And what strengthens the presence of the strong trade links between Ḥaḍramawt and other countries was Il'azz Yalt king greeted the delegates from India, Palmyra, and other countries, those came to him in one of the crowd in one of the celebrations that hosted by the King359. At this time the kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt appears to have included the incense and myrrh-growing districts in Dhafar360, and also to have had control over the Indian goods which unloaded at the port of Qana. From here a trade route ran up through Shabwah and Timna to the Ma'in northern road passing through Maʾrib and thence to Najrān361.

2.2.9.5 The End of Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom

At the zenith of their power, the Ḥaḍramawt absorbed part of the Qatabanians kingdom which became weak after its wars with the Ḥimyarite362, and during the reign of King Yad‟„ab Ghaylan (50 BC-AD 100) the Ḥaḍramawt destroyed the Qatabanians capital of Tamna‟ or Timna, and founded a town called Thu Ghaylan in Wādī Bayhān363. At this stage Ḥaḍramawt became the main rival of Saba‟ and the Ḥimyarite Alhan Nahfan, who governed Saba‟ in the last quarter of the second century, is known to have concluded a

357. F. Deblauwe, Old South Arabian Trade Routes, p.137. 358. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol.2, p.165. 359. J. Ali, Vol. 2, p.145. 360. W. Phillips, Op. Cit, p. 307. 361. N. Groom, The Northern Passes of Qataban, p. 72. 362. M. A. Ba Faqih, Ancient History of Yemen, p. 41. 363. W. Phillips, Op. Cit, p. 22.

81 treaty with Gadarat King of Aksum and Habashat364, who at that time had gained control over most of the southern coastal plain. Nevertheless, the successors of Alhan Nahfan attacked the Habashat. In the reign of Sha‟irum Awtar son of Alhan, the Sabaeans defeated the Ḥadramis army and took Il'azz Yalt King of Ḥaḍramawt prisoner365. Sha'irum Awtar was also known to have ruled most of South Western Arabia during the first quarter of the 3rd century, particularly when he defeated the King of the Aksum and Habashat366. Ḥaḍramawt was eventually absorbed by the Sabaeans-Himyaritic empire, after the King Shamir Yuhar'esh conquered Ḥaḍramawt along with the whole of South-West Arabia, and as per his triumphal inscription (Ja.656) Shamir Yuhar„esh' assumed the title of “King of Saba' Thi Raydan, Ḥaḍramawt and Yamanat”.

2.2.10 Qataban Kingdom

2.2.10.1 Qataban Location

The Qataban Kingdom is located in Wādī Bayhān, it is surrounded by three kingdoms, Ḥaḍramawt kingdom to the east, Awsan kingdom to the west, Saba‟ kingdom to the north367 comprising the lands which are located between the kingdoms of Saba‟ and Ḥaḍramawt kingdoms. It is also extended to Eden in the south part368. But these borders were not stable, yet they were subjected to change from time to time. Qataban Kingdom recorded the highest degree of expansion from the 4th up to the 2nd century BC. It covered most of the south lands of the Arabian Islands which stretched from Tihāmah coast and

364. CIH 308; A. Jamme, Saba'ean Inscription from Mahram Bilqis (Maʾrib), PAFSM, Vol. III, Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1962, p. 294. 365. W. W. Muller, Outlines of the History of Ancient South Arabia, ed. W. DaumIn, Yemen: 3,000 Years of Art and Civilization, Innsbruck Pinguin Verlag, Frankfurt, 1988, p. 51 (49- 54). 366. A. Jamme, Saba'ean Inscription from Mah ram Bilgis, p. 294; Ja 631/ 11-15. 367. S. Z. Abd Al-Hamid, The History of Arabs before Islam, Dar Al-Nahdha Publ, Beirut, 1975, p. 185. 368. A. Avanzini, Qatabanian Influence, Yemen In the Country of the Queen of Saba', Tr. B. Arduke, The Arab World Institute Press, Damascus, 1999, p. 100; M. A. al-Bakr, Studies in the History of the Arabs before Islam, p. 191; J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, pp. 170-172.

82 Bab-el-Mandeb in the east to the valleys of Dhrā and Abadan in Ḥaḍramawt kingdom in the east and the heights of Bana valley as well as the borders of Saba‟ in the north369.

2.2.10.2 Qataban in the Classic Sources

The history of Qataban Kingdom was remained forgotten for long times, its history was not well-known only except for some classical writers from Greek and Roman. The Kittibains were mentioned by Theophrastus around 312 BC when he was talking about Saba‟ and Ḥaḍramawt kingdoms370. Strabo also refers to the Kittibains as nations who lived in the south of Saba' nations. Their capital was called “Tamna” and their land stretched to Bab-el-Mandeb371. Pliny is another historian who called this kingdom as “Catabaned”372.

The Qataban Kingdom was not mentioned by the Arab writers and historians at all except a single indication by al-Hamadānī that „Qataban was a place near Aden. The name of this kingdom which is popularly used by historians and writers refers to its origin to Greek language and the people of this kingdom are called Kattabaneis373.

2.2.10.3 The Emergence of Qataban Kingdom on the Political Front

The opinions of the archaeologists and historians vary about the emergence of Qataban Kingdom. Homel was a historian who asserted that Qataban Kingdom emerged between 1000 BC and 200 BC374. But Philips mentioned that it was between 860-540 BC375. Philipy differed and stated that its emergence was between the fourth and the fast

369. Pliny, Bk.6, ch. 32-33; A. Avanzini, Qatabanian Influence, p. 100. 370. Theophrastus, Bk. 4, ch. 4: 2; J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol.2, p. 171. 371. Strabo, BK. XVII, ch. 4:2. 372. Pliny, Bk. 7, ch. 63-64 & 69. 373. A. De Maigret & ch. J. Robin, Tamna: Ancient Capital of Qataban, YICAR Papers, 3, Sana‟a, 2006. p. 5. 374. R. L. Bowen, Irrigation in Ancient Qataban (Beihan): Archaeological Discoveries in South Arabia, ed. R. L. Bowen & F. P. Albright, the Johns Hopkins press, Baltimore, 1958, p.68; F. Hommel, General History of the South Arab country, Ancient Arabs History, Tr. F. Hassanein, Maktabat al-Nahda al-Arabia Press, Cairo, 1958, pp.104-105. 375. J. B. Philby, The Background of Islam, pp. 143-144.

83 Gregorian centuries376. Mlaker differently said that Qataban Kingdom emerged around 645 BC377. But there was intense controversy about its end. Some writers say that it can be about 200 BC or almost 50 BC while the others assume that it can be in 200 AD378. Regardless to the on-going conflict about the defining era when Qataban ruled the area; the most assured date for starting life in Qataban is the 11th and 12th centuries BC Accordingly one of the graffiti which was found by the American mission in that place substantiates that the settlement in Qataban city refers to that period379, but its collapse refers to 175 AD380.

The writings and engravings which were found in the location of this kingdom helped a lot in fading away the confusion about its history. The name Qataban has been found 47 times in the ancient Yemeni engravings, 36 times in the Qataban inscription, two times in the Maini engravings and nine times in the Saba‟ engravings381. The first engraving from Qataban in 1844 AD, it was a stony engraving which was transferred into Mumbai382.

The name of Qataban appeared for the first time in al-Naser inscription (GL 1000=RES 3945/13), it is special for “al-Mukarib al-Sabai Karb il Watar Bin Thamar Ali” which dates back to the 7th century BC383. It is regarded the oldest Qatabani engraving which dates back to the former era of Mukaribs between the 7th and 5th centuries BC. The Mukarib Ali Watar is the oldest engravings among those in sixteenth century BC. Within the period of expansion viz 4th BC, Qataban Kingdom dominated the southern parts of

376. W. Phillips, Op. Cit, p.198. 377. W. F. Albright, The Chronology of Ancient South Arabia, p. 6. 378. A. A. Salim, Op. Cit, p. 78. 379. F. A. S. Ba khashwain, Op. Cit, p. 58. 380. A. De Maigret, Kingdom of Qataban and Tamna' City, Tamna' Capital of Qataban, Napoli University Press, Italia, 2006, p. 11. 381. G. L. Harding, An Index and Concordance of Pre-Islamic Arabian Names and Inscription, Toronto University Press, 1971, p. 475. 382. J. F. Breton, Une Vallee aride du Yemen Antique Le Wadi Bayhān, Recherche sur les Civilisation Press, Paris, 1998, p. 6. 383. A. Avanzini, Qatabanian Influence, p. 98.

84 Saba‟ Kingdom384, and the coastline which was extended from Bab-el-Mandeb until behind Aden city385, Sheikh Said Harbor (Ocelis)386, which was overlooking at Bab-el- Mandeb. It was a harbour for the Qatabanian at the red sea387, which became a quay for receiving trading goods from the neighbouring areas, re-importing it on the land to the north of Arabian Peninsula388.

2.2.10.4 Ruling System in Qataban

The Qataban kingdom was a federal kingdom which subsumed several tribes like the ruling system of Saba‟ Kingdom389. The Mukaribs and kings also practised the same system, because of the required circumstances at that time. This change in ruling has two stages

2.2.10.4.1 The First Stage

This stage includes the 7th and 5th centuries BC, the theocratic was dominant in this period and the “Mukarib” was the representative, the rulers in this period used to look at themselves as rulers on behalf of God. Some engravings and writings indicate that the former rulers of Qataban were having the nickname of “Mukarib” which was translated into “Magreb” that means approaching to gods on the earth390. The ruling system of Mukarib differed from Qataban to that of Saba‟; in Qataban the rulers were known as (Former Mukarib Rulers), it indicates that the first child born after the take-over ruling, that child will be crown prince391. Vice versa, selecting the ruler in Saba‟ Kingdom was

384. Y. M. Abdullah, Himyar, Encyclopedia of Yemen, Al-Afif Cultural Foundation, Vol. 2, Sana'a, 2003, p.1567. 385. M. A. Ba Fakih, Selections from the Yemeni inscriptions, p. 23. 386. Strabo, BK.16, ch. 4: 2. 387. A. De Maigret & Ch. J. Robin, Tamna: Ancient Capital of Qataban, p. 7. 388. A. S. Al-Jaroo, The Brief of the Ancient Political History of the South of the Arabian Peninsula, p. 5. 389. W. F. Albright, The Chronology of Ancient South Arabia, pp. 11-13. 390. K. A. Kitchen, Op. Cit, p. 70. 391. J. M. Bauer & A. Londain, Op. Cit, p. 25.

85 restricted to particular families392. The ruling period of Mukarib continued to the end of 5th century BC393.

2.2.10.4.2 The Second Stage

Since the fourth century BC with the process of expansion of Qataban Kingdom several changes in the ruling system were observed starting with changing the theocratic system into the secular or worldly system394. Next they added the title “king” giving the surnames king and Mukarib for the same ruler. With the passing of times the political circumstances were changed and the rulers contented themselves to the nickname “King” such as the ruler Yadi' 'ab Dhubyan395. He carried two titles king and Mukarib as it is mentioned in the engraving (RES 3550/1-2)396. Again within the passing of time the rulers in Qataban kingdom avoided the title “Mukarib” to forge a royal democratic system, in other words the king did not content to run the country lonely, but was accompanied by the council in ruling the kingdom397, and this council is known by the name “Mswd”. This council consists of the presidents of the kingdom, sheikhs and notables and the responsibility of this council was to help the king in the ruling, declaration of war and carrying out the projects of construction398. The location of this council was in the capital “Tamna”. Other similar councils were observed in some Qatabāni cities which help in managing these cities on behalf of the king and they were known as “Mswd”.

392. A. F. von Kremer, Op. Cit, p. 90. 393. W. F. L. Albright, The Chronology of Ancient South Arabia, p. 11. 394. N. Rhodokanakis, Op. Cit, p. 224. 395. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, pp. 8-11. 396. W. F. L Albright, The Chronology of Ancient South Arabia, p.11; K. A. Kitchen, Op. Cit, pp. 240-241. 397. N. Rhodokanakis, Op. Cit. pp. 124-133. 398. Y. M. Abdullah, Papers in the History of Yemen and his Relics, p. 240.

86 2.2.10.5 Economic Activity

2.2.10.5.1 Agriculture

The availability of several fertile valleys inevitably made Agriculture one of the main resources on which the population of Qataban depended on for their economic progress399. This agricultural activity was intensified by the widening area of the Kingdom and the occurrence of its soil in different climatic regions. The mountainous lands were more vulnerable to rain, which helped the activity of farming without the need to use irrigation process in those areas400. The plains and valleys, which lies to the north of the capital Tamna', were within the province‟s dry climate, necessitated the citizens to depend on irrigation by the canals. These canals stretched for a long distance and they were working on rainwater and torrents which flew to the agricultural lands around Tamna'401. The excessive water was detained in large reservoirs in order to be used in times of drought. Modern excavations revealed the existence of many reservoirs around the city to Tamna'402. Qataban Kings had interested in agriculture through the enactment of laws that related to farmlands encouraging the people to pay attention to agriculture, and warned laggards and negligent about taking care of agriculture and being accountable and would be put in trial for any negligence, and imposed on them a fine of up to ten coins a day as it was mentioned in the engraving RES. 3854403.

Several crops were mentioned in the engravings such as seeds (Wheat, corn, sesame millet, barley) in addition to dates and grapes. There were also plenty of wild trees that grow naturally, such as chewing gum myrrh and other types of aromatic plants404.

399. R. L. Bowen, Archaeological Survey of Beihan, Archaeological Discoveries in South Arabia, Vol.2, Baltimore, AFSM Publ, 1958, pp. 3-13 (3-33). 400. A. De Maigret, Kingdom of Qataban and Tamna' City, p. 13. 401. R. L. Bowen, Archaeological Survey of Beihan, p. 6. 402. Ibid, p. 6. 402. A. De Maigret & Ch. J. Robin, Op. Cit, p. 8. 403. S. S. N. Al-Azazi, legislations of Qatabanian and Hatra Compare Critical Study, Baghdad University press, Baghdad, 2001, p. 127. 404. A. M. al-Thafif, The Qataban Kingdom from the seventh century until the End of the Second Century BC. Historical Study through Inscriptions, Sana'a University, Sana'a, 2007, pp. 89- 92.

87 2.2.10.5.2 Trade

To talk about trade in ancient Yemen means to talk about an integrated system and it is impossible to study each kingdom separately. Each kingdom is considered complementary to the other particularly to the business side, but each part of the system had certain privacy apart from the other. Qataban kingdom was located on the incense route, which started from the port of Qana on the Arabian Sea coast, and ended in Gaza City on the Mediterranean Sea coast. Qataban Kingdom had several contributions in facilitating the movement of trade caravans. The Qatabanian king Yadi' 'ab Dhubyan ordered the incision and pavement of commercial road in a mountain near the capital to Tamna and this road was called Mablagh route which linked Valleys of Hareeb and Bayhān for the sake of facilitating the Trade caravans passing in the Qatabanian lands405.

The Qatabanians issued the rules which regulated trade process as it was mentioned in the well-known Tamna commercial law (RES.4337)406. It was found engraved on the obelisk which was set amid Shamar market in Tamna. It was one of the most important and oldest commercial laws in the Arabian Peninsula, dating back to the fourth century BC407. This is conclusive evidence that the capital Tamna' had become one of the most important commercial markets in the ancient Yemen, the world had been flocking to it for trade, from East and West. With the increase in commercial activity, Qatabanian hastened to make their own currency. It refers to the beginning of the fourth century BC when they were influenced by the Athenian currency408. But it was replaced by Patterns of local currencies at the beginning of the second century BC409, the coins varied between gold and silver currency410, and what had helped the spread of cash in Qataban kingdom

405. A. H. al-Shaibah, Studies in the Ancient History of Yemen, p. 39. 406. Y. M. Abdullah, Papers in the History of Yemen and his Relics, pp. 240-241. 407. S. S. al-Azazi, Legislations of Qatabanian and Hatra Compare Critical Study. pp. 136-146. 408. G. F. Hili, Op. Cit, p. IXXVI; B. Doe, Southern Arabia, Thomas& Hadson Prees, London,1971, p.119. 409. A. Sedov & D. Barbara, Minting of Coins, Yemen In the Country of the Queen of Saba', Tr. B. Arduke, Institute of al-Alam al-Arabi Press, Damascus, 1999, pp.118-120. 410. A. M. Al-Thafif, Op. Cit, p. 22.

88 was having a house for coinage in the city Hajar bin Humaid, it was the Qatabanian capital in the late period411.

2.2.10.6 The Collapse of Qataban Kingdom

Historical sources suggest that the collapse of Qataban kingdom was dating back to the first century of Birth of Christ. This was the beginning of a turbulent period in the history of Qataban kingdom, especially after weak kings took over the rule of the kingdom, they did not have any martial achievements412. In addition successive wars of Qataban kingdom with other kingdoms, were added in its collapse, and thus breakdown of the kingdom. In the years 90-100 AD Tamna becoming a vacuum city, as a result of exposure to a fire that destroyed it completely, the capital was shifted to City That Ghail which was far from Bayhān Valley about 9km413. The Changing of the capital was an attempt by the rulers of Qataban to relocate, and face the threats which entraped its way. But such attempts were no result. The name Qataban remained to be heard in the conflicts that took place in the years 150-160 AD.

In the year 179 AD we notice the last indication was noticed for the name of the kingdom. The deteriorating conditions which the Qataban Kingdom witnessed in its last decades resulted in becoming easy prey for other kingdoms. Ḥaḍramawt kingdom took control of what was left of the tribes that were subject to the Qataban kingdom414. Around the middle of the second century AD Qatabanians had lost their independence after Ḥimyarite dominating their soil, especially the western coastal strip415.

2.2.11 Ḥimyar Kingdom

The Ḥimyarite Kingdom or Ḥimyar was considered one of the most famous old kingdoms in Yemen. It appeared as the last kingdom politically. It appeared at the end of

411. B. Doe, Op. Cit, p. 119. 412. A. Saleh, The History of the Arabian Peninsula in Antiquity, Anglo-Egyptian Library, Cairo, 1997, p. 77. 413. W. Phillips, Op. Cit, p. 22; B. Doe, Op. Cit, p. 72 414. A. De Maigret, Kingdom of Qataban and Tamna' City, p. 11. 415. A. S. Al-Jaroo, The Brief of the Ancient Political History of the South of the Arabian, pp.147-148.

89 the second century BC416, and the date (115 BC) became the formal data for the establishment of Ḥimyar Kingdom417. Its lands located in the west of Qataban kingdom418. And extend from the district of Al-Ma'afer at the west to the Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom at the east419. The coastal regions covered on the red sea at the west to Qana port at the east. It also included the middle hills in the district of Qa‟a Al-Haql. Himyaritic established their capital Dhafar on the top of Raidan Mountain420, to the south of Yarim city at present day421.

Ḥimyarite called sons of Thu Raiden, with reference to Thu Raiden mountain where their capital was established422, or with reference to the name of a mountain and a castle called Thu Raiden located in their former residence in Wadi Bayhān, locating at the intersection of Wādī Khar, and Wādī Bayhān at the south of Tamna' capital of Qataban423, Ḥimyarite established their kingdom on the middle hills depending on Raeein kingdom mentioned by the inscription (RES, 3858) whereas the name “Raeein” refers to the regions extended to the east of Yarim city, the centre of Ḥimyarite kingdom424.

Ḥimyarite were mentioned in the classical source by Pliny at the beginning of the 1st century and they were reported so many in numbers among tribes in the south of Arabic Peninsula425. They were mentioned as Thu Raidan for the first time at the beginning of

416. Y. M .Abdullah, Himyar between the Talk and the Monuments, Journal of Yemeni Studies, No. 42.1990, p. 9; A. S al-Jaroo, The Brief of the Ancient Political History of the South of the Arabian Peninsula, pp.106-107. 417. A. F. Besston, Chronological Problems of the Ancient South Arabian Culture, Studies in the History of Arabia, eds. A.T. al-Ansary, A. M. Abdallah, S. al-Sakkar & R.T. Mortel, Vol.2, 1984, p. 4 (3-6). 418. H. V. Wissman, Himyar: Ancient History, Le Muséon 77, 1964, p. 431 (429-499). 419. J. M. Bauer & A. Londain, Op. Cit, p. 57. 420. H. A. Al-Sayaghi, landmarks of Yemeni Antiquities, Center for Studies and Research of Yemen, Sana'a, 1980, pp. 98-99. 421. A. V. Korotaev, Pre-Islamic Yemen: Socio-Political Organization of the Saba'ean Cultural Area in the 2nd and 3rd Centuries AD, Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, 1996, p. 95. 422. A. H. Al-Shaibah, Studies in the Ancient History of Yemen, Maktabat al-Waey al-Thawrii for Printing, Publ& Dist, Taiz, 2000, p. 42; M. A. Ba Faqih, Karb il Watar the first and The first State in Arabs Peninsular, Raydān Journal, Vol. 6, 1994, p. 36. 423. A. H. Al-shaibah, Studies in the Ancient History of Yemen, p. 42. 424. M. A. Ba Faqih, Qataban, Encyclopedia of Yemen, Al-Afif Cultural Foundation, Sana'a, 2003, p. 2379 (2376-2381). 425. Y. M. Abdullah, Himyar between the Talk and the Monuments, p. 35.

90 the 1st century AD426. Ḥaḍrami King Script was known as Yuharʿish II (RES 2687) which tells about the protections which the king established against any Ḥimyarite attack on Ḥaḍramawt lands in the regions extended between Shabwa city and Qana port427.Because of the fighting, political problems, the weakness and the economical destruction occurred inside Ḥimyar kingdom, trade routes were changed from land to the sea (via sea)428. Ḥimyar benefited from the commercial roads across the sea between Egypt and India where they were interested in the ports on the coastal of Red Sea429.

The centre of strength in the eastern regions on the edge of Sayhad desert turned into the middle hills regions which depended upon the agricultural activity as a basic source for the economy of Ḥimyar Kingdom, and away from the other attacks430. It is not known exactly when the Ḥimyarite departed from the eastern regions to the hills and what were the circumstances which helped them to established and build their Kingdom. The date 115 BC was the beginning of mentioning Ḥimyarite as a political power in the district431. The history of the kingdom on be divided into two stages on the basis of the information provided by authors and writers.

2.2.11.1 The First Stage: 115 BC-300 AD.

In this stage, Himyarites were in wars and fighting with other kingdoms for the sake of controlling the south of Arabic peninsula. After this all problem ended among the kingdoms and the victor was for Ḥimyarite. A lot of districts came under the control of Himyarites and their kings got their loyal nickname title as Saba‟ Kings and Thu Raidan. It took a lot of time to deal with problems and fighting started with the existence of Himyarites 115 BC and finished with the center of Saba‟ Kingdom in the last quarter of

426. M. A. Ba Faqih, Karb Il Watar the first and The first State in Arabs Peninsular, p. 37. 427. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, p. 519; S. John, “Queen of Saba'”: treasures from ancient Yemen, London, 2002, p. 78. 428. J. Ryckmans, The Civilization of Yemen before Islam, Tr. M. A. Zaid, Journal of Yemeni Studies, Vol. 28, Sana'a, 1987, p. 128. 429. M. A. Ba Faqih, In Arabia Felix, Vol. 2, Sana'a: Center for Studies and Research of Yemen, 1993, p. 59. 430. A. H. al-Shaibah, Studies in the Ancient History of Yemen, p. 42; Y. M. Abdullah, Papers in the History of Yemen and his Relics, pp. 147-148. 431. E. Sidebotham, Op. Cit, p. 19.

91 the 3rd century AD, by the two Ḥimyarian Kings Yasir Yuhan'em and his son Shamir Yuharʿish432. At the end of this period, the king Shamir Yuharʿish controlled region during 281-292 AD433. He did all his best to establish his Rule and attacked all enemies and competitors. One of the last kingdoms which were overcoming was Ḥaḍramawt kingdom which lost its independence at the end of the 3rd century between 290-300 AD434.

Ḥimyar kingdom benefited from the weakness that engulfed Ptolemaic Kingdom country at the end of its days, and its strength became weak step by step in front of Romania country and then overcame it and took Syria, Egypt, in the second half of the first century BC435. When Ḥimyar controlled the coastal lands it gained the control of the commercial ports and to develop the trade via sea because the weakness of the trade across lands436. Ḥimyar kingdom also controlled trade east of Africa and its commercial ships entered the ports of east and west Red Sea437.

The political situations were changed a lot during the last quarter of the first century BC. with the emergence of Roman Empire in Egypt and extended across the neighbouring districts whereas the Roman realized that Ḥimyar kingdom as an obstruction for the trade coming from India and increased the prices for goods that reached Europe. When Augustus Caesar (63 BC-14 AD) became an emperor of Roman in 27 BC438, he decided to control the king of south Arabian Peninsula and that to capture the old trade without

432. Ch. J. Robin, Kingdoms Combatant, Yemen in the Country of Queen of Saba', Tr. B. Arduke, The Arab World Institute Press, Damascus, 1999, p. 185 (180-188). 433. K. H. Noman, Situations Political, Economic and Social in the Reign of King Shamir Yuharʿish, Ministry of Culture and Tourism Press, Sana'a, 2004, p. 59. 434. Mission French, five years of research in Yemen (French archaeological mission report), al-Iklīl Journal Press, Vol. 1, 1985, p. 147. 435. J. Retso,The Arabs in Antiquity: Their History from the Assyrians to the Omayyad, Routledge Press, London& New York, 2013, p. 332. 436. A. H. al-Shaibah, Studies in the Ancient History of Yemen, p. 19. 437. A. Saleh, The Arabian Peninsula History in Antiquity, Library of Egyptian Angelo, Cairo, 1997, p. 21; Y. M. Abdullah, Himyar between the Talk and the Monuments, p. 40. 438. J. Liebeschuetz, The settlement of 27 BC, Studies in Latin Literature and Roman History, ed. C. Deroux, Vol. 4, London Brussels, 2008, pp. 345-365.

92 any competitors, he ordered Roman‟s Ruler in Egypt Aelius Gallus in 24 BC to control Arab lands439.

2.2.11.2 Campaign of Aelius Gallus (24 BC)

The Roman‟s campaign left Egypt via the Red Sea into Luke-Kome port on the northeast coast of Red Sea, and then it directed towards the south to arrive after 6 months. This campaign arrived and controlled the capital Maʾrib. Strabo is one who was in the campaign, said that the campaign‟s failure was because of the minister‟s treason Nabataean. Saleh or Syllaeus was accused of cheating for the Roman people for the sake of the destruction in Roman Army. Glaser says that the failure was because of the Romans themselves as they were unfamiliar with the Arab Lands and also they were so proud440.

The campaign of Aelius Gallus proved that it was impossible to control Yemen by strength, so Romans changed their minds to control old Yemeni trade by sea trade via the Red Sea. They built ports on the sides of the red sea and controlled the pirates in the sea441. This caused many Roman sea trips to arrive at Aden Gulf, coastal of the south of Arabian Peninsula, via the Red Sea. Since the beginning of the 1st century AD with the discovery of the seasonal winds, Romans tried to arrive at India, and buy goods and then come back to their homeland. They also controlled the Yemeni economy of east‟s trade and then Himyarians got the political and economic destruction442.

2.2.11.3 The second phase 300-525 AD

This stage started with the emergence of kings who were famous with political situations. King Shamir Yuharʿish attacked against his competitors to rule the south of Arabian Peninsula443. This age was known as the age of Al-Tbabah 444, because of the political

439. Strabo, Bk.17, Ch.4, 22:24. 440. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, pp. 387-384. 441. A. B. Lloyd, Necho and Red Sea: Some considerations, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. 63, 1977, pp. 142-155. 442. M. A. Al-Bakr, A Study in Arab Mythology, The Journal of the Arabian Human Ciences, Vol.8, No. 30, Iraq, 1988, p. 58. 443. M. A. Ba Faqih, Al-Yazaniyon, and background events that led to the fall of the Habashat in Yemen before Islam, In Arabia Felix (Short Historical Study), Vol.1, Center of Studies and Research, Sana'a, 1987, p. 87.

93 changes. The royal nickname was changed to “King of Saba‟ Thu Raidan, Ḥaḍramawt, Yamanat, Arabs in the mountains and Tihāmah”445. Ḥimyarite could unite the whole of the south of Arabian Peninsula under the motto of Ḥimyar by the King Shamir Yuharʿish for more than two centuries and a quarter of time between the end of the third and the first quarter of the sixth century AD446.

2.2.11.4 End of Ḥimyar Kingdom

During this period, the emergence of the danger of Abyssinians occurred and they entered Yemen during the fighting between Saba‟ and Ḥimyar kingdoms. Actually they entered Yemen during the era of King of Saba‟ Alhan Nahfan who fought against Ḥimyar kingdoms. Just king of Saba' Sha'irum Awtar tried to expel them from Yemen and cancelled all the agreement between them and his father. The war between Yemenis and Abyssinians was continued until the Himyarian king Yasir Yuhan'em expelled them at last447. And all Abyssinians people were expelled from the beginning of the era of Shamir Yuharʿish to the beginning of the sixth century AD448.

But they tried to enter Yemen across Yemeni coastal cities449. It was proved that Abyssinians writings gave the loyal nicknames of Abyssinians kings as "king of Aksum, Ḥimyar, Thu Raidan and Tihāmah"450, with the weakening of Ḥimyar kingdom and the emergence of the inner revolutions, Abyssinians people were the outer causes which led to the capture, control on Ḥimyar and the occupation of the Arabian peninsula‟s south in 525 AD451.

444. N. A. S. Al-Azazi, State Saba'' and its Components and Political Developments from the 8th BC-6th AD, p. 201. 445. M. A. Ba Faqih, Al-Yazaniyon, p. 108. 446. A. F. L. Besston, Theocracy in the Sayhad Culture, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol. 7, London, 1977, p. 6 (5-10). 447. M. A. Al-qiali, Yemen, in the Era of the Kings of Saba'' , Thu Redan, Ḥaḍramawt and Yamanat, Thesis Ph.D. Unpublished, Sana'a University press, Sana'a, 2009, p. 79. 448. A. Abdin, Between Abyssinia and the Arabs, Dar al-Fikr al-Arabi Press, Cairo, 1964, pp. 27-28. 449. H. V. Wissman, Op, Cit, pp. 472-473. 450. M. A. Ba Faqih, Ancient History of Yemen, p. 148. 451. W. B. Hallaq, The Origins and Evolution of Islamic Law, Cambridge University press, Cambridge, 2005, p. 9.

94 Chapter III: Ancient Commercial Laws and Regulations

3. Commercial Laws

3.1 Brief of the Commercial Laws of the Ancient World

It is commonly held opinion that all the ancient law codes have similar systems, evolving stages and the tools that were used to develop these legal systems. However, there is no clear idea about the basic fundamentals on which the notion of law was first formed in human society1. Thus, law is defined as the collective experience of the human communities over its long history. These laws appear in the form of obligatory articles for individuals and groups with the purpose of preserving the social system and establishing peace and justice in the community. Basically, the laws are instinctive to human society because it is a natural need for people to regulate their relationships within their societies2. Humans can't live without some kind of regulations. The development of law went side by side with all the other developments that took place in all the different fields of human life that were affected by the economic, social and natural factors.

Law represents the strong relationship between man and his individual needs3. On the basis of these old notions about the law did not develop to reach what it has become today. Rather, the law was a mere regulation of group instinctive traditions based on the basic needs of the individuals of the human society. These traditions for the purpose of organizing the family, organizing possessions, systemizing politics and rule, and the punishments needed for achieving such purposes.

1. M. A. Jafar, History of the laws, Entrance to the Study: - Laws Ancient –Romanian legislation Islamic law, University Corporation for Studies, Publishing and Distribution, Beirut, 1998, p. 5. 2. M. Farhat, History of Social and legal systems, Dar al-Thqafh Press, Cairo, 1979, pp. 17-23. 3. R. Trinkner & P. A. Goff, The Color of Safety: The Psychology of Race and Policing, In The SAGE Handbook of Global Policing, eds. B. Bradford, I. Loader, B. Jauregui & J. Steinberg, SAGE Publ, London, 2016, p. 64.

95 Ancient human civilizations were developed their laws and legislation. Perhaps the civilizations of the east were the pioneers in this field. It can be proved as thousand laws preserved on boards of mud that were discovered in Mesopotamia, including laws regulating the economic, social and political life4. By the end of the fourth millennium BC, the Sumerians appeared in Mesopotamia and occupied most of the country. They were known for their love of justice and equality which is clearly displayed in the set of laws that were issued in the time of king Urukagina king of Lagash (7212 BC.)5, which proved how keen Sumerians were on making legislation based on the law code of the god "sun". The laws of Ur-Nammu, who was the founder of the third Ur dynasty, is considered to be the oldest full law code discovered till the present date which regulated many contracts and commercial dealings6.

The rise of the kingdom of Eshnunna in the east Tigris area south of the land of the Sumerians also gave rise to a very important set of laws at the time of king Bilalama (8322 BC.) consisting of sixty articles of law. These laws, written in the Akkadian language, dealt with both the economic and social lives of the people7. The early Babylon Empire ruled from the city of Nineveh in the north to the Persian Gulf in the south8. Babylon codes appeared more detailed because they were as they believed the revelation from God to the king who delivered it to the people. Many of Babayan's laws were directed towards systematizing the commercial dealings. The very well-known code of Hammurabi was written in the time of King Hammurabi (1792 - 1750 BC), the 6th king of the kingdom9. This law was based on the older Mesopotamian law and this version was more organized and categorized so that every group of laws discussed a certain topic or issue10. This code included 282 articles of law and was divinely revealed by the god to

4. A. S. Diamond, Primitive Law, Past and Present, Routledge Press, London, 2013, p. 8. 5. Ibid, p. 13. 6. B. M. Fagan & C. Scarre, Ancient Civilizations, Routledge Press, London, 2015, p. 97. 7. A. S. Diamond, Op. Cit, p.15. 8. J. M. Roberts & O. A. Westad, The History of the World, Oxford University Press, USA, 2013, p. 63. 9. S. D. Abulhab, The Law Code of Hammurabi: Transliterated and Literally Translated from its Early Classical Arabic Language, Blautopf Pub, 2017, pp. 1-2. 10. M. V. De Mieroop, King Hammurabi of Babylon, Blackwell Publ, Oxford, 2005, p.1.

96 the king, who on his part presented it to the people11. In its 282 articles, the code of Hammurabi dealt with all the different issues of life, commerce and trade, politics, and social life12. For example, articles from 101 to 107 dealt with laws of markets and shops. Articles 126 through 112 regulated the processes of buying and selling.

The Assyrian kingdom in northern Mesopotamia was different in its pursuit to establish life-based on law and order. Their oldest law code was found in the castle of Ashur (Modern Qal‟at Sharqat)13 in Asia Minor written on three boards14. This code dates back to the period between 2100-2035 BC. These laws organised the trade dealings between Assyrians traders and traders of other nations15.

In the Levant, more than 25 thousand clay boards were discovered by archaeologists in the royal palace of the kingdom of Mari, dating back to the second millennium BC. This included a variety of laws some of which governed trade dealings and social life16. A Large number of clay boards were also found belonging to the kingdom of Ugarit (1400 - 1200 BC.)17. These boards shed light mainly on the social life but also included some laws concerning trade dealings18.

Among the oldest codes of law in the mankind are the ancient Egyptian laws. The Pharos represented the divinity of the gods and therefore, their laws were obligatory on every individual of the society19. The Laws in Rome went through developmental stages which started with the beginning of the republic age in 509 BC. At the end of the fifth century

11. M. A. Jafar, Op. Cit, p. 9; M. V. De Mieroop, Op. Cit, p. 84. 12. C. A. Lockard, Societies, Networks, and Transitions, Vol.1, Cengage Learning, USA, 2010, p. 4. 13. J. P. Rodriguez, The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery, Vol.2, ABC-CLIO Press, USA, 1997, p. 433. 14. D. J. Wiseman, Assyrian Writing Boards, Vol. 17, No.1, Spring, 1955, pp. 3-13. 15. G. R. Driver & J. C. Miles, The Assyrian Law, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1955, p. 1-2. 16. K. Aqtini, Kingdom of Mary of the Greatest Civilizations of the Ancient World in the Euphrates River Basin, Kan Historic Journal, No.4, Syria, 2009, p. 43 (42-47). 17. M. Heltzer, The Internal Organization of the kingdom of Ugarit, Wiesbaden, 1982, pp. 131- 139. 18. A. S. Diamond, Primitive Law Past and Present, p. 16. 19. M. A. Jafar, Op. Cit, p. 9.

97 BC., Rome experienced some disorder, suggesting the necessity of establishing laws that would govern the internal affairs. This need gave way to developing the Law of the Twelve Tables which appeared in the year 462 BC20. This development process of the laws was continued to respond to the historical events in Rome as well as the external factors which accompanied them. These events had a paramount effect in this process of development even in all aspects of life: political, economic and social.

The law of The Lex Canuleia 445 BC was the first code in the democratic age21. There were also some other codes as the law of Poetelia Papiria which appeared in 724 BC22. With the passage of time, the Law of the Twelve Tables became less important because of the high level of difficulty of its articles. As life developed and with the expansion of the Roman Empire, the Pretoria law was found to settle any disputes that look place between citizens. When the empire expanded to include most of the large cities of the ancient world, this law further developed to be employed in solving the disputes between the citizens of Rome with the foreigners23. This code remained the source of all Roman laws24, that were issued afterwards as it continued to develop but without any major changes until the end of the first century A.D25. when Roman law were changed under the influence of Christian laws especially after the empire expanded in the east to control many parts of Asia, and Africa resulting in accepting Christian teaching to become part of the Roman law code, especially that some emperors embraced Christianity26. The

20. W. W. Bucklond, A Text Book of Roman Law from Augustans to Justinian, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2007, p. 3. 21. I. F. Harriet, Roman Republic, Princeton University Press, 2009, p. 210; A. Watson, The Spirit of Roman Law, University of Georgia Press, Athens, 2008, p. 74. 22. Varro, On the Latin Language, Tr. R. G. Kent, Book. VII, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1938, pp. 359-361. 23. P. Stein, Roman Law in European History, Cambridge University Press, UK, 1999, p. 12. 24. L. Richard, Late Antiquity, Material Culture, The Edinburgh Companion to Ancient Greece and Rome, Part II, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2006, p. 114. 25. O. E. Tellegen-Couperus, A Short History of Roman Law, Routledge Press, New York, 2002 , pp. 148-149. 26. W. A. Hunter, A Systematic and Historical Exposition of Roman Law in the Order of a Code, Tr. John Ashton Cross, Sweet & Maxwell Publ, London,1803, p. 67.

98 continuous development of the Roman laws through the history of Rome made it worthy of becoming a strong source for many other law codes for many centuries after that27.

3.2 Indian Commercial Laws

India has a recorded legal history starting from the Vedic ages28. It is believed that ancient India had some sort of legal system in place even during the Bronze Age and the Indus Valley civilization. Law as a matter of religious prescriptions and philosophical discourse has an illustrious history in India. Emanating from the Vedas, the Upanishads and other religious texts, it was a fertile field enriched by practitioners from different Hindu philosophical schools and later by the Jains and Buddhists. Secular law in India was varied widely from region to region and from ruler to ruler. Court systems for civil and criminal matters were essential features of many ruling dynasties of ancient India. Excellent was the secular court systems existed under the Mauryas 321-185 BC.

In ancient India, lawmaking was not very different from the other neighbouring civilizations as laws were also given divine origins meaning by that god Brahma revealed the laws to his prophets and his wise men29. Dharma Shastra is an accurate codification of ancient Hindu law30. There are many external factors determining the punishment including caste, the age of the offender, qualification, the financial implications, time of the offence etc…, Originally, four types of punishments were cited by Manu, namely- fine (Dhanadanda), admonition (Dhikkar), Physical punishment (Badhadanda) and all

27. O. F. Robinson, The Sources of Roman Law: Problems and Methods for Ancient Historians Approaching the Ancient World, Taylor &Francis e-Library Press, London, 2006, p. 83. 28. B. N. Patel, India, The Oxford Handbook of the History of International Law, eds. B. Fassbender, A. Peters, & S. Peter, Oxford University Press, UK, 2012, p. 507 (500-523). 29. M. A. Jafar, Op. Cit, p. 9. 30. S. Parmeshwaranand, Encyclopedia Dictionary of the Dharmasastra,Vol.3, Sarup & Sons Press, New Delhi, 2003, pp. 337-338.

99 punishments combined31. And there were two more types of punishment for example confiscation of property and public humiliation32.

The People of ancient India had commercial and cultural intercourse with other Countries. Indian sovereigns, moreover, had diplomatic relations with other States sovereigns. Indian merchants carried on trade on a large scale with nations as far apart as, Rome, Egypt, Yemen, China and South-East Asia. In the course of time, Indian jurists developed a Code of Law governing relations between Indian sovereigns and the Indian States and India with foreign countries.

Ancient Indian laws have some referential points to trade and traders, rights, taxes, duties as well as the manner of regulating the internal and external trade system. By Appling these laws the benefit came back in favour of the state, consequently, state incomes were increased. Kautilyas law named Sushtra was one of such laws which referred to merchants and commercial materials in different contexts, yet the second chapter of his work focuses primarily on commercial activities. He points out the most important laws of land trade and maritime trade that prevailed in ancient India. Such laws were as follows:

1- The Superintendent of Commerce ascertained demand or absence of demand for, and rise or fall in the price of, various kinds of merchandise which might have been the products either of land or of water and which might have been brought in either by land or by water path. He also ascertained the time suitable for their distribution, centralisation, purchase, and sale33. 2- That merchandise which was widely distributed had to be centralised and its price enhanced. When the enhanced rate became popular, another rate had to be declared.

31. S. Das, Crime and Punishment in Ancient India, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1990, p. 57. 32. R. Kumar & M. H. Mehat, 'Indian Leadership: Concept and context' Culture and Gender in Leadership, Perspectives from the Middle East and Asia, eds. J. Rajasekar& L. S. Beh, Springer Press, 2013, p. 188 33. Kautilya, Bk. 2, ch. 16, p. 136.

100 3- That merchandise of the king which was of local manufacture had to be centralised; imported merchandise had to be distributed in several markets for sale. Both kinds of merchandise had to be favourably sold to the people34. 4- The trader must avoid the large profits which harmed the people35. 5- There had no restriction on the timings of those commodities for which there was frequent demand; nor had they to be subjected to the evils of centralisation. 6- Pedlars should have sold the merchandise of the king at a fixed price in many markets and paid necessary compensation proportional to the loss entailed upon it. 7- The superintendent had to show favour to those who imported foreign merchandise: Mariners and merchants who imported foreign merchandise had to be favoured with remission of the trade-taxes, so that they might have derive some profit. 8- Foreigners importing merchandise had to be exempted from being sued for debts unless they are (local) associations and partners. 9- Workers had to submit to the superintendent the daily sale report, saying "this much has been sold and this much remains;" they had to also hand over the weights and measures. Such were the rules applicable to local traffic.

Kautilya was also concerned with the external trade; hence he imposed some legislation that organized the movement of the foreign trade in a way that did not affect the local trade. Some of these laws were.

1- Having ascertained the value of local produce as compared with that of foreign produce that could be obtained in barter, the superintendent had to find out (by calculation) whether there was any margin left for profit after meeting the payments (to the foreign king) such as the toll, route-cess, conveyance-cess, tax payable at military stations, ferry-charges, subsistence to the merchant and his followers, and the portion of merchandise payable to the foreign king36.

34. Ibid, pp. 136-137. 35. Ibid, p. 137. 36. Kautilya, Bk. 2, p. 138.

101 2- If no profit could be realised by selling the local produce in foreign countries, he had to consider whether any local produce could be profitably bartered for any foreign produce. Then he had to send one-quarter of his valuable merchandise through safe roads to different markets on land. In view of large profits, he had to make friendship with the forest-guards, boundary-guards, and officers in charge of cities and of country-parts (of the foreign king). He had to take care to secure his treasure and life from danger. If he could not reach the intended market, he was to sell the merchandise (at any market) free from all dues. Or he had to take his merchandise to other countries through rivers37. 3- He had to gather information as to conveyance-charges, subsistence on the way, the value of foreign merchandise that can be obtained in barter for local merchandise, having gathered information as to the transaction in commercial towns along the banks of rivers, he had to transport his merchandise to profitable markets and avoid unprofitable ones38.

The ancient Indian laws weren't just interested in a land trade; these were also interested in a maritime trade. Through the imposition of these laws, the maritime trade and the movement of commercial vessels on coasts and rivers were more facilitated. These laws also included the imposition of taxes which benefited the government controlling such seaports. Those maritime trade laws were as given below:

1- The Superintendent of Ships had to examine the accounts relating to navigation not only on oceans and mouths of rivers, but also on lakes natural or artificial, and rivers in the vicinity of stháníya and other fortified cities39.

2- Merchants had to pay the customary toll levied in port-towns40.

3- Passengers arriving on board of the king's ship had to pay the requisite amount of sailing fees41.

37. Kautilya, Bk. 2, p. 136 38. Ibid, p. 180 39. Ibid, p. 139 40. Ibid, p. 179

102 4- The people who used the king‟s boats in fishing out conch-shells and pearls had to pay the requisite amount of hire, or they had to make use of their own boats42.

5- The superintendent of ships had to strictly observe the customs prevalent in commercial towns as well as the orders of the superintendent of the port43.

6- Whenever a weather-beaten ship arrived at a port-town, he had to show fatherly kindness to it44.

7- Vessels carrying on merchandise spoiled by water were either is exempted from toll or their toll had to reduce to half and let to sail when the time for setting sail approached.

8- Ships that touched at harbors on their way were requested the payment of toll.

9- Pirate ships, vessels which were bound for the country of an enemy, as well as those which violated the customs and rules in force in port towns, were to be destroyed.

10- Foreign merchants who had often been visiting the country, as well as those who were well known to local merchants, had be allowed to land in port-towns.

11- As regards foreign merchandise of superior or inferior quality arriving either by land or by water, they had to ascertain the amount of toll, road-cess, conveyance- cess, military cess, ferry-fare, and one-sixth portion (paid or payable by the merchants), the charges incurred by them for their own subsistence, and for the accommodation of their merchandise in warehouse45.

41. Ibid, p. 179 42. Ibid, p. 179. 43. Kautilya, Bk. 2, p. 180. 44. Ibid, p. 180 45. Ibid, ch. 35, p. 205.

103 12- Failure to start an undertaking or to realise its results, or to credit its profits (to the treasury) was considered as obstruction. Here a fine of ten times the amount in question had to be imposed46.

3.3 Commercial Laws of Ancient Yemen

Many inscriptions of the southern part of the Arabian Peninsula included some legislation and legal literature in its general content. These laws were varied according to place (localities of Yemen) and time (of history) and were adapted and developed to reflect the needs of the people. However, these laws did not reach the level of development of the neighbouring civilizations such as the code of Hammurabi in Mesopotamia.

The comparably small numbers of inscriptions that have been discovered prove that the people of southern Arabia had considerable experience in governing their kingdoms with systematic laws which were adapted from time to time to fit the needs. Good examples of well-developed laws are the Taman' code going back to the fourth century BC, and the code of Shamir Yuhar'esh which appeared in the century after that. The well-developed contents and forms of these two law codes were the strong evidence that the people of southern Arabia had long the notion of law and were able to use their accumulated experiences in formulating such codes. In other words, these codes had been just an obvious result of the natural developmental process in the political and civic lives of the people in the ancient Yemeni kingdoms.

These codes can be categorized according to their legislating bodies as follows:-

3.3.1 Legislation and Tribal Customs

The wide areas of land along with geographical variation in the ancient Yemeni kingdoms gave way to the variety of traditions and ideas differing from one place to another. The ruling authorities found that it would be helpful to convert these ideas into

46. Ibid, ch. 8, p. 87. . This law known as the Tamna` law or Shamar market law is the main law of the central market in the city Tamna` capital of Qataban Kingdom, the law was inscribed on an obelisk stone having a rectangular shape of a length (4m) and place the center of the market. So that anyone comes to the market can identify the private practice instruction of trading in the market and of all the Qatabanian areas. This obelisk still exists in the same place till this day.

104 laws. For example, an inscription from the kingdom of Qataban mentions that a law was issued in this regard named the Law of Buram Ordeals47. This proves that the traditions and ideals were the basis on which laws were then formulated. A large number of tribes were under the Qatabani king's alliance. Each tribe had a representative in the tribal council that conducted regular biannual meetings in the capital of the kingdom, Tamna', by order of the king himself48.

3.3.2 The Royal Laws

For issuing such laws, many bodies, which were formed as a result of the civil development and the economic growth, collaborated in composing laws side by side with higher authorities or its representative. Then the law was passed by the king49. This included laws that directly pertained to public livelihood utilities and facilities and the economy, such as trade, irrigation, the maintenance of agricultural land social issues50, and the political life as well.51 Many inscriptions that mentioned the legislating process and bodies provided better understanding of the matter. In most cases, the first council consisted of the king and the assembly of ''al- Mswd " or "Masudin" in the Musnad alphabets of ancient southern Arabia). The second level was the assembly of senior holders called ''al-Tabin'' which regulated the matters of agricultural land, tax, and renting agricultural land. This assembly dates back to the fifth century BC52.

Our analysis is confined to the laws and legislation that were related to the economy, because of their high importance, despite their scarcity in comparison to the religious laws which are not in the pervious of present study. The importance of the laws related to the economy is that they provided a clear image of the economic life of ancient Yemen. The inscriptions which were written in Al-Musnad, i. e. the ancient Yemeni alphabet, reflect the nature of both the national and international trade in the ancient kingdoms of

47. Ja 2361/8 48. N. Rudhukanaks, The Public life of the Southern Arab states, "Old Arab History", ed. D. Nielsen et al, Tr. F. Hassanein, Mktabat al-Nahdah al-Arabi Press, Cairo, 1958, p.133. 49. Res 3854/10. 50. Res 3854. 51. Res 3878. 52. J. Ali. Op. Cit, Vol. 5, p. 228.

105 southern Arabia and highlight the presence of economic relations with the neighboring civilizations. These economic ties linked southern Arabia with the world through the land and the sea trade routes. The ancient Yemenis linked the inland's major and minor routes with the international trade routes whether those of the "Incense Road" heading from the south to the north of the Arabian peninsula or those of the "silk and spice" road heading from the east to the west of the Arabian peninsula. They did not forget to join themselves to international trade through the important sea routes; they were able to reach India to the east by crossing the Arabian Sea as they also reached the African shores to the west by crossing the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. They also went up the Red Sea to reach Egypt. This active involvement in sea trade helped in the emergence and development of commercial ports that linked the inland trade routes to those of the sea. Goods were transported to the port of "Qana" (presently known as Bi'r Ali)53, which was the most important port linking the west and the east. It served as an important "transit port", in nowadays terminology, of the ancient trade routes. Goods were transferred from Qana to the other contemporary civilizations in Iraq, Syria, Egypt, and Greece.

Many inscriptions mention that the trading activity provided considerable income from taxes that were governed by the rules of southern Arabia led the increase in the incomes of the people of Yemen.

However, as active trade was the reason for the thriving success of the Ancient Yemeni kingdoms, the decline of the trade activities in those kingdoms led to their downfall as the Romans pushed into the east and seized control over the sea routes between Egypt and India leading to the gradual extinction of the ancient Yemeni civilization54.

The ancient Yemenis' experience in trade and business was manifested in their ability to formulate laws and legislation which were preserved in inscriptions remain as live witnesses of the great contributions of the Yemeni people to the history of mankind. The most important of these codes of law are mentioned below:

53. H. S. Shehab, Spotlight on the Maritime History of Yemen, Dar Al-Audh Press, Beirut, 1989, p. 25. 54. A. H. Al-Shaibah, Demas of the Yemeni civilization (preliminary observations), Vol.3, Research Journal of Taiz University, Taiz, 1989, p.1-14.

106 3.3.3 The Law Code of the Shamir Market

This code represented the high level of advancement in the economic life of the kingdoms of ancient Yemen. This code of law is registered in the Record of Semitic Inscriptions under the no (RES 337 - 338) this law code is stated below:

This is what the king Shahar Hilal bin Yada'a 'Ab had ordered to be passed as laws and legislation55. (fig.4)

- Merchants of Tamna' and Borum had to pay the market, tax for whatever kind of business they practiced.

 Merchants had possess a shop in Tamna' if they wished to practice any commercial activity.  Any foreign merchant who came to Tamna' and wished to participate in the trade activities must have established a shop in Tamna'  It was only the members of the Qatanani tribe who had the right to engage in trade activities with the other local neighbouring tribes.  Foreign citizens were prohibited from participating in the trade activities in places other than Tamna' unless they had prior permission and adhere to the conditions.  The citizens had the duty of informing the chief of the market about the presence of any foreign merchant wishing to participate in the trade activities.  Any merchant who entered the land of Qataban possessing merchandise for the purpose of trade without attaining prior permission had to pay the defined fine.  Any merchant who was caught in an attempt at cheating or foul trade had to pay a fine of fifty gold pieces.  The supervisor of the market was the body in charge of applying these rules.  All merchants, citizens and foreigners alike, had to pay the market taxes.  The supervisor of the market was the body in charge of applying these rules.  Merchants dealing in the grains had to pay additional taxes.

55. Ch. Robin. Qataban Kingdom and Taman City, Napoli University Press, Italia, 2006, p. 11.

107  This additional tax did not apply in the case of trade events involving only local merchants.  The merchant could choose to pay this additional tax along with the general market tax to avoid the burden of having to pay for each trade event.  Merchandise tax had to be charged on merchants form Qataban or Ma'in for the stored goods when they rented off their shops or even houses as storing facilities to other merchants who owned shops in Tamna'.  All taxes were collected to the advantage of the King of Qataban.  Taxes were of two types: Tamna' tax paid by the merchants of the city of Tamna' itself and "Rydan" tax paid by the outsiders.  Period permission from the supervisor of the market must be attained for any merchant to participate the trade activities  Merchants who paid the tax on Tamna' had not have the right to get involved in trade activities elsewhere (outside Tamna') with the foreigners.  Merchants dealing in wholesale in Tamna' must put their goods forward for the retailers.  Trade activities were prohibited at night and a merchant who attempts such an act must be abandoned till morning comes.  The King of Qataban had the right to regulate and supervise all trade activities of any goods.  All kings had to support and protect these laws.

This code that dates back to the fourth century BC shows how advanced Qataban, one of the most important of the ancient Yemeni kingdoms, had become at that early time. The articles of the code reflected a high economic sense that the people of Tamna' had reached and which might make it possible to say that they were pioneers in wording articles and drawing laws forming a complete economic code that dealt with and regulated all trade activities, national and international. What helped them reach this level of development in economic issues was their medial location on the incense Road between Ḥaḍramawt, to its east, and Marib, to the north, in addition to being located near the main port of southern Arabia at the time "Qana". Other codes were found, but not as

108 wholesome as the theme' code stated earlier; rather, these other codes address either only one particular issue or a particular group of people.

Some of these laws and agreements are mentioned below:

3.3.4 The Code of Shamir Yuhar'esh

This was one of the most important laws that regulated trade in the kingdom of Saba'. These laws were pointed out in inscription no. Res 3910 and is known as the code of Shamir Yuhar'esh. This code was named after the king that was ruling at that time in the third century BC. The most important parts of this code are stated below:

 In the events of barter trade involving slaves or animals, both exchanging parties have a period of one month before the deal became permanent. With the end of this one month, the trial period ended.  After the end of this one month trial period, if the customer returned the animal, the customer must have to pay an amount of money to the original owner as rent of that animal.  If a solid animal died after seven days, the original owner did not bear any responsibility and the customer had to pay the full amount of money agreed upon.  If two parties agreed on renting agricultural land, they must have precisely appoint the amount of money it was rented for an exact date in which the payment was due.

These examples dealt with the disputes that happened in the market. Issuing this code has two sides. The first is from the perspective of "prevention is better than cure". The second is resolving disputes in a systematic manner if they ever happen.

3.3.5 The Agreement of the Market of Sirwah

There are other texts that were not reach the level of laws, but can be called agreements to facilitate the trade activities as this agreement was reached in the market of Sirwah. It was agreed on the following:

 If the trade event had been agreed upon and had been completed between two parties, none of the business partners of any of the two parties had the right to object to or reject the agreement.

109  The second party, or the buyer, had no right to file a complaint against the first party, the seller, after signing an agreement56.

3.3.6 The Law of Grain Trade in Ancient Yemen

Agriculture formed an important part of the lives of the people of the southern part of the Arabian Peninsula. Agricultural products were some of the most important goods supporting trade and the economy. As was displayed in the codes mentioned earlier, taxes were collected to protect these agricultural products under the supervision of legislating bodies representing the king. These laws prohibited grain trade, as mentioned in the codes earlier, outside the city gates and in the valleys (outside the specified market areas). Moreover, any trade event involving any kind of grains must have taken place in the presence of a tax representative of the city; whoever engaged in a trade event of grains in the valleys-meaning outside the cities-without the presence of a tax representative had to be obliged to pay a fine appointed by the Council of Sirs57. It seems that these measures were taken in order to control the prices of grains in particular because grains were the essential commodity for the people. Also and as was mentioned in the codes earlier, foreign merchants were not allowed to participate in the trade of grains for the same purpose of ensuring the availability and price rates of this essential commodity in the local markets and to prevent monopolization of grain trade.

56. GL 913 = Ja 2856. 57. CIH 603 = Res 2860

110 Chapter IV: Political Conditions in the North of the

Arabian Peninsula and its Influence on the Trade of the Southern Arab Kingdoms and India

4. Political Conditions in the North of the Arabian Peninsula

4.1 Significance of North of the Arab Peninsula

The important geographical location of the Arab peninsula was the cornerstone to make direct and indirect relations between southern Arab kingdoms and Empires and kingdoms of the ancient world. Since the researcher is concerned to study the commercial relations between the south Arab peninsula and West India, he will try to expose the political condition in these countries.

Some disputes and fighting took place in the northern part of the Arab peninsula and this affected the political, commercial and economic life. One may assume that the political, commercial and economic situations were affected by these disputes, whereas only the economic status of different countries was influenced due to such events. In addition, the commercial activities were very much affected by such events and problems that might happen at any point of the trading road around the world.

The commercial activities are based on two important components; producer and consumer and their attitudes and civilizations that may determine the developing or declining some caravans cities. Since the Arabian peninsula was the connector between east and west, and was the ending point of most trading roads coming from India, China and south Arab countries, some lights will be thrown on the disputes that took place there and its impact on the commercial activities between the east as producer and the west as consumer. Different dominating powers tried to control over the trading roads some of these groups are Seleucia in Asia and Mesopotamia, Ptolemaic in Egypt, Levant and

.Caravans Cities are the term given to cities that have emerged in the Arabian Peninsula because of the passage of the trade caravans. M. Rostovtzeff, Caravan Cities, Tr. D.T Talbot Rice, Oxford Clarendon Press, UK, 1932, pp. 4-7.

111 Mediterranean, and Arabian Kingdoms of Nabataeans and Palmira in Jordanian Plateau and the Levant.

4.2 Emergence of the Macedonians as Power in the East

The Macedonians under their leader Philip II appeared in the middle of the fourth century (382-336 BC)1 and united the Greek states and became their king2. After his death, his son Alexander (356-323 BC) becomes king of Macedon3. He was able to reunite the Greek states and defended his land from the Eastern attacks4. He could bring the peace to his land and fight to the Empires of Achaemenid5. The Empires of Achaemenid were controlling middle Asia and north India, ancient nearest and Egypt for many centuries. At the time of Empire Darius III (380 – 330 BC) who was the last king of Achaemenid Empire from 336 to330 BC, a couple of battles took place between him and Alexander the great during which Empire Darius III was defeated6. The first victory was made in 334 BC near Granicus River in Asia by Alexander. All of these battles ended with the death of Darius III in 330BC7.

1. O. Palagia, Philip's in the Philippeum at Olympia, In Philip II and Alexander the Great: Father and Son, Lives and Afterlives, ed. E. Carney & D. Ogden, Oxford University Press, New York, 2010, p. 37; D. M. Daniel, Briefly: Aristotle's Nichomachean Ethics, SCM Press, London, 2007, p. 129. 2. W. Heckel, The Conquests of Alexander the Great, Cambridge University Press, 2012, pp. 15-20. 3. O. Palagia, Op. Cit, p. 37. 4. D. Siculus, Bk. 16, ch. 94: 2. 5. Arrian, The Anabasis of Alexander or the History of the Wars and Conquests of Alexander the Great, Forgotten Books Press, London, 2014, pp. 41-50; L. A. Yahya, Greece: Introduction to Civil History, Dar Alnahdat al-Arabia, Beirut, 1979, p.186. 6. Arrian, The Anabasis of Alexander, p. 92; J. Roisman & I. Worthington. A Companion to Ancient Macedonia, Vol. 84, Blackwell Publ, USA, 2011, pp. 4-5. 7. A. B. Bosworth, Alexander the Great Part 1: The Events of the Reign, Cambridge Ancient History, ed. D. M. Lewis, et at, Vol. 6, Cambridge University Press, 1994, p. 810 (791-845); R. J. van & D. Spek, The Hellenistic Near East, The Cambridge Economic History of the Greco-Roman World, ed. W. Scheidel, I. Morris & R. Saller, Cambridge University Press, UK, 2007, p. 409(409-433); P. K. Davis, 100 Decisive Battles from Ancient Times to the Present: The world‟s Major Battles and How They Shaped History, Oxford University Press, USA, 1999, pp. 32-34.

112 4.3 End of the Alexander Campaign in the East

Alexander continued his victories until he arrived at the kingdoms in Asia Minor which were belonging to Darius III8. After controlling these kingdoms, he headed to the south and obtained lots of tribes and places whom he met on his way towards Indus River. In his last battle Hydaspes with Porus who was the king of Paurava in 327 BC9, King Porus was arrested and then was appointed by Alexander as the king of all Indian lands belonging to Alexander10. (Fig. 5) At this point in time, Alexander decided to go back to Babylon, and showed their willingness to go back to their homelands11. On their way home, he faced a lot of obstacles that caused loss of his soldiers12. After a long and difficult journey, he arrived in Babylon in 324 BC and died because of fever in Babylon at the age of 32 years13.

4.4 Death of Alexander

The sudden death of Alexander caused the appearance of three new kingdoms in the east after the battle of Ipsus,14 namely, Seleucia kingdoms in Mesopotamia, north Syria, Armenia, Anatolia and north India, Ptolemy kingdom in Egypt, Palestine, south Syria and Cyprus Island, and Macedonia kingdom in Macedonia and Thrace15. After the Alexander death the Hellenistic Era started from 323 to 30 BC16.

8. J. W. M'crindle, The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, Today & Tomorrow's Printers & Publ, India, 1893, pp. 40-44. 9. L. Adkins & R. A.. Adkins, Ancient Greece: A Handbook. Stroud Sutton Publ, 1998, p.144. 10. B. Avari, India: The Ancient Past: a History of the Indian Subcontinent from C. 7000 BC to CE 1200, Routledge Pupl, USA & Canada, 2007, p. 92; H. Waldemar, The conquests of Alexander the Great, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2008, p. 22. 11. M. Grant, From Alexander to Cleopatra: the Hellenistic World, Armenian Research Center Collection, Scribner Press, London, 1982, p. 4. 12. H. Waldemar, Op. Cit, pp. 127-141; F. Makkawi, History and Civilization of the Greek World, Center of Modern Studies, Morocco, 1980, pp. 225-27. 13. F. W. Walbank, The Hellenistic World, Harvard University Press, USA, 1989, pp. 36-37; J. W. M'crindle, Op. Cit, p. 48. 14. R. Waterfield, Dividing the Spoils: The War for Alexander the Great's Empire, Oxford University Press, New York, 2012, pp. 151-154. 15. P. Sabin, H. V. Wees & M. Whitby, Greece, the Hellenistic World and the Rise of Rome, Vol.I, Cambridge University Press, UK, 2007, p.304; D. Braund, After Alexander: the

113 4.5 Hellenistic Era (Alexander Successor Era)

They were the rival generals, families and friends of Alexander the Great who fought for control over his empire after his death in 323 BC. The Wars of the Successors mark the beginning of the Hellenistic period. After the Battle of Ipsus (301 BC)17, Antigonus was killed, but his son Demetrius took a large part of Macedonia and continued his father's dynasty. After the death of Cassander and Lysimachus, following one another in fairly rapid succession, the Seleucids (Syria) and Ptolemies (Egypt) controlled the vast majority of Alexander's former empire.

4.5.1 The Era of the Seleucids 312-64 BC.

The kingdom of the Seleucids, named after the founder of Seleucus I (312-280 BC.) who was called Nicator18. He did not prompt any position when dividing the states after

Emergence of the Hellenistic World, 323-281 BC, A Companion to the Hellenistic World, Blackwell publishing, USA, 2003, pp. 19-34. 16.The Hellenistic era is the time of ancient Greek and Mediterranean history between the death of the Alexander the Great in 323 BC. and the appearance of Roman after the Battle of Actium in 31BC. This term was brought by the German Historian Johan Droysen in 1836 which means the opposite of Helena civilization that is known as the Civilization of cities. S. E. Alcock, Classical Greece: Ancient Histories and Modern Archaeologies, ed. I. Morris, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1994, p. 171(171-190); L. A. Yahya, Studies in the Hellenistic Period, Dar al-Nahda al-Arabiya, Alexandria, 1997, p. 47; I. Nushi, Egypt at the Era of Ptolemy, Part. I, The Anglo Egyptian Bookshop Press, Cairo, 1976, pp. 39-40. 17. F. W. Walbank, The Hellenistic World, p. 101; R. F. Baker, Ancient Greeks: Creating the Classical Tradition, Oxford University Press, New York, 1997, p. 197; I. G. Spence, Historical Dictionary of Ancient Greek Warfare, Scarecrow Press, 2002, p. 341. 18. P. Hitti, History of Syria Including Lebanon and Palestine, Vol.1, Tr. G. Hadad, Bayt al- Thaqafa Press, Beirut, 1957, p. 259.

114 Babylon conference but he took his share of government in Babylon after the conference of Triparadisus after the death of Perdiccas19.

4.5.1.1 The Seleucus I wars The last years of the 3rd century BC have witnessed many wars waged by Seleucus I to have control, and saved his kingdom, but he was surprised by Antigonus I, the king of Macedonia who had the campaign to subjugate Asia Minor and Mesopotamia. He managed in 315 BC. to enter Babylon, the capital of the Seleucids. Seleucus run away to Egypt, but he returned to Babylon, with the help of Ptolemy I in 312 BC and he announced the beginning of his own jurisdiction20. Lysimachus (306-281 BC), became an ally to the Seleucids and thanks to this alliance they had a victory over Antigonus I in the Battle of Ipsus in 301 BC21. He represented the main threat to Alexander friends in

. Babylon Conference, which was held after Alexander death in 10/6/323 BC, It was agreed to appoint a Arrhidaeus who was Half-brother of Alexander Emperor, until Roxana Alexander's wife to give birth to her baby, and Perdiccas becomes a trustee on the throne. . Babylon is located in the Republic of Iraq and away from Baghdad about 90 km and the first mention of it was in the era of Akkadian dynasty (3350 BC), it was more politically at the era of its founder, King Hammurabi who made it his capital. K. Amelie & W. Susan, Hellenism in the East, Duckworth, London, 1987, p. 16; T. Baqer, Babylon, Iraq, 1959, p. 2. . Triparadisus is a place on the Orontes River thought to be near Ribleh where the leaders met Alexander to re-divide the states of the empire after the change of the of events following the death of Perdiccas. D. Siculus, Bk.XVIII, ch.28, 2-3; ch.36. 6-7; ch. 93, 1-4; F. L. Holt, Alexander the Great and Bactria: The Formation of a Greek Frontier in Central Asia, Vol. 104, Brill Archive Press, USA,1988, p. 93; I. Nushi, Op. Cit, pp. 68-69. 19. Perdiccas: (365-321 BC) general under Alexander who became regent of the Macedonian empire after Alexander‟s death. P. Doherty, Alexander the great: The Death of a God, Hachette Press, UK, 2013, p.117. . Antigonus I (382–301 BC), was a Macedonian nobleman, general, and he was a major figure in the Wars of the Successors after Alexander's death, declaring himself king in 306 BC and establishing the Antigonid dynasty. 20. A. D. al-'Adhmy, History of the Greek: State and Persian in Iraq, Library of Religious Culture, Egypt, 2001, pp. 13-14. . Lysimachus (360-281 BC), He was one of Alexander‟s bodyguards during the conquest of Asia, as one of the successors to Alexander the Great, came to rule strategic parts of the divided Macedonian Empire. H. S. Lund, Lysimachus: A Study in Early Hellenistic Kingship, Routledge Press, USA, 1992, p. 20. 21. F. W. Walbank, The Hellenistic World, p. 101; R. F. Baker, Op. Cit, p. 197; I. G. Spence, Historical Dictionary of Ancient Greek Warfare, Scarecrow Press, 2002, p. 341.

115 the nearest, which was the last battle witnessed elimination of the dream of bringing Alexander's empire again. Seleucus I could manage to include Armenia and northern Syria, to become the largest country was founded on the ruins of the kingdom of Alexander the Great22.

Seleucids did not make any change in the administrative system which was in place during the reign of Alexander the Great23. But they had a limited change to cancel the previous calendar, and they considered that 312 BC, was the date of their kingdom and the beginning of their history and used for recording their events24.

4.5.1.2 Change of the Capital of the Kingdom In order to renew the kingdom structure, Seleucus I created the city of Seleucia, on the right side of the Tigris River, and 63 km away from Babylon. This city became the capital of the Kingdom (312-300 BC), and when King Seleucus moved to his new Capital, many of the inhabitants of Babylon came with him25. After this, Seleucia city became famous, people from different corners of the earth came to it, this city one of the most important commercial cities, where the different trade routes of land and sea meet together in this city, it was selected for its economic importance. It was located on the trade caravans that pass in Mesopotamia26, and remained the capital of the kingdom of the Seleucia for the period of twelve years27.

22. P. K. Davis, Op. Cit, p. 39. 23. R. Waterfield, Op. Cit, p. 159. 24. T. Baqer, The Introduction in the History of Ancient Civilizations, Dar al-Bayan Press, Baghdad, 1973, p. 592. . Seleucia, a city on the Tigris River, was one of the great cities of the world during Hellenistic and Roman times. It stood in Mesopotamia on the west bank of the Tigris River, opposite the smaller town of Ctesiphon in present day Babylon Governorate, Iraq. Pliny, Bk 5, ch.21: 22, 88. 25. Pliny, BK.7, ch.122; Strabo, BK. 16, ch .2: 5 ; AD al-'Adhmy, Op, Cit, p. 12. 26. M. H. Farazat, Cultural Interaction on the Silk Road between China and the Levant, Journal of Historical Studies, Vol. 39& 40, Syria, 1991, p. 101 (96-118). 27. T. Ring, R. M. Salkin & S. L. Boda, International Dictionary of Historic Places: Middle East and Africa, Vol. 4, Taylor & Francis, USA, 1996, pp. 636-637.

116 The early years of the third century BC were the most powerful stage in the era of the kingdom of the Seleucids, when they were able to extend their influence and control over large areas of Asia Minor. The weakness of the local governments and the power of their young kingdom helped them to do so28. After the entry of northern Syria under the rule of Seleucus I, he started to build a new city on the Orontes River called it Antioch on the name of his father. He moved there in 300 years BC and declared it a new capital, the seat of government. It was known as Antioch29. The reason for changing the capital was its proximity to the coast of the Mediterranean Sea for its strategic, economic, and political importance. And then it became a port to promote the trading with the lands of the Mediterranean, and its proximity to the area of conflict with other powers. All this make it easier for their forces to move quickly in case of wars. In addition, Greek communities living in these areas, was also the reason30.

4.5.1.3 Seleucus I Towards to India With all these victories made by Seleucus I Nicator in the West, he wanted to broaden his kingdom to India by eliminating the independent kingdoms that appeared between 315- 305 BC, along with the state of Chandragupta Mauryan, where these kingdoms made their money from gold, silver and zinc to show its independence31. But the failure of Seleucus to control these cities, he concluded an agreement with Chandragupta Maurya, during which the marriage took a place as a sign of good intention in which Seleucus I got a gift rewarding up to 500 elephants32. He used them in the wars later on33. He went

28. P. Hitti, Op. Cit, p. 260. 29. C. E. Fan & M. G. Reddish, A Guide to Biblical Sites in Greece and Turkey, Oxford University Press, New York, 2003, p. 143. 30. D. Musti, Syria and the East, CAH, Vol.7, part.1, Cambridge University Press, 1984, p. 179 (175-221). 31. M. Mitchiner, Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythian Coinage, vol. 1, Hawkings Press, London, 1975, pp. 23-24; F. Diakov & S. Kovalev, Ancient the Civilizations, Tr. N. W. al-Yazji, Vol. 1, Dar Aladdin Press, Syria, 2000, p. 214; D. Musti, Op. Cit, p. 210. 32. J. W. McCrindle, Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, Trubner& co Press, Landon, 1877, p. 10. 33. Strabo, BK. 15. Ch. 2: 9; G. L. Hammond & F. W. Walbank, A History of Macedonia: 336- 167 BC, Vol. 3, Oxford University Press, New York, 2001, p. 240; D. Musti, Op. Cit, p. 190.

117 to Macedonia in 281 BC to control Thrace and then he was killed in the Battle of Corupedium34.

The Kingdom of the Seleucids was weak during the period of the successors of Seleucus I when some areas were lost especially in the reign of Antiochus II (263-247 BC.), when the region of Parthia (Khorasan) got independence in 248 BC. under the leader Arsacid. Arsacid founded the state of Parthian and took over many areas and attached them to his kingdom35.

4.5.1.4 Period of Antiochus III

At the time of Antiochus III (223-187 BC) the Seleucid state regained its power and control over the area lost earlier. He had the fourth Syrian war against Ptolemy IV at the Battle of Rafah in 217 BC36. He gained a victory in which the Ptolemy who was able to control some parts of “Syria Coele”37. Antiochus III went towards the north and east, where he managed to re-control some parts of Anatolia down to Armenia, and all of Asia Minor, including coastal areas. The Kingdom controlled the territories reaching up to the borders of Thrace38, which led to their entry in fighting with the Romans in the period between 191-188 BC. It ended with a loss of Antiochus III in the Battle of Magnesia in 190 BC. After that he was forced to accept the agreement and surrender each country in

34. F. W. Walbank, Op. Cit, p. 56; C. Drekmeier, Kingship and Community in Early India, Stanford University Press, California, 1962, pp. 166-167. 35. J. Bickerman, The Seleucid Period, Cambridge History of Iran, Vol.3, Cambridge University Press, London & New York, 1983, pp. 3-20; P. Gardner, The Parthian Coienage, Trübner & Company Press, London, 1877, p. 3. 36. B. Bar-Kochva, Judas Maccabaeus: The Jewish Struggle Against the Seleucids, Cambridge University Press, 2002, p. 79. 37. J. Dušek, Aramaic and Hebrew Inscriptions, Gerizim and Samaria Between Antiochus III and Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Vol. 54, Culture and History of the Ancient Nearest, Brill Press, USA, 2012, p. 154-155. 38. C. D. Neilson, A political history of Parthia, University of Chicago Press, New York, 1938, pp. 16-18; M. Farid, History of the Romans, Egypt, 2012, pp. 109-110.

118 Asia, locating behind the Taurus Mountains39. It was ended with the killing of the king in 186 BC40.

After the death of Antiochus III, Territory was independent and limited its borders to the Mesopotamian and western Iran. Now the Romanian Emperor and the Kingdom of Parthia began to control some parts of the Kingdom of the Seleucids in the absence of powerful rulers. After the rule of Antiochus IV (174-164 BC), the situation began to change in favor of the Seleucids, when they entered the war with the Ptolemaic, known as the Syrian war sixth in 170 BC in which Ptolemies were defeated and the Seleucids could start to dominate a big part of Egypt, but it did not last long. The Romans interfered and sent an envoy to Antiochus IV to inform them to leave Egypt and Cyprus41, without any conditions. Antiochus preferred to withdraw from Egypt to save himself from opening a new war with the Romans at such time42.

The situation in the east of the kingdom was unstable. Antiochus IV went in a campaign in 165 BC, to the country of Anatolia and brought it back under the Seleucids control43. With the death of Antiochus IV, conditions were again deteriorated because of the conflicts and fights between the family members, where their enemies could benefit from such conflicts to eliminate them44. In 143 BC., the conditions became worst and this gave an opportunity for Parthia who controlled Babylon and sent the Seleucids out. But they had gathered their strength and regained Babylon again, and the war was continued between the two parties until Parthian could control Babylon. In 126 BC, Mesopotamia

39. D. Musti, Op. Cit, p.189; A. H. McDonald & F. W. Walbank, The Treaty of Apamea (188 BC), The Naval Clauses, Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 59, No. 1-2, 1969, pp. 31-34 (30- 39). 40. W. R. Paton, Polybius: The Histories, Books 28-29, Loeb Classical Library, 1992, p. 2; J. Dušek, Op. Cit, p. 155. 41. W. E. Dunstan, Ancient Rome, Roman & Littlefield Press, USA, 2010, p. 86. 42. W. R. Paton, Op. Cit, p. 27; C. Habicht, The Seleucids and Their Rivals, The Cambridge Ancient History, Rome and the Mediterranean to 133 BC, Vol. 8, Cambridge University Press, London, 1989, p. 384. 43. D. Siculus, BK. 17, ch. 31. 44. D. Musti, Op. Cit, p. I78.

119 has stifled Seleucids to the rule of Parthian45. The rule of Seleucids was limited in Syria, where they were fighting a war for survival but that did not last for long. In the era of Pompeii, Romans recovered Syria to become a Roman province in 63 BC46.

4.5.1.5 The Trade Activity in the Seleucids Period

Seleucids gave great importance to the trade of both land and sea, but the trade coming through land had greater importance at the beginning because of the appropriate conditions in terms of the excellent location, the area space as the Kingdom controlled over vast areas in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia and the Levant47. All these conditions helped to develop an active commercial movement48, accompanied by the emergence of commercial cities, which became significant in economic terms49. With the expansion of the Kingdom and the control of security, a number of trade routes flourished, between the capital Seleucia on the Tigris, and the trade routes coming from India, and China50.

Seleucids increased their commerce and trade by linking all parts of the Kingdom, and its maintenance, they had made a great effort to ensure the security of these roads and established some forts to protect them from the dangers that exposed to commercial convoys, which led to the prosperity and it became a strong source to bring the goods from the east to the west51.

4.5.1.6 The Trade Lands Routes in the Seleucids Kingdom The trade land routes helped Seleucid‟s kingdom to increase an economy, which was there many routes pass through the kingdom, as follows:

45. A. D. al-'Adhmy, Op. Cit, pp. 34-36. 46. M. Sartre, The Middle East Under Rome, Tr. C. Porter & E. Rawlings, Harvard University Press, USA, 2005, p. 38-40; R. J. Van der Spek, Op. Cit, p. 409; D. Musti, Op. Cit, p. 175. 47. H. P. Ray, The Archaeology of Seafaring in Ancient South Asia Cambridge World Archaeology, Cambridge University Press, UK, 2003, p. 167. 48. F. Abu al-Yosr, Near East in the Hellenistic and Roman Period, Ain for Studies & Research Press, Egypt, 2002, p. 186. 49. W. I. Al-Salhi, The Emergence and Development of the Kingdom of Maysan, Journal of Almawrd, Vol. 15, No. 3, Iraq, 1986, pp. 5-18. 50. N. Ziadah, Evolution Commercial Maritime Routes between the Red Sea, Arabian Gulf and Indian Ocean, JSGAP, Kuwait University Press, Kuwait, 1975, p. 71. 51. D. Musti, Op. Cit, p. 212.

120 4.5.1.6.1 Royal Route This rout has two types as given below. a. The first route which moved towards the west to the Mediterranean, passing those of Ashman existing in the valley of the Tigris, and up to Jarablos, then Aimar, and then to Aleppo, it passed to Alalakh, and Ugarit, or even towards the south of Hama and then to Qatna, and then heading to the Mediterranean coast, and continued towards the south to Gaza, and ended with the Nile Delta52 where many commercial cities appeared on this road53. b. The second road; trade routes coming from East Asia, and India converged in the capital of Seleucia on the Tigris River54, and keep moving to Antioch, and then to Aleppo to meet the road coming from Egypt, and then to Damascus. Although the ways across the Levant were closer to the Mediterranean ports, it was more dangerous because of Ptolemaic control. Seleucids were obliged to use longer roads to save their goods from the Ptolemaic, They used the Euphrates large55, which began from Seleucia, north to Nineveh in front of the city of Mosel, then cut the steppes of the island from east to west- the land between Tigris and Euphrates- passing a number of cities, including a Shaher-Bazaar, to Tal-Halfa and then to Harran, then passed the Euphrates at Jarablos, or at Masknah, passing from Aleppo, or close to it, and ended at the valley of the Orontes River where it had some sub-roads to the Mediterranean coast, and central Syria. Some branches came out from the main road to different places such as Cilicia, Anatolia, and Nineveh reached Armenia and eastern Anatolia,

52. L. Mark, Communication Routes in Upper Mesopotamia in the Third Millennium BC, , SAJ ,Vol. 43, Tr, A. Farazat, Ministry of Culture Press, Damascus, 1999, p. 270. 53. E. R. Jack, The Outskirts of Baghdad, the Date of Settlement in the Plains of Diyala, Tr, S. A. Ali, IAS Press, Baghdad, 1984, p. 205; A. al-Helou, The Conflict of Kingdoms in the History of Ancient Syria, between Fall the Kingdom of Sumerians and Palmyra, Bissan Foundation Press, Beirut, 1999, p. 334. 54. J. F. Salles, Achaemenid and Hellenistic Trade in the Indian Ocean, The Indian Ocean in Antiquity, ed. J. Reade, Kegan Paul international Press, London, 1996, pp. 258-260 (251- 268). 55. A. Al-Helou, Op. Cit, pp. 319-320.

121 and continued across the Tigris until Diyarbakir, then passed the Taurus Mountains through the narrow passages56.

4.5.1.6.2 Northern Trade Route

This road was passing through cities of Kabul and Balkh, and continued to the mouth of the river Oxus (River Jayhoun), then crosses the Caspian Sea to the Black Sea, but the location of this road from the centre of the Kingdom decreased its importance57.

4.5.1.6.3 Silk Road

The term Silk Road is a name from 19th century a relatively new one, not a label that was used by the ancient Civilization and nomadic peoples who interacted along these transeregional routes in ancient time. The name comes from the German term die Sedenstrassen, which means (Silk Route) by explorer Ferdinand von Richthofen58. It is one of the most important trade routes in ancient history, which began from East Asia (China), passing the deserts, plains and mountains in Asia to Mesopotamia, Levant and then to the Mediterranean countries59. Seleucids attempted to erode all difficulties in trade coming from the countries around them, to go through their country, in order to take advantage of them60. He worked to consolidate their business relationships with the Mediterranean islands to find markets for goods coming from the east, with emphasis on the production of the Seleucid cities which led to a large area of the diversity of their territories, climate, and hence to the diversity of commercial materials produced locally,

56. R. George, The Ancient Iraq, Tr. H. A. Hussein, Baghdad, 1986, p. 35. which is derived ,(جيحون) . Medieval Arabic and Muslim sources call this river as Jayhoun from Gihon, the biblical name for one of the four rivers of the Garden of Eden. W. C. Brice, An Historical Atlas of Islam, cartographic Material, Brill Press, 1981, p. 35. 57. M. R. Al-Abed, The Era of the Seleucids in Syria, North House, Damascus, 1993, p. 270. 58. C. Benjamin, Empires of Ancient Eurasia: The First Silk Roads Era, 100 BCE – 250 CE, Cambridge University Press, 2018, p. 3; D. Pickworth, A Yemen Trading Link Three Thousand Years Old, Journal of the Silk Road, Vol.1, No. 1, 2003, p. 3 (3-5); 59. Pliny, ch. 76-78; P. Beaujard, From three possible Iron-Age world-systems to a single Afro- Eurasian world-system, Journal of World History, Vol. 21, No.1,University of Hawai'i Press, 2010, pp. 25-28 (1-43). 60. D. G. Keswani, Indian Cultural and Commercial Influences in the Indian Ocean from Africa and Madagascar to South-East Asia, Historical Relations across the Indian Ocean, 1980, p. 34.

122 as well as commercial interest in materials brought in by traders from different countries61. (Fig. 6)

4.5.1.7 The Seleucids Trade Sea Routes

As a result, Seleucids were forced to search for new roads to trade. They found only the sea route through the Persian Gulf, which represented one of the most important marine trade routes coming from India and the southern Arabian Peninsula62. With the beginning of the interest of Seleucids in trade in the Gulf, this led to the rise in commercial competition with the Ptolemaic. Seleucids gained control of different cities in the Persian Gulf such as Alexandria Charax (Maysan)63, which was also one of the most important ports there64. They also launched military campaigns on the commercial cities on the west coast of the Gulf and tried to control the port Gerrha65, which was one of the most important trading ports in the Arabian Peninsula but they failed to do so66.

Trade was moved from Gerrha westward to Petra and Palmyra and then to Gaza on the Mediterranean67, this was the reaction to what Ptolemaic did to the establishment of many of the important commercial centers, in the western regions of the Arabian Peninsula,

61. F. Dyakov & S. Kovalev, Op, Cit, p. 406. 62. W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria & India, Cambridge University Press, 1966, pp. 62& 483. 63. M. A. al-Bakr, State of Maysan, Arab Magazine Supplier, vol. 15, No. 3, Ministry of Culture Press, Iraq, 1986, p. 22; W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria & India, pp. 53& 62. 64. J. Ali, Op. Cit, p.16. 65. M. Rostovtzeff, The Social Economic History of the Hellenistic World, Vol. 1, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1941, p. 458; N. A. Al-Naim, The Economic Situation in the Arabian Peninsula from the third century BC to the third century AD, SAK, Dar Al-Shawaf Publ, 1992, p. 55. 66. Gerrha is located in the northeastern part of the Arabian Peninsula, and the most important commercial center in the ancient world, and was controlled by means commercial marine and land next to it, including moving the trade routes in two directions, first toward the north, to Mesopotamia, and the second in the west to the south of Syria and the country Nabataeans, and the east coast of the Red Sea, see, D. Siculus, Bk.3, ch. 42-45; Strabo, BK. 16, ch.111: 3; Pliny, BK. 6, ch. 32: 148-157; W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria & India, pp. 62, 367; M. S. Abd al-Ghani, Arabian Peninsula, and Egypt, and the ancient Eastern Commerce, al-Maktab al-Jamiei al-Hadith, Alexandria, 1999, p. 93. 67. J. F. Salles, Op. Cit, p. 260.

123 along the eastern coast of the Red Sea, in order to control Eastern trade68. Transformation of trade routes that were passing in their lands to the west across the Syrian desert to the coast of the Mediterranean Sea69, this was the reason for the emergence of new business centers including the city of Palmira, which emerged as a rival business in the area since this era70, and the Seleucids trade became more weak, with the advent of the Romans in the east, and controlling the trade in the Mediterranean after their victory over Carthage71, and closing the trade of Seleucia, where the Romans became the dominating power of the caravan trade routes in Mesopotamia and the Levant72. Syria turned out to be a Romanian state in the era of Pompey (64 BC)73.

4.5.1.8 The Seleucids Commercial Goods

One of the most important products was Seleucids wine, cooking oil, cheese, dried figs, prunes, products, linen, and wool, perfume, and cosmetics, and ointments, and soothes.74 While the commercial materials that were brought by traders from neighbouring countries, such as papyrus from Egypt, and glass from Sidon, gum, and timber from Asia Minor, and leather from the Syrian coast. Other products such as wood perfume smell and cotton yarn, spices, ivory, rubies were brought from India, silk from China, and the Arab Gulf was extracted pearls, and incense from the southern Arabian Peninsula75.

68. S. A. al-Naciri, Conflict on the Red Sea in the Ptolemaic Era, SHA, Vol. 2, KSU press, Riyadh, 1984, p, 401(401-428). 69. K. Al-Salibii, The External Framework of the Arab Ignorance, SHA, Vol. 2, KSU press, Riyadh, 1984, p. 322 (313-329). 70. A. Al-Helou, Op. Cit, p. 320. 71. J. H. Breasted, Ancient Times a History of the Early World: an Introduction to the Study of Ancient History and the Career of Early Man, Ginn and company, USA, 1916, pp. 621-623. 72. A. Al-Helou, Op. Cit, p. 320. 73. M. Sartre, The Middle East under Rome, pp. 38-40; R. V. Der, The Hellenistic Near East, p. 409; D. Musti, Op. Cit, p. 175; W. Ball, Rome in the East, the Transformation of an Empire, Routledge Press, USA, 2002, p. 62. 74. P. K. Hitti, Op. Cit, p. 329. 75. A. Al-Helou, Op. Cit, p. 260.

124 All these goods contributed to reap large profits which increased the state's income.76 The political situation changed with the mid-second century BC, due to the succession of weak kings. All these led to the large number of internal and external conflicts, which influenced the boom, and weaken the Seleucids‟ trade. The business conditions changed when the weakness began in the kingdom, especially after the defeat of the Seleucids in the battle of magnesia (190 BC)77. This led to the competition with other trading powers, such as Palmyra and the Nabataeans in the southwest of the kingdom, and the Romans from the northwest, and the emergence of the Parthians in the east, who took descend from the highlands to the plains.

4.5.1.9 Decline of the Seleucids Empire

The main factor of its weakening Seleucids Empire was not from outside but from inside. The capital of the empire was in first time at Seleucia and later at Antioch. The moving of the administrative centre to the extreme west of the empire alienated its far eastern provinces78.

Therefore, the Seleucid Empire lost about half of its territory when the Greco-Bactrian and Parthian kingdoms declared themselves independent in 250 BC79. The Seleucids were always in conflict with the kingdoms, especially the Ptolemies in Egypt. However, they lost a lot of the battles over the east and west. Losing of these battles mean loss of new parts of the kingdom's territory. Thus interruption to the passage of commercial caravans in their territory was not to last and the Seleucids began the conflict with the Romans, which was controlling most of the Mediterranean areas80.

The Seleucids allied themselves with the Aetolian League in Greece against the Romans. However, they were defeated twice at Thermopylae and at Magnesia (190 BC). They

76. M. Rostovtzeff, Caravan Cities, pp. 453-455. 77. D. Siculus, BK. XIX, ch. 113, ch. 20, 113-, 33-4; D. Musti, Op. Cit, p. 189; A. H. McDonald & F. W. Walbank, The treaty of Apamea (188 BC), The Naval Clauses, Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 59, No.1-2, 1969, pp. 30-39; F. Makkawi, Op, Cit, p. 99. 78. C. E. Fant & M. G. Reddish, Op, Cit, p. 143. 79. A. L. Oppenheim, Mesopotamia, Tr, S. F. Abd al-Razzaq, Culture Ministry press, Baghdad, 1986, p. 501. 80. W. E. Dunstan, Op. Cit, 2010, pp. 79-82.

125 were forced to make a humiliating peace with Rome where all their European holdings were ceded to the Romans and all of their holdings in Asia Minor were ceded to Pergamum, which was a close ally of Rome81.

At the same time, the Parthians began to take Persian territories that was almost unchallenged. The Seleucids were never able to retrieve the lost land. Frequent civil wars further weakened the empire, making it impossible for the Seleucids to defeat the growing power of the Parthians. By the turn of the first century BC, the Seleucids were reduced to Antioch and a few other Syrian cities. However, Seleucids attempted to restore rule in Syria but Pompey at the end turned Syria into a Roman province82. All of these reasons led to weakening their ability to benefit in the field of economy. With the deterioration of the situation in the north, the disruption of commercial caravan routes and turning it into other areas had increased the importance of the commercial goods, which were coming from south of Arab Peninsula.

4.5.2 The Ptolemaic Era

The State of the Ptolemaic belonged to the commander Ptolemy I, who was one of the most accomplished leaders of the army of Alexander the Great. He succeeded by virtue to the western part of the kingdom of Alexander the Great, which included parts of the Levant and Egypt. Ptolemy-I founded a new kingdom lasted for three centuries, and took Alexandria as their capital. They spent a lot of money in order to prepare for the army83. The Ptolemaic period until the early era of Ptolemy IV, was considered a strong period of Hellenistic civilization during which the city of Alexandria became one of the greatest cities of the ancient world84.

Ptolemaic was benefited from the important location of Egypt, which mediated the ancient world, which was the confluence area of east-west trade. Ptolemy started to

81. I. G. Spence, Op, Cit, p. 53; A. H. McDonald & F. W. Walbank, The Treaty of Apamea (188 BC), pp. 30-39. 82. J. H. Hayes & S. Mandell, The Jewish People in Classical Antiquity: From Alexander to Bar Kochba, Westminster John Knox Press, 1998, p. 102. 83. J. D. Grainger, The League of the Aitolians, Brill, 1999, p. 74. 84. J. McKenzie, The Architecture of Alexandria and Egypt 300 BC to AD 700, Yale University Press, China, 2006, pp. 2-4.

126 extend his kingdom to control over important areas by fighting85, important battles in three directions:

First direction includes the Ptolemy's battles he fought for controlling the Mediterranean, which was a strategic pint for his kingdom in the direction of the north, where he was able to extend his influence in this important area, but in a non-permanent form. And the hegemony continued for Ptolemy kingdom until the battle of Rafah took place, during the reign of Ptolemy IV with Seleucids, the victory was for Ptolemy. After that, the Ptolemaic kingdom extended its influence and controlled most over of the Mediterranean coast, which became a subsidiary of Eastern Ptolemaic Egypt86.

The second group includes Syrian wars which were fought by the Ptolemies against Seleucids in the Levant, and Coele-Syria which lasted for long periods of time. These wars did not lead to a permanent control for any of them, but led to troubling both of them to make them easy prey for the Romans who were able to eliminate them at the end of the first century BC.

Thirdly Kings of the Ptolemaic waged wars to impose their control over the trade coming from south of the Arabian Peninsula, thus wars were against Nabataeans who considered themselves the owners of the north Arabian Peninsula trade, In contrast, the Nabataeans have good relations with Sabaeans in south Arabian, this relation helped Arabs to continue to control the land trade routes, from south to north. These wars had a direct impact on State of the Nabataeans, and other Arab tribes in the Levant, which was located on the property of the kingdom of the Seleucids87.

85. M. Gagarin, Ancient Greece and Rome, Oxford University Press, New York, 2009, p. 23. 86. J. Dušek, Op. Cit, pp. 16-18; M. Farid, Op. Cit, pp. 109-110. . Coele-Syria was a Hellenistic term for Syria region. It is widely accepted that the term Coele is a transcription of Aramaic 'kul' which means "all, the entire", such that the term originally identified all of Syria. Coele Syria, was used in a narrower sense to refer the former Ptolemaic territory, which the Seleucids controlled being the area south of the Eleutherus River (Nahr al-Kabir) in Syria. Strabo, BK. 16, ch. 4:2. 87. F. Makkawi, Op. Cit, p. 72.

127 Ptolemies started to give attention to the business side, promoting trade with the Red Sea88. They sent missions to the Red Sea coast of the leadership of Ariston in order to identify the commercial movement in the sea and in order to control it89. They arrived as well as up to the coast of the South West of the Red Sea. They discovered the island of Al-Zobarjad, and brought gold and gemstones from it90. After controlling the Red Sea ports they had set up business on the east and west sides to control the trade Arabs and southern India91.

Ptolemies tried to eliminate all the obstacles in the way of trade coming from the south, where they set up many of the settlement business on the coast of the Red Sea92, and repaired many roads linking the Nile River and the Red Sea, including the road linking the port of Berenike on Red Sea, and the city of Qeft on the Nile93. Thus the Ptolemies were able to impose their control on the Red Sea94.

Consequently Ptolemies‟ external trade was developed and Alexandria became one of the most important commercial centres at the time95. North coasts of the red sea came under the control of Ptolemy II. He began to work out the relationships with strong powers against Nabataeans, so that he strengthened his relationships with the city of Dedan (al- Ula), which was one of the most important commercial stations of the trading road (incense road) coming from the south, and linking it to the nearest coast. All these led to the shifting the incense trade to Egypt through the Red Sea, instead of Petra96, and they

88. Ch. J. Robin, Before Himyar: Epigraphic Evidence for the Kingdoms of South Arabia, Arabs and Empires before Islam, ed. G. Fisher, Oxford, 2015, p. 96. 89. G. F. Hourani, Arab navigation in the Indian Ocean, Tr. Y, Bakr, Anglo - Egyptian Library Press, Cairo, 1958, p. 53. 90. S. A. al-Naciri, Op. Cit, p. 407. 91. Pliny, BK. 6, ch. 59; S. A. Al-Naciri, Op. Cit, p. 407. 92. J. Ali, Op, Cit, Vol. 3, p. 21. 93. N. Ziadah, Geography and Trips at the Arabs, p. 216. 94. D. Nielsen & et at, The Ancient Arab History, Tr.F. H. Ali, Library of al-Nahda al-asrih press, Cairo, 1958, p. 119. 95. R. S. Bagnall & D. W. Rathbone, Egypt from Alexander to the Early Christians, British Museum Press, London, 2004, p. 51; F. Abu al-Yosr, Op, Cit, p. 101. 96. M. B. Mahran, Studies in the History of Ancient Arab, Dar al-Maarifa al-Jami'iya Press, Alexandria, 1993, p.119; M. K. Abd Al-Aleem, Arabian Peninsula Trading in Aromatic

128 now controlled the commercial ports, which Nabataeans relied, on their trade including, the port of Eilat97, and the port of Leuke Kome, and imposed their control on the eastern side of the "Dead Sea", that was represented, the most important area, for the production of bitumen, which was adopted by the Nabataeans in their trade98.

This led to the recession and the collapse of the Nabataeans trade. The Nabataeans were not satisfied with this bad situation that made them suffer, which led them to stop the Ptolemies commercial ships and looting as a reaction. As a result the Arabs supported the political conflicts that had a centre in the Levant as well as the Seleucids against Ptolemaic. They had been involved with ten thousand fighters besides Antiochus III in the siege of Gaza in 212 BC99.

4.5.3 The North Arabian Peninsula in the Romans and Parthians Period

4.5.3.1 The Conditions in the Era of the Romans

The Romans emperor was considered one of the most important emperors in the ancient world. Romans had some phrases such as the Royal Era; from the year of establishing the city of Rome, i.e. 753 BC under the rule of the king Romulus until 508 BC100, and the Republic era; started after the national revolution in Rome 508 BC till 31 BC, during this time Rome was extended to include many places of the ancient world101. It led to the anarchy, conflicts, and civil wars. The most famous war was between Octavian and Mark

Substances in the Greek and Roman Eras, SHA, Vol.2, KSU Press, Riyadh, 1984, p. 201(201-213). 97. J. Ali, Op. Cit, p.27. . The Dead Sea, it called the Salt Sea, is a salt lake bordering Jordan to the east, and Palestine to the west, Its surface and shores are 427 metres below sea level, Earth's lowest elevation on land, Strabo, BK. 16. ch. 2: 42-46. 98. Strabo, BK, 16, ch. 4:18. 99. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 3, pp. 21-22. 100. R. C. Byrd, The Senate of the Roman Republic: Addresses on the History of Roman Constitutionalism, Government Printing Office, USA, 1995, pp. 18-19. 101. W. E. Dunstan, Op. Cit, 2010, PP. 415-421.

129 Antony, who were the two Caesars of Rome in which Octavian Augustus won who established himself as the royal emperor in 27 BC102.

The economic situation before the arrival of Romans was almost stable in the northern regions of the Arab countries. The dominant powers in the region were the Seleucids and the Ptolemies. Both of them had their own trade routes in which no one could conquer the route of the other. And these caravans' cities were continued along the trade routes to flourish until it became a source of strength for some of these kingdoms that were available at that time103.

Rome was benefited from the weakness of successors of Alexander in the Northern Arabian Peninsula and Egypt. They started to look for more sources of income to regain their economic interests due to their last wars104. Roman extremely desired to control the commerce of the East or to compete their rulers and share their wealth they received in case if they were not able to control it completely. They knew how much this wealth was valuable which was saved in the stores of the kings of South Arabia and India.

After the Romans consumed the trade coming from the east and spent large amounts of money in order to get these goods105. Their situation changed and they became the ones who run this trade routes to control it. Romans repeatedly tried to impose their control over Mesopotamia but the Parthians tightened their grip on the bulk of the trade routes that pass in this region. The military campaigns of Roman were going on but to no avail, even though it was up to the waters of the Arabian Gulf, but they cannot stay for long periods of time. Parthians forces were attacking back quickly to get them out of Mesopotamia. So, the Romans settled in the near east to work with all facilities for the passage of trade in Romania states106, where road was paved through which the convoys passed in the area under their control which became more security and stability in its

102. R. C. Byrd, Op. Cit, pp. 163-166; W. E. Dunstan, Op. Cit, PP. 189-190. 103. W. I. al-Salhi, Op. Cit, p. 12. 104. D. D. Dudley, The civilization of Rome, Tr. J. J Al-Dhahbi & F. Farid, Dar Nahdet Misr for Printing & Publ, Egypt, 1964, p. 79. 105. Ch. J. Robin, Before Ḥimyar, p. 96. 106. B. Zuhdi, Ancient Gold, Ornaments and Roaúaha in the National Museum of Damascus, Vol. 13, 1963, p. 80.

130 territories that led to ease the passage of trade caravans between the states of the empire dramatically, resulted in increasing the richness of those states and then Rome107.

Romans were eager to find a good relationship with those around them to facilitate the movement of trade where the influx of many of the ambassadors of the kings of India carrying expensive gifts to the court of Rome in order to facilitate Indian products to reach Romanian markets took place, and the Romans got what they were looking for of commercial materials, hoping to reduce taxes on their merchants in India108.

4.5.3.2 The Conditions in the Era of Parthians

The Seleucids kingdom started to collapse before the Roman expansion in Asia Minor and Mesopotamia. The Parthians took the place of Seleucids in the provinces of the eastern states109, and faced the Roman expansion in the region110.

The region of Parthia “Khorasan” got independence in 248 BC, under the leader Arsacid, He found the state of Parthian and took over many areas and attached them to his kingdom111. They inherited all the commercial experiences known in the Near East112, and expanded in Mesopotamia at the expense of the kingdom of the Seleucids. In the reign of King Mithridates II (123-88 BC), the kingdom reached the peak of its expansion. It stretched from the Black Sea in the north, to Gerrha on the Persian Gulf in the south, and in the east expanded into Central Asia. It touched with the civilization of China, and entered with them in the process of trade, which was (highlighted) Most notably by the silk trade113.

107. R. Stoneman, Palmyra and its Empire: Zenobia's revolt against Rome, Michigan University Press, USA, 1994, p. 56. 108. M. I. Al-Nadwi, Ancient India: Civilizations and Religions, Dar al-Shaeb Publ, Egypt, 1970, p. 205. 109. K. Butcher, Roman Syria, and the Near East, British Museum Press, UK, 2003, pp. 27-30. 110. A. L. Oppenheim, Op. Cit, p. 501. 111. J. E. Bickerman, Op. Cit, pp. 3-20; P. Gardner, The Parthian ''International Numismata Orientalia '' Par. V, Stephen Austin & Sons Press, London, 1877, p. 3. 112. M. H. Farazat, Cultural Interaction on the Silk Road between China and the Levant, p. 102. 113. M. H. Farazat, Introduction in History and Civilization of Ancient Persia, Damascus University Press, Syria, 1989, p. 136.

131 Parthians site between the trade of China and India to the east, on the hand, and the trade with the western countries on the other hand was proved very beneficial to Parthians themselves114. And the vast spaces enjoyed by the Kingdom of the Parthians, this expansion led to climate variability, and thus the diversification of agricultural, commercial, and industrial crops took place which had helped to increase the income of the Kingdom from the taxes, Which was imposed on the land trade route, coming from the east, south-east, and from the Mediterranean sea115.

Parthians‟ kings were very attentive to the importance of trade, so they rushed to improve their relations with states, and kingdoms, which controlled the trade routes in the eastern part. They built some cities in order to strengthen the control of the roads that passed on the outskirts of the kingdom. One of those cities is the city of Welgachet, which was built in 60-70 AD in the reign of King Lagash I (52-90 AD) to compete with the city of Seleucia on Tigris116. This improved the movement of trade caravans towards the east, to bring in commercial goods, which were not available in Mesopotamia. Some of these goods were fur, manufactures ferrous, precious metals, precious stones, cotton textiles, and silk which was the most important product117. This way i.e. the Silk Road, Parthians could have brought the silk to the Near East, despite the fact that the Romans did not know about the silk until the first century A.D., when it was dramatically demanded and then became the most important luxury goods to the Roman people118.

Parthians were influenced by the Seleucids in minting the Greek coins which lasted into the reign of King Mithridates I (171-138 BC), who began to issue private currency for the Parthians kingdom instead of the Seleucids currency but it was similar to it119.

114. H. Pernia, the Ancient History of Iran from the Beginning until the End of the Sassanid Ear, Tr. M. Nurelddine, Egyptian Anglo Bookshop Publ, Cairo, 1979, p. 216. 115. H. Pernia, Ancient History of Iran from the Beginning until the End of the Sassanid Era, Tr. M. Nur al-Dine, Library of Anglo- Egyptian Press, Cairo, 1979, p. 216. 116. W. I. al-Salhi, Op. Cit, p. 12. 117. M. H. Farazat, Entrance to the History and Civilization of Ancient Persia, p. 138. 118. G. Thag, Silk Road in Syria from the Sixth Century, SAJ, Vol. 43, Ministry of Culture Press, Damascus, 1999, p. 327. 119. D. Gera, Judaea and Mediterranean Politics: 219 to 161 BC, Jewish studies, Vol. 8, Brill, 1998, p. 220.

132 4.5.4 Kingdom of Nabataeans Wars in the north of the Arabian Peninsula played an important role in the emergence of the Arab tribes in the north of the Arabian Desert as the absence of security in those areas helped the tribes to do so. The roads were open to the fertile land in Mesopotamia, and the Levant120. This encouraged Arab tribes living in the outskirts of the desert areas to crawl toward the north, and thus settled around the wells, and worked to serve the trade caravans passing through those areas, and providing security to such caravans. These tribes were the first stage in the formation of Arab kingdoms121.

Nabataeans were Arabs and they were deployed in the vast expanses of the desert north of the Arabian Peninsula and Syria, and the south of Palestine since the sixth century BC and continued the pattern of their nomadic life unchanged for two centuries. They began to change their life pattern gradually. They were started to work in agriculture, which was not accepted, because they had gone to a new life in violation of a nomadic life and had the culture contrary to that of Arabs122. They also practised transferring trade i.e. they were active in the transport of goods coming from the south of the Arabian Peninsula to areas of the Near East,123 the Mediterranean Sea, and Egypt for a period of five centuries 312 BC. to 106 AD124.

They took the city of Petra, as their capital. This city had an excellent location, which has a significant impact in determining the kind of activity that was practised by the

120. S. Z. Abdul Hamid, History of the Arab before Islam, Dar al-Nahdah al-Arabiyah, Beirut, 1976, p. 143. 121. S. A. Ali, Lectures in the History of the Ancient Arab, Mosul University Press, Mosul, 1981, p. 38. 122. J. Ali, vol. 3, p. 5. 123. D. Siculus, BK. 19, ch. 94: 5. 124. A. A. Abdullah, The Rise of the Nabataeans. Socio-Political Development in the 4th and 3rd Century BC., Indiana University press,1995, pp. 135-136&140-145. . Petra means rock in Greek, known in Arabic sources AL-Rgim, and the name came from the shape of the city is surrounded by mountains on three sides, except the north side, which constitute only outlet to the city, from through a narrow passage between two mountains, up in some parts of five to six meters. it is located within the territory east of the Jordan, in Wadi Musa. Strabo. 16. 4-20; Shahab al-Din Abi „Abd Allah Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu„jam al-

133 population, and the nature of their relationship with the major powers that were contending for controlling the regions of the ancient Near East125.

The first historical reference of the Nabataeans dated back to the fourth century BC, when Antiochus the governor of Syria sent a campaign to the country of Nabataeans in 312 BC126. The purpose of this campaign was to control their country and turned the trade routes coming from the Persian Gulf, and southern Arabia to Syria to Ptolemy in Egypt127. But this campaign did not achieve the purpose. Antiochus sent another campaign under the leadership of his son for the revenge of the Nabataeans128 and this campaign was also failed, and then negotiation was worked out to leave them for a sum of money, slaves, and gifts129.

During the campaigns, the first mention of the Nabataeans was found. The power of the Nabataeans was increased with the passage of time, and their political influence was expanded to include large areas of the north-west of the Arabian Peninsula. Their control was widening to reach near the borders of the kingdoms of the successors of Alexander. The following section will review the relationship of the Nabataeans with the new political powers that controlled Syria and Egypt, and its impact on the Nabataean Kingdom and old Trade130.

Buldan, Dar Ihya‟ al-Turath al-„Arabi, Vol.3, Beirut, 1417 AH, , p. 60; T, Pro. History of Ancient Arab, p 99; S. A, Salem, History of Ancient Arab, p. 158 125. Strabo, BK.16, ch. 4: 21. 126. D. Kennedy, The Roman Army in Jordan, The Council of the British Research in the Levant, London, 2004, p. 31. 127. Z. H. Muhaisin, Nabataean Civilization, Syria. Hamada Foundation Press, Irbid, 2004,p. 22; H. Lancaster, Remnants of Jordan, Tr. S. Musa, Department of Antiquities of Jordan, Amman, 1971, p. 142; G. Zidane, Arabs before Islam, Dar al-Helal Press, Egypt, 2006, p. 96. 128. E. Abbas, History of Nabataeans State, the History of the Levant, Sunrise House Press, Jordan, 1987, pp. 31-32. 129. M. B. Mahran, Op. Cit, p. 504. 130. P. Alpass, The Religious Life of Nabataea, Religions in the Graeco-Roman World, Vol. 175, Brill, 2013, pp. 175-177.

134 4.5.4.1 The Relations between Nabataeans with Ptolemies Third century BC witnessed various unstable relations between the Nabataeans and the Ptolemaic, because of the conflict that was between the Seleucids and the Ptolemies to impose control over Coele-Syria131. These conflicts were known as the Syrian wars. Nabataeans took advantage of the situations to form their political entity, and their expansion of non-disputed areas132.

After the Syrian wars, Ptolemy II (285-247 BC) attempted to control the trade coming from the south of the Arabian Peninsula, and the elimination of the Nabataeans133, without entering with them in the war. He could take over the areas that produce bitumen in the Dead Sea, which was one of the most important sources of their wealth134, and turned then to control the cities of the Nabataeans. This trade was coming from the Arabian Peninsula135. He also worked to strengthen his relationship with the city of Dedan in the Arab peninsula. They developed some ports on the Red Sea on the east coast136, in order to receive the trade and prevent it from reaching the Nabataeans, and diverting it to Egypt. They also established some ports on the eastern coast of Egypt. The most important port was called Berenike (Um Alkatif), and Cafe city on the Nile137. Ptolemy II also decided to open the old canal, which linked the Nile with the Red Sea138, It now had become a great importance in the transfer of trade from the Red Sea via the

131. J. Dušek, Op. Cit, pp. 82-85. 132. I. Noushi, The History of Egypt in the Ptolemaic Era, Vol. 1, The Anglo Egyptian Library, 1998, pp.78-81. 133. D. Siculus, Bk. 3, ch. 43:5; M. Rostovtzeff, Op. Cit, p. 383. 134. Strabo, BK. 16, ch. 4:18. 135. Pliny, BK. 6, ch. 59. 136. M. A. al-Bakr, Studies in the History of the Ancient Arab, Basra University Press, Baghdad, 1980, p 393. 137. I. Noushi, History of Egypt in the Ptolemaic Era, Vol. 1, p. 111; M. B. Mahran, Op. Cit, pp. 505-506; N. Ziadah, Geography and Trips at the Arabs, p. 216. 138. Pliny, BK.6, ch. 165; W. W. Tarn, Ptolemy II and Arabia, JEA, Vol. 15, No. 1-2, Egypt Exploration Society Press, Egypt, 1929, p. 22 (9-25); A. H. Jones, Cities of the Levant when it were a Roman Province, Tr. E. Abbas, Dar al-Sharq For Publishing & Distribution, Amman, 1987, p. 59; M. B. Mahran, Op, Cit, p. 504; T. Pro, Op. Cit, p. 102.

135 Nile to the Mediterranean coasts, without the need to pass through the territory of the Nabataeans.

All of these measures were enough to weaken the economy of the Nabataeans, since the trade was the source of their primary income. They had a strong reaction, as; they attacked the Ptolemaic ports on the eastern shores of the Red Sea and looted the commercial goods139. They did piracy against the Ptolemaic commercial ships at the Red Sea140, causing a lack of stability that scared the owners of the commercial vessels. But these acts did not affect the trade to the mainland under the Ptolemaic hegemony in the region141. Ptolemaic responded to the activities of the Nabataeans by preparing a large fleet that was able to destroy Nabataeans‟ ships which were sailing in the sea searching for commercial ships to hit142.

But the situation began to change in favor of the Nabataeans especially after the victory achieved by the Seleucids over the Ptolemies in the sixth Syrian war, in the reign of Antiochus IV (175-164 BC)143. In this war, Nabataeans helped Seleucids in order to weaker Ptolemies to maintain this trade144. However, the Romans intervened and forced Antiochus to withdraw unconditionally and return to Syria145.

With the beginning of the first century BC, the Ptolemaic Kingdom was started to decline because of the internal conflicts between members of the ruling family. It gave an opportunity for the emergence of the power of the Nabataeans again. Nabataeans king Harith III (86-62 BC) expanded their influence towards the east and south to the city of

139. A. B. Lloyd, Necho and the Red Sea: Some Consideration, JEA, Vol. 63, No. 1, 1977, p. 146 (142-155) 140. D. Siculus, BK. 3, ch. 43: 4. 141. M. K. Abdul Aleem, Op. Cit, p. 202; S. A. Salem, Op. Cit, p.162; G. F. Hourani, Op. Cit, p. 59. 142. Strabo, BK. 16, ch. 4:18; Pliny, BK. 6. ch. 159. 143. P. K. Hitti, Lebanon's History from the Earliest Periods Until the Present Time, Tr. A. Freiha, Dar al-Thaqafa, Beirut, 1972, p. 203; T. Pro, Op. Cit, p. 102. 144. S. A. al-Nasri, Op. Cit, p. 411; P. Ross, City of Isis; the True History of the Arabs, Tr. F. Jaha, Dar al-Bashair Press, Damascus, 2004, pp. 200-201. 145. S. Bevan, E. R. D. Litt & L. L. D. Hon, Syria and the Jews, CAH, eds, S. A. cook & et at, Vol. 8, Cambridge University Press, London, 1930, p. 507 (495-533).

136 Dedan and the al-Hijr, and regained its former glory, and they made Agra as their port and the base for moving their armies. They also controlled the western coasts of the Arabian Peninsula, and they destroyed the port of Ptolemaic Ampelone146. They built the port of Leuke Kome147, on the eastern side of the Red Sea, which was the main port for the Nabataeans148, which prevented business to access Dedan city "al-'Ula" who were in good relation with Ptolemaic149.

When the Ptolemaic lost their control over the east coast in the Red Sea, they shifted to control the western coast of the Red Sea, and the Ptolemaic influence started to get wither away after being defeated by the Seleucids and exiting from Syria. The Ptolemaic continued to lose until the end of their rule and then Egypt turned into a Roman province in 30 BC In this time, the Nabataeans trade was more famous and they were also in the good political situation, as the first century BC. was considered as the brightest period of Nabataeans trade150.

The end of the first century BC, witnessed a major shift in the world of commerce, where the discovery of trade routes in the Red Sea by the Ptolemaic led to the shift in trade from the land route to the sea route. This led to the deterioration and weakness of the economy in the Kingdom of the Nabataeans, but they did everything in their power to return the trade to the road. This work by Nabataeans contributed not only to keep the trade route but helped to sustain and flourish trade and civilization of the kingdoms of the south of the Arabian Peninsula, whose economy was based mainly on land trade.

4.5.4.2 The Relations between Nabataeans and Seleucids When the Seleucids controlled Syria after defeating the Ptolemaic, and expelled them from Palestine, and the coasts of the Mediterranean, the Arab Nabataeans supported the

146. Pliny, BK. 6, ch. 59. 147. W. W. Tarn, Op. Cit, p. 22; J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, pp. 27- 29. 148. Strabo, BK. 16, ch. 4: 23. 149. S. A. al-Nasri, Op. Cit, p. 422; K. al-Salibii, Op. Cit, p. 323; A. M. al-Ansari & H. A. Abu al-Hassan, al-'Ula and Madain Saleh: Civilization of two cities, Dar al-Qawafil, Riyadh, 2002, p. 52. 150. S. A. Salem, Op. Cit, p. 162.

137 Seleucid to eliminate Ptolemaic. On the other hand Seleucids encouraged Nabataeans to attack Ptolemaic ships in the Red Sea151.

Nabataeans policy was changed when the state of Seleucids was weak. Nabataeans gave more attention to southern Syria, and the northern Red Sea and their influence increased in Syrian. They had the opportunities to stir up unrest and revolutions in Syrian territory, where King Haritha I (169-146 BC), offered assistance to Maccabees Jews, to revolt against King Antiochus IV in 168 BC152.

In the time of the Nabataean King Rab'el I (88-87 BC), new Syrian territories were annexed to his kingdom taking advantage of the weakness of the Seleucids. He entered a violent war at the time of Antiochus XII near the village of Cana which was located on the coast of Yaffa. In this war, Nabataeans came out victorious and the commander of the Syrian forces was killed153. The disagreement still existing on historians in determining the identity of Nabataean King who won this victory; some of them said that it was King Rab'el I but others said that it was King Haritha III (Aretas III)154.

The King Haritha III (87-62 BC), took an advantage from the emergence of Rome on the Near East, and the decline of the influence of the Seleucids. Haritha III arrived at Damascus in the year 85 BC155. At the request of the people of Damascus who wanted to get rid of internal conflicts and raids of plunder that were taken place in their city by the surrounding tribes156. The city remained under Arabs rule for a period of fifteen years, until the arrival of the King Tigran (140-55 BC), who occupied the city and expelled Nabataeans from the city 70 BC157.

151. S. A. al-Nasri, Op. Cit, p. 411; P. Ross, Op. Cit, p. 201. 152. J. Ali, Op. City, Vol. 3, p. 26; S. A. Al-Nasri, Op. Cit, p. 421; E. Abbas, Op. Cit, p. 39. 153. E. Abbas, Op. Cit, p. 41; S. A. Salem, Op. Cit, p. 164. 154. S. A. Salem, Op. Cit, p. 164. 155. P. Alpass, Op. Cit, p. 175. 156. J. Taylor, Petra and the Lost Kingdom of the Nabataeans, I. B. Tauris, Press, New York & London, 2001, p. 51. 157. E. Abbas, Op. Cit, p. 42.

138 4.5.4.3 The Relations between Nabataeans and Roman When the king Nabataean Harith III was expanding his influence at the expense of the Maccabees, and the siege of the city of Jerusalem, Romans appeared in the East under the leadership of by Pompey who could put Asia Minor under the authority of Rome. Aristobulus II, the leader of the Maccabees took an advantage of the situation and sent a request for help from Marcus Scaurus158, the Romanian commander who was sent by Pompey to Damascus. Scaurus sent his order to Harith to lift the siege of Jerusalem and return to his country; otherwise he would be punished by Romanian troops. The Nabataean leader decided to return without entering into a war with Pompey159.

Pompey captured Damascus and converted the rest of the Syrian cities into a Roman province (64 BC)160. The Nabataeans stayed in the same situation until Pompey left Syria in 62 BC appointing Scaurus as its ruler. In Scaurus time, the things started to change, as he led the first campaign to the city of Petra, intending to impose control, but he stood helplessly because of the strong and natural setting of the city. So he decided to burn the surrounding areas. He ultimately left the city when king Harith of Petra paid him the sum of three hundred talents161.

Nabataeans found that the payment of these funds was in order to maintain their freedom from being controlled by the Romans that swept the entire land adjacent to them. Nabataeans considered it a real victory for them162. Pompey issued a new currency in Rome depicting the subordination, submission of loyalty and obedience of King

158. P. R. Callaway, The Dead Sea Scrolls for a New Millennium, Wipf & Stock Press, USA, 2011, p. 196. 159. J. H. Hayes & S. Mandell, Op. Cit, p. 102. 160. M. Sartre, Op. Cit, p. 38-40; R. J. Var Der Spek, Op. Cit, p. 409; D. Musti, Op. Cit, p. 175; W. Ball, Op. Cit, p. 62. . A talent was an ancient unit of weight and value in Greece, Rome and the Middle East. In the Old Testament, a talent was a unit of measurement for weighing precious metals, usually gold and silver. In the New Testament, a talent was a value of money or coin. D. Christian, Finding Jesus: To Learn Abba's Worldview, Author House Publ, USA, 2011, p. 133. 161. E. Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ, eds. F. Millar & G. Vermes, Vol. 1, A & C Black Publ, India, 2014, p. 579. 162. H. Lancaster, Monuments of Jordan, Tr. S. M. Amman, Department of Antiquities of Jordan Press, 1971, p. 146.

139 Harith163. Very soon Nabataeans had to enter into a military confrontation with the Romanian troops. Petra was attacked by the commander Aulius Gabinius in 55 BC164. the reason behind this campaign was the richness of the Arab people. He defeated the Nabataeans165. Things were changed at the end of the first century BC, with the emergence of the internal conflict in Rome between Julius Caesar and Pompey to control of the reins of power. There were some battles between the two sides in Alexandria attended by the Nabataeans at the time of King Malik I (59/58- 30 BC) and sent help to the Julius Caesar in 48 BC. and Julius Caesar came out victorious166.

Because of the emergence of the power of the Parthians, there was a kind of military balance in the region. Their emergence on the Levant, and their control over Syria, and Jerusalem helped them make such balance. Nabataean King tried to make an alliance with them, as he thought that they would save them from the Romans and their followers i.e. Jews in the region. The situation was changed when the Roman armies controlled over Syria again. They also imposed a tribute on the Nabataeans to have an independent life and to ensure the freedom of their trade167. This relationship came to an end in the favour of Romans and then the Romans were able to appoint governors and kings of Petra, as it happened during the reign of the King Harith IV168.

Now there was a kind of cooperation between the Nabataeans and the Romans; this was because of the subscription of Nabataean Minister Silas in the Romanian campaign under the leadership of Aelius Gallus in 24 BC, on the south of the Arabian Peninsula to control the production areas of incense169. Egypt entered into the possession of the Roman Empire, so that the Nabataeans came within the framework of the Romanian territory,

163. E. E. Clain-Stefanelli & V. Clain-Stefanelli, The Beauty and Lore of Coins, Currency and Medals, David & Charles Publ, 1975, p. 65; G. Vermes, The True Herod, A & C Black Publ, London, 2014, p. 34. 164. A. Ajlouni, The Nabataean Civilization through Their Inscriptions, Bait al-Anbat Press, Jordan, 2003, p. 88. 165. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 3, p. 34; E. Abbas, Op. Cit, p. 48. 166. A. Ajlouni, Op. Cit, p. 88. 167. M. Mahfal, Studies in the Romanian History, Bayt al- Kitāb Press, Damascus, 1999, p. 4. 168. A. Ajlouni, Op. Cit, p. 88. 169. Strabo, BK. 16, ch. 4: 22-24.

140 which was between the state of Syria and Egypt. The situation of Nabataeans continued to be unstable and struggling for survival. The Romans decided that the survival of independent Petra was a big problem and they must solve it. The Romans also wanted to monopolize the old trade.

In the last days of Petra, the trade was as good as it was before, due to the transformation of overland trade routes to the sea routes. But its accession to the Roman state had become a necessity imposed by the political situation in the region. The Roman commander Trajan (98-117 AD) entered Petra in 106 AD170, and now it was an important part of the Empire, as it was used in later periods to monitor the movements of nomads and responding to their continuous attacks.

The Nabataean Kingdom‟s weakness and the deterioration of the political situation led to the deterioration of the economic situation in the kingdoms of the south of the Arabian Peninsula. It was due to shifting the overland roads from the mainland to the sea. The Romans became the controllers of the trade routes coming from India and East Africa, especially after the Hippalus discovery of the monsoon, which caused a revolution in the world of ancient trade171. The Roman‟s commercial ships were sailing from Egyptian ports on the Red Sea to India directly, without having to wait for the south Arabian Peninsula trade coming from land which ended with the passage of days. As a result, the Arabian Peninsula ports became important and were famous such as Qana port which became an important transit port on the new trade route.

4.6 The Impact of the Political Situation Prevailing in the North of the Arabian Peninsula on Study Area

As a result, the period from the end of the 4th to the 3rd centuries BC, witnessed the economic growth in India and Central Asia. The exchange grew between India and Mesopotamia, helped by the active policy of the Seleucids in the Persian Gulf. Following a military clash, there were diplomatic relationships between the Mauryan Empire and

170. B. M. Fagan & C. Beck, The Oxford Companion to Archaeology, Oxford University Press, New York, 1996, p. 617. 171. Pliny, BK.6, ch.100:6; N. Ziadah, Evolution Commercial Maritime Routes between the Red Sea, Arabian Gulf and Indian Ocean, p. 79.

141 the Seleucids. Moreover, a royal edict of Ashoka mentions Ptolemy Philadelphus, which the existence of contacts between India and western world It enabled the expansion of the trade with the western world. The Mauryan period witnessed a steady expansion of trade with the western world and the exchange of emissaries between Mauryan and Hellenistic king172. Contacts were also attested by Agatharchides, Diodorus, Strabo, then the author of the Periplus and Pliny the Elder on one hand and in the Sangam Tamil literature on the other173.

The second half of the 3rd and the 2nd BC witnessed the development of a Greco-Bactrian kingdom around 250 BC that also demonstrates the vitality of the roads in Central Asia. The emergence of a new stage when there was a hegemonic shift to the Western with a declining west of the Mesopotamian and Egyptian powers, weakened by ceaseless wars. The power centre of the Near East moved westward, Rome became the first power in the world when Carthaginian threats were eliminated by the Romans174. It could clearly be seen in the victory over the Antiochus III, Seleucid Emperor in Magnesia in 190 BC175, and by Antiochus IV‟s consent to the orders of the Roman ambassador, who instructed him to leave Egypt and Cyprus in 168 BC176. The Roman state controlled Greece, western Anatolia, and Cilicia in the 2nd century BC and Syria, Palestine, and Egypt in the 1st BC.

In the 2nd BC economic recession and the weakening of states were accompanied by growing insecurity on land and sea throughout western Asia and the Mediterranean and

172. P. Beaujard, Op. Cit, p. 27. 173. J. F. Salles, Achaemenid and Hellenistic Trade in the Indian Ocean, The Indian Ocean in Antiquity, ed. J. Reade, Kegan Paul Publ, London, 1996, p. 261( 251–268); R. Thapar, Early Mediterranean Contacts with India: An Overview. In Crossings: Early Mediterranean Contacts with India, ed. F. de Romanis & A. Tchernia, Manohar Publ, New Delhi, 1997, p. 15-20(11–40). 174. J. H. Breasted, Ancient Times, a History of the Early World: an Introduction to the study of Ancient History and the Career of Early Man, Ginn and company Publ, USA, 1916, pp. 621-623. 175. B. Bar-Kochva, The Seleucid Army: Organization and Tactics in the Great Campaigns, Vol. 28, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1976, pp. 163-173. 176. S. Bevan, E. R. D. Litt & L. L. D. Hon, Op. Cit, p. 507.

142 the situation grew worse at the beginning of the 1st century AD177. The emergence of the Parthians Empire as power in central Asia and Near East at Mithridates I time 171 BC178, blocked the trade roads which were coming from east towards Mesopotamia and the political instability in Bactria-Margiana probably made the Indian-Red Sea route more attractive than that of the Persian Gulf from the 2nd century BC. These two sea areas had clearly been in competition since the 6th century BC179.

In view of the above mentioned literary evidence, there is no archaeological or literary evidence for maritime trade between India and Rome prior to Trajan emperor. It is believed that prior to Trajan the Romans did not proceed beyond the mart of southern Arabia, because where the Malabar goods were available, brought by the Arab traders180.

The Indian trade with western world was greatly facilitated with the discovery of the use of monsoon, which made it possible ships trading with the Indian to travel there directly181. But that discovery led to the destruction of the economy of the Yemen kingdoms. At the beginning of the 1st century A.D. this source of trade was faded away and the centres and the capital cities of the kingdoms were shifted from Edge of the desert to the Central Highlands. Then they started to give more attention to agriculture as the main source for the survival of those kingdoms after Romans‟ dominance over the Indian trade of the sea. All those factors indicate that the Indian trade had not been affected by the political situations in the north of Arabia, the reason of which was the availability of various options that ensured its continuity. Some of those options are:

177. B. M. Fagan & C. Beck, The Oxford Companion to Archaeology, Oxford University Press, USA, 1996, p. 616. 178. A. Kia, Central Asian Cultures, Arts, and Architecture, Lexington Books Press, USA, 2015, p. 27. 179. W. R. Thompson, Eurasian C-Wave Crises in the First Millennium BC, The Historical Evolution of World-Systems, ed. C. Chase-Dunn & E. N. Anderson, Palgrave Macmillan Press, New York, 2005, p. 24. 180. P. T. Parthasarathi, Roman Control and Influence on the Spice Trade Scenario of Indian Ocean World: A Re‐Assessment of Evidences, Heritage: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology, Vol. 3, 2015, p. 590 (581‐594). 181. P. T. Parthasarathi, Op. Cit, pp. 590-591.

143 Then starting of war between the Saluki and Ptolemaic in Mesopotamia and Levant, and the emergence of new power like Romans and Parthians in the scene which led to the interruption

1. On the land of Mesopotamia and Levant war had started between Seleucus and Ptolemaic which led to the emergence of new powers known as Roman and Parthians. These conflicts caused disturbance to the commercial land route coming from India and China that passed through Mesopotamia and Levant182. Consequently, commercial routes changed to the south to the maritime route passing through the western ports of India towards the Arabian Sea until it reached the ports of Yemen (Qana port) in the south of the Arabian peninsula. Afterwards, from Qana port, goods are moved and distributed via land route (Incense Road) to Petra, Gaza, and Egypt.

2. However, when the war was started in Egypt and west of Mediterranean, the commercial routed return to the land route (coming from northern India to central Asia to the west of Mesopotamia). There was also another route (maritime route) which went through Arab Sea to the Persian Gulf (precisely, Gerrha port) then via land route to the city of Palmyra. On the other hand, Indian trade had another destination (China) where an era of prosperity is witnessed during the rule of Han dynasty which extended from 2nd to 1st century BC.

The impact of the political situation in northern Arabia had Yemen has been divided into two periods. The first period was stretched from the 1st millennium century BC to the 1st century BC in this era, conflicts and wars were concentrated in the northern parts of the Arabian Peninsula which means that there was no direct effect on the trading activities in Yemen. On the contrary, it was a period of prosperity to the kingdoms of old Yemen. In other words, starting wars caused interruption in the land commercial route (silk route), so the route redirected south towards Afghanistan to Punjab then through Indus valley towards ports of western India where goods were shipped to the ports of Yemen (Qana). This commercial route helped to construct the civilization of old Yemen which counted mostly on caravan trading as well as local products such as frankincense and myrrh.

182. M. H. Panhwar, International Trade of Sindh from Its Port Barbaricon (Banbhore) (200 BC To 200 AD), Journal Sindhological Studies, 1981, p. 9 (8-35)

144 Because of this prosperity and wealth, ancient Yemen was named by Greek and Roman as Arabia Felix.

In the second period, kingdoms of ancient Yemen were affected directly by the war which led to economic collapse. The emergence of Romans over Ptolemaic, their control over Levant and Egypt, their expansion towards the east until they had control over Seleucid and the emergence of Parthian Empire in central Asia and their expansion towards north-western borders of India were other reasons for their economic collapse.

Egypt, Levant and a large part of Mesopotamia became under the control of Roman Empire which by this took control over the trade routes (land and maritime) that came from China and India passing through Mesopotamia to the eastern ports of Mediterranean. The Roman Empire sought to control the commercial land coming from the south of the Arabian Peninsula to Gaza (Silk Road). It equipped a military campaign 24 Led by Aelius Gallus to eliminate the kingdoms of Yemen, which controled the land trade, but this campaign did not succeed and returned without achieving any results. When the Romans realised that they could not control the kingdoms of a harsh desert nature, they started to activate maritime trade through the Red Sea and the Arabian Sea and went directly to India without the need of Yemeni merchants. This was achieved with the discovery of monsoons that facilitated access to India. In a short period of time, the change to the maritime trade route from India to Egypt through the Red Sea without the need to stop in Yemeni ports led to the gradual collapse of the economy of Yemen's ancient kingdoms. Consequently, capitals of these kingdoms turned from the land-trading road that passed through the edge of the desert to the highlands, where agriculture became their important source in the coming period.

145 Chapter V: Commercial Seaports of Ancient India and Yemen. Section One- Western Indian Seaports

5. Commercial Seaports of Ancient India and Yemen

5.1 Seaports of Western India

India has an extensive seaboard bounded on three sides of her border. It has also a wealth of forest of strong timber which might be readily utilized for ship or boat building1. Ample evidences are an available in the ancient literatures which inform about the maritime trade activities of India during ancient times which has been corroborated by archaeological discoveries at ancient Indian ports as well as in other parts of the world.

Seafarers of ancient India had the knowledge of the sea pertaining to wind, currents, tides, weather conditions and shipbuilding since the 3rd millennium BC. The geographical settings of Indian Peninsula have supported the development of seaports all along its coastline since early times2. The shipbuilding was flourishing in ancient India. There is evidence that India developed a maritime enterprise that extended from the west to the east coast of India since the Mauryan period especially under Chandragupta3. Rig-Veda referred to maritime activity in ancient India4. And a Jain text, for instance, refers to a merchant, Nagadatta, who travelled to Suvarnabhumi (a reference to Sumatra) with 500 ships to conduct trade5. Chinese historical sources refer to maritime traders bringing

1. P. C. Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, Prakash Charan Prasad Publ, New Delhi, 1977, p. 148. 2. J. Deloche, Transport and Communication in India, Vol.2, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1994, p. 15. 3. V. Sakhuja, Asian Maritime Power in the 21st Century: Strategic Transactions: China, India and Southeast Asia, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 2011, p. 257. 4. S. K. Stein, The Sea in World History: Exploration, Travel, and Trade, ABC-CLIO Publ, USA, 2017, p. 92. 5. K. S. Behera, Maritime Heritage Of India, Aryan Books Internal Publ, 1999, p. 44.

146 Indian products to China as far back as the 7th century BC6. Mauryan Empire (200 BC- 250 AD) had trading links with Rome7. A Sanskrit treatise on shipbuilding, Yuktikalpataru of Bhoja Narapati, of uncertain date, describes in great detail various kinds of ships, their proportions and sizes, the materials in which they were built, the ways to decorate them8.

Besides these literary works, ancient inscriptions also give useful information about the sea voyages. From the 2nd century BC one Brahmi inscription has been discovered at Anuradhapura, mentions that the traders of Tamil Nadu engaged joint trade with „Navika Karava‟ and the captain of the ship acted as the chief of the guild9. There were Several Kharoshti and Brahmin inscriptions from the 1st to 5th century AD have been discovered on the many mediums as seals, plaques, and pots, in deferent placeless as Bengarh, Ataghara, Chandraketugarh, Hadipur, Deulpos, and Tamralipti region of West Bengal indicating that Bengal had trade contacts with northwest region of India10. The traders were involved in horse and corn trade and horses were brought from Central Asia via northwestern India to Bengal, afterwards exported to South Asia and Southeast Asian countries11.

6. F. Southworth, Linguistic Archaeology of South Asia, Routledge Publ, USA & Canada, 2004, p. 254. 7. A. Ray, Maritime India, ports and shipping, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1995, p. 10. 8. H. S. Bhatia, Society, Law and Administration in Ancient India, Deep and Deep Publ, Delhi, 2001, p. 158; V. Sakhuja, Op. Cit, p. 257. 9. J. P. Wild & F. Wild, Roma and India: Early Indian cotton textiles from Berenike, Red Sea coast of Egypt, Textiles in Indian Ocean Societies, ed. R. Barnes, Routledge Curzon Publ, London, 2005, p. 6 (11-16). 10. I. K. Sarma, Rare evidences on Maritime Trade on the Bengal coast of India, Recent Advances in Marine Archaeology, ed. S. R. Rao, Society for Marine Archaeology, Goa, 1991, pp. 38-40; B. N. Mukherjee, Coastal and overseas trade in pre-Gupta Vanga and Kalinga, ed. S. Chakravarti, Vinayatoshini, Benoytosh Centenary Volume, 1996, pp. 181-192. 11. B. N. Mukherjee, Op. Cit, pp. 181-192; R. Datta & A. Datta, Ancient Vanga and overseas trade: a case study of Chandraketugarh, Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology, Vol. 5, 2008, pp. 45-56.

147 5.2 The Ships in the Ancient Indian Literature Trade was important to the Satavahana region and lead coins issued by King Vasisthiputra (AD78-114) show two-masted Indian vessels12. The coins of Satavahana Gautamiputra Yajna Sri Satakarni have a vessel with twin ropes on the exterior sides of the masts13. The paintings from the Buddhist caves at Ajanta in western India depict similar vessels with their unique rounded hulls and multiple masts14. The image of twin- masts the ship was also found during excavations at the fortified southern Arabian port of Moscha Harbor15. The distinctive shape was engraved into plaster on an ancient wall16. In Deccan, the Ajanta paintings have several ship depictions one type, carrying pots, has three masts and some carry animals which prove that large ships were used in India17.

Besides these Andhra coins, there have been discovered some Kurumbar or Pallava coins on the Coromandel Coast, on the reverse of which there is a figure of a two-masted ship like the modern coasting vessel or d'honi, steered by means of oars from the stern. “The Kurumbars were a pastoral tribe living in associated communities and inhabiting for some hundred years before the 7th century”18. There are several representations of ships and boats in early Indian art. The earliest of them are those found in the Sanchi sculptures nd belonging to the 2 century BC. One of the sculptures on the Eastern Gateway of Great

12. R. McLaughlin, The Roman Empire and the Indian Ocean The Ancient World Economy and the Kingdoms of Africa, Arabia and India, Pen and Sword Military Publ, UK, 2014, p. 168; M. Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, Abhinav Publ, New Delhi, 1977, p. 100. 13. R. K. Mookerji, Indian Shipping: A History of the Sea Borne Trade of the Indians from the Earliest Times, Munishiram Manoharlal Publ, New Delhi.1999, p. 51; K. D. Bajpai, Source Material for Indian Art history, in Cultural contours of India, eds, S. Prakash & V. S. Śrivastava, Abhinav Publ, Delhi, 1981, p. 145 (143-147). 14. R. A. K. Sridharan, A Maritime History of India, Publications Division Ministry of Information & Broadcasting, 2017, p. 34. 15. R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, p. 168. 16. E. S. Sidebotham, Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route, Vol. 18, University of California Press, London, 2011, p. 202; R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, pp. 168-169. 17. R. K. Mookerji, Op. Cit, p. 39. 18. R. K. Mukhopadhyay, A History of Indian Shipping, a history of the sea-borne trade and maritime activity of the Indians from the earliest times, Longmans, Green and Co Press, Bombay, 1912, p. 51.

148 Stupa at Sanchi represents a canoe made up of rough planks rudely sewn together by hemp19.

Most of the Indian rivers and its distributaries are suitable for navigation which led to the developed of its ports along the estuarine mouths20. With the varied physical features of the coastline, the ports of India have been classified under the following headings: (1) littoral ports, (2) estuary ports (3) tidal ports. Most of the ancient ports were located at the mouth of rivers and in the case of lagoons, at the outlets to the sea, where vessels could find refuge. The ancient Indian text refers to two types of seaports namely Pattana and Dronimukha21. Further, Pattana was also divided into two types (1) Samudrapattana (port on the coast of the sea), (2) Jalapattana (on the bank of a navigable river). Even today the place names ending with Pattana indicate a port name e.g. Visakhapatnam, Masulipattinam and Nagapattinam. Dronimukha refers to a port situated near the confluence of the river and the sea and is associated with upstream routes and was a marketplace, which receives cargo coming by river and sea routes22. Interestingly the ports such as Tondi and Puhar (Poompuhar or Kaveripattinam) in Tamil Nadu and Dwarka in Gujarat also have the same meaning. Even, Kautilya‟s Arthasastra also refers to Pattana (port town) which were under the control of Superintending of towns23.

The physical setting of western Indian port has played a vital role during the ancient time in the progress of international trade and commerce, as Indus River lies on the route connecting the west with the extreme east of the world24. The ports of Barbaricum,

19. R. K. Mukhopadhyay, Op. Cit, p. 32. 20. S. Tripati, Seafaring Archaeology of the East Coast of India and Southeast Asia during the Early Historical Period, Journal of Ancient Asia, Vol.8, 2017, p. 1(1–22). 21. U. N. Roy, Dronimukha and Lothal, The Role of Universities and Research Institutes in Marine Archaeology, ed. S. R. Rao, Society for Marine Archaeology Publ, Goa, 1994, pp. 33-36. 22. S. Tripati, Op. Cit, p. 6. 23. Kautilya‟s Arthashastra, BK. 2, ch.1 & ch.17, pp. 62 & 139& 180. 24. P. C. Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, Abhinav Publ, New Delhi, 1977, p. 149.

149 Barygaza, and Muziris occupy the strategic location in the Indian Ocean25. Therefore, being an important entity of this Ocean, these areas have been playing an active role in navigation and maritime trade since the time immemorial. Moreover, the contribution of West Indian rivers would also be worth mentioning with regard to the significance of ports as crucial trading centres of India26.

5.3 Barbaricum Port

Barbaricum port was known by many names in different times, as Barbaricum, Barbaricom, Barbarikom, Barbarei, Barbars, Barbara, Barbarik. The location of the port is still unknown surrounded by a kind of ambiguity for several reasons; Delta of Indus River includes very large areas, changing topography of the Delta from time to time according to the power of river flow and the raise water sea level, which led to the dumping of many areas on the coast; all these reasons contributed to the inability to locate the port. However, there was who tried to locate the port by extrapolating from the old sources, that had experienced the flourishing period of the port, as well as the archaeological excavation.

The port of Barbaricum was located at the mouth of the river Indus. It was the most important seaport from the very beginning of the Indian history27, and might be the port that Alexander the Great established in 332 BC on the Indus when he shipped all of his

25. L. N. Tellier, Urban World History: An Economic and Geographical Perspective, PUQ, Canada, 2009, p. 401; P. J. Cherian, V. Selvakumar, K. P. Shajan & K. Rajan, Pattanam Excavations: Interim Reports, KCHR, Trivandrum, 2009, pp. 65-79. 26. N. A. M. Azeem, Maritime Trade History of Sindh: From Ancient Time till Second CE, International Journal of Independent Research and Studies, Vol. 2, No.2, 2013, p. 79 (79- 88). 27. M. Brandtner, and S. K. Panda, Interrogating History: Essays for Hermann Kulke, Manohar PubL & Dist, New Delhi, 2006, p. 154; S. Kapoor, Encyclopaedia of Ancient Indian Geography, Vol. 1, Genesis Publ. Pvt Ltd , New Delhi, 2002, p.142.

150 war booty to Babylon by sea28. Presently Barbaricum is existed some 60 kilometres near the modern city of Karachi, and is known as Bhambhor by the natives29.

Barbaricum has been mentioned by numerous foreign and local sources and was considered as a great port and a market town. It was also the first port on the northwestern coast of the subcontinent of India which transfered the goods from India, and Central Asia to the markets in western of the ancient world30. Rig Veda refers to the ships and Indus River (Sindhu) as the natural outlet to the sea31. Seafaring had its origin either somewhere on the southern coast or the Sindhu delta before the historical period and the area around the mouth of the Ganga32. It was termed Barbarik of Sanskrit, and Barbarei of Ptolemy33. It was a great emporium mentioned in the Periplus as a famous port and a market town heavily involved in maritime trade during the 1st century AD34. The river Srotasi of the Barbar and a lake Srighant in the corner of the sea of the Barbara are mentioned in a commentary of Kautilya's Arthashastra where the river has been taken as a source of pearls, and Alakanda, famous for corals, is shown as standing on the Srotasi35. The Greeks and the Romans also called the people of the other nation as Barbari36.

28. A. Kazi. Pivotal Pakistan: GCAP and the Geopolinomics of Central Asia‟s Traditional Indus Basin Corridor, First Kabul Conference on Partnership, Trade, and Development in Greater Central Asia, Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program Publ, USA, 2006, pp.1-30. 29. A. Kazi. Op. Cit, p. 4; C. Benjamin, Empires of Ancient Eurasia: The First Silk Roads Era, 100 BC-250 CE, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2018, p. 219. 30. L. Xinru, The Silk Road in World History, Oxford University Press Publ, New York, 2010 , p. 38. 31. G. S. Sandhu, A Military of Ancient India, Vision Book Publ, New Delhi, 2000, p. 118. 32. S. K. Stein, Op. Cit, p. 92; G. S. Sandhu, Op. Cit, p. 229. 33. Ptolemy, ch. 7: 1-59; J. W. McCrindle, Op. Cit, p.148. 34. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 38-39; J. W. McCrindle, Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy, ed. S. Majumdar, India Munshiram Manoharlal Publ Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi, 2015, p. 148. 35. Kautilya's Arthashastra, Bk. 2, ch. 11, p. 78; J. W. McCrindle, Op. Cit, p.148. 36. P. C. Prasad, Op. Cit, p. 81.

151 5.3.1 Historical Evidence

Around the 50 AD, the Kushans were descended, as mentioned, as the Yue-chi nomads who had established themselves in Bactria and crossed Hindu Kush Mountains and occupied large parts of northern India37. During the period Barbaricum became the port of Kushan Empire on the Arabian Sea coast38.

Sakas was the Asian name for Scythians. A few years later, the Periplus refers to this region as under the control of the Scythians. According to the Periplus, all foreign goods that came to this port had first to be transported up the Indus to a metropolis ruled by a king39. This king was probably one of the Kushan rulers because in this region the Scythians had become subjects of the Kushans. The Kushans were key players in the creation and subsequent control of the Silk Road trade and many Chinese, Central Asian, and Himalayan goods under the direct control of the Kushans were available in Barbaricum40.

The communication through Barbaricum had represented the contact point between sea trade and land trade, via the silk routes. The cross-continental trade of the Kushan and the Chinese Empire in gold, silver, silk and spices with the Roman Empire was carried out through this route by the time Sassanid ruled over Persia41. Ships were sailed from Barbaricum towards the west to the south Arab ports and the Red Sea then entered the Mediterranean, from where the goods were exported to Greece and Rome42.

The diplomatic relations between India and the surrounding countries had played an important role in stimulating the foreign trade movements by exchanging ambassadors between India Seleucus Empire and Roman Empire43. For example Seleucus sent an

37. M. Chandra, Op. Cit, p. 92; L. Xinru, Op. Cit, p. 38. 38. A. Kazi, Op. Cit, p. 4; W. Ball, Rome in the East: The Transformation of an Empire, Routledge Publ, 2016, p. 147. 39. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 38-39. 40. L. Xinru, Op. Cit, p. 38. 41. A. Kazi, Op. Cit, p. 10. 42. Ibid, p. 10. 43. R. Kumar, Essays on Legal Systems in India, Discovery Publishing House Publ, Delhi, 2003, p. 179.

152 ambassador to the court of King Chandragupta and the ambassador from India came to Rome carried a message to Caesar Augustus in order to promote commercial relations between India and the Roman Empire44. This distinguished relationship between the two countries as Strabo and Pliny referred to India in those early centuries was annually drained the Roman empire of its gold valued at 100 million sesterces and had established a favourable balance of trade in the foreign markets45.

5.3.2 Export of Goods

Before Roman, there refers to the Indian ships sailing from Sindhu delta to the mouth of the Tigris through the Shat-el-Arab46. That means the existence of commercial contact between Barbaricum and Mesopotamia civilization since a long time before Roman ships appeared in the Arabian Sea. Around the late 1st century AD Romans trades had connected with West Indian port of Barbaricum47 to bring the silk, which came from the east to Kashgar and Chitral and from there by flat bottom boats down to the Indus to Barbaricum. This route from Kashghar to Barbaricum was termed as the Indus silk route48.

The Roman used costus, bdellium, Lyceum, and nard as spices, dyes, and medicines and all came from plants grown in the high mountains of Kashmir and in the Himalayas49. Turquoise, a light blue stone from Khurasan and lapis lazuli, a dark blue stone from

44. H. S. Ahatai, Society Laws and administration in Ancient India, Deep & Deep Publications, New Delhi, 2001, p. 60. 45. Pliny, BK.6, ch. 26: 6 & BK.7, ch. 41: 2; H. S. Ahatai, Society Laws and Administration in Ancient India, p. 60; R. R. Berungikar, Trade and Commerce from Mauryan to Kushana Period, International Multidisciplinary Research Journal, ed. T. N. Shinde, Vol.3, No.10, India, 2014, p. 5 (1-7). 46. G. S, Sandhu, A Military of Ancient India, p. 230. 47. M. Adas, Agricultural and Pastoral Societies in Ancient and Classical History, Temple University Press, 2001, p. 155. 48. M. Chandra, Op. Cit, p. 125; L. Xinru, Op. Cit, p. 39; R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, 2014, 155; G. F. Hourani, Arab seafaring: In the Indian Ocean in ancient and early medieval times, ed. John Carswell Princeton University Press, New Jersey,1995, p. 35. 49. R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, p. 155.

153 Badakhshan in the mountain in northeast Afghanistan were also in demand50. Although these two stones have been considered semiprecious in modern times, both of them especially lapis lazuli, was very valuable at the time the Periplus was written. All of these were products found in the Kushan Empire51. It exported various commodities, particularly cotton cloth, silk yarn, and indigo, produced in different parts of India. From this port, traders sailed towards the west to the Persian Gulf, south Arab ports, then through the Red Sea up to Egypt, after that to the different ports of the Mediterranean and other seas of the west52.

At Barbaricum the Romans bought this silk yarn instead of silk textiles and they had already started weaving textiles out of imported silk materials for their own market53. In the eyes of the Roman traders, the most important Indian products at Barbaricum were cotton cloth and indigo, a blue dye popular for textiles in the ancient world54.

5.3.3 Import of Goods

In Barbaricum markets found many valuable goods which brought from outside Kushan empire, “Seric pelt.” Since furs came from peoples who lived on the steppe lands north of China, were most likely from the cold areas north of Central Asia and China55. Another product available at Barbaricum was silk yarn, silk cloth56 and the quantities of “thin clothing” possibly a further reference to silk textiles that travelled overland from China and then moved to south through the Kushan Empire to Barbaricum and these goods were ready to ship to Rome57.

50. A. Khazeni, Sky Blue Stone: The Turquoise Trade in World History, University of California Press, 2014, p. 73. 51. L. Xinru, Op. Cit, p. 38. 52. L. Xinru, Op. Cit, p. 38; R. U. Samad, The Grandeur of Gandhara: The Ancient Buddhist Civilization of the Swat, Peshawar, Kabul and Indus Valleys, Algora Publ, 2011, p. 269. 53. L. Xinru, The Silk Road in World History, p. 38. 54. R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, p. 155. 55. L. Xinru, Op. Cit, p. 38. 56. Ibid, p. 38. 57. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 38-39.

154 The Periplus refers that Roman merchants travelling to Minnagar offloaded bulk clothing, multicolored textiles as well as printed cloth. Roman sellers also offered expensive glassed vessels, storax fragrances, and high priced silverware for luxurious dining. Mediterranean workshops had developed techniques for creating crystal-clear glass that could be coloured in beautiful pale shades. Roman subjects had moreover devised the initial glass-blowing specialist techniques allowed huge thin-walled vessels to be created with minimal effort as well as expense. Glass decors produced in India and China were inclined to be small and heavy along with opaque impurities, as a result there was demand for Roman glass in the Indian market places58.

The frankincense and myrrh were brought there by local ships to Qana59, the principal Arabian frankincense port; and then sailed either to (1) the Persian Gulf, a route which included a stoppage at Khor Ruri where frankincense was imported60, (2) northwest India, including Barbaricum, where frankincense was also imported61, and Barygaza. (3) Southwest India with stoppages at a number of ports including Muziris62.

The Roman traders were paid for these products with a variety of goods, including coral and the yellow gemstone topaz, both from the Red Sea region. They were also paid with frankincense and other aromatic materials from the Arab countries, which they had obtained a route to India63, and the glass vessels, silver, gold plates, and wine that they had loaded on their ships in the Mediterranean64. Barbaricum imported a great deal of fine clothing, linen, precious stones, silver, gold plates, and wine from different parts of the world.

58. R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, p.153. 59. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 27-28; Pliny, BK.6, ch. 26: 104. 60. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch.30& 32-37. 61. Ibid, ch. 39 & 41-49 & 57. 62. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 57; Pliny, BK.6, ch. 26: 104. 63. G. W. Van Beek, Frankincense and Myrrh in Ancient South Arabia, p. 148. 64. L. Xinru, Op. Cit, p. 39.

155 5.3.4 Trade Routes

5.3.4.1 Indus Valley Trade Route

When the Sasanian Empire blockaded the land routes between west market and China, the direction of trade routes had been changed from Gandhara towards south to Indus valley and Barbaricum at the mouth of the Arabian Sea, then via sea to the Persian Gulf or the Arabian Sea to the Red Sea then Egypt and Mediterranean65.

5.3.4.2 Sea Trade Routes

The Indus valley people were the first mariners of India who had trade relations with the western world such as Mesopotamia, Arabian Peninsula, and Makran coast and the geographical position afforded her a natural advantage for attaining the maritime dominance66. According to the sources, the seafaring had its origin either somewhere on the Sindhu delta or the southern coast before the historical period and the area around the mouth of the Ganga67, and the Indus people traded through sea for centuries68. The Rig Veda refers to ships and Indus River (Sindhu) as the natural outlet to the sea69 and Kautilya's Arthashastra refers also to the sea trade and ships in the 5th century BC and maritime tradition and overseas trade since prehistoric times70. But Chandragupta Maurya was the first Indian ruler who established the navy and these naval forces became able to protect his water boundaries and destroyed the piracy in Indian water71. Emperor Asoka‟s navy regulated traffic and suppressed piracy under a Navadyaksha (Superintendent of Ships) and his vessels visited Egypt, Ceylon, Syria, and Macedonia72.

65. R. U. Samad, The Grandeur of Gandhara: The Ancient Buddhist Civilization of the Swat, Peshawar, Kabul and Indus Valleys, Algora Publ, New York, 2011, p. 269. 66. S. Tripati, Ships on Hero Stones from the West Coast of India, International Journal of NauticalArchaeology, Vol.35, No.1, 2006, p. 88 (88-96). 67. G. S. Sandhu, Op. Cit, p. 229. 68. Ibid, p. 119. 69. Ibid, p. 118. 70. See chapter II. 71. S. K. Stein, Op. Cit, p. 94. 72. G. S. Sandhu, Op. Cit, p. 230.

156 The local trade sea route, the ships were sailing course along this coast, to transfer the goods from one port to another. As the ships sailed from Barbaricum towards south to the promontory called Papica, opposite Barygaza and before Astacampra, were of three thousand stadia73.

Ancient India had contacted the International sea trade routes which started from Egyptian ports of Arsinoe, Myos Hormos or Berenice, “There was relation trading between Barbaricum with Berenice port, figured as an exportable item from the port of Barbaricum”74, then by ships which came from Adulis port on the East Africa coast and from there southwards to Muza on the Arabian coast, and thence to Ocelis, a watering place for ships. Making a turnaround Babel Al-Mandeb, ships reached the port of Eudaemon Arabia (Aden)75 and thence to Qana mean port in the south Arabian coast76, after that the ships touching Cape Syagrus (Ras Fortak) and Deb port, then along the Makran coast to Barbaricum in Sindhu77.

Discovery of the monsoon winds by Hippalus in 1st century AD helped shipping directly from the southern Arabian coast to the western Indian ports78. The ships changed the old maritime route which passed nearby the coast, the ships and their crews started to set sail from Barbaricum towards south on the month of July to catch the monsoon wind, even though the Periplus states that it was so dangerous route but through these winds, the voyage was directed via ocean to the west and sooner completed79.

73. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 39 & 42. 74. O. Prakash, Op. Cit, p. 67. 75. Pliny, BK. 7, ch. 26. 76. See Qana port in chapter 5, Section 2, in this work. 77. M. H. Panhwar, Op. Cit, p. 11. 78. M. H. Panhwar, International Trade of Sindhfrom its Port Barbaricon (Banbhore) (200 BC to 200 AD), Journal Sindhological Studies, Vols. 4-7, University of Sind Publ, Pakistan,1981, p. 13(8-35). 79. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 39.

157 But this led to a gradual weakening of the port of Barbaricum, with the emergence of new ports competing with this port in terms of the abundance of commercial products available in these ports80.

5.4 Barygaza Port

Barygaza was located in the state of Gujarat “known as Konkan” on the eastern side of the Bay of Cambay or Khambhat (21o .41' N, 73o .01' E). Currently, it is several kilometres from the sea on the north bank of the Narmada River81. Bharuch/Broach is also known with the same ancient name Bharukachchha, Bhrugukaccha, Bhrigu-Kachha and Barygaza mentioned in the classical sources82. The borders may be determined approximately as extending from the Mahi River on the north to Daman on the south and from the Gulf of Khambay on the west to the Sahyadri Mountains on the east83. (Fig. 8)

The port had the best location on the Narmada River; it was a very famous port and commercial centre of Gujarat in ancient India84. It was a large city situated about 30 miles from the sea on the mouth of the river, the access by large vessels to the port was difficult because of the strong tides and many shoals, because of that; they used small boats to transfer the goods to and from the ocean vessels85.

80. L. Xinru, Op. Cit, p. 41. 81. D. Stiles, Hunter-Gatherer Trade in Wild Forest Products in the Early Centuries AD. with the Port of Broach, India, Asian Perspectives, Vol. 32, no. 2, University of Hawaii Press, 1993, p. 154 (154-167); A. Ghosh (ed), Indian Archaeology 1959-60, A Review, The Director General Archaeology Survey of India Publ, New Delhi, 1996, p. 19; J. W. McCrindle, Ancient India as described by Ptolemy, pp. 38 & 153. 82. S. V. Mishra & H. P. Ray, The Archaeology of Sacred Spaces: The Temple in Western India, 2nd Century BC-8th Century CE, Routledge Publ, London & New York, 2017, p. 77. 83. S. Kapoor, Encyclopaedia of Ancient Indian Geography, Vol.1, Genesis Publ Pvt Ltd, New Delhi, 2002, pp. 139-140. 84. V. K. Agnihotri, Civil Services Examination Indian History, Allied Publ, New Delhi, 2010, 488; J. W. McCrindle, Op. Cit, p. 153. 85. L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei, Princeton University Press, Princeton,1989, p. 79; J. W. McCrindle, Op. Cit, p. 153.

158 Barygaza or Bhrugukaccha has been frequently mentioned in several literary sources. Buddhist literature has referred to the Broach as an important trading town86 and recorded huge ships sailing from Bharukachha to north India port, southern India ports and eastern Asian ports87. In Sanskrit, it has been mentioned Bhrigu-Kachha in Junnar Inscription88. Greek and Roman also had a reference to the name as Barygaza89.

5.4.1 Chronology of Barygaza

Excavation of the Archaeological Survey of India at the site of Barygaza has revealed remains belonging to several periods. Period-I (Chalcolithic), in this period pottery and antiquities were not found directly in the excavation, however, these were obtained through salvage archaeology from Jayendrapuri Arts College and Lallubhai chakla at Bharuch90. The period which carried immense importance is the period-II (Later half of the first millennium BC) based on a study made by the same institute. The beginning of the site can be dated to 3rd century BC, attested by the existence of black and red ware and the northern black polished ware at the sits91.

5.4.2 History of Barygaza

The antiquity of Broach settlement goes back to the Chandragupta i. e. Maurya period, and was an important port under the Mauryan Empire from 320-185 BC92. Jatakas spoke of voyages to Suvarnabhumi in the third century BC93.

86. M. G. Dikshit, History of Buddhism in Gujarat, Journal of the Gujarat Research Society, Vol.8, No. 2 & 3, 1946, p. 95 (95- 113). 87. J. A. Quinn & B. N. Puri, Cities in Ancient India, Meerut,1966, p. 16; S. V. Mishra & H. P. Ray, Op. Cit, p. 77. 88. A. Cunningham, The Ancient Geography of India: The Buddhist Period, Including the Campaigns of Alexander, and the Travels of Hwen-Thsang, Cambridge University Press, UK, 2013, p.326; A. Cunningham, The Ancient Geography Of India, Vol. 1, Cosmo Publ, 1963, p. 275. 89. W. H. Scnoff, Op. Cit, Ch. 14 ; J. W. McCrindle, Op. Cit, pp. 35, 153. 90. A. Ghosh (ed), Op. Cit, pp. 2, 19. 91. S. V. Mishra, & H. P. Ray, Op. Cit, p. 77; A. Ghosh (ed), Op. Cit, p. 19; A. K. Singh, Indo- Roman Trade, Commonwealth Publ, New Delhi,1988, p. 77. 92. M. R. Majumdar, Historical and Cultural chronology of Gujarat, University of Baroda Press , 1960, p. 26.

159 Later on, Coins of Demetrius and other Greek kings were found in Saurashtra and South Gujarat, it seems that Greeks came from Sind, over-ran Cutch and Saurashtra and by sea reached up to Barygaza (Broach). The expansion of Greek rule to Broach can be justified by the existing evidence of Eucratides‟, Apollodotus‟ and the empire of Menander extended from Mathura to Broach. The evidence for that was the Menander‟s coins which were found in the port94.

Greeks were overthrown by the Sakas in India. These nomad invaders entered India from Sakastana (Seistan) in the 1st century BC95 and they conquered Abhira on the Indus. Advancing southwards, they took Patalene and the Greek sea-provinces of Cutch and Saurashtra, that was their original kingdom in India96. They proceeded towards north west from Abhira up to the Indus under Maues or Moga and conquered northern India about 80 BC97. Their power eventually extended up to Mathura, including the parts of Ujjain98. Mathura became the headquarters of Sakas as early at the time of Maues (20 BC- AD 22)99. According to the Indian traditions, Sakas were driven out from Ujjain and pushed southward into the region of Gujarat, Cutch and Kathiawad about 58 BC100. After Parthians had conquered most of the Indus Region in 10 BC, the Saka Kingdom was reduced to Gujarat, and Barygaza became the main port the kingdom. During the first

93. H. Chakraborti, Trade and Commerce of Ancient India (c. 200 BC.-C. 650 AD.), Academic Publ, Calcutta, 1966, p. 63. 94. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 47; M. R. Majumdar, Op. Cit, pp. 48 -49; A. K. Narain, The Indo-Greeks, Oxford University Press, London, 1957, p. 93; M. Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, Abhinav Publ, New Delhi, 1977, p. 92. 95. W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2010, pp. 139-141; M. Chandra, Op. Cit, p. 93. 96. W. W. Tarn, Op. Cit, p. 30. 97. Ibid, p. 30. 98. R. Thapar, A History of India, vol.1, Penguin Books Publ, UK, 1990, p. 96. 99. S. N. Sen, Ancient Indian History and Civilization, New Age International, New Delhi, 1999, pp. 186-187. 100. E. J. Rapson(ed), The Cambridge history of India, Ancient India, Vol. 1, S Chand Publ, New Delhi, 1955, p, 165.

160 century AD, Gujarat was ruled by a Saka King named Nahapana who was known to Roman traders as „Manbanos‟101,

Later on rulers of the Deccan of central and southern India (1st BC- 2nd AD)102, took Broach in the late first and early 2nd century AD, but by AD. 150, Broach was back in the hands of the Sakas and King Rudradaman I extended his rule to Cutch, Sind, Gujarat, western and southern Rajasthan, and the Narmada Valley103. Rudradaman‟s capital was at Ujjain in Malwa, and Gujarat was ruled by his Governor named Savisakha104.

Once the Sakas lost Ujjain, the opportunities to conduct high-value exchanges got diminished. When the Periplus describes a Roman business with the Saka court, it specifies that „these items were sent to the king in previous times‟105. However, overland trade was continued during the period when the Saka and Satavahana kingdoms were at war with one another106.

Sakas were finally replaced by Gupta empire rulers AD. 395 when Chandragupta II defeated Rudrasimha III107. After this victory, Gupta emperor occupied the domination of the western kshatrapas from western India which had lasted in these parts for about three centuries. The significance of this period lays not only in the western borders of the Gupta empire being secured but also in its giving access to the western trade since the ports were now in Gupta‟s hands, including the port of Broach108. Guptas controlled

101. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 41; J. W. McCrindle, Op. Cit, pp.284-285; D. Stiles, Op. Cit, p. 156; R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, 157; M. Chandra, Op. Cit, pp.104-105. 102. S. E. Alcock, Empires: Perspectives from Archaeology and History, Cambridge University Press, 2001, p. 155. 103. A. K. Majumdar, Concise History of Ancient India, vol.1, Political History, Munshiram Manoharlal Publ, New Delhi, 1977, p. 203; D. C. Sarcar, Select Inscriptions Bearing on Indian History and Civilization, Vol. 1, University of Calcutta, 1942, p.177. 104. S. N. Sen, Op. Cit, p. 189. 105. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 49. 106. R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, p. 167. 107. R. C. Majumdar, The Classical Age, Vol. 3, Bombay, 1954,pp.19& 49-50. 108. A. K. Majumdar, Op. Cit, p. 241; M. Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, Abhinav Publ, 1977 p. 104.

161 Broach until the late fifth century, between AD 475-750. After Guptas period various kingdoms fought with each other at various times in order to rule Broach109.

In the 7th century the district of Broach or Barukacwa, was a majar city on the bank of the Narmada river110. It was the main seaport renowned for international trade of northwestern India from at least the 1st century AD111. From the early centuries of the Christian era till the close of the 13th century Bharukachchha remained a prosperous town and a thriving port under the successive dynasties which ruled Gujarat. The port continued till Surat replaced it after becoming a Mughal port in the 16th century112.

5.4.3 Trade Land Routes

The trade land roads linked the port of Barygaza to a vast hinterland in central and northern India. One of the trade routes, which came from north and north-western India, passed through Shamlaji and Kapadvanj, Mahisaka Pathaka and Kathlal, bifurcated near Nadiad. From those Routes, one of them crossed the Mahi and reached Broach vie Akpta, while the other reached Nagara and Khambhat on the Gulf of Khambat, another route from Ujjain Goods sent the 200 miles from to Barygaza included onyx, agate, Indian cotton garments and a large amount of cloth113, transported via Dungarpur, through Bhilodi, Shamlaji, Harsol to Karpatavanijya, Kathalal and Nadiad in Khetaka mandala114.

The trade route from Barygaza to the east a caravan could follow a land route to Ujjain, a flourishing commercial city in central India, then northward to Mathura, the southern

109. A. K. Majumdar, Op. Cit, p. 240; R. Thapar, Op. Cit, p. 85. 110. A. Cunningham, Op. Cit, p. 326. 111. K. C. Sagar, Foreign Influence on Ancient India, Northern Book Centre Publ, 1992, p. 305; C. Margabandhu, Trade Contacts between the Western Asia and Graeco-Roman World in the Opening Centuries of Christian era, Journal of Economics and Social History of Orient, Vol. 8, No.3, 1965, p. 318 (316-322). 112. D. Stiles, Hunter-Gatherer Trade in Wild Forest Products in the Early Centuries AD. with the Port of Broach, India, Asian Perspectives Journal, Vol. 32, No. 2, University of Hawai'i Press, 1993 p. 154 (153-167); K. C. Sagar, Foreign Influence on Ancient India, Northern Book Centre Publ, 1992, p. 305. 113. R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, p. 164. 114. M. Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, Abhinav Publ, 1977 p. 103; S. V. Mishra & H. P. Ray, Op. Cit, p. 69.

162 capital of the Kushan Empire, on the bank of the Yamuna River, a tributary of the Ganges River. In addition, the routes from Mathura, the Kushan southern capital, to their northern political centre, were well established115. Merchandise from Afghanistan and Central Asia and China were brought by the Ujjain route to Broach116.

Close commercial connections between the western coast and the northwestern region of India were already existed at this time, having started in the time of the Seleucids around the 3rd century BC. In fact, ancient Greek coins, drachmas bearing Greek legends, were still in circulation in the market of Barygaza at the time of the Periplus. Barygaza received many visitors from Gandhara and Bactria117.

The Periplus describes how Indian caravans made the journey from Barygaza south to the Satavahana capital Paithana in about twenty days118. Caravans at Paithana undertook a further ten-day journey east to reach a „very large‟ inland city called Tagara (Ter). The Periplus reports that „from these cities to Barygaza, wagons convey goods over very great stretches of land with no roads. They brought large quantities of onyx from Paithana and large quantities of ordinary quality cloth and all kinds of cotton garments from Tagara119.

Barygaza not only did it have links with Ujjain and Mathura, the latter being the key stage in the control of the Ganges trade, and controlling the trade routes connecting the coastal areas of Sopara & Kaliyana, it had overland links through the markets of Central Asia leading to Bactria120.

115. W.W. Tarn, Greeks in Bactria and India, Cambridge University Press, 1951, p. I49; L. Xinru, The Silk Road in World History, Oxford University Press Publ, New York, 2010, p. 39; M. Chandra, Op. Cit, p. 103. 116. H. Chakraborti, Trade and Commerce of Ancient India, C. 200 BC- c. 650 A. D, Academic Publ, Calcutta, 1966, p. 95. 117. L. Xinru, The Silk Road in World History, p. 40. 118. O. Prakash, The Trading World of the Indian Ocean 1500-1800, History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, Vol. 3, part. 7, Pearson Education Publ, India, 2012, pp. 72-73. 119. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 51. 120. G. F. Hourani, Op. Cit, p. 133; P. C. Prasad, Op. Cit, p. 82.

163 5.4.4 Sea Trade Routes

Barygaza was a major hub for Indian Ocean commerce. The Periplus records that the port received incoming ships from East Africa, Arabia, and the Persian Gulf121. The maritime activity through Barygaza/ Bharukachchha has been vividly narrated in the Bharu- Jataka, Supparaka Jataka and Sussonate Jataka122. The local trade coast routes from Barbaricum to Barygaza, as Roman ships did, it was leaving the Indus region sailed south to Barygaza and from there the ships went to Muziris port in Malabar coast123. Barygaza port was more important than Barbaricum pot in the first century AD124. Barygaza was a most important port for Roman in this period125.

In the course of time maritime links were swiftly developed between the West Indian Ports and those ports of the western world (the Persian Gulf, South Arabian Ports, Red Sea Ports, and the Mediterranean)126, and that the nature, volume and intensity of the East-West contacts grew tremendously with the arrival of Rome in the 1st century BC into the eastern Mediterranean and control trade of the Red Sea127.

5.4.5 Export of Commercial Goods

The area around Barygaza was a fertile and an agricultural land as well as manufacturing and trade centre, this feature led the port to play an important role in the production of various kinds of agricultural products and the large amounts of beads of semi-precious stones were manufactured in Bharuch128. This made the port an important source of

121. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 6, 14, 21, 27, 31, 32& 36. 122. M. R. Majumdar, Op. Cit, p. 112; H. Chakraborti, Trade and Commerce in Ancient India (200 BC-c. 650 AD) Academic Publ, Calcutta,1966, p. 92. 123. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 39-42. 124. H. Chakraborti, Op. Cit, p. 95. 125. W. Ball, Op. Cit, p. 147. 126. G. F. Hourani, Op. Cit, p. 133; P. C. Prasad, Op. Cit, p. 82. 127. P. C. Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, p.81; G. F. Hourani, Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in ancient and early medieval times, Princeton, p. 133. 128. D. K. Chakraborti, The Archaeology of Ancient Indian Cities, Oxford University Press, Bombay,1995, p. 227; H. P. Ray, The Winds of Change: Buddhism and the Maritime Links of Early South Asia, Oxford University Press, 1994, pp. 48-55.

164 foreign trade as Periplus refers to that129. This fertile crescent was not only agricultural products sources, but it was also a great plain to have contact between the Port of Barygaza and Ujjain in central India and Pratisthana in the Deccan, thus touching the arterial routes of inner India130.

The seafaring trade of the Roman Empire finally connected with the Central Asian Silk Road through the port of Barygaza131. Foreigner traders could have acquired highly desired tropical products, such as pepper, ivory, agate, carnelian, precious stones from the valley of the Narmada River132, and country yielding wheat, rice, sesame oil, clarified butter, cotton, and the Indian cloths made therefrom, of the coarser sorts133. The long pepper was exported from Barygaza134. Indian exported coconut oil, plantain, peach, apricot, lemon or lime, and some quantity of rice and wheat135. Sandalwood occupied an important place in the external and internal trade of India. Varanasi was famous for its sandalwood136. The nard also was one of the important goods exported from India by Barygaza port and another port in western coast, the price of a pound of nard leaves as ranging from 45 to 70 denarii137. (Table.1)

5.4.6 Import of Commercial Goods

As mentioned above Barygaza was a manufacturing centre and therefore imported some raw materials as well as commodities such as silverware, wine and perfume not to mention slave girls (the Sanskrit drama confirms that Indian kings received Roman slaves who served as royal attendants)138, and musicians139. Indian ports were imported wine

129. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 49. 130. S. V. Mishra & H. P. Ray, Op. Cit, p. 77. 131. L. Xinru, Op. Cit, p. 40. 132. Ibid, p. 39. 133. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 39-42; A. K. Singh, Op. Cit, p. 28. 134. M. Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, p. 125. 135. M. Chandra, Op. Cit, p. 126. 136. M. Chandra, Op. Cit, p. 67. 137. O. Prakash, Op. Cit, p. 68. 138. Kalidasa, The Vikramorvasîyam, a drama in 5 acts, ed. S. P. Pandit, Government Central Book Depôt, Bombay, 1879, p. 118-119; O. Prakash, Op. Cit, p. 65.

165 from the Mediterranean and south Arabs kingdom140. Some very fine cloths deeply dyed were exported to Barygaza, for the use of the king141. Pearls, the pearl trade in Roman times involved different parts of India. The Periplus spoke of Pearls bring exported from port Qana in Arabia to Barygaza in India142. According to the Periplus, other Roman exports included raw glass, copper, tin and lead143. Confirmation of this trade comes from a Roman shipwreck found off the northern coast of Gujarat loaded with lead ingots and wine amphorae144. Barygaza markets were received different kinds of the Goods which were exported from Roma, such as, plain clothing, printed fabrics and multi-coloured waistbands. Additionally there was a market in Barygaza for red coral, peridot gemstones, storax, perfumes and fragrant yellow sweet clover. Indian dealers also accepted antimony sulphate (it was used for eye-cosmetics and alloys) and a red mineral called realgar which was used to make paints145. Also, caustic realgar was used on wounds to stop excess bleeding and employed as a treatment for asthma146.

The port of Barygaza comes second in the oldest between the ports of western India after the port of Barbaricum. But Barygaza comes first in the Roman era in terms of importance, before Barbaricum in the north and Muziris in south India.

139. R. Thapar, Cultural Pasts: Essays in Early Indian History, Oxford University Press, 2003, p. 564. 140. M. Chandra, Op. Cit, p. 127. 141. M. Chandra, Op. Cit, p. 127. 142. L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei: Text with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, Princeton University Press, 1989, p. 73. 143. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 49. 144. S. G. Aniruddh & H. V. Kamlesh, Maritime Archaeological Studies in India, The Oxford handbook of maritime archaeology, eds. A. Catsambis, B. Ford & D. L Hamilton, Oxford University Press, New York, 2013, pp. 518-519. 145. O. Prakash, Op. Cit, p. 165. 146. Pliny, BK. 34, ch. 55.

166 5.5 Muziris Port

Mouziris or Muziris was one of the most important ports in southwestern India147. Muziris has several other names in later historical sources and literature as Muchiri, Muchiripatanam, Murachipattanam, Machiripattanam, Muyirikode148. Frequent references to this port are found in the Periplus, Ptolemy, Pliny, and Sangam literature as the leading port of Keprobotos kingdom geographically149. Muziris, which had attracted traders from the western world (south Arabian, East Africa, and Egypt) for a very long span of time as the biggest supplier of spices, has now become one of the major historical sites that the historians and archaeologists of Indian and south Asian have been trying to geographically locate and identify150. There is confusion about the location of the Muziris port. It is generally known to have been located somewhere in the south India. Since a long time, Muziris was the major port of maritime trade for the Egyptians in Kerala, before ruled the Greeks and Romans for Egypt151. However, some attempted to identify the location of the port by deriving the origin of the word name; Mesrene, Misraim, or Musri, which geographically stood for Egypt in the ancient literature. Probably in its original historical context Muziris as the adaptation of Mesrene or Musri could also have initially been referring to that port-town of Kerala, where the Egyptians used to conduct

147. N. Kācinātan , Collected papers: studies in Tamil culture, State Department of Archaeology Publ, Tamil Nadu , 1994, p. 69. 148. R. Ferenczi, Parallel narratives on Muziris / Muciṟi: A comparative literary close-up of an ancient South Indian port, Proceedings of the Second Croatian-Hungarian PhD Conference on Ancient History and Archaeology, ed. Daniel Bajnok, Kodex Konyvgarto Kft Press, Budapest, 2017, p. 148 (147-158). 149. L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1989, p. 83; W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch.53; Pliny, BK.6, ch.26:104; P. Malekandhatil, Muziris and the Trajectories of Maritime Trade in the Indian Ocean in the first Millennium CE, Imperial Rome, Indian Ocean and Muziris, New perspectives on maritime trade, ed. K. S. Mathew, New Delhi. 2015, p. 347(339-368); R. K. Mukhopadhyay, A History of Indian Shipping, a history of the sea-borne trade and maritime activity of the Indians from the earliest times, Longmans, Green and Co Press. Bombay, 1912, p. 11. 150. Malekandathil. P, Op. Cit, p. 339. 151. Ibid, p. 340.

167 trade on a big scale152. But this attempt to find the etymological roots of the name does not conclusively help scholars to identify its exact location153. (Fig. 9)

Most of the scholars have identified it with Moyirikotta on the Malabar Coast opposite the site at Cranganore near Alwaye in Kerala. Some other referred to the location of Muziris at Muyiri Kotta which was an important port in medieval times154. Some of the scholars referred Kodungallur located on the northern bank of the Periyar River (5 km north of Pattanam) was considered to have been the location of the ancient port of Muziris, despite the lack of archaeological evidence datable to the Early Historic period. They supported their views with the abundance of Indian pottery scattered in the site, in addition to the several Fragments of the Roman amphora found on the site155.

If back to the Greek and Rome literature, the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (PES) further says that Muziris was located on the banks of a river and was about 20 stadia away from the mouth of the river156. Pliny also refers to the use of small boats for conveyance of cargo, as ships to Muziris used to cast anchor away from land157. The early Tamil literature helps in identifying the name of the river; it explicitly states that the river on whose banks Muziris was located is River of Periyar158.

152. Ibid, p. 340. 153. Ibid, p. 340. 154. P. C. Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, pp.82-83; S. Chandra, Foundations of Ethnobotany (21st Century Perspective), ed. A. K. Jain, Scientific Publ, India, 2017, p. 101. 155. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 54; S. Miller, A Strange Kind of Paradise: India Through Foreign Eyes, Vintage Books Publ, London, 2014, pp. 50-54; A. P. Achan, Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Cochin State, for the year 1945-1946, Ernakulam, Cochin. 1946; R. Gurukkal & M. R. R. Varier eds, Cultural History of Kerala From Earliest to the Spread of We-rice, Vol.1, Government of Kerala Publ, Thiruvananthapuram, 1999. 156. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 54, p. 44. 157. Pliny, Bk.6, ch. 22, p. 135. 158. Akananuru, poem 149: 7-11.

168 Muziris is now fairly confidently located at Pattanam, lies on the geographical coordinates of (10° 09‟24.N; 76° 12‟33. E)159 Situated 2 km north of Paravur in the Vadakkekkara village of Ernakulam District in Kerala, and 9 km south of Kodungalloor or Cranganore160. The site is located in the delta of the Periyar River about 25 km north of Kochi, tributary of the Periyar river which is about 6 km to north of Pattanam. The Arabian Sea is about 4 km west of the site. About one km from the western boundary of the site is the Tattapally River or Munambam Kayal, a backwater body that runs parallel to the Arabian Sea161.

5.5.1 Muziris Archaeological Excavations

Kerala has not received archaeological attention since early time, despite their significant role in the Indian Ocean trade and the references to the ports of Muziris, Tyndis, Nelcynda, and Bccare in literature, archaeological evidence was lacking on the ground for the early historic settlements and trade activities162.

Pattanam research began in the1990s, when the archaeological significance of the site was identified through surface finds and field surveys163. Though one is yet to precisely locate Muziris, there is a strong case of discovery and identification of the port now based on geological and archaeological evidence, credit goes to the excavation at a few points of the Pattanam site. The first three trenches, PTM I, PTM II and PTM III, were

159. P. J. Cherian, The Future as Cultural Past: Ancient Maritime Exchanges and the Green Archaeology Project at Pattanam(Muziris), Proceedings of Kerala Environment Congress 2013,Centre for Environment and Development Thozhuvancode Publ, Kerala, 2013 p. 226 (225-236); W. Ball, Rome in the East: The Transformation of an Empire, Routledge Publ, London, 2016, p. 147. 160. P. Malekandathil, Op. Cit, p. 15. 161. P. J. Cherian, "Muziris Heritage Project and the Archaeological Research at Pattanam: An Overview", The Living Dead and the Lost Knowledge, International Seminar on Muziris Heritage Project, State Archaeology Department Trivandrum, 2008, pp.5-20; K. P. Shajan, R. Tomber, V. Selvakumar & P. J. Cherian, Locating the ancient port of Muziris: fresh findings from Pattanam, Journal of Roman Archaeology, Vol.17, 2004, pp. 312-320. 162. V. Selvakumar, K. P. Shajan & I. Mahabevan, Inscriptions and Graffiti on Pottery from Pattanam (Mucir/i), International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics, Vol. 35, No.2, Kerala, 2006, p. 117 (107-124); P. J. Cherian, The Future as Cultural Past: Ancient Maritime Exchanges and the Green Archaeology Project at Pattanam (Muziris), p. 226. 163. R. Gurukkal & C. R. Whittaker, 2001, pp. 335-50; K. P. Shajan & et. al. 2004, pp. 312-320; V. Selvakumar, 2009, pp. 28-41.

169 excavated at the site. Two of them, PTM I and PTM Il were laid in the north-eastern part of the site, and PTM III was excavated covering the small pond dug in the south-western part of the site164. A series of pioneering excavations carried out by Kerala Council for Historical Research (KCHR) at Pattanam since from 2007165. The excavations conducted during the last eight seasons unearthed artifacts relevant to delve deeper into the early historic time and the period immediately spanning from 2007 to 2014 consist of the following items: (1) Local pottery- an overwhelming quantity of nearly four million sherds. (2) Non-local pottery from distant continents and other parts of India.(3) Indian Rouletted ware.(4) fragments of turquoise glazed pottery and torpedo jars. (5) sherds of amphorae, and terra sigillata. (6) Beads- glass, semi-presence stones and terracotta166 and additional to Terra Sigillata, Amphorae, South Arabian Ovoid Jars, Turquoise Glazed Pottery, Chinese Porcelain, Roman Luxury Tableware, Painted Glass, Gems of stone, Copper, Gold, etc.167.

In the recent excavation at Pattanam, large quantities of led scroll and copper objects have been discovered from the early historic archaeological layers. This proved that these objects were part of the maritime trade168. Thus the discovery of Pattanam which identified with ancient Muziris is truly a landmark in the archaeology of Kerala169.

The wharf context is the most striking structural feature at Pattanam. It is situated next to a port, with a canoe, bollards and an adjacent commercial warehouse area. The wharf was

164. V. Selvakumar, K. P. Shajan & I. Mahabevan, Op. Cit, pp. 317-318. 165. P. J. Cherian, The Future as Cultural Past: Ancient Maritime Exchanges and the Green Archaeology Project at Pattanam (Muziris), p. 227; P. Malekandathil, Op. Cit, pp. 15-16; P. J. Cherian et. al. 2007, pp. 26-27. 166. P. J. Cherian, Report of the Fifth Season Excavation at Pattanam, Pattanam Archaeological Research, Fifth Season Excavation at Pattanam, 2011, pp.2-4(1-10); P. Malekandathil, Op. Cit, pp. 16-17. 167. for more information see, P. J. Cherian, & J. Menon, Unearthing Pattanam: Histories, Cultures, Crossings, National Museum, New Delhi, 2014, pp. 12-14. 168. P.J. Cherian, V.Selvakumar, K.P. Shajan & et.al, Interim Reports of Pattanam Excavations- 2007,2008, 2009,2010 and 2011, Kerala Council for Historical Research, Thiruvananthapuram. 169. W. Ball, OP. Cit, p. 147.

170 found in the northeastern boundary of the site close to a water logged deposit170. The part of the wharf that was be excavated was a huge structure (6m in length and 7.3m in width), made of a mixture of laterite granules and had a nineteen-course outer brick lining. The waterlogged area adjacent to the brick-lining had a dugout canoe made of a single log of Anjili wood171. The intact portion of the highly decayed canoe measures 6m in length and 30 cm in breadth and seven bollards (teak) were carbon(C-14) dated to 36 BC- 24 AD172. (Fig. 10)

This boat was the indication of the small vessels mentioned in the PES and Pliny, used for the transportation of commodities from and to the ocean-going ships anchored at sea to Muziris situated on the bank of a river173. It means Pattanam site was inhabited from the Iron Age period onwards as can be inferred from the stratigraphy, chronometry, and artifactual evidence. The C14 dating of the charcoal samples from the Iron Age layers estimate the antiquity of the site as well as the habitation to around 1000 BC174. The finds-Iron objects, ceramics (Black and Red Ware and coarse and slip wares) indicate that the earliest humans at the site led rather a simple life and the site gradually evolved into a commercial site and emerged as a hub of the Indian Ocean exchanges in the early historic period175.

170. P. J. Cherian & J. Menon, Op. Cit, pp. 78-80. 171. K. Kamlesh, History of Ancient India: portraits of A Nation, Sterling & Private Limited Publ, New Delhi, 2010, p.414; P. J. Cherian & J. Menon, Op. Cit, pp. 20-22. 172. P. J. Cherian, V. Selvakumar, K. P. Shajan & K. Rajan, Pattanam Excavations: Interim Reports, 2009, KCHR, Trivandrum, 2009, pp. 65-79; P. J. Cherian, The Future as Cultural Past: Ancient Maritime Exchanges and the Green Archaeology Project at Pattanam (Muziris), pp. 231-232. 173. P. Malekandathil, Op. Cit, pp. 16- 17. 174. P. J. Cherian, G. V. Raviprasad & et at, Chronology of Pattanam: a multi-cultural port site on the Malabar Coast, in Current Science, Vol. 97, No. 2, 2009, pp.236-240; P. J. Cherian, The Future as Cultural Past: Ancient Maritime Exchanges and the Green Archaeology Project at Pattanam (Muziris), p. 229. 175. J. Cherian, The Future as Cultural Past: Ancient Maritime Exchanges and the Green Archaeology Project at Pattanam (Muziris), p. 229.

171 5.5.2 The Importance of Muziris Commercial

The origin of trade was coincided with the emergence, for the first time ever in South India, of a series of' states or kingdoms each with its own distinct administrative and judicial systems176. In the South, people were engaged in ocean trade since time immemorial, both with West Asia and South East Asia177. The Muziris port was a chief port of Chera kingdom, also was the premier port not only in the Malabar Coast but also the favored destination of ships from the Mediterranean sea, south Arabian coast, and the Persian Gulf at least from the mid-first century AD178. Yet, Muziris seems to have come to limelight later than both Barbaricum and Barygaza. Situated in far-south India, Muziris did not enjoy, like Barbaricum and Barygaza, the advantages of the convergence of the overland Silk Route and seaborne routes179. Neither the Malabar coast formed the part of a formidable and expansive territorial polity like the kingdoms of Kushana and the Satavahana, which were aware of and alive to the prospect of gains out of long-distance commerce, especially the maritime trade with the Egypt and Mediterranean region180. The Muziris became the main port between the east coast ports and the west coast ports of the subcontinent, which means all the commercial goods which came from the east to Muziris port and shipping again to the west181.

Up to the second century AD, the trade was mainly with the Buddhist Tamil Kingdoms of southern India182. Facilities were also made in the seaports for repairing the ships. The arrival and stay of foreign merchants in port towns were common during the Sangam period. Muziris became international Port, where there was a very large foreign community, Greeks, Arabs, Jews, Egyptians, Romans, and men from the Persian Gulf, all

176. G. S. Sandhu, Op. Cit, pp. 155-156. 177. Ibid, p. 119. 178. M. Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, Abhinav Publ, New Delhi, 1977, pp. 104, 117; S. Suresh, Op. Cit, p. 156. 179. K. S. Mathew, Imperial Rome, Indian Ocean Regions and Muziris: New Perspectives on Maritime Trade, Taylor & Francis, India, 2016, p.321. 180. Ibid, p. 322. 181. B. Stein, A History of India, Blackwell History of the World, Vol.10, John Wiley & Sons Publ, 2010, p. 99. 182. W. Ball, Op. Cit, p. 147.

172 educated in some degree and open to fresh religious influence183. There warehouses for storing the goods were built along the coasts.184 In the second century AD, Muziris was the greatest port on the Malabar Coast and at this port the Roman and the Arab ships exchanged their commodities for Indian goods.

5.5.3 Trade Routes

5.5.3.1 Trade Land Routes

Routes are very essential for any community to exploit natural resources, to interact with the neighboring communities culturally and commercially as well as important for political, administrative, economic and religious needs. From 300 BC to 400 AD a large number of port towns and urban settlements were emerged in Indian Peninsula. This led to the prosperity and development of commercial transport between ports and internal cities. The Muziris port had contacted with interior land via the land trade routes, as follows, from, Muziris port to Aluva, Perumbaavoor, from Kothamngalam goes through Adimaali and crosses the Western Ghats near Bodinaayakkanoor to Teni185. It seems possible that People from all parts of India came by land and river route to the nearest sea-port and then made the coastal voyage186.

5.5.3.2 Sea Trade Routes Some historians suggested that the gradual shift of a littoral trade route with northwest India as a destination to a transoceanic voyage to southwest India was determined by a change in interest in new commodities rather than by a discovery of the monsoon in stages187

183. J. Farquhar, The Apostle Thomas in South India, p. 24. 184. Ca. Vē. Cuppiramaṇiyan & Ka. Ta. Tirunāvukkaracu, Historical Heritage of the Tamils, International Institute of Tamil Studies Publ, 1983, p. 429. 185. S. Singh, & S, Gosavi, Port Towns of Arikamedu and Pattanam: A Glimpse into the Ancient Maritime History of India, International Interdisciplinary Research Journal, Vol.08, No.1, 2018, p. 72 (67-74). 186. C. Nayak, Trade and Urban Centres in Ancient and Early Medieval Orissa, New Academic Publ, 2004, p. 47. 187. F. De Romanis, Rome and the Notia of India: Relations between Rome and Southern India from 30 BC to the Flavian period, In Early Mediterranean Contacts with India, eds. F. De

173 Early maritime exchanges were taking place either through circuitous routes or mid- ocean routes or both and it is important to distinguish and correlate them for a better understanding of the early connectivities188. There were both external and internal water routes. The internal routes were river routes and channel routes. The sea routes were divided into two i.e. (1) Coastal routes and (2) Overseas routes. The foreigner merchants used these routes to reach the main ports in western India. These water routes were easier, safer, less expensive and quicker to travel189. Thus there developed trade centres on the banks of such rivers, as Barbaricum in the Indus valley, Barygaza in the bank of Narmada River, and Muziris in the Periyar River.

The commercial and cultural influences of India particularly Malabar were carried over by transoceanic interventions. Because travel and traffic by water has always been cheaper and easier than by land190. The main sea‐routes that were used for the purpose of trade with Malabar Coast were two: one through the Persian Gulf to West Indian coast, the ships were moved from port to another into Muziris port in Malabar coast, and the other route went through the Red Sea to south Arabian sea port (Qana), and ships hugged the Arabian shore for three days after leaving Qana-roughly to Syagrus and then held course into the open sea towards to east into Malabar coast (Muziris)191. In comparison with Malabar, it is said to have been believed that the commerce of Romans had three ways viz. Persian desert, around Africa and Red Sea and it is believed they came to

Romanis & A. Tchernia, Manohar Publishers and Italian Embassy Cultural Centre, New Delhi, 2005, pp. 88-89. 188. N. Boivin & D. Q. Fuller, Shell Middens, Ships and Seeds: Exploring Coastal Subsistence, Maritime Trade and the Dispersal of Domesticates in and around the Ancient Arabian Peninsula, Journal of World Prehistory Vol. 22, No. 2, Springer Publ, 2009, pp. 160-161 (113-180). 189. R. Feeney, M. Kovalesky & J. J. Barry, Brief Review in Global Studies, Pearson Prentice Hall, 1998, p. 133. 190. P. T. Parthasarathi, Roman Control and Influence on the Spice Trade, Scenario of Indian Ocean World: A Re‐Assessment of Evidences, p. 588. 191. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 54; Pliny, BK. 6, ch. 26:100-101; K. S. Mathew, Indo‐ Portuguese Trade and the Fuggers of Germany, Manohar Publ, New Delhi, 1997, p. 47.

174 Malabar by the Red Sea route, but the obstacle being great. Between the Red Sea and Persian Gulf routes, there existed a continual rivalry from earlier times192.

Pliny graphically describes the development of maritime routes between Indian and the West in four stages, with each successive stage, according to him, offering shorter and safer voyages between India and western world ports (south Arabian ports and Red Sea ports). The fourth and the most developed stage of this overseas route had enabled merchants to travel from south Arabian ports (Ocelis in mouth of the Red Sea, and Qana port) to the port of Muziris in 40 days193. Strabo noted the importance of the Sea trade routes between Indian and the western world, through a large number of commercial vessels sailing from Egypt to India, which reached 120 vessels per year194.

5.5.3.3 Silk Trade Route The silk goods were reached to south India from the mouth of the Ganga passing the eastern sea coast. There was another Chains silk came by the sea route, reached to Bay of Bengal from Yunnan, Assam, and then long the Brahmaputra river, or it was exported by Singan-fu-lan-Chow, Lhasa and Chumbi valley to Sikkim and finally reached Bengal, and via sea route towards south India then Muziris195.

5.5.4 Export Goods from Muziris Port

The Tamil country exported a variety of goods to Greece, Arabs, and Roman during the Sangam Age. The most important of them was spices which were sold at high prices to the foreigners' traders196. There are pieces of evidence of trade between the southern Indian kingdoms and Arabia, Greek or Hellenistic kingdom of Egypt and Mesopotamia. The eastern coast under, the west coast occupied by the Cheras was rich in pepper

192. F. C. Danvers, The Portuguese in India, Vol. I-II, Frank Cass Publ, London,1966, p. 19. 193. Pliny, BK.VI, ch.23; N. Katz, R. Chakravarti, B. Sinha & S. Weil, Indo-Judaic Studies in the Twenty-First Century: A View from the Margin, Springer, 2007, p. 27; O. Prakash, The Trading World of the Indian Ocean. 1500-1800, p. 65; J. Wilkes, Encyclopaedia Londinensis, Vol.16, London, 1819, p. 426. 194. Strabo, BK. 2, ch. 5:12. 195. M. Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, p. 125. 196. W. Ball, Op. Cit, p. 147.

175 production197 and the Pandya rule was well known for its pearl198 and the land under the Cholas was famous for its farm products199. Because of the flourishing trade, coastal lands became very important to the rulers. Ports became the focal point for indulging in coastal trade among the southern kingdoms both within themselves as well as with other coasts, overseas and with distant lands200.

The items exported from Muziris port and other ports at Malabar Coast, were black pepper, which was the high profile commodity. The black pepper has been unearthed in substantial quantity from Berenice port (Berenike). In 1999 Archaeologists have discovered up to 7.55 Kg of black pepper in the courtyard floor /store room of the 1st century AD Serape‟s temple trench at the Berenice site201. Other commodities which were exported, included cardamom, ginger, turmeric, saffron, and cinnamon, luxury items gems like corundum and beryl, fine-quality pearls, gems, glass semiprecious-stone beads silk, diamonds, sapphires and Safire. Tropical animals like elephants, tigers, and lions. Timber like ebony, mahogany, and teak, coconut oil, medicinal herbs and tortoise shells, and ivory were exported. Rare birds like parrots and peacock and many others were the items of export202. The Sangam literature reveals that fine varieties of clothes had been exported to the West203.

197. R. Thapar, Early India: From the Origins to AD 1300, University of California Press, Los Angeles, 2004, p. 232. 198. P. Y. Manguin, A. Mani & G. Wade, Early Interactions Between South and Southeast Asia: Reflections on Cross-cultural Exchange, Vol. 2, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Publ, India, 2011, p. 183. 199. N. Jayapalan, Economic History of India, Atlantic & Dist Publ, New Delhi, 2008, pp. 29-32. 200. S. Singh & S. Gosavi, Op. Cit, pp. 70-71. 201. N. Yoffee & B. L. Crowell, Excavating Asian History: Interdisciplinary Studies in Archaeology and History, University of Arizona Press, 2006, p. 45. 202. P. J. Cherian, K. P. Shajan & V. Selvakumar, The maritime spice route that linked peninsular India with West Asia, Red Sea, and Mediterranean rims; new archaeological evidence from Pattanam (Muziris), Pattanam Archaeological Research, Fifth Season Excavation at Pattanam, 2011, p.1; S. E. Sidebotham, Roman Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa:30 BC-AD 217, E. J. Brill Publ, Leiden, 1986, p. 20. 203. A. Eraly, The First Spring: The Golden Age of India, Penguin Books India Publ, New Delhi, 2011, p.243; M. Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, p. 125.

176 The Roman traders came to south India looked for the goods such as spice, iron, precious, stones, sandalwood, teak and ebony, exotic birds and animals. Indian dancing girls had a special fascination for them. Ivory and pearls, cotton and silk were other items that they were on the lookout for204. According to Pliny's estimates about the drain of Roman gold into Arabs, and India, for unproductive luxuries such as spices, silk, and muslin, they paid around a hundred million sesterces205.

5.5.5 Imported Goods

Though the extensive land space scattered around Periyar happened to have been the immediate hinterland for Muziris, it was linked with much wider geographies which supplied a wide variety of commodities for trade. Obviously, it was connected with Kodumanal, from where raw materials for bead making must have been collected in bulk206. The discovery of Roman coins from different areas of Kerala and borderland of Tamil Nadu also indicated to the nature and extent of hinterland which sustained the trade of Muziris. The discovery of Roman aurei and denarii from such remotely interior and distant places like Poonjar, Idukki, Pudankavu, Kumbalam, Valuvally, Kottayam, Eyyal (Kerala)207, is suggestive of the extent of geographical areas that were converted as commodity hinterland for Muziris through webs of trade-routes for the purpose of ensuring regular supply of cargo for further transhipment to overseas markets208.

It can not be determined that whether India imported fewer items from the Roman world than it exported. Yet, India seems to have imported more from the Mediterranean region that south Arabia. Again, as in the Tamil literature, testimonys as well as archaeological evidence are available for Roman goods exported to India209. The western sources

204. P. Kasturi & C. Madhavan, South India heritage: an introduction, East West Books Publ, Madras, 2007, p. 18 ; P. C. Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, p. 64. 205. R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, 2010, p. 168. 206. P. Malekandathil, Muziris and the Trajectories of Maritime Trade in the Indian Ocean in the First Millennium CE, p. 350. 207. P. L. Gupta, Op. Cit, pp. 46-8. 208. P. Malekandathil, Op. Cit, p. 351. 209. S. E. Sidebotham, Op. Cit, p. 24.

177 mention numerous items exported to the subcontinent. Coral from the Mediterranean region was a major Indian import210. Some items, not mentioned in the literary sources as imports to India are known only from archaeological evidence211. The goods from the western world‟s traders (Arabs, Greece, and Romans) mostly included brass and lead, wine in amphorae, glass beads, glass, tin, copper, antimony, orpiment, wheat and olive oil, frankincense, myrrh, ivory, and terracotta artifacts including thin clothing. However, the most important item of exchange was gold coins from the Roman Empire212.

The direct and brisk trade between Roman and Malabar Coast was declined during the third century because of the growing anarchy in the Roman Empire. But the trade did not die out213.

210. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 39, 49, 56; Arthasatra, BK. 2, ch.11: 42. 211. S. E. Sidebotham, Op. Cit, p. 26. 212. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 53-56; G. K. Young, Rome's Eastern Trade International Commerce and Imperial Policy 31 BC-AD 305, Routledge Publ, London & USA, 2003, p. 27; P. J. Cherian, K. P. Shajan & V. Selvakumar, The maritime spice route that linked peninsular India with West Asia, Red Sea, and Mediterranean rims; new archaeological evidence from Pattanam (Muziris), Pattanam Archaeological Research Pattanam Archaeological Research, Pattanam Excavation 2011, Fifth Season Excavation at Pattanam, 2011, p.1; N. Jayapalan, Economic History of India, Atlantic & Dist Publ, New Delhi, 2008, p. 36. 213. N. Jayapalan, Op. Cit, pp. 35-36.

178 Chapter V: Commercial Seaports of Ancient India and Yemen Section 2: Qana Port

5.6 Qana Port

Qana Port can be located on the southern side of the Arabian Peninsula on the Arabian Sea coast, 3 km from the current city of "Bir Ali", to the east of Ba-l-Haf city, bordered by the port of Eudaimon “Aden” to the south, about 220 miles away,1 and the port of Mukalla from the north about 106 km2. Between (14o 1‟N, 48o 20‟E),3 the harbour is situated in a Bay of the best locations along the coast (a sheltered bay), probably the best landing place on the southern coast of Yemen4. (Fig. 11) The remains and ruins of the port of Qana include large areas of the mountain "Husn al-Ghurab"5, which was known as "Urr Mawiyat '" in the ancient Yemeni inscriptions6. The mountain is characterized by its natural immunity so that the summit cannot be reached but only from one side. The

1. R. McLaughlin, The Roman Empire and the Indian Ocean The Ancient World Economy and the Kingdoms of Africa, Arabia and India, Pen and Sword Military Publ, UK, 2014, p. 140. 2. J. Ryckmans, „Civilization of Yemen before Islam‟, Tr. A. M. Zaid, Journal of Yemeni Studies, No. 28, Center for Yemeni Studies and Research, Sanaa, 1987, p. 111; Ch. J. Robin & G. L. Iwona, Inscription Du Wadi Abadan, Vol. 6, 1994, p.128. 3. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 116. 4. J. Suire, P. Sanlaville & M. Mouton, Le Port Sudarabique de Qâni, Paléogéographie et Organisation Urbaine, Comptes-rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres, Vol. 150, No. 2, 2006. p. 782 (777-808); A. V. Sedov, Qana' (Yemen) and the Indian Ocean the Archaeological Evidence, Tradition and Archaeology Early Maritime Contacts in the Indian Ocean, Manohar Publ, New Delhi, 1996, pp.11-12 (11- 35); A.V. Sedov, The port of Qana‟ and the incense trade, Food for the Gods: New Light on the Ancient Incense Trade, eds. D. Peacock & D. F. Williams, Oxbow Publ, Oxford, 2007, p. 71( 71-111). 5. A. Sidov, Qana a large Port between India and the Mediterranean, Yemen in the Country of Queen Saba, pp. 193-194; B. Doe, Husn al-Ghurab and the site of Qana, Le Museon: Revue d‟Etudes Orientales, Vol.74, 1961, p. 196 (191-198); A.. V. Sedov, Temples of Ancient Ḥaḍramawt, Pisa University Press, Pisa, 2005, p. 195. 6. J. R. Wellsted, Op. Cit, p. 424; A. V. Sedov, Ch. J. Robin & P. Ballet, Qâni‟, port de l‟encens, Saba Journal, No. 3-4 , 1997, p. 20-31; K. Shuaibi, Op. Cit, p. 26.

179 height of the mountain is about 150 m,7 as it overlooks the port and it was used as a site to protect the port from piracy. (Fig. 12) In addition, some traces of water reservoirs and light and foundations for some buildings were existed there8.

The port of Qana can be seen as a bay that has a small extension into the land; it is surrounded by two gullies that protect anchored ships from the wind and sea currents throughout the year. The islands and marine heads deployed close to the port also help to reduce the speed of sea currents rushing towards the port9.

5.6.1 Port of Qana in Historical Sources

Many historical sources have referred to the harbour of Qana. These sources belong to different historical periods. Briefs of these sources are as:

5.6.1.1 The Port Mentioned in the Holy Scriptures

The Bible refers to many commercial centres and ports from which commercial goods were transported to Jerusalem, one of these ports was the port of Qana, which was mentioned in the book of "Ezekiel" by the name "Kena" as a commercial market in the southern part of the Arabian Peninsula. Along with some other markets such as Harran and Aden10, these references go back to the 6th century BC11.

5.6.1.2 Classical Sources

These are the sources written by Greece and the Romans that describes the Arabian Peninsula in general and Yemen in particular. There is a reference to the names of many

7. R. Bowen & F. P. Albright, Archaeological Discoveries in South Arabia, AFSM, 1958, p. 42; J. R. Wellsted, Travels in Arabia, Oman and Nakab El Hajar, Vol. 1, William Clowe & Sone Press, London, 1838, pp. 423-424. 8. J. Beren, Discovery of the Arabian Peninsula, Tr. K. Qalaji, Madbouli Library Press, Cairo, 2006, p. 260; J. Suire & et at. Op. Cit, p.786; A. V. Sedov, 1996, p. 12. 9. G. L. Harding, Archaeology in the Aden Protectorates, London, 1964, p. 46; B. Doe, Op. Cit, 1961, p. 191. 10. Bible; (Ezekial) xxvii, 23-24; W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 27, p. 117; A. V. Sedov, New Archaeological and Epigraphical material from Qana (South Arabia), Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, Vol.3, No.2, 1992, p. 125 (110-137). 11. B. Doe, Sothern Arabia: New Aspects of Antiquity, London: 1971, p. 182; P. A. Grjznevich, Study of the Port of Ancient Qana, Results of the Joint Yemeni-Soviet Mission, Vol.1, Yemeni Center for Cultural Research, Antiquities and Museums Publ, Sayoun,1987, p. 22.

180 places, cities, rivers, and mountains, which would not have been easy to identify without these writings. The most important of these information has mentioned the port.

Pliny (23 / 24-79 AD), which dates back to the first half of the first century AD12, in his sixth book on the Arabian Peninsula he mentions its area, wealth, mountains, rivers, trade routes, as well as kingdoms, capitals and temples13. Moreover, the cities and commercial ports were existed along the coasts of Egypt and India, Where the commercial ships began their journey from the Egyptian ports through the Red Sea, and after 30 days those ships arrive at Bab al-Mandab at the port of Ocelies, and then they headed towards the southern coast of the Arabian Peninsula on the Arabian Sea to the port of Cana, Which was located in the Arab countries producing the incense and frankincense14. Pliny is the first to point out that the harbour was located in the south of the Arabian Peninsula. He also points out that the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt was the centre in the production of frankincense and incense, as it was not produced anywhere else in the world15.

As for the author of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea a maritime itinerary of trade between South Arabia and western India16, he also points out to the commercial ports that were situated between Egypt and India, and referring to Qana as one of the most important ports in the south of the Arabian Peninsula, which was important because it was the port where the goods collected the different trade produced by the old Yemen regions, especially the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt, and Socotra island. Goods were transported in small commercial leather-boats to the port of Qana and from there to the inside and outside of the Arabian Peninsula17. Since the port of Qana was flourishing in the second half of the 1st century AD, it indicate that the activity of the port was already flourished to the time before the arrival of the author of the "Periplus of the Erythraean

12. A. Claridge, J. Toms & T. Cubberley, Rome: An Oxford Archaeological Guide, Oxford University Press, UK, 1998, p. 34. 13. Pliny, BK. 6, ch. 32- 33. 14. Pliny, BK. 6, ch. 36: 104; B. Doe, Husn al-Ghurab and the Site of Qana, pp. 191-192. 15. Pliny, BK.12, ch. 29. 16. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 1; G. Fussman, Op. Cit. pp. 31-38; Ch. J. Robin, L'Arabie du sud et la date du Périple de la mer Erythrée (Nouvelles Données), Journal Asiatique, Vol. 279, No. 1-2, 1991, pp. 1-30. 17. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 24.

181 Sea". Claudius Ptolemaeus18, has mentioned the Arabian Peninsula and the names of places, mountains, rivers, and tribes inhabiting it. He also referred to the coasts, ports and commercial land markets. Moreover, he gave the names of the kingdoms in the south of the Arabian Peninsula and their capitals, as well as the distances and borders between those kingdoms. He also pointed at the areas of production of frankincense and incense which he identified in the middle of the Arabian Peninsula, and in the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt19. Ptolemaeus has referred to the port of Qana (kane) when he described the southern coasts of the Arabian Peninsula. The name also appeared on the world map which he prepared.20.

5.6.2 Inscription Sources

Inscription sources are one of the most important and reliable sources to rely for the study and codification of ancient history. The port Qana has been mentioned in the inscriptions of some ancient Yemeni through different historical periods ranging from the third and sixth century AD. Some of the important inscriptions are:

5.6.2.1 Inscriptions (Ir 13), (Ry 533), (Ja 632), (Sh 17)

These inscriptions speak of the war that took place between Shar‟am Awter King of Saba and the king of Ḥaḍramawt, which ended in the victory of the Sabain king and the destruction of the capital Shabwa or Shabwah and the port of Qana as well21. The 47 ships were mentioned in the inscription (Ry 533) which were anchored in the port got burned. The date of these inscriptions goes back to the beginning of the third century AD22.

18. J. W. McCrindle, Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy, Trubner& Co Press, London, 1885. pp. 98-112. 19. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 1, P. 20; Ptolemy, KB. 5, ch. 7: 10 & BK. 8. ch. 22: 9. 20. J. Ail, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, p. 159; A. H. al-Shaibh, Yamanat in the Ancient Yemeni inscriptions, p. 202. 21. K. Shoaibi, Op. Cit, pp. 22-23., 22. Although the scholars differed in determining the history of the war between King Saba' and King Ḥimyar, most views suggest that this war took place in the first third of the third century, M. A. Ba Faqih, Ch. J. Robin, The Importance of the Inscriptions of Jabal al- Maasal, Raydān Journal, Vol.3, Yemeni Center for Cultural Research, Antiquities and Museums, Aden, 1980, pp. 13-14(9-29); Ch. J. Robin, The History Sequence and its

182 Inscription of "Abadan al-Kabeer" is dated to 355 AD. It was discovered in the valley of Abadan (Wādī Abadan) in the region of Nassab, Shabwa governorate. The person(s) who wrote the inscription has indicated in line (37) that they had purchased five ships from the port Qana23.

5.6.2.2 The Inscriptions (CIH 728), (CIH 621)

Both inscriptions were found in the fortress of "al-Ghurab" in front of the entrance of the castle which was placed at the top of the mountain, about 3 meters away. These two inscriptions refer the name of the Qana and mountain "Armawait" which is known, at the present time, as "Husn al-Ghurab". It also indicated the restoration that has been made to the castle of Aramawait at that time24.

5.6.2.3 Inscription of “BR Yanbuq 47”

This inscription was discovered in the valley of Yanbuq about 3 km from al-Houta, Directorate of Mif'ha, Shabwa Governorate. The inscription is dated to (625) in the Ḥimyar calendar as indicated in line 10-11, which equates 510 AD. In the sixth line, the inscription refers to Qana as a tribe who follow the Yazani leaders25.

Problems, Yemen in the Country of Queen of Saba, p. 60; K. Shuaibi, Qana Port from the Second Century BC to the 6th Century AD (Historical archaeological Study), Unpublished Thesis, Aden University, Aden, 2007, p. 22. 23. N. S. Hatboro, Al-Yazaniyon: Home and Role in the History of Ancient Yemen, Dar al- Thqafh al-Arabih Press, Sharjah, 2002, p. 207. 24. J. R. Wellsted, Op. Cit, p. 424; A. V. Sedov, Ch. J, Robin & P. Ballet, Qâni‟, port de l‟encens, Saba Journal, No. 3-4 , 1997, p. 20-31; K. Shuaibi, Op. Cit, p. 26. . Ḥimyar calendar is a calendar that was known in the ancient Yemen. Its use started between(110-115 BC) which parallelized with emergence of Ḥimyarite Kingdom. Y. M, Abdullah, Ḥimyar between the Talk and the Monuments, p. 39; A. S. al-Jaroo, The Brief of the Ancient Political History of the South of the Arabian Peninsula (old Yemen), pp. 206- 207. 25. N. S. Habtoor, Al-Yazaniyon, p. 98; M. A. Ba Faqih & Ch. J. Robin, Inscriptions Inedites De, Yanbuq, RJAYAE, Vol. 2, 1979, p. 49; P. Gryaznevich, Study of the Ancient Qana Port, Work Results of the joint Yemeni-Russian mission, Vol. 2, Yemeni Center for Cultural Research Press, Sayoun, 1988, p. 23 (20-40); N. S. Habtoor, Al-Yazaniyon, p. 98.

183 5.6.3 The Emergence of Qana port

Speaking of the first existence of the port is quite difficult due to the lack of scientific materials that would help us to determine the real age of the port and the beginning of its appearance. Another reason would be the lack of archaeological excavations at the site, where only the remains of ten houses were excavated out of 100 houses found in the port26. Moreover, the inscriptions which refer to the history of the port are rare especially in the area before the first millennium as well as the 1st and 2nd century AD. However, the inscriptions confirm the existence of the port in the 3rd century AD27. What explains the shortage of the inscriptions talking about the Maritime Trade in general and about the port of Qana, in particular, was the attempt of ancient Yemenis to keep the secrete of the old trading road in order to have been preserved by them. Consequently, they used myths and legends to prevent foreigners from approaching the areas of production of frankincense and incense. Among these myths one was what Herodotus reported about the existence of winged snakes attacking those who tried to approach the production areas of frankincense in Ḥaḍramawt28, on the other hand, another myth used to say that the areas of production of frankincense and incense were contagious and only convicted criminals were allowed to collect the crops29. Due to these myths ancient Yemenis were able to preserve the trading resources and to control the land trade for centuries, starting from the 9th century BC till the 1st century AD. Because of that, they made huge fortunes to build the ancient civilization of Yemen. However, the secret of the old Yemeni trade wasn‟t discovered until the end of the 1st century BC and the beginning of the 1st century AD. The reason behind this discovery was the knowledge of the seasonal wind30, which

26. K. Shuaibi, Op. Cit, p. 64. 27. M. A. Ba Faqih & Ch. J. Robin, The Importance of the Inscriptions of Jabal al-Maasal, pp. 13-14. 28. Herodotus, BK. 3, ch.107-109; Strabo, Bk. XVI, ch.4:19 29. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 35, p. 39. 30. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 57.

184 helped the merchant ships to sail directly from Egypt to India without the need for Yemenis as a mediator for trade31.

The port of Qana was one of the most important of those commercial ports. An attempt is made to determine the date of the port through the results of exploration conducted by foreign and local archaeological missions at the site into three sections:

5.6.3.1 The Pre-Christian Period

At this point in history, historical sources can be relied and the results obtained by archaeologists from the excavation process.

As mentioned previously, the oldest reference to the port of Qana was found in the Bible as one of the commercial markets from which gold, gemstones, and incense are brought. The port of Qana was mentioned along with other markets in southern Arabia, such as the port of Aden and the Saba, the date of this reference goes back to the 6th century BC32. After that, the information about the port of Qana was not mentioned in any historical sources until the beginning of the 1st century AD. Though, this does not mean that the port of Qana did not exist. On the contrary, the results of the excavations which were carried out at the port have revealed that the remains of ashes, fish bones and oysters found in some sites of the port dated to the 3rd century BC, as the area of Qana in this period were inhabited by fishermen33. During the 2nd century BC, the port became the Transit on the global maritime trade route connecting Egypt with the Mediterranean Sea on the one hand, and India with the Persian Gulf on the other34.

Moreover, the archaeological remains which were found in one of the excavation sites in Qana indicate that the history of the port dates back to the 2nd century BC35, Which

31. M. Rostovtzeff, Caravan Cities: Petra, Jerash, Palmyra, Dura, Tr. T. Talbot Rice, Oxford University Press, New York, 1932, p. 28; M. Amer, The Ancient Trans-peninsula Routes of Arabia, Congress International de Geographic, Vol.5, Cairo, 1925, pp.132-138 (129-140). 32. B. Doe, Southern Arabia, p. 182 33. H. A. Amirkhanov, Stone Age of South Arabia, Moscow, Nauka , 2006, p. 624. 34. A. V. Sedov, Qana (Yemen) and the Indian Ocean the Archaeological Evidence, Tradition and Archaeology Early Maritime Contacts in the Indian Ocean, New Delhi, 1996, p. 23(11- 35). 35. K. Shuaibi, Op. Cit, p. 64.

185 supports the view that the port of Qana had increased its fame during the second and 1st centuries BC. The prosperity of the port came as a result of the sailing of Ptolemaic merchant ships on the Red Sea, in order to reach the ports of southern Arabia to transport commercial goods coming from different regions to the port of Qana and to the Egyptian ports.36 In this period, the port had become a transit through which commercial ships were transported for the purpose of trade37. Based on the results of excavations at the port, some historians are of the view that the 1st period of conquering the port is dated to the period from 1st century BC to the 1st century AD38.

5.6.3.2 Qana Port from the First Century AD to the Second Century AD.

This stage has become clearer than before and that is due to the information available about Port of Qana, and its importance to the ancient trade routes. The classical books have referred to the port as an important commercial centre on the southern coast of ancient Yemen between the port of Aden and Ras al-Hadd39. Pliny, Ptolemy and Periplus of the Erythraean Sea has pointed out the importance of the port during the first century AD and its active role in the commercial movement between Egypt and India40.

Some sources have provided a lot of information about the harbour, geographically and politically. From the geographical point of view, detailed information were provided about the location of the port on the coast and its distance from the other ports in the stadia. It also identified the distance between the port and the interior areas, such as the

36. P. Gryaznevich, The History of Hadhramawt and its Civilization, The New About the East, ed. B. Levin, Tr. J. Jabir, Dar al-Taqadum Press, Moscow, 1988, p. 225 (218-248). 37. M. A. Ba Faqih, In Happy Arabian, Short Historical Studies, Vol.1, Center for Yemeni Studies and Research Press, Sana‟a, 1987, p. 72. 38. A. V. Sedov, New Archaeological and Epigraphical Material from Qana, p. 124. 39. M. Mouton, P. Sanlaville & J. Suire, Le port sudarabique de Qâni: paléogéographie et organisation urbaine, Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres, Vol. 150, Paris, 2006, p. 782 (777-808). 40. Pliny, BK.6, ch. 26: 104. . A stadia is a Greek unit measuring, the singular is stadium; it equals 606,75 feet, 202 yards, 1/10 miles, 1/6 kilometers. R. J. Al-Hashimi, The effects of the Arabian Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula, Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research, University of Baghdad, Baghdad, 1984, p. 65; N. Ziadeh, Guide of the Erythrean Sea and the Sea Trade of Arabian Peninsula, p. 269; H. S. Shehab, The Myth of Hibalus and Navigation in the Indian Ocean, Geographical Letters, Kuwait University Press, Kuwait, 1987, p. 31.

186 Mifa'ah area and the city of Shabwa, the capital of the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt41. These sources also described the location of the port on the Gulf Sea and the existence of some islands that protect the port from the tsunami and sea currents42.

From the political point of view, these classical sources provided very important information about the name of the king of the frankincense land “El-eazz ualit” whose era of ruling goes back to 25th-65th century AD. His name was mentioned in many Hadhramis inscriptions43. This political information didn't only talk about the areas near to the seacoast, but it also mentioned about the kingdoms of the mountains. As mentioned in the Periplus section 22, the reference to Saua City (13° N., 44° E.), locating in the region of Mapharitis, and the ruling prince who was called Cholaebus, the distance between Saua and port of Muza (13° 19' N., 43° 20' E. ) on the Red Sea about 40 miles, towards the mountains44.

From the economic point of view, the classical sources indicate that the port of Qana had become the main center on the coast of the Arabian Sea since the beginning of the first century AD. The port had become the transit port, where goods were stockpiled and stored until it was re-exported to commercial markets in the ancient world45. This led to the flourishing of foreign relations between the port of Qana and the ports of neighbouring civilizations, such as India, Persian Gulf, East Africa and Egypt, where commercial ships were loaded with various commercial goods to Qana46.

41. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, Ch. 27. 42. G. L Harding, Archaeology in the Aden Protectorates, HMSO, London, 1964, p. 46; B. Doe, Husn al-Ghurab and the Site of Qana, p. 191; M. Mouton, P. Sanlaville & J. Suire, Op. Cit, p. 784; W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 27, p. 117. 43. W. L. Brown & A. F. Beston, Sculptures and Inscriptions from Shabwah, JRAS, London, 1954, pp. 55-56 (43-62). 44. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 21-22, pp. 116-117; Y. M. Abdullah, City of Al-Saua: in The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, Raydan Journal, Antiquities and Ancient Yemeni Inscriptions, Vol. 5, Dar Al-Hamadani Press, Adan,1988, p.101(101- 114); R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, 2014, p. 135. 45. N. S. Groom, Frankincense and Myrrh, a Study of the Arabian Incense Trade, Longman Publ. London & New York, 1981, pp. 152-153; B. Doe, Monuments of South Arabia, Santa Maria la Buna, Cambridge, Oleander Press, England,1983, p. 144; M. A. Ba Faqih, In Happy Arabian, vol. 2, p. 58. 46. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 27& 28& 32 & 33 & 34 & 57.

187 The excavation helped in the discovery of a number of different establishments and a large number of various archaeological pieces such as coins, pottery, cups and other archaeological remains. Through the analysis of these remains, it has been proved that it belonged to different historical periods stretching between the 2nd century BC and 6th century AD47. The commercial goods like wine, oil, and grain were transported from the places of its production in the Mediterranean and Egypt to the port of Qana in storing amphora48.

During the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, the Qana port had become the main port of the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt and the other kingdoms of Yemen in the southern Arabian coast. The development, prosperity, and openness to the old world trade in this phase have caused it as the most important phase for the port49. In addition, other reasons which resulted to the prosperity of the port in this historical period, including:

-The internal conflicts between the old kingdoms of Yemen, which led to disinterest in the commercial convoys and land trade roads. As a result of these conflicts, the change of commercial roads from the land to the sea had taken place.

- Empires and kingdoms (The Ptolemies and the Romans) desired and their constant efforts to control Yemeni trade roads, where the last attack was led by Aelius Gallus in 24 BC50 and after its failure, they turned the land trade routes to the sea route through the Red Sea to Egypt.

- The shift of the political weight with the beginning of the first century from the eastern regions -which overlook the route of incense - to the highlands, in the central region of ancient Yemen. The interest in agriculture had been realized especially due

47. A. V. Sedov, New Archaeological and Epigraphical, pp. 113-120; K. Shuaibi, Op. Cit, p. 125; P. Gryaznevich, Study of the Ancient Qana Port, p. 36. 48. A. V. Sedov, New Archaeological and Epigraphical, pp. 116-118. 49. P. Gryaznevich, Study of the Ancient Qana Port, p. 24. 50. J. B. Pritchard, The Ancient near East, Supplementary Texts and Pictures Relating to the Old testament, 2nd Princeton, New Jersy, 1955, p. 123.

188 to the emergence of the Kingdom of Ḥimyar51. Consequently, this led to the neglecting of commercial roads because of the far distance from the centre of power, thus the trade land routes were gradually disappeared, and were replaced by sea routes.

All these reasons enhanced the prosperity of maritime trade and the emergence of the port of Qana as the most important port on the southern coast of the Arabian Peninsula.

5.6.3.3 Qana Port during the 3rd and 4th century AD

This period has witnessed many changes from the political point of view in ancient Yemen in general and in the port of Qana in particular. Studies which were conducted on the port by many institutions and exploration teams, have proved that the port had returned to its old activity after its burning and destruction during the reign the Sabeans King Sharm Atar to become the main port of the Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom till the end of the 3rd century AD52. That was confirmed by the archeological findings that spreaded all over the site, which distinguished that period from its previous on the following points:

- The spread of fire and destruction in the first layer that belonged to the first period of the time between the 1st and the 2nd century AD.

- finding a number of pottery, pots, plates, and lamps which were imported from the Mediterranean countries such as, Egypt, East Africa, India, Mesopotamia, and the Persian Gulf53. - The expansion of the residential area in Qana reached about 5 hectares, in addition to the construction of new buildings on some of the old foundations, where its remains are extant to this day. One of the most important of

51. R. G. Holand, Arabia and the Arabs from the Bronze Age to the Coming of Islam, Qdmoos Publ & Dist, Lebanon, 2010, p. 68; A. S. al-Jaroo, The Agricultural Renaissance in Ancient Yemen, Saba Journal, No. 7, University of Aden, Aden, 1997, p. 27 (25-61). 52. M. A. Ba Faqih, In Happy Arabia, Vol. 2, p. 115. 53. A. V. Sedov, New Archaeological and Epigraphical, pp. 114-115; N. S. Groom, Trade Incense and Perfumes, In Queen of Sheba, Treasures from Ancient Yemen, British Museum Press, London, 2002, pp.100-101; A. V. Sedov, Qana a large Port between India and the Mediterranean, pp. 195-196; K. al-Shuaibi, Op. Cit, p. 17.

189 these construction wee the religious buildings in the south-west and in the north-west of the city along with the defensive fortifications at the top of the West Fort54.

-The existence of large amounts of silver and bronze coins of Ḥadrami, Ḥimyarite, Greek, and Romanian55.

This period is considered as the starting indications of Qana Port in the old Yemeni inscriptions. Through these inscriptions, it was easy to identify the economic and political situation of Ḥaḍramawt kingdom and the port of Qana. From the economic point of view, the inscription (Ja 931) pointed out the relationship of the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt with India and with the north of the Arabian Peninsula. The inscription indicated that El- eazz ualit the King of Ḥaḍramawt held a celebration and guests From India, Palmyra and Chaldean,56 which indicated the expansion of the commercial relationship of the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt with the kingdoms and empires that were concerned with the old trade.

The control over the port of Qana was varied among the old kingdoms of Yemen as indicated in the inscription. For example, the port was under the control of the Kingdom of Awsan during the period of its prosperity until it was eliminated in the 2nd century AD. Then the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt took over the official supervision of the port, which became within its geographical scope until the end of the 3rd century AD, when there was an emergence of Himyarite in the central highlands of ancient Yemen, and their control over the coastal area stretching from Aden to the south to the port of Qana East57. The queen of Ḥaḍramawt regained control of the port again58. The increase of power of

54. A. V. Sedov, Qana a large Port between India and the Mediterranean, p. 195. 55. A. V. Sedov, New Archaeological and Epigraphical, pp. 114-115 & 125& 127-128; A. V. Sedov & A. F. Robin , et Ballet Qani, p. 23. 56. M. A. Ba Faqih, Ruins and Inscriptions of Alaqlah, Field Study of one of the Archaeological Sites near Shabwa in Ḥaḍramawt, Mutbaeat Lajnat al-Taalif wal Tarjamat wal Nushri, Cairo, 1967, p. 64; M. A. Ba Faqih & et at, Selections of Yemenite inscriptions, Arab Organization for Education Culture and Science, Tunisia, 1985, pp. 229-230; B. Doe, Monuments of South Arabia, p. 18. 57. H. V. Wissman, Himyar Ancient History, Louvain, Publiee Par, L'Association sans But Lucratlif, Le Museon, Vol. 77, No. 2-3, 1964, p. 444 (429-497). 58. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 67.

190 Ḥimyar kingdom after their defeat to Saba kingdom by the King Shammar Yahri'sh resulted in the destruction of the kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt which was having independence and economic prosperity in the eastern part of ancient Yemen. By the end of the 3rd century AD, Ḥimyarite took control over Shabwah (the capital of Ḥaḍramawt) and some other parts59. In the middle of the 4th century AD, the associates of the King Shammar Yahri'sh imposed their control all over Ḥaḍramawt60, so they earned the new name (king of Saba, Raydān, Ḥaḍramawt, and Yamanat).61 Having this name was a proof of their control over Ancient Yemen, thus the port of Qana became a part of the geographical region of the kingdom of Ḥimyar62.

The period from the first century to the fourth century had witnessed the most important stages of the prosperity of the port as the commercial activity at this stage was at the peak of its prosperity. As a result, international trade relationship got flourished between the ancient kingdom of Yemen (Ḥimyar) and the countries of the Mediterranean basin, Egypt and East Africa on the one hand, The Persian Gulf, and Mesopotamia on the other.

By the end of the fourth century and the beginning of the 5TH century AD, the port of Qana gradually became less important and no longer had the importance that it had in the last 3rd centuries AD. This was due to the political conditions witnessed in the ancient world, which can be summarized as follows:

- The conflict in the Romanian Empire and its inability to protect its colonies. Consequently, the collapse of commercial land-routes and sea-routes due to the absence of protection and lack of concerns.

59. N. S. Habtoor, Al-Yazaniyon, p. 119; M. Arbach, New Data about History of the Kingdom of Hadhramawt (7th century BC-3rd century AD), Yemeni Annals Journal, French Institute of Archeology and Social Sciences Press, Sana'a, 2003, p. 14 (7-14); K. H. Noman, Political, Economic and Social Conditions under the Reign of King Shamr yhorash, pp. 129 &134 & 135. 60. A. H. al-Shaibah, Studies in the History of Ancient Yemen, p. 28; M. Arbach, New Data on the Kingdom of Hadramout, p. 14; A. S. al-Jaroo, The Brief of the Ancient Political History of the South Arabian, p.235. 61. Ymanat is the name which mentions in the royal title, includes is the coastal region to the south of the Kingdom of Hadhramawt and a port of Qana. M. A. Ba Faqih, History of Ancient Yemen, p. 137; A. H. al-Shaibah, Ymanat in the Ancient Yemeni Inscriptions, p.104. 62. T. A. al-Mutahar, Ancient Yemeni Ports (Historical Study), pp. 103-107.

191 - Christianity became the official religion of the Roman Empire, which led to the lack of interest in milk and incense in religious matters and decrease the demand for it, which led to the collapse of the economy in the south of the Arabian Peninsula63. - The internal conflicts between the ancient Yemeni Kingdoms on one hand and the emergence of the external threat of invasion represented by the Abyssinian on the other hand64. - The External Rapacity which led to the deterioration of economic conditions and lack of interest in the sources of agriculture and trade. Despite the deterioration of the importance of Qana port, it has maintained its commercial relationship with Egypt and East Africa and Mesopotamia and India. The evidenced for this is a large number of archaeological remains and the pottery found at the site of the port. In addition to the luxuries that matched the luxuries found in The Middle East (Palestine - Egypt), East Africa the Black Sea coasts. Moreover, the various jars, glass, and saucers decorated with a glossy pot made of pottery and various cooking utensils, dating from the 4th to the 6th century were found there65.

The port of Qana continued its commercial role during the period between the end of the 4th century and the 6th century AD, as proved by the excavations and archaeological remains. There after the port started to collapse gradually until it lost its significance important by the end of the 6th century and the beginning of the 7th century66.

63. Y. M. Abdullah, Papers in the Yemen History and Ruins, p. 223. 64. T. A. Al-Mutahar, Op. Cit, p. 107. 65. A. Akubian, A. Ba Taya, Y. Vinogradov & A.V. Sedov, Research in the Ruins Qana city, the Results of the Yemeni-Soviet Joint Mission, Vol.1, Yemeni Center for Cultural Research, Archeology, and Museums, Sayoun,1988, p.74 (68-77); P. Gryaznevich, Study of the Ancient Qana Port, p. 36; K. al-Shuaibi, Op. Cit, P. 85; A. V. Sedov, New Archaeological and Epigraphical, p. 113. 66. A. V. Sedov, New Archaeological and Epigraphical, p. 123; A. Akubian & et at, Archaeological excavations at the Ancient Port of Qana, the Results of the Yemeni-Soviet Joint Mission, Vol.1, Yemeni Center for Cultural Research, Archeology, and Museums, Sayoun, 1987, pp. 46-51(41-56).

192 5.6.4 Commercial Activity Related with the Port of Qana

For many centuries, ancient Yemeni had remained involve in trading. Their caravans were roaming the deserts carrying various goods and commercial products from the areas of their production to areas of consumption in Mesopotamia67, the Levant68, Egypt69, and the Mediterranean basin70. Trade no doubt played a leading role in their lives in pre- Islamic times, as for their skills as they were traders, intermediaries, carriers, or route- protectors.

Although Yemeni were interested in the land-trade, the sea-trade became as important as the land-trade. As a result, commercial ports have developed along the commercial sea- route from the coasts of western India to the Mediterranean coast. Some of these commercial ports have been marked as important stations to connect between the sea- route and land-rout, one of these ports was the port of Qana which had an average geographical position between the east and the west. Its location was appropriate for the docking of ships throughout the year so that the commercial ships that were anchored in the port would not have been affected by the dangers of wind and sea currents71. Moreover, the port was considered as a connecting centre between the land-routes that run through the Arabian Peninsula from the south to the north on one hand (incense route) and the sea-route running through Southeast Asia, East Africa, and the Mediterranean on the other hand72. These conditions helped to flourish the commercial activities in the port to become the most important commercial port in the southern Arab peninsula73. What increased the importance of Qana port was its close location to the areas of production of Incense, frankincense, and other Aromatic products in the coast of

67. see background of Yemen, ch. 2, p. 58 68. see background of Yemen, ch. 2, pp. 60-61 69. M. A. Ba Faqih & et a, Selections of Ancient Yemeni Inscriptions, p. 293. 70. The most prominent evidence of this relationship is the Yemeni inscriptions found on the island of Delius in the Mediterranean Sea. Italian Excavations in Yalla (northern Yemen), new data on the chronology of Arab civilization before Islam, Tr. M. Arbach, French Center for Yemeni Studies, Sana'a, 1999, p. 17. 71. A. S. al-Jaroo, The Brief of the Ancient Political History of the South Arabian, p. 222. 72. A. S. al-Jaroo, Studies in Civilizational History, p. 53. 73. B. Doe, Husn al-Ghurab and the Site of Qana, p. 191.

193 Ḥaḍramawt, Hajar valley, Socotra Island, and the African coast74. In addition, near location to the capitals of ancient kingdoms of Yemen Timna and Shabwah which lied on the edge of the desert of “Sayhad desert” or “Ramlat al Sab'atayn” also played great role75.

The following points would focus on the commercial products and the trading routes (land-route and sea-route) which had a prominent role in the flourishing of economic activity in the port of Qana in particular and the kingdoms of old Yemen in general.

5.6.5 Commercial Products and Items of Export

5.6.5.1 Incense

In the ancient world many regions had unique natural products that proved valuable commodities in distant markets. Traders, traffickers and consumers were prepared to pay large sums to obtain these goods. Foremost among these unique products was the incense formed from fragrant, hardened resin of certain trees that grew in hot and arid climates.

Incense became a necessity for religious observance at various places far from its place of origin. So transport systems were created to deliver this valuable crop to consumer markets. The products in the port varied between local products and international products which were imported either for the domestic consumption or for re-exporting to other places76.

5.6.5.2 Frankincense

Frankincense was one of the most important commodities that characterized the ancient trade. It was a substance extracted from berry prickly trees known as (Boswellia), and out of the five species, only Frereana, Carterii, and probably Bhua Dajiana, produces

74. A. M. Muati, The History of the Arab Economic before Islam, Dar al-Manahil Lebanese Press, Beirut, 2003, pp. 202-202; H. M. Saray, Pre-Islamic Coins Discovered in the Eastern Arabian Peninsula and their Personal, Religious, Political and Economic Indications, The Cultural & Scientific Association, Dubai, 2003, p. 65. 75. N. S. Habtoor, Wadi Mif'a, Historical Study of a Cultural Center in Ancient Yemen, Unpublished Master Thesis, University of Aden, Aden, 1997, pp. 63-65. See Map. 76. R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, p. 28.

194 frankincense of commercial worth77. The height of these trees varies depending on the climatic conditions in where they grow ranging from two to three meters.78 There are also different kinds of frankincense trees, which reach about 15 kinds79. These trees (frankincense) grew in special climatic conditions, prevailing in coastal areas of Ḥaḍramawt, Socotra, Horn of Africa (Somalia) and parts of the western coast of India (Coromandel)80.

In Greek word Libanos in Hebrew Lebonah, in Arabic Luban, mean white and “Milk perfume”, which is the Chinese term for frankincense81. There were certain portions of the frankincense which were given to the priests and king's secretaries and in addition to these, the keepers of it as well as the soldiers who guarded it. The gate-keepers and various other employees, had their share as well. And besides, all along the route, there was at one place water to pay for, at another fodder, lodging of the stations and various taxes and imposts. The consequence of which is that the expense for each camel before it arrived at Gaza was 688 denarii. Hence a pound of the best incense used to sell at 6 denarii for one talent weight, of the second quality at 5 denarii, and of the third quality at 3 denarii82. Pliny reveals how the incense trade had been developed by AD 70 when he lists three grades of frankincense that ranged in price from 3 to 10 denarii per pound and also in Roman markets the best frankincense was valued at 10 silver denarii per pound83.

77. G. W. Van Beek, „Frankincense and Myrrh in Ancient South Arabia‟, Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 78, No. 3, 1958, p. 141(141-152). 78. B. Thomas, Arabia Felix:Across the Empty Quarter of Arabia, London,1932, p. 122; G. W. Van Beek, Frankincense and Myrrh, The Biblical Archaeologist, the American Schools of Oriental Research, Vol. 23, No. 3, 1960. P. 71; H. J. Carter, A Description of the Frankincense Tree of Arabia with Remarks on the Misplacement of the 'Libanophorous Region ' in Ptolemy's Geography, Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol.2, 1948, pp. 380-390. 79. T. Monod, Les arbores a incense Dans Le Hadramout (Yemen du sud) Bulletin du museum d'histoire aturelle, Vol. 4, No.1, Paris, 1979, pp. 147-149. 80. Y. M. Abdullah, Papers in the History of Yemen and its Antiquities, p. 224; P. J. Marshall, India and Indonesia During the Ancient Regime, E. J. Brill Publ, Leiden, 1989, p.208; Pliny, BK.12, ch.30:52; Strabo, BK. 16, ch.4: 4. 81. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 27, p. 120. 82. Pliny, BK. 12, ch.32. 83. Ibid, Bk. 12, ch. 32.

195 5.6.5.3 Myrrh

Myrrh was one of the most important commercial commodities that had been popular in the world. It was a dried resinous substance extracted from the Commiphora tree which was considered as a prickly plant84. The myrrh tree, Balsamodendron myrrh, was wholly unlike the frankincense tree, except for its production of aromatic gum-resin85. Myrrh can also be found in different kinds of trees that grow in tropical and subtropical regions in East Africa, Arabic, Socotra and India86. The height of these trees ranges between from 4 to 15 feet and the branches extend to cover an area of width up to 20 feet87. This substance Myrrh is used as a medical drug and perfume. It also used in embalming and religious ordinances88. The prices of Myrrh differed depending on its quality ranging from (3-50) denarii, yet the Arabic Myrrh of the red colour was the finest quality and had an average price 6 denarii for one talent weight89.

Myrrh and frankincense in particular, were renewable crops that brought great wealth to ancient Yemen Kingdoms. By contrast, civilizations like Rome and Parthia had no equivalent product that could meet the cost of their incense imports and therefore had to rely on finite bullion reserves to pay for their consumerism90.

5.6.6 Import of Commercial Goods

The Arabs, in order to hide the source of cinnamon, declared it to have been the product of South Arabia91. They imported many items from India as camphor, pulp of purging

84. G. W. Van Beek, Frankincense and Myrrh in Ancient South Arabia, p. 71. 85. Ibid, p. 143. 86. Pliny, BK. 12, ch. 34, 68; Y. M. Abdullah, Papers in the History of Yemen and its Antiquities, p. 73; N. S. Habtoor, Wadi Mif'a, p. 47-48. 87. G. W. Van Beek, Op. Cit, p.71 88. Pliny, BK.6, ch. 24; Y. M. Abdullah, Papers in the History of Yemen and its Antiquities, p. 73. 89. Pliny, BK. 12, ch. 45, p.70. 90. R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, p. 28. 91. M. Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, Abhinav Publ, New Delhi, 1977, p. 125.

196 cassia92, guinea grain, nutmeg, coconut, tamarind, stone fruits, myrobalan, and exudation of deodar93. And they imported from Mediterranean and Egypt important goods as fine cloth, luxuries, silver, tin, coral, plate, gold, embossed silverware, oil, wine, sesame, wheat, mules, horses, large quantities of money (coins), statuary, and glass94.

5.6.7 Commercial Routes

Commercial routes have played a very significant role in the life of the inhabitants of the Arabian Peninsula during the different historical times. It was one of the factors that led to the creation of new cities and commercial centres. The Arabs knew two types of commercial routes i.e. land routes and sea routes where each one has its own characteristics.

5.6.7.1 Commercial Land Routes

So far as the starting of the use of the land routes was concerned there are some historical events that proves the starting of the land routes during the 12th century BC. This inference is based on the view that Incense was one of the most important products known to the old-world people; consequently, people of Mesopotamia knew the Incense products about (3200 BC) where it was delivered through the land route coming from the south of the Arabian Peninsula95. As for as ancient Egyptians were concerned, the use of Incense went back to a very early time which can't be determined precisely. The trips made by the rulers of Egypt during the time of the Fifth Dynasty (2560 - 2420 BC) to Punt land in order to bring incense are proved of the importance of incense in the lives of ancient Egyptians96. After the era of Ramesses III (1182-1152 BC), i. e. in the middle of

92. E. H. Warmington, The Commerce between the Roman Empire and Indian, Cambridge, 1928, p. 220. 93. M. Chandra, Op. Cit, p. 126. 94. S. E. Sidebotham, Roman Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa: 30 BC.-AD. 217, p. 20; L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei, text with introduction, translation and commentary, Princeton University Press, New Jersey, 1989, p.28. 95. J. M. al-Hamd, Social and Economic Conditions in Ancient Yemen, Aden University& Bit Althqafh Alarabih Press, Aden& Sharjah, 2003, p. 473. 96. A. Saleh, History of Ancient Times (Pharaonic) until the end of the Ancient State, Encyclopedia of the History of Egypt through the ages (the History of Ancient Egypt), the Egyptian General Book Authority, Cairo, 1997, p. 95.

197 the 13th century AD, Egyptian rulers stopped the campaigns to Punt land to bring incense97. However, the Incense preserved its importance in the lives of ancient Egyptians. Although campaigns were stopped, ancient Egyptians kept on using Incense which means that the Incense product was delivered to them through the land route (Incense route) coming from Yemen to Mesopotamia, and Egypt. (Fig. 13)

Another proof that ancient Yemen was the source of such product is the discovery of writing of a Yemeni man named "Zaid El" who used to supply the Egyptian temples with Incense98. The taming of camel‟s back to the 12th century BC99, moreover, helped to increase the number of products transported by caravans and to arrive within a short period of time.100 It means that the land routes had existed in the Arabian Peninsula since very early time.

Furthermore, Land routes played an important role in the growth of cities and commercial centres in the Arabian Peninsula. The directions of these routes were determined by natural factors, political factors, as well as its distance from the desert and mountainous areas even if it took them to go through long distances just to avoid the rugged areas101. The most important of these routes were as follows:

5.6.7.1.1 Incense Road Incense Route is a name used by researchers to call the commercial route, which extended from the incense production areas in the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt in southern Arabia to the Levant. This long-distance overland road was well known as the Incense

97. G. W. Van Beek, Frankincense and Myrrh in Ancient South Arabia, p. 145; A. Saleh, The Ancient Near East, Vol. 1, Egypt and Iraq, Cairo, 1973, pp. 258, 263. 98. M. Rostovtzeff, Op. Cit, 1932, p. 57; M. S. Abdel ghani, The Arabian Peninsula Egypt and Ancient Eastern Trade, al-Maktab al-Jamieiu al-Hadith Press, Alexandria, 1999, p. 46. 99. L. Abdel wahab, The Arabs in Ancient Times, p. 172; M. A. Ba Faqih. The History of Ancient Yemen, p. 24; A. al-Triisi, The Land of Saba and Arab Civilization, Dar al-Fikr al- Mueasir Press, Damascus, 1990, p. 20. 100. A. H. al-Shaibh, Lectures in the History of the Ancient Arabs, p. 215. 101. N. S. Groom, The Northern Passes of Qataban, Proceeding of Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol. 6, 1976, P. 72 (69-80).

198 Road as it was used for the carriage of important and costly commodity incense through this road102.

The incense route started from the port of Qana (Bir Ali)103, where the local and imported products were collected at the place. The commercial ships coming from India, the Persian Gulf, and East Africa emptied their cargos in the port of Qana so these goods were to be re-exported again but this time through the land routes104. This route was directed towards north to reach Shabwah through two ways:

5.6.7.1.2 Qana -Qoult- Shabwah Route This route started from the port of Qana towards the north to an area called Qoult about 30 km from the port. The road continued northward to the Joul area, where a road led to the direction of Wādī Dawan105. The main route continued northward to Wādī Hajar then the caravans kept moving north towards Wādī Arama and from there to Shabwah106.

5.6.7.1.3 Qana - Wādī Mifa'ah-Shabwah Route This road started from the port of Qana and headed towards the west on a coastal road that extended 100 km to Mifa'ah (Naqab al-Hajar). From there it continued to Wādī Amaqin, where another road run from this road at the junction of Wādī Amaqin and Wādī

102. A. H. al-Shaibh, History of Ancient Yemen, p.198; Y. M. Abdullah, Papers in Yemen's History and Antiquities , p. 332; W. W. Mueller, The Ancient Incenses Road, Papers in Yemen's History and Antiquities, ed. Y. M. Abdullah, Dar al-Fikr Press, Beirut, 1990, p. 217. 103. Y. M. Abdullah, Papers in the History of Yemen and its Antiquities, p. 315; M. A. Ba Faqih, Archeology and Development, Culture Journal, No.1, Ministry of Culture Press, Sana'a, 1993, pp. 52-53 (50-60); M. A. Ba Faqih, The Formation of Ancient Yemen, Yemeni Culture Future Vision, Vol.1, Ministry of Culture Press, Sana'a, 1991, p. 32 (14- 44). 104. N. A. al-Naeem, The Economic Conditions in the Arabian Peninsula in the Period from the third century BC until the third century AD, Dar al-Shawaf Press, Riyadh, 1412 AH, pp. 213-220. 105. P. Gryaznevich & M. B. Piotrovskij, Commerce and Commercial Roads in Ancient Hadramout, Results of the Joint Yemeni-Soviet mission, Yemeni Center for Cultural Research, Antiquities and Museums, Sayoun, 1987, p. 95 (86-96). 106. N. S. Groom, Frankincense and myrrh, pp. 168-169; A. S. Al-Jaroo, Land and Maritime Trade Roads, p. 24.

199 Habban, this new road went to Timna the capital of Qataban107. While the main road continued from Wādī Amaqin towards Birira and from there to Wādī Jardan until it reached Shabwah108.

In the capital, Shabwa, the commercial routes coming from the production areas of frankincense and Qana port joined there. Thus Shabwa was the area where frankincense was collected and after determining the share of the king and the temples in frankincense, the amount of taxes was determined109. After that, the remaining goods were to be sold to the traders of the city110. The caravans' journey started on the commercial route referred to by the classic writers, which extended from the capital of the Qataban Kingdom to Gaza at a distance of 1487.5 miles; this route was divided into 65 stages, traversed by caravans that carried different commercial goods, the most important of which was incense111.

5.6.7.1.4 Shabwah- Najrān Route The commercial route started from Shabwah towards the west for a distance of 90 miles through the desert of Ramlat al-Sab'atayn to Timna'112. There was also another route from Shabwa to Timna' through the Valley of Markah for a distance of approximately 170 miles113, from Timna' the route headed towards the north for about 90 miles through Wādī Ḩarīb to Marib "the capital of the kingdom of Saba"114.The route headed northward to Qarnāwu (the capital of the Kingdom of Ma'in)115. It kept heading towards the north till it reached Najrān region that was called by Ptolemy as (Metropolis) because it was at the

107. P. Gryaznevich & M. B. Piotrovskij, Op. Cit, p. 92. 108. A. S. al-Jaroo, Land and Maritime Trade Roads, p. 26. 109. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants and Minor Works on Odours and Weather Signs, BK.4, ch. 4: 4-6, p. 237. 110. N. S. Groom, The Northern passes of Qataban, p. 69. 111. Pliny, BK. 12, ch.32, p. 64. 112. N. S. Groom, The Northern Passes of Qataban, p. 69. 113. Ibid, p. 74. 114. Ibid, p. 180. 115. M. S. Abdel Ghani, The Arabian Peninsula Egypt and Ancient Eastern Trade, p. 185.

200 crossroads coming from the south to the north and the east116. In Najrān, a byway extend- out of the main route, which was runs north-east, used to pass from the Bayir Hama', Qaryat Dhāt Kāhil (Qaryat al Faw), and Gerrha port117.

The main incense route continued from Najrān northwards to Jerash, Tabala, and then to Dedān (al-ʿUlā) and Al-Ḥijr (Madāʾin Ṣāliḥ)118, where this station represented the centre for the gathering of merchants from different regions. A clear evidence for that was the existence of communities or different ethnicities, in addition to the existence of many inscriptions, Musnd, Thamūdic, and Liḥyān Line there119. The incense route continued towards the north, passing through Ainuna to a village and then to Petra where it got divided into two byways120, one heading north to Palmyra, the north of Syria, and the other heading west to Gaza121.

5.6.7.1.5 Qana -Gerrha- Palmyra Route This road led from Qana to the east across the coast, then to port Samharam (Khor Rori), and from there it went north to the eastern border of the Najd area, and then it run parallel to the coast of the Persian Gulf, passing through the oasis of Yibreen until it reached the port of Gerrha122, then went to Tarot then to Thaj where it splited into two ways; the first continued till it reached the city of Maysan (at the top of the Persian Gulf). From Maysan, the commercial caravans travelled either towards the north to Mesopotamia or towards the west to Petra and Levant. The second way started from Gerrha towards the west

116. A. F. I. Beeston, Some Observations on Greek and Latin data Relations to South Arabia, BSOAS, Vol. 42, London, 1979, p. 7. 117. K. Schippmann, History of the Ancient kingdoms in Southern Arabia, CYSR Press, Sana'a, 2002, p. 120. 118. W. C. Brice, The Classical Trade-Routes of Arabia from the Evidence of Ptolemy, Strabo, Pliny. in Studies in the History of Arabia, II: Pre-Islamic Arabia, KSU Press, Riyadh, 1984, p. 177 (177-181). 119. F. V. Winnett, The Place of Minaean in the History of Pre-Islamic Arabia, BASOR No.73, ASOR Publ, New Haven, 1939, p. 3. 120. M. B. Mahran, Ancient Arab Civilizations, Dar al-Maerifah al-Jamieiah, Alexandria,1988, p. 290; A. Jawad. Op. Cit, Vol.3, p. 20. 121. M. al-Ghoul, Ancient Yemenite Inscriptions, Journal of History and Archeology, No.23, Sana'a,1993-1994, p. 34. 122. M. B. Mahran, Op. Cit, p. 290.

201 crossing the centre of Arabia till it approached an area called Al-Hafof, then from the north side of al-Yamamah region, it led to Dūmat al-Jandal then finally to Petra123. (Table. 2)

5.6.7.2 Marine Trading Routes Ancient Yemeni merchants relied on the land routes for the transportation of their merchandise to the north of the Arabian Peninsula, cities of the Mediterranean, Egypt, and Mesopotamia. Although, they were using the commercial sea route, the ancient Yemeni inscriptions did not mention that they had used the sea for the transportation of their trade. The reason behind was that might be for keeping the secret of sources of the merchandise as mentioned earlier. However, these scripts did repeatedly mention the sea124 commercial ports125 and names of different trading ships126. (Fig. 14)

The process of the transportation through sea routes was cheaper than through the land routes, high taxes were imposed on the land route which led to price increase127. In addition, the sea routes were a valuable source for reinforcing the local trade with various goods that came from the neighboring countries, as mentioned in the classical books. A network of commercial sea routes was also found which linked the port of Qana with other ports of the old world (production areas). The most important of these routes were:

. Al-Yamamah is an ancient district lying to the east of the plateau of Najd in modern-day Saudi Arabia, or sometimes more specifically, the now-extinct ancient village of Jaww Al- Yamamah, near Al-Kharj. 123. W. C. Brice, Op. Cite, p. 177. 124. T. A. al-Mutahar, Ancient Yemeni Ports (Historical Study).pp. 26-27. 125. The inscriptions mentioned to many of the ancient Yemeni ports such as Ir 28/1- Mukha, Al-Mi'sal 5- Aden, R 533/8- Qana, and Ja 885/3- Samhurm (Khor Ruri). 126. The most important ancient Yemeni inscriptions pointed to ships are Ry 533/9, Ir 13/13, Ir 12/3. 127. R. Stoneman, Palmyra and Its Empire: Zenobia's Revolt Against Rome, University of Michigan Press, Michigan, 1994, p. 37.

202 5.6.7.2.1 Qana Port - Red Sea Route Red sea has witnessed a fare-share of the commercial Maritime voyages. Some of the important voyages were like the one sent by ancient Egyptians128, like king Sahure and Queen Hatshepsut 1500 BC to the southern areas of Red Sea129. These areas were known by Egyptians as the Punt land, which included areas of the Horn of Africa, the southern Arabian Peninsula, and the coast of Ḥaḍramawt, the last was famous for producing the finest types of frankincense130.

With the emergence of the Ptolemaic Kingdom and its control over Egypt, their maritime activity was started in the northern part of the Red Sea. They had established a lot of commercial ports on the eastern side of the Red Sea, mainly to receive the merchandise coming from the southern part of the Arabian Peninsula and moved it to Egypt131. This was the beginning of the maritime activity in the Red Sea during the Ptolemaic period, though the Nabateans persistently kept trying to prevent this project which intended to demolish their kingdom by changing the trading route from the land to sea. Consequently, they started attacking the Ptolemaic trading ships at sea132. In order to retrieve the trading land route133 eventually, the Ptolemaic kings at that time had a greater

128. R. McLaughlin, Rome and the Distant East: Trade Routes to the ancient lands of Arabia, India and China, Bloomsbury Publ, London & New York, 2010, p. 24. . Sahure was an ancient Egyptian pharaoh, the second ruler of the Fifth Dynasty, who reigned for about 12 years in the early 25th century BC. J. Baines, Ancient Egypt, The Oxford History of Historical Writing: Vol. 1, Beginnings to AD 600, eds. A. Feldherr & G. Hardy, Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 65. 129. N. S. Groom, The Frankincense and Myrrh, p. 23. 130. M. A. Ba Faqih, The History of Ancient Yemen, p. 49. 131. D. Siculus, BK.19, ch. 94: 5. 132. S. A. Al-Naciri, Conflict on the Red Sea in the Ptolemies Era, SHA, Riyadh: KSU Press,1984, p. 411(401-428); P. Ross, City of Isis; the True History of the Arabs, Tr. F. Jaha, Dar al-Bashair Press, Damascus, 2004, P, 207. 133. M. K. Abdul-Aleem, Arabian Peninsula Trading in Aromatic Substances in the Greek and Roman Eras, SHA, Vol. 2, KSU Press, Riyadh, 1984, p. 202 (201-213); A . Salem, Studies in the History of the Arabs, the History of the Arabs before Islam, Moasasat Shabab al- Jamiah Press, Alexandria, 1969. p. 162; G. F. Hourani, Arab Navigation in the Indian Ocean, Tr. Y. Bakr, Anglo-Egyptian Library Press, Cairo, 1958, p. 59.

203 force which led to the defeat and destruction of all the Nabateans ships134. The era of Ptolemy II Vladlvius (285-247 BC)135, moreover, had witnessed a period of stability and control over the Red Sea so the last became a safe route for the movement of commercial ships. Hence, the Ptolemaic trading ships reached to the far south of the Red Sea (Bab al- Mandab) and Socotra Island. There are also some accounts saying that Ptolemaic ships had access to the coasted of Western India and carried commercial materials136. These evidences could not be proved due to the lack of physical evidence, though the Indian goods reached Egypt through the port of Qana. The port of Qana, for this reason, was considered as the transit point between east and west137. With the gradual weakening of the Ptolemaic kingdom in the face of the Roman Empire that appeared in the East and their apathy of protecting the sea route, the Nabateans got the chance to destroy the Ptolemaic ships in the Red Sea. The Nabateans brought back the land trade route temporarily taking the advantage of the conflict between the Ptolemaic and Romans138.

At the end of the first century BC, the Roman took control over large areas of Levant, Egypt, and the Red Sea139. They shifted the commercial goods that came from the south of Arabian Peninsula to the port of Luke kome, on the eastern coast of the Red Sea than to the port of Myos Hormos (Quseir al-Qadim) on the Egyptian coast. From there, goods were taken through land route to a place called Taybeh then again by ships across the Nile to Alexandria140. Romans didn‟t stop their control over the Red Sea, they started to think of ways how to control over the eastern trade and kicking out the southern Arab out

134. P. Hitti, History of Lebanon Since the Oldest Historical Ages to the Present Era, Dar al- Thaqafah Press , Beirut, 1972, p. 203; T. Pro, History of Ancient Arab, Dar al-Fikr Publ, Damascus & Beirut, 1996, p.102; Pliny, Bk.6. ch.159. 135. M. Rostovtzeff, Op. Cit, p. 27; D. Siculus, BK. 3, ch. 43:5. 136. R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, pp. 25-27. 137. P. Gryaznevich, The History of Hadhramawt and its Civilization, pp. 137-138. 138. J. Ali, Op. Cit, Vol. 2, pp. 27& 29; M. Rostovtzeff, Op. Cit, pp. 57-58 139. R. D. Burrowes, Historical Ductionary of Yemen, Printed Library Moleriol, USA, 1992, p. 381. 140. Strabo, BK. 16, ch, 4:24.

204 of it141. They couldn‟t, however, take control over the kingdoms of Yemen and a campaign led by Aelius Gallus 24 BC had failed142. Consequently, they turned their attention to the sea route which ancient Yemenis had no control over, taking advantage of the new discovery of the seasonal wind by Hippalus which become advancement in the maritime transportation143. According to Estragon, the volume of the Roman trade with East had increased six-fold, He added, during the time of Ptolemaic merely twenty ships had taken over from the port of Myos Hormos whereas, during the time of Romans, around one hundred twenty ships have taken over annually144.

The commercial ships were sailing from Qana port to the northern ports of the Red Sea145, carrying different kinds of local and foreign goods. On the way back, these ships were loaded with Egyptian goods and products of the Mediterranean countries146. It was possible to sail from Berenice to Qana in just over four weeks147, provided the summer trade winds were blowing and the merchants did not delay at any intermediate ports148. The evidence of the commercial activity between Qana port and the northern ports of the Red Sea came in the form of archaeological remains that came originally from Egypt, Palestine and the countries of the Mediterranean dated to the era between the 1st and 6th century AD149. However, the maritime trade route passing through the Red Sea had some disadvantages such as the occurrence of sea vortices, coral reefs especially on the eastern

141. M. K. Abdul-Aleem, Arabian Peninsula Trading in Aromatic Substances in the Greek and Roman Eras, p. 203. 142. Strabo, BK. 16, ch. 4: 22. 143. J. Retso, The Arabs in Antiquity their History from the Assyrians to the Umayyad, Routledge Curzon Press, London& New York, 2005, p. 330. 144. Strabo, Bk. 17, p. 57. 145. J. Retso, Op. Cit, p. 330. 146. K. Al-Shuaibi, Op. Cit, p. 113. 147. Pliny, BK. 6, ch. 23. 148. Pliny, Bk. 6, ch. 26, p. 104; R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, p. 140. 149. A. V. Sedov, New Archaeological and Epigraphical, p. 112-118; N. S. Groom, Trade Incense and Perfume, p. 100-101.

205 coasts, and the danger of piracy. Such factors led to a kind of hindrance in the trading activities150.

5.6.7.2.2 Qana - Khor Rorī Route In the Yemeni inscriptions, the port of Khor Rorī was known as Samhram151, the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea on the other hand, referred to this port by the name Musha152. The port of Samhram was one of the most important port of the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt. The period of the establishment of this port goes back to the third century BC153. The port was a place for collecting the finest frankincense which was produced in the eastern regions of the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt (Dhofar region)154, after that, goods are transferred to the port of Qana155 for the re-exportation to the old world156. According to the Periplus, the goods were transported by small ships and leather-floored boats,157 and they were using the northeastern winds for sailing158.

5.6.7.2.3 Qana - Socotra Island Route Socotra Island was one of the most important islands of Yemen located in the north-west corner of the Indian Ocean, between the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea. It can be located between 30, N, 540, E120159, 380 km from Ras Fartak and 250 km east of Cape

150. S. A. al-Ali, Lectures in the History of Arabs, Vol.1, University of Mosul Press, Mosul, 1981, p. 37. 151. A. S. al-Jaroo, Trade and Commercial Transactions in Sumhuram Port (Khor Rori-Dhofar), In Greek and Roman Sources and Archaeological Evidence, Ministry of Heritage and Culture Press, Oman, 2014, p. 3. 152. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 32. 153. M. Arbach, New Data about History of the Kingdom of Hadhramawt, pp. 7-9. 154. M. A. Ba Faqih, History of Ancient Yemen, p. 49. 155. N. S. Groom, Frankincense and Myrrh, p. 166. 156. M. A. Ba Faqih, History of Ancient Yemen, p. 50; A. S. Al-Jaroo, The Brief of the Ancient Political History of the South Arabian, p. 132. 157. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 27. 158. A. S. Al-Jaroo, Land and Maritime Trade Roads in Old Yemen, Journal of Social and Human Sciences, No.3, Aden University Press, Aden, 1999, pp24-25 (23-47); P. Gryaznevich, Study of the Ancient Qana Port, pp. 35-36. 159. M. D. Gwynne, Socotra. In Conservation of vegetation in Africa south of the Sahara, Vol.54, Almqvist & Wiksells Boktryckeri Press, Sweden, 1968, p. 179 (179–185).

206 Guardafui In the Horn of Africa160. Socotra was a late name for the island. It is assumed to have been derived from the Arabic Suq Qatir, or “marketplace of Dragon‟s Blood”161. As pre another opinion, Socotra has been derived from the Sanskrit word Sukhadhara meaning „Island of Bliss162. It is telling that an island so close to Arabia had a Sanskritic name and, the Periplus warns us that "163. All of these names appear on maps in extant literature. Socotra is also known as the island of Enchantment, Bliss, Tranquility, Mists, the Phoenix, and the Jinn in documents ranging from ancient fables to modern books. To further compound the difficulty of sorting out references, the Egyptian name for Socotra, Pa‟- anch, seems to have evolved into the Panchaia that became an archetypal symbol for an island paradise brimming with spices164.

The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea has emphasized the importance of the island of Socotra, which politically followed the rule of the king of the land of frankincense165. Socotra was one of the most important areas exporting frankincense, shells of turtles, in addition to some fertilizer166, and for a long time, it was an important spot on the Indian Ocean commercial route167, where goods were transported to the port of Qana then to the rest of the old world168. The archeological remains that were found on Socotra, resembled

160. R. Borth., P. Ivinskis., A. Saldaitis., R. Yakovlev-ZooKeys. Cossidae of the Socotra Archipelago (Yemen), ZooKeys jurnal , Vol. 122, Russia, 2011, p. 46 (45–69); Socotra Archipelago, Report , Republic of Yemen, UNESCO, 2006, p. 21. 161. G. Grant, Socotra: Hub of the Frankincense Trade, Explorations: An Undergraduate Research Journal, 2005, p. 120. 162. S. Kapoor (ed), Ancient Hindu Society: Including Races, Dynasties, Politics, War, Law Enforcement, Social and Caste Systems, Economics, Life-style, Women, Traditions and Habits of the Ancient Indians, Vol. 2, Genesis Publishing Pvt Ltd, India, 2002, p. 365. 163. M. Polo, The Book of Sir Marco Polo, Tr. H. Yule, London 1903, p. 408 164. G. Grant, Socotra: Hub of the Frankincense Trade, p. 120. 165. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 31. 166. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 30; A. S. al-Jaroo, The Brief of the Ancient Political History of the South of the Arabian, p. 133; A. S. al-Jaroo, Land and Maritime Trade Routes in Ancient Yemen, p. 32. 167. M. A. Ba Faqih, Ḥaḍramawt, the Yemeni Encyclopedia, Vol.2, Muasasat al-Afif al- Thaqafih Press, Sanaa, 2003, p. 1122. 168. A. V. Sedov, Archaeological Excavations on the Island of Socotra, Results Works of the joint Yemeni-Russian archaeological mission, Vol. 2, Yemeni Center for Cultural Research, Antiquities and Museums, Sayoun, 1987, pp. 206-207.

207 the ones found in Ghanaian port have proven the commercial cooperation between the two169. There were some inscriptions and scribbles found like Tadmurian inscription170 and many Indian scribbles171.

5.6.7.2.4 Qana - Persian Gulf Route A ship‟s commercial activity in the Arabian Peninsula has been known for the southern and eastern shores since early history as mentioned by the classical writers. With the beginning of the naval Persian campaign that intended to expand and control over the old world, especially after their control over Egypt, the interest in forcing control all over the southern part of the Arabian Peninsula and linked it with Egypt had increased during the period of the Emperor Darius who sent a naval campaign in 510 BC led by Scylax172. The purpose of this campaign was to go around the Arabian Peninsula till reaching Egypt. The campaign started from the island of Adak, the fleet kept moving near the coastline which was the common route of the old commercial ships. The commander of this campaign made it and moved around the Arabian Peninsula and reached the port of Arzenoy near the city of Suez173. Despite the success of this campaign, Persians failed to take advantage of this opportunity, and use this important maritime route later.

After the advent of Alexander the Great in the East and the victories he had made, he later sought to link the Egyptian port of Alexandria with Indian ports to transport goods coming from India to Greece. Consequently, he sought to send maritime expeditions to know the coasts of the Red Sea and South Arabia174.

169. M. Arbach, New Data about History of the Kingdom of Hadhramawt, p. 13. 170. I. Strauch & M. D. Bukharin, Indian Inscription from the Cave Hoq on Suqutra (Yemen), Universita Degli Studi Di Napoli, Annali, Vol. 64, AION Publ, Napoli, 2004, p. 21(120- 138). 171. Herodotus, ch. 4: 2-3; M. Cary & E. H. Warmington, The Ancient Explorers, Methuen& co. LTD, London, 1929, pp. 78-80. 172. Herodotus, ch. 44: 2-3. 173. M. Cary, Geographic Background of Greek and Roman History, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1967, p. 187. 174. W. W. Tarn, Alexander: the Conquest of the Far East, In CAH, Macedon 401-301 BC, Vol.VI, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1933, p. 421.

208 After the victory of Niarchos who led the fleet of Alexander the great in November 326 BC .153 and after a journey lasted for 146 days alongside the coastline, the fleet was arrived at the head of the Persian Gulf, near Ahvaz in February 325 BC175. Success of this campaign, Alexander the Great had sent three campaigns to explore the southern coasts of the Arabia Peninsula176, the first reached the so-called now “Bahrain”, the second reached to the area of “Abu Dhabi”, and the third reached to the land of incense177.

It means that the sea routes from southern Arabia to the Persian Gulf were known since the first three centuries as mentioned by the author of the “Periplus of the Erythraean Sea”, he also pointed out that the commercial ships were roaming the coasts and eastern bays to carry the goods from one port to another, then to the port of Qana which was the final destination for those commercial ships178.

A large number of inscriptions and antiquities have confirmed the existence of a naval commercial relationship between the kingdoms of ancient Yemen, the ports of East Arabian Peninsula, and the Persian Gulf, which dates back to the period between the 3rd century BC and the fourth century AD. One of these remains was found in the eastern areas of the Arabian Peninsula, and the Persian Gulf basin was a piece of a vase made of bronze and was carved in Musnad transcript. It was found precisely in Mulayha and dated back to the end of the third century BC. Some of the ancient Yemenite inscriptions were also found on some jars which dated to the same period179. On the Persian Gulf coast, a group of pottery vessels with letters of Musnad transcription were found along with some

175. Arrian, Indica, pp. 21-42. 176. S. A. al-Naciri, Conflict on the Red Sea in the Ptolemies Era, p. 409; M. A. al-Bakr, Studies in the History of the Arabs before Islam (History of the Southern Countries of Yemen),1980, pp. 388-390. 177. W.W. Tarn, Alexander: Congest of the Far East, p. 421. 178. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 27& 33. 179. A. S. al-Jaroo, Sources of the History of Ancient Oman: An Analytical Study, Ministry of Heritage and Culture, Dubai, 2006, pp. 106-109.

209 Ḥadrami bronze coins180. Al-Abla port, moreover, had played an important role in exporting many commercial goods like cloth and gold to the ports of South Arabia181.

Moreover, a lot of Archaeological remains were found at the site of the Port of Qana which belonged to the Persian Gulf. Some of these remains include pieces of soft orange pottery of Iranian origin dated to the 1st century and the 4th century AD182. A piece of coin also was found on the of Husn al-Ghurab's mountain dated back to the 1st or 2nd century AD183. Several fragments of green-painted pottery belonging to Mesopotamia were found, dated to the 1st century AD, in addition to some glass vessels as well184. All these archaeological evidences the existence of commercial relations between the Persian Gulf and the port of Qana.

5.6.7.2.5 Qana Port – Ports of Northwestern India Route In the history of commercial relations between Yemen and India, the port of Qana had played a vital role, where it represented the point which received imported Indian goods and re-exported it to Mediterranean regions. It also exported the local as well as imported goods to India. This led to the existence of commercial routes which were the real artery of commercial movement. The Qana- Ports of Northwestern India Route was considered one of the first marine routes between Yemen and the coasts of West India, where commercial ships were sailing from Qana (Bir Ali) Port towards the northwest, near the Persian Gulf, and then the commercial ships changed their directions towards the East until they reached the ports of northwestern India. The date of frequenting this route goes back to BC., especially the pare that extends between Magan and Indian Coast in which Nearchus 326 BC., commander of the campaign of Alexander the Great sailed to the head

180. A. S. al-Jaroo, Sources of the History of Ancient Oman, p. 105; H. M. Saray, Op. Cit, p. 64. 181. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 35-36. 182. N. S. Groom, Trade Incense and Perfume, p. 101. 183. A. V. Sedov, Ḥaḍramawt Coinage: Its Sequence and Chronology, in Archaologische Berichte Aus Dem Yemen, Vol. 10, 2005, pp. 160-173. 184. A. V. Sedov, New Archaeological and epigraphical, p. 126; A. Akubian & et at, Archaeological Excavations at the Ancient Port of Qana, p. 51.

210 of the Persian Gulf185. As for the other second port, which extended from the Persian Gulf to the port of Qana, it was occupied. The commercial ships were transporting goods through this road from the South of Arabian Peninsula to the port of Gerrha and vice versa186.

5.6.7.2.6 Qana - Barygaza Route The emergence of this route began with the increase of the trading between Yemen and Western Indian coasts, and it was the road that the historic resources indicated since the first century AD., when the ships were started their voyages from Qana towards northeast to the near Ra‟as Fartik, after that the ships went eastwards until they reached the port of Barygaza in Gujarat187.

5.6.7.2.7 Qana- Muziris Route This commercial route extended from Qana Port in the coast of Ḥaḍramawt, where ships travelled directly in the sea until they reached Muziris port on the coast of Malabar, with the help of Monsoon188. They use of this road goes back to the first emergence of the Romans in the East and their control on the trade roads on the Red Sea, and also the way they were attempting to know the old commercial sources which were monopolized by Yemenis for long centuries. Hippalus discovery of the northwestern monsoon introduced a revolution in the old global trade189 and also made a shortcut of the long route that the ships were passing through the ports of Eastern Arabian Peninsula and West of India to reach the extreme of South India and these voyages took around forty days to reach the Malabar Coast according to what the historical resources190.

185. Arrian, Indica, 21-42; Arrian, The Anabasis of Alexander or, The History of the Wars and Conquests of Alexander the Great, Tr. E. J. Chinnock, Butler & Tanner Press, London, 1848, p. 324. 186. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 35 187. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 39; S. Sanyal, The Ocean of Churn: How the Indian Ocean Shaped Human History, Penguin Press, New Delhi, 2016, p. 45 188. K. Harper, The Fate of Rome: Climate, Disease, and the End of an Empire, Princeton University Press, 2017, pp. 94.95. 189. K. Harper, Op. Cit, p. 92 190. H. S. Shehab, The Legend Hippalus and Trade in the Indian Ocean, Kuwait,1987, P. 4

211 5.6.7.2.8 Qana -Socotra Island-Muziris Route This route was considered one of the important trading routes between Yemen and Malabar Coast. Apostle Thomas in 52 AD travelled from Socotra Island to port of Muziris191. A lot of trading ships crossed this route since the beginning of the 1st century. The journey from Socotra to southwestern Indian coast took five or six weeks192. The western part of this route represented Socotra, famous for trading ships. Before the discoverer of the monsoon, the trading ships used to bring important goods from Socotra such as manure, tortoise leathers and fragrance.

191. J. N. Farquhar, The Apostle Thomas in South India, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Vol.11, No.1, 1926, p.22( 20-50); B. J. Wilkinson, Truth Triumphant: The Church in the Wilderness, Hartland Publications, Virginia, 2004, p. 292. 192. J. N. Farquhar, The Apostle Thomas in South India, p. 27.

212 Chapter V: Commercial Seaports of Ancient India and Yemen Section 2: Qana Port

5.6 Qana Port

5.6.1 Port of Qana in Historical Sources

Many historical sources have referred to the harbour of Qana. These sources belong to different historical periods. Briefs of these sources are as:

5.6.1.1 The Port Mentioned in the Holy Scriptures

5.6.1.2 Classical Sources

These are the sources written by Greece and the Romans that describes the Arabian Peninsula in general and Yemen in particular. There is a reference to the names of many

180 places, cities, rivers, and mountains, which would not have been easy to identify without these writings. The most important of these information has mentioned the port.

5.6.2 Inscription Sources

5.6.2.1 Inscriptions (Ir 13), (Ry 533), (Ja 632), (Sh 17)

5.6.2.2 The Inscriptions (CIH 728), (CIH 621)

5.6.2.3 Inscription of “BR Yanbuq 47”

183 5.6.3 The Emergence of Qana port

184 helped the merchant ships to sail directly from Egypt to India without the need for Yemenis as a mediator for trade31.

5.6.3.1 The Pre-Christian Period

At this point in history, historical sources can be relied and the results obtained by archaeologists from the excavation process.

Moreover, the archaeological remains which were found in one of the excavation sites in Qana indicate that the history of the port dates back to the 2nd century BC35, Which

5.6.3.2 Qana Port from the First Century AD to the Second Century AD.

All these reasons enhanced the prosperity of maritime trade and the emergence of the port of Qana as the most important port on the southern coast of the Arabian Peninsula.

5.6.3.3 Qana Port during the 3rd and 4th century AD

- The spread of fire and destruction in the first layer that belonged to the first period of the time between the 1st and the 2nd century AD.

189 these construction wee the religious buildings in the south-west and in the north-west of the city along with the defensive fortifications at the top of the West Fort54.

-The existence of large amounts of silver and bronze coins of Ḥadrami, Ḥimyarite, Greek, and Romanian55.

192 5.6.4 Commercial Activity Related with the Port of Qana

5.6.5 Commercial Products and Items of Export

5.6.5.1 Incense

5.6.5.2 Frankincense

195 5.6.5.3 Myrrh

5.6.6 Import of Commercial Goods

The Arabs, in order to hide the source of cinnamon, declared it to have been the product of South Arabia91. They imported many items from India as camphor, pulp of purging

5.6.7 Commercial Routes

5.6.7.1 Commercial Land Routes

198 Road as it was used for the carriage of important and costly commodity incense through this road102.

199 Habban, this new road went to Timna the capital of Qataban107. While the main road continued from Wādī Amaqin towards Birira and from there to Wādī Jardan until it reached Shabwah108.

201 crossing the centre of Arabia till it approached an area called Al-Hafof, then from the north side of al-Yamamah region, it led to Dūmat al-Jandal then finally to Petra123. (Table. 2)

205 coasts, and the danger of piracy. Such factors led to a kind of hindrance in the trading activities150.

209 Ḥadrami bronze coins180. Al-Abla port, moreover, had played an important role in exporting many commercial goods like cloth and gold to the ports of South Arabia181.

212 Chapter VI- The Trading Relations between Ancient Yemen and West India

6. The Trading Relations between Ancient Yemen and West India

6.1 Relations from Antiquity until the first Century BC

There are many historical events that testify the existence of Commercial relations between ancient Yemen and India, since ancient times. In this chapter, their direct and indirect maritime trade relations have been investigated. In addition, the study and analysis of archaeological remains found in the study areas have also been explored. This chapter is divided into three different eras so that it is easier to deal with events according to the temporal period.

At this stage discussion could encompasses the maritime activity in the Eritrean Sea through the ages, as well as the term (Yavanas), which differed scientists in determining their origin and the source of their arrival to India.

6.1.1 The Erythraean Sea

In this historic period of relations between the Indian subcontinent and the Arabian Peninsula, the sea route was the only passage for trade movement between the ports on the Erythraean Sea. So, we have to identify the name and geographical area of this sea, and mention the sea voyages that sailed to the discovery of the secrets of the world trade source at that time. The origin of geographical names is often beyond explanation they arise by accident and taking on new meanings and new locations until they become mere arbitrary words and imagination must come in to explain them, so far as the name of the Erythraean Sea is concerned.

Over the centuries the naming of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf was generally problematic, resulting in different names at different times1. The Erythraean Sea was referred to by many writers, which included the definition of the name and its

1. D. A. Agius, Classic Ships of Islam: From Mesopotamia to the Indian Ocean, Vol. 92, Brill Publ, Boston, 2008, p. 5.

213 geographical limits. The first Greek record of navigation in the Erythraean Sea is found in Herodotus2, they were also called the Erythraean Sea the waters between Babylonia and India, and later by a reasonable extension to the whole Indian Ocean and all the gulfs that communicated with it3. Strabo says that the water which surrounded the Arab Peninsula was called the Erythraean Sea4. That means the Persian Gulf, the Arabian Sea, and the Red Sea all were named Erythraean Sea. Arrian also refers in his book “Indika” the Erythraean Sea in several places, the first, when he described the Nearchus voyage between the western Indian coast and the Persian Gulf5. Second, he mentioned the Erythraean Sea when he described the Persia geography which has been divided into three parts in regard to climate. The part of it situated near the Erythraean Sea6.

For the Greek historians and geographers, the Western Indian Ocean was known as the Erythraean Sea and that could sometimes include the Gulf (the area from Mesopotamia to the Straits of Hormuz) and the Red Sea7. Consider Herodotus and Theophrastus who called the Red Sea the Arabian Gulf (Arabikos kolpos and Lat Arabicus sinus)8, but from Roman times onward the name became clearer than before. The “Mare Rubrum” Red Sea, which meant the long gulf that separated Egypt from Arabia9. However, the original name of the Red Sea in Arabic was Bahr al-Qulzum (The Sea of Qulzum)10. The whole Indian Ocean was called by early Muslim geographers as the Green Sea while other names were Sea of India or Sea of China11. That means the name of the seas which were

2. Herodotus, BK. 4, ch. 4. 3. W. H. Schoff, The Name of the Erythraean Sea, JAOS, Vol. 33, American Oriental Society Publ, 1913, p. 351 (349-362). 4. Strabo, BK.16, ch.3: 1. 5. Arrian, The Indica of Arrian, Tr. J. W. McCrindle, Education Society's Press, Byculla,1876, p. 61. 6. Arrian, The Indica of Arrian, pp. 74&78. 7. Strabo, Bk.16, ch.3:11; W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 50. 8. Herodotus, Bk.2, ch.102:158. 9. W. H. Schoff, The Name of the Erythraean Sea, p. 351. 10. D. A. Agius, Classic Ships of Islam: From Mesopotamia to the Indian Ocean, Vol. 92, Brill Publ, Boston, 2008, p. 5. 11. D. A. Agius, Op. Cit, p. 8.

214 surrounded the Yemen and India were changed from time to another according to the political and economic situation, but the name of the Erythraean Sea was representing whole these sea parts, especially in the first century BC and first century AD.

In ancient times there were several meanings assigned for the Erythraean Sea, such as “Sea where the sun was worshipped”; “Sea of the East, the Orient, or the rising sun”; “Sea whence came the people who brought the purple or Erythraean dye”, and finally, “Sea of King Erythras”12.

6.1.1.1 Maritime Activities in the Erythraean Sea

The Erythraean Sea had played a significant role in influencing socio-economic and political developments of the littoral countries as well as in the strategies of the leading powers since ancient times13. The history of navigation in the Erythraean Sea goes back to the Sumerians (2850-1900 BC) who navigated the Persian Gulf, at the latest under Sargon-I (2637-2582 BC). His successor Naram-Sin (2557-2520 BC) sent a maritime expedition against countries called Magan, Dilmun and Meluhha, which now has been confirmed as Sindh14. Trade of Ur and Kish was continued with the east (Magan and Meluhha) and also two other countries further called Gubi and Niduk-ki. These can be identified as Kathiawar and Kutch, including the north-western part of Gujarat with Lothal as the port15.

The first trade relation between the Indus Valley and Arab Peninsula was continued for long time. It started with the part of Mesopotamia traders who carried the cargo through the Dilmun in the Persian Gulf to Indus Valley16. The cuneiform clay tablets speak of trade through Dilmun that have been amply confirmed by modern excavation. The Indus

12. W. H. Schoff, The Name of the Erythraean Sea, p. 362. 13. M. Carry & E. H. Wamington, The Ancient Explorers, London, 1963, p. 74; K. M. Pannikar, India and the Indian Ocean, London, 945, p. 22; A. Toussaint, The History of the Indian Ocean, London,1966, p.13. 14. M. H. Panhwar, International Trade of Sindh From its Port Barbaricon (Banbhore) (200 BC To 200 AD), p. 8; D. Kaushik, The Indian Ocean: A Strategic Dimension, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi,1983, p. 5. 15. M. H. Panhwar, Op, Cit, p. 8. 16. A. H. Podany, Brotherhood of Kings: How International Relations Shaped the Ancient Near East, Oxford University Press, New York, 2010, p. 46.

215 Valley also had a profound influence on Dilmun in the third millennium BC and the traders in Dilmun mostly used the Indus valley system weights and measures of and carried square Indus valley seals to mark their property rather than Mesopotamian cylinder seals17. Another intermediate trade center, Magan, was identified with the east coast of the Persian Gulf and some other part of East Arabia18. This is incontestable evidence of trade contacts between the Indus Valley and Sumer, Egypt and Crete.19 The maritime commerce in the subcontinent of India dated to the ancient time i.e. the maritime linkages of the Harappa civilization (2500-1750 BC) with Sumer and Akkad through the Persian Gulf20.

After the decline of Egyptian power, Kingdom of Phoenicians appeared as the mariners of the Red Sea21 and the Phoenician traders sailed to Ophir in India subcontinent and brought the goods22. Even the location of Ophir was an unknown place to the scholars but this controversy had been solved by identifying Ophir place in the state of Gujarat at Abhira region23. It might have been that the Phoenician sailed for many centuries before, but the earliest definite evidence comes from the first Book of Kings: “And king Solomon made a nay of ships in Ezion-Geber, which is beside Eloth on the shore of the Red Sea, in the land of Edom; and Hiram king of Phoenicians sent in the navy his servants, shipmen that had knowledge of the sea, with servants of Solomon. And they

17. A. H. Podany, Op. Cit, p. 46. 18. S. N. Sen. Ancient Indian History and Civilization, p. 33; G. L. Possehl, The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective, Rowman Altamira Press, USA, 2002, pp. 218- 221. 19. S. N. Sen, Op. Cit, p. 33. 20. O. Prakash, The Trading World of the Indian Ocean. 1500-1800, p. 75; A. H. Podany, Op. Cit, p. 46. 21. G. F. Hourani, Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and Early Medieval Times, p. 8; C. Lionel, The Periplus Maris Erythraei Text with Introduction Translation, and Commentary, Princeton University press, U.K, 1989, p. 11. 22. C. M. Stevans, The History and Romance of Ancient Empires, The Popular Publishing CO, Chicago, 1900, p. 20; R. S. Sugirtharajah, The Bible and Asia, Harvard University Press, London, 2013, p. 25; D. Kaushik, Perspectives on Security in Indian Ocean Region, Allied Publishers Private Limited, New Delhi, 1987, p. 8. 23. R. S. Sugirtharajah, Op. Cit, pp. 24-25.

216 came to Ophir and fetched from thence gold, four hundred and twenty talents, and brought it to King Solomon”24.

When Solomon King came to the throne, he tried to get the control of Indian trade. He saw that the Egyptian power was on its decline and realized that importance of utilizing Edom as the seaport on the Red Sea and he tried to improve his relationship with east to control the India trade.25 But since the Jews had not been experienced in the art of navigation, he had to seek the cooperation from the kings of the Phoenicians26. The contact between India subcontinent and the kingdoms in the west. It was dated to Pre- King Solomon age as the Bible referred to Ophir, (1 Chronicles 29:4; Job 28:16; Psalms 45:9; Isaiah 13:12). This Biblical evidence can be supplemented by linguistic evidence such as the Hebrew word Tuki which is but a little-changed form of the poetical word Tokei i.e. the Tamil-Malayalam language for peacock27. That means the ships of the Sumerians, the Egyptians, the Phoenicians, the Jews, the Arabs, and Indian was continued by them for centuries before Greek and Roman vessels were appeared in these waters28.

The rise of Babylonia in the top of the Gulf water led to increase the ancient commercial activity of India29. Babylon was destined to be the great market of the eastern and western trade. It was the meeting place of routes from all parts of the ancient world especially with western Indian coast30. There is ample evidence that maritime commerce between India and Babylon flourished in the 7th and 6th and more especially in the 6th century BC31. The decline of Babylon, however, was as sudden as her rise and started from the

24. G. F. Hourani, Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and Early Medieval Times, p. 8. 25. T. Stackhouse, A history of the Holy Bible, ed. G. Gleig, Vol. II, BK. VI, Ch. I, London, 1817, p. 295. 26. D. H. Childress, Lost Cities & Ancient Mysteries of Africa & Arabia, Adventures Unlimited Press, USA,1989, pp.76-77; V. Moon, Op. Cit, P. 15. 27. V. Moon, Op. Cit, P. 16. 28. C. Lionel, Op. Cit, p. 11. 29. S. N. Sen. Ancient Indian History and Civilization, p. 161. 30. Ibid, p. 161. 31. V. Moon, Op. Cit, p, 17.

217 reign of king Darius (579-484 BC). From the 5th century on, the commercial tablets that were so numerous in earlier times32, were no longer found.

After Darius-I‟s (579-484 BC) conquest of Gandhara and Sindhu who built a powerful fleet which became dominant in the Gulf region33. Admiral Skylax made exploratory voyage down the Indus River to the Sindh coast and thence along the Arabian coast to the Red Sea then Egypt, and returning to Iran in two years between(518 - 514 BC). The voyage was meant to connect South Asia with Egypt34. Darius-I also restored Necho-II‟s canal connecting the Nile with the Red Sea. Thus he made Egypt and not Mesopotamia the main line of communication between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean35. Darius built „the Royal Road‟ connecting various cities of the empire. It covered the distance of 1677 well- garrisoned miles from Ephesus to Susa36. The great voyage of Skylax connected Peshawar with the Red Sea and Egypt via the Indus and the Arabian Sea37. The Persian Empire promoted intensive economic and cultural links between east and west as merchants from many lands travelled along its commercial routes38.

Alexander the Great destroyed the empire of Darius and extended his dominion extending over Egypt, Central Asia and the northern part of India (Punjab)39. On the way to back, Nearchus built a river flotilla and sailed from the mouth of the Indus in October 331 BC, which directed him to the rendezvous at the mouth of the Euphrates, covering a distance

32. Ibid, p. 19. 33. K. McPherson, The Indian Ocean, A History of People and the Seas, Oxford University Press, USA, 1993, p. 46. 34. R. N. Frye, The History of Ancient Iran, C.H.Beck Publ, Germany, 1984, p. 104. 35. R. S. Bagnall & D.W. Rathbone (eds), Egypt from Alexander to the Early Christians: An Archaeological and Historical Guide, Getty Publications, Los Angeles, 2004, p. 82; P. Vernus & J. Yoyotte, The Book of the Pharaohs, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 2003, p. 57. 36. R. N. Frye, Op. Cit, p. 109. 37. M. H. Panhwar, Op. Cit, p. 8. 38. K. McPherson, The Indian Ocean, A History of People and the Seas, New Delhi, 1993, p. 46. 39. V. Moon, Op. Cit, p, 19.

218 of 1400 miles40. Alexander the Great was convinced of Arab's great wealth and for that, he sent three more naval expeditions a year later after the success of Nearchus voyage. The first voyage, under Archias of Pella, reached as far as Bahrain, known in Greek sources as Tylos or Tyrus, the second expedition, led by Androsthenes, also visited Tylos and island of Arados (modern Muharraq) and sailed part way around the Arabian Peninsula. The third expedition, under Hiern, went all the way to Heroopolis in Egypt. Before returning to Babylon, these expeditions gathered an enormous amount of geographical, ethnographic, Strabo, Pliny, and Arrian, who have provided a description of the south coast of India, detailed description of the flora of Tylos41, a list of names of tribes and towns in eastern Arabia42, and the first detailed account of pearling in the Persian Gulf43.

After Alexander‟s death in 323 BC, his Seleucid successors tried to control the trade in Erythraean Sea and the Persia Gulf by establishing many cities at the mouth of the Tigris at the head of the Gulf, and these ports were used to receive the commercial vessels which returned from India in 205 BC44. The friendship between Maurya rulers with the Hellenistic states further stimulated India's trade with West Asia and Egypt45.

Antiochus III sailed to eastern Arabia, in order to deal with the inhabitants of Gerrha, a rich trading city on the mainland46. The Polybius referred the Antiochus campaign “Their freedom having been confirmed to the Gerraei, they presented King Antiochus at once with five hundred talents of silver, one thousand of frankincense, and two hundred of oil of cinnamon, called stacte, all of the spices of the country on the Arabian Sea”47. Gerrha

40. Arrian, Anab.BK.4, ch.7, 2-3; G. A. Ballard, Rulers of the Indian Ocean, Asian Education Services Publ, New Delhi, 1984, pp. 9-11. 41. L. G. Potter (ed), The Persian Gulf in History, Palgrave Macmillan Publ, USA, 2009, p. 39. 42. S. B. Miles, Note in Pliny's Geography of the East Coast of Arabia, JRAS, Vol. 10, 1879, pp. 157-172. 43. L. G. Potter, Op. Cit, pp. 39-40. 44. L. G. Potter, Op. Cit, p. 39. 45. S. N. Sen. Ancient Indian History and Civilization, p. 161. 46. Polybius, The Histories of Polybius, Tr. E. S. Shuckburgh, Parentheses Publ. Cambridge, 2002. BK.13, ch. 9, 4-5. 47. Polybius, BK.13, ch. 9.

219 was an emporium for incense which came from the south Arabian and it might have been the city's wealth and economic importance which prompted the Seleucid emperor to make a special call on its inhabitants48. Gerrha incense (incense which was came from the south Arabian) was exported to Babylonia49 and the Gerrhan merchants were the origin of Minaean and Sabaeans from south Arabia50. That means the port of Gerrha was controlled by Yemeni traders and was one of the most important ports for south Arabia traders in the northwest of the Arabian Peninsula on the Persian Gulf. This port was received the commercial goods from West Indian ports as well as port and markets of the south Arabian Peninsula and retransferred these goods to Mesopotamia and Gaza, as mentioned above.

With the hegemony of the Seleucid on the Persian Gulf, there found no any mention of the sailing in the south Arabia coast till first millennium BC. Although, the trade land routes between south Arabia Peninsula, Levant, Egypt and the Mediterranean were flourishing and these goods included Arab, African and Indian products. That means the maritime commercial transport between the Indian and Yemeni ports was continued and did not stop during this period. This was confirmed by the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea reference to the presence of ships came from the Persian Gulf and Indian ports that indicated that the maritime trade between Indian ports and Port of Qana has continued and has not stopped. The Fact is that the Arabs accessed Western Indian ports after the third century BC and the most of the Indian commerce came in the Arabs hands51.

Through the analysis of commercial movement between India and the western world, it has been found that the trade was going in two different directions. The first one was through the Arabian Sea towards the coast of southern Arabs peninsula along through the Red Sea, then to the Mediterranean Sea where the Kingdom of Phoenicians was centered.

48. M. Huth & D. T. Potts, Antiochus in Arabia, American Journal of Numismatics, Vol. 14, 2003, pp. 73-81. 49. Strabo, BK.16, ch.3: 3. 50. Agatharchides, Agatharchides of Cnidus on the Erythraean Sea,, Tr. S. M. Burstein, Hakluyt Society Publ, London,1989, p. 87. 51. G. W. Spancer, The politics of expansion: the Chola conquest of Sri Lanka and Sri Vijaya, New Ear Publ, Madras,1983, p. 76.

220 The last was the Masters of ancient sea trade in the Mediterranean Basin. As mentioned in the beginning, this discovery of the commercial movement in the Red Sea was related to the maritime trading by Egyptians, Phoenicians and then by King Solomon who benefited from the previous maritime experience to reach “Ophir” in India from where he brought treasures.

The second route was started from Sindh Region towards Mesopotamia which dated back to the era of Mohenjo-Daro. This route was extended form Sindh Valley going down towards the mouth of the Persian Gulf, then to Mesopotamia. The evidence of the relation between Mesopotamia and Sindh is the Mesopotamia's archeological remains used as Stamps and Jewelries which were found in the Sindh Valley. Moreover, ports of Dilmun and Meluhha on the Persian Gulf were of great importance where it was transport station between the two. By the time, Gerrha Port which was ruled by Sabaeans became the main port in the Persian Gulf, from which cargos were transported north towards Mesopotamia, west towards the Mediterranean, and south towards ancient Kingdoms of Yemen.

The news has broken about the maritime commercial route between India and Yemen after the demise of Alexander the Great‟s Empire. However, the land route from Yemen to Gaza and Egypt remained flourishing throughout the pervious centuries carrying Yemeni and Indian commercial products. This is conclusive evidence that the marine trade between India and Yemen was continued. It is likely that Yemenis had gained their navigational experiences from the ancient civilizations that preceded them like Egyptian whose ships arrived to “Punt” and Phoenicians who arrived in “Ophir” in India. All of this helped them to ride the sea and bring the Eastern trade from India, East Asia and East Africa but it remained a secret which the Yemeni merchants kept it for many centuries in order to continue their sovereignty on the old trade which brought them the huge wealth and helped them to build the strong kingdoms that extended their control to the north of the Arabian Peninsula.

Here is the clear-cut evidence of Yemenis' knowledge of maritime trade:

- Old Yemenite inscriptions contained many words that refer to the sea, the types of commercial ships and the seaports.

221 - Commercial goods that transported by Yemenis through the land road included goods that were not their source rom the southern Arabian Peninsula, such as ivory cinnamon, spices and peacock feathers which were seen by consumers in other kingdoms as Yemeni products till the beginning traveling movement of the Greek and Roman who discovered that the source of the most of these goods was not Yemen but India and East Africa.

- When the author of PES arrived to the port of Qana which was prosperous in which the local commercial goods were brought from different areas in the Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt and the foreign goods from various neighboring areas such as India, Persian Gulf, Egypt, and East Africa, is clear evidence that the Yemenis were aware of maritime trade but the interest required that the source of this trade should remain secret to be continued for them without other old nations52.

6.1.2 The Monsoon

The monsoon refers to the seasonal wind, and it has been derived from the Arabic word “Mausam” or “Mausim”, which means season53. The monsoonal climate over the Erythraean Sea and many parts in Asian countries is a result of the air pressure difference between the Sea and landmasses54. The monsoon divided into, summer monsoon and winter monsoon. Which have been observed by climate scientists and geography, which includes the water bodies surrounding the Erythraean Sea. During the south-west summer monsoon, wind blow from sea to landmasses and the winds head towards the India from Arabian Peninsula and during the north-east winter monsoon (October and November),

52. G. K. Young, Rome's Eastern Trade: International Commerce and Imperial Policy 31 BC- AD 305, Routledge, London, 2003, pp. 30-31. 53. S. Tripati & L. N. Raut, Monsoon wind and maritime trade: a case study of historical evidence from Orissa, India, Current Science Journal, Vol.90, No.6, Bengaluru, 2006, p. 864 (864-871). 54. H. Arnberger & E. Arnberger, The Tropical Islands of the Indian and Pacific Oceans, Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2001, p. 67; P. J. Webster, The role of hydrological processes in Ocean atmosphere interaction, Review of Geophysics, Vol.32, No. 4, 1994, pp. 427-474.

222 wind mainly blow over north Erythraean Sea from the Sea to landmasses the winds headed towards the Arabian Peninsula from India55. (Fig. 15)

6.1.2.1 Historical of monsoon winds

Through the use of the monsoon winds was started with the Hippalus period, but the sailors in the Erythraean sea used the monsoon well, even before that. The Indian literature mentioned using monsoon winds and currents in maritime trade since the early historical period56. There are a lot of the references in ancient Indian literature about the seasonal winds which were helped the sailors to sail in the Erythraean sea. It is confirmed by the several representations of ships found on seals or as graffiti at Harappa and Mohenjo-daro57. The Baudhayana Dharmasutra explicitly mentions maritime navigation58. The Buddhist Jataka stories and the Jain Canonical mention ships moving by force of wind such as „Pavanabalasamahaya‟59.

The Sangam period (3rd cent BC - 3rd cent AD) texts, namely Madurraikanch or Mathuraikanchi, Purananuru, Akananuru mention that Tamil mariners sailed with the help of wind and sails60. The Sangam texts also refer to four types of wind blowing from different directions, viz. kontal (east wind), kotal (west wind), vata (north wind) and tenral (south wind) and the movement of various sizes of vessels with the help of wind in the mid sea and landing at the shore61. In the Muryan Empire, the maritime activity was extensive, as Arthasastra referred, that was an indication of the depth of knowledge of

55. S. Gadgil, P. V. Joseph & N. V. Joshi, Ocean–atmosphere coupling over monsoon regions, Natur e, Vol.312, No.5990, 1984, p.141(41-43); P. J. Webster, Op. Cit, pp. 430-435; S. Tripati, Early users of monsoon winds for navigation, Current Science Journal, Vol.113, No.8, Bengaluru, 2017, p. 1624 (1618-1623). 56. R. K. Mookerji. A History of Indian Shipping and Maritime Activities from the Earliest Times, Longmans, Green & Co, Bombay, 1912, p. 27-36. 57 . S. N. Sen, Op. Cit, p. 33. 58. P. Olivelle (ed), The Dharmasutras: The Law Codes of Ancient India, Oxford University Publ, New York, 1999, p. 134. 59. S. Tripati, Op. Cit, p. 1618. 60. M. R. R. Varier, In History of Traditional Navigation, eds. G. V. Rajamanickam & Y. Subbarayalu, Tamil University, Thanjavur, 1988, pp. 51–62. 61. T. S. S. Rao, C. G. Raymond, Understanding the Indian Ocean: Perspectives on Oceanography, UNESCO Publ, 1998, p. 22.

223 winds and Currents Sea of that period. Further, the Arthasastra mentions the administration of ports by the navy and provides a set of rules and regulations for navigation62. There are also reference to traders coasting round India from Bharukachchhs (Broach) to Suvarnbhumi (Burma), touching at a port of Ceylon on the way63.

Alexander ordered his Admiral Nearchus to sail from the mouth of the Indus to the Euphrates. At last he reached Hormos with the help of Indian built ships by a tribe known as Ksatri64. This incident indicates that even more than three hundred years before Roman time the Indian and Greek were already quite familiar with the navigation of the Erythraean Sea and aware about the proper season of the year. According to one version, an Indian sailor stranded on the shores of the Arabian Sea reached Alexandria and revealed the sea route to India65. Based on this information, Eudoxus of Cyzicus was ordered by Euergetus II to set out to India66 and he made two voyages from Egypt to India between 118-116 BC67. The towns of South Arabia and Socotra were the station between Egypt on one side and India on the other from the 2nd century BC to the 1st millenniums century BC68.

6.1.2.2 Revealing the Secret of Monsoon

The trade winds were known to the Arabs and Persians at least early centuries BC, but kept it as a secret from the Greco-Egyptians. However, the period before discover the

62. Kautilya‟s Arthasastra, BK. 2, ch.10: 6-12. 63. S. N. Sen. Ancient Indian History and Civilization, Edi. 2, New Delhi New: Age International Pub, 1999, p. 100. 64. P. T. Parthasarathi, Op. Cit, p. 591. 65. R. McLaughlin, The Roman Empire and the Indian Ocean: The Ancient World Economy and the Kingdoms of Africa, Arabia and India, Pen and Sword Publ, UK, 2014, pp. 76-77. 66. Strabo, Bk. II, ch.3; P. T. Parthasarathi, Op. Cit, p. 591; G. F. Hourani, Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and Early Medieval Times, pp. 24–26; W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, Cambridge University Press, USA, 1966, p. 370. 67. W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, Cambridge University Press, USA,1966, p. 370. 68. G. F. Hourani, Op. Cit, p. 23.

224 monsoon winds might be considered as the period of pre-trade-wind coastal sailing69. When the Axumites, an African tribal group came from Abyssinia and established a strong relationship with Arabians. They had received navigational secrets and sea trade skills from Arabs70. Their remarkable contact with Arabs helped them to know the secrets of monsoon and they did not wish to let the Romans or others to know about monsoon. So the secret of monsoon became a possession of three races‐ Indian, Arabian and Axumite71. When the Axumites encountered Rome they shared the knowledge of seasonal monsoons of the Indian Ocean with Roman merchants72. That secret was rediscovered by Hippalus and observed the changes in wind direction in certain months. Hippalus was a pilot of Eudoxus of Cyzicus, who was sent out for the discovery of the sea route to India towards the end of the reign of Ptolemy II73.

Later, during the year of AD 45, Hippalus introduced the benefit of climatic riddles in navigation to the Romans firstly74. The nature of the monsoon sweeping across the Indian Ocean, upon which depended navigation, was known to Arab and Indian-seafarers prior to its discovery by the Greek sailor Hippalus, but the precise date, of this discovery was not clear. This discovery was not a one-time event but was made in successive stages75. Pliny suggests that the discovery was made in four successive stages and Hippalus made the discovery only on the second of the four stages76. The first stage of the route lay from Persian Gulf to Eudaemon (voyage of Nearchus). In the second stage, it started from

69. M. H. Panhwar, Op. Cit, p. 14. 70. P. T. Parthasarathi, Roman Control and Influence on the Spice Trade, Scenario of Indian Ocean World: A Re‐Assessment of Evidences, Heritage: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology, Vol. 3, 2015, p. 590 (581‐594). 71. E. H. Warmington, The Commerce between Roman Empire and India, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge ,1928, pp.10‐12 & 52‐75. 72. J. D. Fage, The Cambridge History of Africa, Cambridge University Press, 1975, p. 164. 73. K. A. N. Sastri, The Pandyan Kingdom‐ from the Earliest Times to the Sixteenth Century, Swathi Publications. Madras.1972, p. 273. 74. Visvavijnanakosham, Malayalam Encyclopedia, Vol. IV, Sahitya Pravarthaka, C.S. Ltd. National Book Stall Publ. Kottayam, 1970, p. 137. 75. S. Suresh, Symbols of Trade: Roman and Pseudo-Roman Objects Found in India, Delhi, 2004, p. 34. 76. Pliny, BK. 6, ch. 26; W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, pp. 226-236;

225 Qana Port and reached Patala (port of Barbaricum)77. In the third stage, the route was direct from the Arabian coast to Bharuch. In the fourth stage, the sailors sailed directly from Qana port to Malabar (Muziris)78.

It is emphasised here that Hippalus did not discover the existence of the monsoon. The existence and season of the monsoon had been common knowledge to the Greeks since Nearchus‟s return from the Indus (326-325); and even if they had not been, the first Greeks to spend a year outside the Red Sea would have learned about them. The Arabs could no more keep them a “trade secret” than they could keep the sun or the moon79. In ancient times, long distance maritime trade was not possible without halting at intermediate places for want of water and food80.

Because of that whole voyage as above described, started from Qana and Eudaimon, they used to make in small vessels, sailing close around the shores of the gulf, and Hippalus was the pilot who by observing the location of the ports and the conditions of the sea, first discovered how to lay his course straight across the ocean81. From that day to the present, ships start, some direct from Qana, and some from the Cape of Spices82. The merchants set sail from India on their return to the south Arabian Ports, in January: if they did this, they could go and return in the same year, they set sail from India with a south-east wind. According to Pliny, the return voyage from western India ports began between early December and the middle of January83.

77. Pliny, BK.6, ch. 23: 74-77; P. C. Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, Abhinav Publ, New Delhi, 1977, p. 157; D. N. Maclean, Religion and Society in Arab Sind, Brill, Netherlands, 1989, p. 62. 78. E. H. Warmington, The Commerce between the Roman Empire and India, Cambridge University Press, 2014, pp. 44-45. 79. G. F. Hourani, Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and Early Medieval Times, p. 25. 80. S. Tripati, Tamralipti: The Ancient Port of India, studies in History and Culture, Vol. 2, No.1, 1994, p. 39 (33-39). 81. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 57, p. 45; G. F. Hourani, Op. Cit, p. 25. 82. W. H. Schoff, Preiplus of the Erythrean Sea, ch. 57, pp. 45-46. 83. Pliny, BK.6, ch. 31: 106.

226 Discovery of the monsoon movement benefitted some countries and adversely affected some others. It is noticed that there was an increase in the number of commercial ships that cross the Eritrean Sea through Qana Port in the South of the Arabian Peninsula to the South Indian Coast. This led to flourishing the sea trading activity and new powers appearance (the Roman) competing the old traders, namely Yemenis and Indians. The monsoon discovery resulted in the decay of land trade in the South of the Arabian Peninsula because of shifting to the maritime trade via the Red Sea to the Romanian Egypt. This led to weakening the old Yemeni Kingdoms that were basically relying on the land trade and this resulted in their political end. On the contrary, Qana Port got flourished because of its excellent geographical location that made it a transit for commercial ships coming from the Red sea and receiving the ships coming from India and the Persian Gulf. This made it the most important Port in the South of the Arabian Peninsula from the first to the third century.

6.1.3 Yavanas

Yavana is a term that appeared in Indian history and many scholars argued about the meaning and origin of Yavanas. Later, some theories and different opinions offered some suggestions regarding the name and place of Yavana. Some of them say that Yavanas are of Indian origin (Indian internal kingdoms) and the term came from the ancient literary Indian sources84, other scholars say that Yavanas were Greek who entered India from the north say during the ruling era of Alexander the Great and beyond, then they spreaded in different parts of India concerning with trade85.

84. D. R. Bhandarkar, Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture, Asian Educational Services Publ, New Delhi, 1989, p. 50; H. P. Ray, The Yavana Presence in Ancient India, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 31, No. 3, Brill Publ, 1988, pp. 313-117 (311-325). 85. V. Kanakasabal, Tamils eighteen hundred years ago, Asian Education Services Publ, New Dilhe& Madras, 1997,p.12; M. M. Uwise & P. M. Ajmal khan, Islamiya Tamil Ilakkiya Varalaru, Kamarajar University Press, Madurai, 1997, pp.10-12; A. K. Narain, The Indo- Greeks, Claredon Press, Oxford, 1957. pp. 155-157; V. Kanakasabal, Op. Cit, p.12; K. Gopalachari, Early History of the Andhra Country, Vol. 16, University of Madras Publ, Madras, 1976, p. 92.

227 Some other scholars suggest that Yavanas were not Greek, but they were foreigners who came to Indian subcontinent from the west for the sake of the trading86. They differ in opinions regarding Yavanas as foreign people; some of them emphasize that Yavana were Roman who came to India at the beginning of the first Century AD, with synchronization of the beginning of development in the movement of world‟s trade at that time87. The other scholars are of the opinion that Yavanas are Arab who came from the South of the Arabian Peninsula since a long time and then they settled in many parts of India especially in the west coast of India such as Kerala, and Tamil Nadu88.

There is pseudo consensus among the historian scholars deciding that Yavana‟s interest was the trade, although some historical sources and historians state that they were doing a lot of different professions such as soldiering, carpentry, artisans, etc89.

As per the Historical references, Krishna fought Yavana‟s who entered the west of India through the sea and then he overcame them90. Sangam literature also refers to Yavanas in many places in the poems of Tamil Nadu91. Other sources mention that the beginning of Yavana‟s history in the Indian sources dates back to the sixth century BC, i.e. before the appearance of Greeks and Romans in ancient India92. The second side emphasizes that Krishna stated that Yavana‟s are not Indians, but they are foreigners who came to India

86. W. Ball, Rome in the East: The Transformation of an Empire, Routledge Publ, New York, 2016, p. 143. 87. H. P. Ray, Op. Cit, p. 313; W. Ball, Op. Cit, p. 143. 88. J. R. Mohammad, Maritime History of The Coromandel Muslims A Socio-Historical Study on the Tamil Muslims 1750 - 1900, Director of Museums Publ, Chennai, 2004, p. 68; R. Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History: Some Interpretations, Orient Black swan Publ, New Delhi, 1978, p. 157; H. Tieken, The Yavanas‟ Clothes in Old Tamil Literature, Indo- Iranian Journal, Vol. 46, Kluwer Academic Publ, Netherlands, 2003, p. 271 (261–271). 89. J. R. Mohammad, Islamic Architecture in Tamil Nadu, Director of Museums Publ, 2004, p. 60. 90. A. Weber, The History of Indian Literature, Routledge, London, 2000, p. 220; R. Kumar, History and culture series, essays on Indian Philosophy, Discovery Publishing House, New Delhi, 2003, pp. 80-81. 91. There are many references referred to Yavanas in Sangam poems as, Mullaipāttu 61, 66, Perumpānatrupadai 316, Pathitrupathu II, Akam 57, 149, Nedunalvādai 31, 101, Purananuru 56 and 353; H. Tieken, Op. Cit, p. 170. 92. D. C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions Bearing on Indian History and Civilization: From the sixth century BC to the sixth century A. D, Vol.1, University of Calcutta, 1965, p. 3.

228 from the west. To seem up Yavana‟s were not Indians but they entered India before Greeks and Romans since a long time.

Those historians who state that Yavanas belonged to the South of Arabian Peninsula93 are relatively true in opinion because there are proofs and evidences that support their opinions. There is one territory in the South of Arabian Peninsula (Kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt), so famous in the Yemeni history called „Yamanat‟. This territory includes most of eastern coastal regions in the South Arabian94. It was famous for growing incense and myrrh, the products that were valuable and precious in the old world trading. The people of this territory had worked in trading across lands and sea. The profession of trade became important from one generation to another and then, people of Ḥaḍramawt‟s coast were considered as Masters of Sea‟s trade in Arabian Sea for longer centuries until the Islamic era. The Arabs were most frequently referred to as Yavanas and were regarded as Mleccha (non-Vedic or barbarian)95.

Ancient Yemeni Kingdoms fought for the sake of controlling the territory of Yavana which was rich in agricultural products; those kings who won in their fighting added the name of the area that they captured to their royal nickname, such as “King of Saba‟”. After capturing many districts, the king became “a king of Saba‟ and Dhī Raydān”. Yamanat was also included under the royal nickname in the political history in Yemen “King of Saba‟, Dhī Raydān, and Yamanat”96. In short, the king of Saba‟ had captured some parts of Ḥimyar kingdom (Dhī Raydān) and also the territory of Yamanat in the coastal region of Ḥaḍramawt‟s Kingdom.

The territory of Yamanat was semi-independent from the kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt during some political stages in ancient Yemen. It proves that the royal nickname was listed by

93. J. R. Mohammad, Maritime History of The Coromandel, pp. 60-61 94. A. Jamme, Sabaean Inscriptions from Mahram Bilqis (Marib), American Foundation for Study of Man, Baltimore, 1962, p. 373; A. H. Al-Shaibah, (YAMANAT) in Ancient Yemenite Inscriptions, Meaning and Significance, Sanaa& Naples, 2005, pp.100-105; Y. M. Abdullah, Papers in the History of Yemen and his Relics, Beirut, 1990, PP. 189& 204; M. A. Ba Faqih, History in ancient Yemen, p. 137. 95. R. Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History: Some Interpretations, Orient Black swan Publ, New Delhi, 1978, p. 157; K. Gopalachari, Op. Cit, 92. 96. M. A. Al-Qiali, Op. Cit, pp. 2-7.

229 such names as the kingdom of Ḥaḍramawt and territory of Yamanat at the same period (King of Saba‟, Dhī Raydān, Ḥaḍramawt and Yamanat)97. (Fig. 16)

From the above discussion, it is discerned that the Yavana was the place name of Yamanat in the South Arabian Peninsula. The Yamanats were famous for trading across lands and sea because of the available products such as incense and myrrh. The people who left this place for the sake of trading were named as Yavanas because of their original homeland, and when they arrived in India, they were known as Yavanas according to the place where they came from. This happened for the people who belong to their places; they were named by their place names such as (Behari because of Bihar, Gujarati because of Gujarat, Sana‟ani because of Sana‟a, etc.)

The exchange of trade between Yemen and India was a long time ago. The evidence for this relation is that the Indian products were found available in the south Arabian markets, as mentioned above. That means the Yamanat traders reached the western Indian coast to bring the Indian commercial goods. The geographical distance between the two countries is not far and this helped the ships to move from one seaport to another. Most of the historical sources refer to Yavanas as merchants which was the same adjective the inhabitants of Yamanat territory had. Traders of Yavana, then, settled in many Indian areas and especially the areas of the western coast. And they had their special habitations in the seaports where they had settled98.

So far as the difference between Yamanat and Yavana is concerned this refers to the oral difference and the substitution of one letter instead of the other, and also because of the difference in pronunciation of one language to another.

Qana sea-port is located in Yavana territory (in the coast of Ḥaḍramawt‟s Kingdom), it was the main seaport, through which a lot of goods were imported and exported from Yemen to India and vice-versa, from Yemen to the Persian Gulf and east of Africa. This indicates that there were ancient trading relations between Qana seaport and seaports of

97. M. A. Ba Faqih, In Happy Arabian, Vol. 1, p. 72; M. A. Al-Qiali, Op. Cit, pp. 8-13 98. R. E. M. Wheeler, Rome beyond the Imperial Frontiers, London, 1955, pp. 64-177.

230 west India99. After that the name of Yavanas was gradually extended to include not only the Arabs but any traders coming from west Asia or the Mediterranean100.

6.2 The Maritime Network between West Indian Ports and the Southeast Arabia Ports (1st century- 2nd century AD)

The period from the 1st century to the 2nd Century AD, marks a linkage between western Indian Ports and the east Arabian ports regions. The distance trade and contacts between these two regions was figured prominently in both Indian and Classical literature and in archaeological materials from the Roman world, the Indian subcontinent and east Arabia coast.

The evidence obtained from recent excavations at West Indian ports, although meager, clearly indicate that the trade began long before the reign of Augustus (27 BC-AD 14)101, but their presence in most coastal areas coincided with the discovery of monsoons at the beginning of the 1st century AD, when they began their interest in the search for the source of trade that was the cause of the richness of kingdoms of southern Arabs. According to Strabo, 20 ships were sailing from Egypt to India per year, but after the discovery of the monsoon, the number of vessels increased to 120 vessels per year102.

The Roman traders in the first two centuries A.D established “factories” or permanent trading stations in the coast of the India subcontinent and that their influence extended directly or indirectly far deeper into the interior103. Roman exported many goods to west Indian ports that were also offered at Qana Port104. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea referred that the Qana received a large volume of printed fabrics and a great quantity of

99. M. A. Ba Faqih, In Happy Arabian, Vol. 1, p. 72. 100. R. Thapar, Op. Cit, p. 148; D. C. Sircar, Op. Cit, p. 101. 101. R. McLaughlin, Op. Cit, p.194. 102. Strabo, BK. 2, ch. 5: 12. 103. H. P. Ray (ed), Coins in India: Power and Communication, Marg Foundation Publ, Mumbai, 2006, p. 6. 104. G. K. Young, Op. Cit, p. 24.

231 Arabian-style clothing. The vessels of Roman also delivered raw metals to Qana, including copper and tin105.

From the first and second century AD, the lower Indus valley and the Indian delta were called Scythia or Indo-Scythia and the Indus delta was named Patalene. The area looms large in classical texts for its prosperous port, Barbaricum, located at the middle of the seven mouths of the river Indus. Such a port would have facilitated seafaring from the Indus delta106, to the famous port Pasinu Charax which situated to the north of the Persian Gulf and this port maintained linkages with Babylon and Seleucia via riverain routes on the Euphrates and the Tigris. Petra, the renowned Nabateans commercial centre was conquered by the Romans in 106 A.D, which was well-connected with both Phoenicia and Gaza107.

The demand for oriental luxuries including silks, ivory and beryl registered a slow but steady decline in most parts of the empire. These luxury goods began to be traded, more intensely and in increasing quantities, between the different regions of India as also between India and East Asia countries. Thus, by the end of the 1st century AD, maritime trade between India and the West was, to a large extent, confined to comparatively inexpensive items such as cotton fabrics and pepper108. After the first century AD, however, Roman traders frequented the West India ports in greater numbers. They obtained their requirements of iron, steel from Karimnagar area and pepper from south Kanara and Malabar regions, in addition to the pepper from Andhra began exported to Rome109.

It has to be emphasized that the Roman conquest of Egypt around 31 BC provided Romans not only the wealth and other resources of Africa but also the lucrative India trade which had been efficiently organized by the powerful Ptolemies, the Greek ruling

105. R. McLaughlin, Rome and the Distant East, p. 73. 106. O. Prakash, The Trading World of the Indian Ocean. 1500-1800, p. 63. 107. Ibid, p. 64. 108. S. Suresh, Symbols of Trade: Roman and Pseudo-Roman Objects Found in India. Delhi, 2004, p. 34 109. Ibid, p. 34.

232 family of Egypt, after the death of Alexander the great. Thus, it is clear that the imperial Romans under Augustus and his successors did not 'initiate' the trade but had merely 'inherited' it110. The ships were already sailed from south Arabian cost and Persian Gulf to the western Indian ports111.

The Indian trade of precious goods, through the Persian Gulf, ancient Yemen kingdoms, east coast of Africa, Egypt, Levant, Phoenicia, and Tyre, all were nourished by the Indian trade of precious goods through the Erythraean Sea. Yemen played the most important role in the ancient entire trading112. India became the dominant commercial nation of the Erythraean Sea long before the discovery of monsoon and later shared the trade of the western world with Yemen113. The Indian Vessels were brought their goods to Yemen Port (Qana) which was the great mart for Indian goods and functioned as distribution center from this port the Indian commodities were transferred to Syria and Mediterranean Sea via the Yemeni caravan till the first millennium century BC. After discovering the sea trade routes, the Indian goods were transferred from Qana port via ships to Red sea then Egypt114. India's flourishing sea-borne commerce with the Roman Empire largely through the Red Sea (late first millennium BC-250 AD)115.

Trade between the Roman world and south Asia was started long before the Christian era through Arabs. Arabian traders supplied Romans with spices and fragrances, either product of the Arabian Peninsula or from further east. Romans once believed that the Arabian Peninsula was an end of the "Spice Route”116.

110. S. Suresh, Op. Cit, p. 153. 111. A. S. Al-Jaroo, The ports of Majan and navigation in the Arabian Gulf in the second half of the third millennium BC, pp. 7-8. 112. Ambedkar, Op. Cit, Vol.12, pp. 15-16. 113. E C. Semple, Influences of Geographic Environment, on the Basis of Ratzel's System of nthropogeography, H. Holt Publ, 1911, p. 309. 114. V. Moon, Op. Cit, p. 15. 115. O. Prakash, The Trading World of the Indian Ocean. 1500-1800, p. 75; A. H. Podany, Op. Cit, p. 46. 116. M. Adas, Agricultural and Pastoral Societies in Ancient and Classical History, Temple University Press, 2001, pp. 154-155.

233 From the late first century BC Roman reached to the West Indian ports via more regularly frequented route.117 Thus the seafaring trade of the Roman Empire finally connected with the Central Asian Silk Road through the ports of Barbaricum. But the Roman traders did not stop there as their ships travelled along the western coast of India, stopping at the various ports for more tropical spices118. In Roman time the sea route linked the Red Sea to the Erythraean Sea at south coast of Arab Peninsula (Qana Port), and reached Indian ports, primarily Barbaricum on the mouth of the Indus River and Barygaza on the Gulf of Cambay119.

6.3 Indo-Yemen Archaeological Remains (Antiquities)

Archaeology is a part of both history and anthropology. Lately archaeology has proven itself to be indispensable to the writing of history. With something as little as broken bits of pottery, or coins, or carvings, archaeological analyses can find the gaps between the historical periods and helps in rewriting of history.

So far as the Indian Ocean trade is concerned, some of the more obvious trading relations were existed between the countries which surrounded the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea. Though the relations between East Africa and South Arabia Peninsula and between western India and Arabia are seldom mentioned and therefore marginalized or underestimated. Most new research on the Indian Ocean is based on archaeology120, more specifically from amphorae and pottery that provide tangible evidence of Indo-Yemeni trade121.

This void has been partly filled as a result of the last twenty years of research which includes the backdating of several important Indian Ocean trading sites (to the 3rd century BC) in India, Persian Gulf, South Yemen coast, Red sea coasts, Sri Lanka, and East

117. O. Prakash, Op. Cit, p. 65. 118. L. Xinru, Op. Cit, p. 40. 119. Ibid, p. 41. 120. E. H. Seland, Ports and political power in the" Periplus": complex societies and maritime trade on the Indian Ocean in the first century AD, Archaeopress Publ, Oxford, 2010, p. 4. 121. A. Reddy, Looking from Arabia to India: Analysis of the Early Roman „India Trade‟ in the Indian Ocean During the Late Pre- Islamic Period (3rd Century BC-6th Century AD), 2 volus, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, 2013, p. 261.

234 Asia122. However, in spite of the discovery and revised dating of these trade sites, justification for lack of archaeological data pertaining to trade between India and Arabia in the Hellenistic period was utilized by some authors who state that „our knowledge of common potteries, especially the containers: amphora, jars, etc. both in India and Arabia remains rather poor‟123. But the new discovery in the South Arabia coast and south India proved the relation trade between Yemen and India dated to the 3rd-2nd century BC124. The pottery serves as major evidence for determining the chronology and nature of the earliest phase of trade contact between Yemen and India.

6.3.1 Yemen Pottery and Amphorae from West Coast of India

The ovoid jars were common in South Arabia, especially in Ḥaḍramawt from the 3rd century BC onwards. (Fig. 17) This type of jars was found outside the territories of the south Arabian kingdoms, in several harbor cities: in the Red Sea ports, the Persian Gulf and West Indian coast especially at Muziris port125. These jars were characterized by stoppers on their rims, which means that they were used to transfer the liquids, especially wine126. The Yemeni inscriptions refer to the cultivation of palm and grapes in many places in the highlands and Marib oasis127. These fruits were a source to produce wine in large quantities in south Arabia128.

122. A. Pavan& H. Schenk, Crossing the Indian Ocean before the Periplus: a comparison of pottery assemblages at the sites of Sumhuram (Oman) and Tissamaharama (Sri Lanka), Vol.23, No.2, Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, 2012, pp. 191-202. 123. J. F. Salles, Hellenistic Seafaring in the Indian Ocean: A Perspective from Arabia, Tradition and Archaeology: Early Maritime Contacts in the Indian Ocean, eds. H.P. Ray& J. F. Salles, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi: 1996, pp. 293-310. 124. A. Reddy, Op. Cit, p. 261. 125. P. J. Cherian & J. Menon, Unearthing Pattanam histories, cultures, crossings, ed. A. Chowdhury, National Museum Publ, New Delhi, 2014, pp. 54-55. 126. K. S. Mathew, Imperial Rome, pp. 207-212. . Some inscription referred to grapes and dates as (Ja 730/7), (E 26/2), (Ja 1819/ 10). 127. A. H. Al-Shaiba, Tarjamat Yamania, p. 58. 128. M. Marqten, Wine Drinking and Wine Prohibition in Arabia before Islam, Proceeding of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol.23, London, 1993, p. 96 (95-116).

235 The script (HIC 540/ 50) mentions that the caravan consisting of 200 camels carried dates wine. The Periplus attests that wine was produced in large quantities in south Arabia129. So, the Yemeni wine had been transferred by the ovoid jars to the ancient world markets as mentioned above. This type of earthenware was common in South Arabia, especially in Ḥaḍramawt from the 3rd century BC onwards. The presence of a stopper on the rim and the narrow mouth of these jars suggest the transportation of liquids. The content of these jars could have been Arabian wine, famous in antiquity, according to ancient sources. These sherds are discovered from the Early Historic layers at Pattanam.130

According to Buffa, when he visited excavation site at Pattanam in 2014, ceramics from the two seasons 2011 and 2012 were examined and the presence of south Arabian storage jars in the assemblages was confirmed131. There was also a smaller jar found in south India, having a South Arabian monograph, through the grounds of fabric and form as „Indian‟132.(Fig. 18)

6.3.2 Indian Pottery and Amphorae from South Arabia Coast

Imported pottery at Qana was dominant in all strata from the settlement; the assemblage was rich and diverse with sources from the Mesopotamia, India, the Roman world, Africa, and all were well represented133. The sherds of Indian Black-and-Red Ware

129. A. H. Al-Shaibah, Tarjamat Yamania, p. 58; M. Marqten, Wine Drinking, p. 97. 130. P. J. Cherian, & J. Menon, Unearthing Pattanam: Histories, Cultures, Crossings, National Museum, New Delhi, 2014, pp. 54-55. 131. V. Buffa, Report on Pottery of South Arabian Origin at the Pattanam Site, Pattanam Excavation: Interim Report of the Eight Seasons, ed. P. J. Cherian, KCH Publ, Kerala, 2014, pp. 47-51. 132. R. Tomber, D. Graf, & J. F. Healy, Pots with writing.Myos Hormos- Quseir al-Qadim, Roman and Islamic Ports on the Red Sea. Volume 2: Finds from the Excavations 1999- 2003, ed. D. P. S. Peacock & L. Blue, University of Southampton Series in Archaeology, No.6, Archaeopress Press, Oxford 2011, pp. 5-10. 133. A.V. Sedov, The port of Qana‟ and the incense trade, Food for the Gods: New Light on the Ancient Incense Trade, eds. D. Peacock & D. F. Williams, Oxbow Publ, Oxford, 2007, pp. 71-111; A.V. Sedov, Qana (Yemen) and the Indian Ocean: The Archaeological Evidence, Tradition and Archaeology: Early Maritime Contacts in the Indian Ocean, eds. H. P. Ray & J. F. Salles, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi, 1996, pp. 11-35.

236 pottery have been discovered in the south and east Arabia coasts, and some of that dating to 300 BC134.

At Qana, Indian pottery has been recorded in the various stratigraphic periods as a result of several seasons of excavations135, in the earliest period (BA-I) the potteries were a limited quantity but the next level witnesses a rise in the number of vessels of Indian origin in the middle (BA-II) period. The type of this level is a handless amphora-like vessel with collar-stepped rim which has been compared to Indian pottery from Amreli136, followed by sub-complete absence of Indian wares in the final „upper‟ (BA- III) period137. (Fig. 19)

In addition, the archaeologists had found pottery in south Arabia from northwest India138. This caused to speculate that there were trading relations between Yemenis and Indians139. The discoveries of Indian pottery in south Arabia before the journey of

134. A. Avanzini, Sumhuram, pp. 23-31; S. Gupta, Roman Egypt to Peninsular India: Archaeological Patterns of Trade (1st Century BC-3rd Century AD), Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Pune. 1997, p. 160; F. Salles, Op. Cit, p. 297. 135. A.V. Sedov, Qana (Yemen) and the Indian Ocean: The Archaeological Evidence, Tradition and Archaeology: Early Maritime Contacts in the Indian Ocean, eds. H.P. Ray, and J-F Salles, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi, 1996, pp. 11-35; A. V. Sedov, New archaeological and epigraphical material from Qana (South Arabia), Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, Vol.3, No. 2, 1992, pp. 110-137; A.V. Sedov, Sea-trade of the Hadramawt Kingdom from the 1st to the 6th Centuries AD, ed. A. Avanzini, „L‟erma‟ di Bretschneider Publ, Rome, 1997, pp. 365-384. 136. B. Davidde, R. Petriaggi & D. F. Williams, New data on the commercial trade of the harbour of Kane through the typological and petrographic study of the pottery, Proceedings of the Seminar of Arabian Studies, Vol.34, 2004, pp. 85-100. 137. A. V. Sedov, The port of Qana‟ and the incense trade, Food for the Gods: New Light on the Ancient Incense Trade, ed. D. Peacock & D. F. Williams, Oxbow Publ, Oxford, 2007, pp. 71-111. 138. A. Pavan, Sumhuram as international centre: the imported pottery, Along the aroma and spice routes The harbour of Sumhuram, its territory and the trade between the Mediterranean, Arabia and India, Pisa, Pontedera, 2011 p. 103 (99-112). 139. J. Zarins, The land of incense, Archaeological work in the Governorate of Dhofar, Sultanate of Oman 1990-1995, Archaeology and Cultural Heritage Series, vol. 1, Sultan Qaboos University Publ, Oman, 2001, pp. 93-133; A. Reddy, Op. Cit, p. 255.

237 Periplus, in recent years, have laid the foundation of an early relationship between the Arabia and India, from the 3rd century BC onwards140.

Moreover, a coin of King Kanishka I has been discovered and one of Abhiraka, Satrap of Barygaza, which are the only Indian coins discovered in the whole of Arabian Peninsula, dated to the early centuries AD.141 The archaeological material also included a small bronze Salabhanjika, tree goddess figurine datable to the 1st or 3rd century AD.142 (Fig. 20)

6.3.3 Arabian-Indian Trade Inscriptions 6.3.3.1 Indian Inscriptions from the Ḥoq cave in Socotra Island

Socotra Island was an important meeting point in the maritime trade routes between the East and the West143. Many inscriptions144 in the Hoq cave in Socotra Island have been found. These inscriptions were written by visitors from South Arabia, Greece, Palmyra and India. Amongst these inscriptions, 43 Indian Brahmi inscriptions, written with clay, chalk and coal on the walls of the cave were documented and half of them photographed.

140. A. Avanzini, Sumhuram: a Hadrami Port on the Indian Ocean. The Indian Ocean in the Ancient Period: Definite places, translocal exchange, ed. E. H. Seland, British Archaeological Reports International Series, Vol.1593, Archaeopress, Oxford, 2007, pp. 23-31; S. Gupta, Roman Egypt to Peninsular India: Archaeological Patterns of Trade (1st Century BC-3rd Century AD), unpublished PhD thesis, University of Pune.1997, p. 160; . F. Salles, Op. Cit, p. 297. 141. M. D. Bukharin, An Indian Inscriptions from Sumharam, Excavations and Restoration of the Complex of Khor Rori, Edizion Plus, Piza, 2002, pp. 39-40 142. A. A. Aqil, Bronze in Ancient Yemen, Sana'a, 2010, pp. 53-54 143. L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei: Text with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, Princeton University Press, New Jerse,1989, pp.168-169; S. E. Sidebotham, Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route, University of California Press, 2011, p. 189. 144. H. Dridi, Indiens et Proche-Orientaux dans une grotte de Suqutra (Yémen), dans, Journal asiatique, Vol.290, 2002, pp. 565-610; C. J. Robin & M. Gorea, Les vestiges antiques de la grotte de Hôq (Suqutra, Yémen)(note d'information), Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Vol.146, No.146, 2002, pp. 409-415 (409- 445).

238 This epigraphy was one of the most exciting discoveries in the Indian epigraphy out of India. It is dated to the 2nd century AD onwards145. (Fig. 21)

The Indian texts cover T 22-T 33, T 36-T 37, T 44-T 48. Sometimes more than one inscription is subsumed under one signature. In these cases, they added an additional letter (e.g. T 24-a). According to Dridi, the inscriptions, T 1 -T 12 and T l5-T 2l, are written in Brähmi as well146, but some of the other inscriptions are not clear to read. With regard to their contents, the inscriptions may be divided into three groups: type 1 gives only the name of a person, type II contains names of persons ending in -putra, together with the indication of their father‟s name, and type III-epigraphs contains complete sentences e.g. „X (son of Y) has come147. So, through the analysis of the Indian inscriptions from Hoq cave, it belongs to the many places on the west coast of India. In terms of political geography, this area mainly corresponds to the empires of the Western Kpatrapas and the Sätavähanas, which were the leading powers in Western India and the Deccan and played a major role in the maritime trade activities of India at the period in question. That means the Indian rulers have had trading relations with ancient Yemen. (Fig. 22)

Another inscription on Tamil-Brahmi potsherd was found in South Arabia. The sherd itself was a part of a lid made by reusing the shoulder of an amphora. The ostraca was inscribed with “nantaikiran” which signifies a personal name with two components found in the 1st century AD or earlier148. (Fig. 23). According to the archaeologists, the word of (nantaikiran) is originally from south India. This is evidence that there were trading relations between Malabar Coast (Muziris) and south Arabia.

145. I. Strauch & M. Bukharin, Indian Inscriptions from the Cave Ḥoq on Suquṭrā, Annali dell'Istituto Universitario Orientale, Vol.64, 2004, pp. 121-122 (121-138); R. Tomber, Indo-Roman Trade: From Pots to Pepper, Duckworth Publ, London, 2008, p. 108; 146. I. Strauch & M. D. Bukharin, Op. Cit, pp. 125-134. 147. I. Strauch & M. D. Bukharin, Op. Cit, pp. 127-135; R. Saloman, Epigraphic Remains of Indian Traders in Egypt. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.111, No.4, 1991, p. 732 (731-736); H. Dridi, Indiens et proche-orientaux dans une grotte de Suqutra (Yemen). Journal Asiatique, Vol. 90, No. 2, 2002, p. 585 (565-610); I. Strauch & M. D. Bukharin, Op. Cit, pp. 124 & 135. 148. A. Reddy, Op. Cit, pp. 255- 256.

239 6.3.3.2 Ḥadrami Inscription (Ja 931)

The Indians were not absent from the ancient Yemenite inscriptions. It was present in these inscriptions: in the time of King Ili„azz Yalut (AD 220s) king of Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom, the inscription (Ja 931/4-3) referred to the foreign guests attending the ceremony of the Ḥaḍramawt king in Aloqlah place149. There were two Palmyrenes, two Chaldaeans and noted in the inscription in lines 3-4 to the names of two Indians among the participating delegations. These were undoubtedly official delegations that had been brought from nearby Shabwa to attend the accession of the king or some such event150. This inscription provides useful evidence that there was a relation between Ḥaḍramawt kingdom and India in the 3rd century AD151. (Fig. 24)

149. M. A. Ba Faqih, & et al, A selection of ancient Yemeni inscriptions, Tunis, Arab League Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization, 1985, pp. 329-330; M. A. Ba Faqih, Ruins and Inscriptions of Alaqlah, Field Study of one of the Archaeological Sites near Shabwa in Ḥaḍramawt, Mutbaeat Lajnat al-Taalif wal Tarjamat wal Nushri, Cairo, 1967, p. 64; B. Doe, Monuments of South Arabia, p. 18. 150. A. F. L. Beeston, Observations on the Texts from Al-ʿuqlah, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol. 12, Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Publ, Cambridge, 1982, pp.9-10 (7- 13)R. G. Hoyland, Arabia and the Arabs From the Bronze Age to the coming of Islam, Routledge Publ, London & New York, 2001, p. 94. 151. J. Albert, The Al-ʿUqlah Texts, Documentation South Arab, Vol. III, Catholic University of America Press, Washington, 1963, pp. 44-45; G. Fisher, Arabs and Empires before Islam, Oxford University Publ, Oxford, 2015, p. 101.

240 7. CONCLUSION

Natural resources and archeological remains are one of the most important sources of the study of Yemeni-Indian relations, due to the important information that it provides. It helped to confirm the existence of commercial relations between the two regions. Although, these relations before the analysis of natural resources and the study of exploration were far from the interest of historians in modern times.

India and Yemen had commercial laws that have helped the growth and development of internal and external trade. This was indicated by the laws and regulations that encourage traders to pay attention to their trade and increase their wealth to become high-profile in their societies. Even in the case of neglecting the trade by merchants, they also had to pay fines. These laws and legislation are among the oldest commercial laws written in ancient history dated back to the 4th and 3rd centuries BC.

The conflicts in the north of the Arabian Peninsula had affected the commercial movement in Yemen and India; As soon as conflicts begin in Mesopotamia and Persia regions, trade routes (silk and spices) stopped and changed towards south to India so as to avoid passing through conflict zones, and then to the ports of western India where commercial goods were transported through the Arabian Sea to the Persian Gulf and southern Arabia. But if conflicts would have intensified in the eastern Mediterranean, the Levant, and Egypt, the route from the southern Arabian Peninsula (incense road) would become less important, however, the land routes from Central Asia and India to Mesopotamia would have again.

In both cases, the Indian economy was not affected by these conflicts, because India was a source of commercial goods, while the kingdoms of ancient Yemen have been too affected by those conflicts. Especially when the Roman took control of Levant and Egypt at the end of the first millennium BC who transferred the land trade routes to sea, which led to the elimination of the monopoly of Yemeni merchants of the old trade. This led to the loss of the most important economic source of Yemeni kingdoms which was depended on. Because of that, the economy began to deteriorate gradually, which led them to rely on agriculture as the main source for income in order to preserve Stay.

241 Commercial ports were the important points between the local and international land and sea trade. The most important of these were the ports of Barbaricum, port of Barygaza, and the port of Muziris, which were located in the west coast of India. These ports played a prominent role in the Indian economy. The importance of these ports has been recorded since ancient times according to the importance of the region, type of civilization, and its prosperity. The Port of Barbaricum was the most important in north India in the era of Chandra Gupta and the kingdoms that ruled India after that. The port imported and exported commercial goods to and from the Persian Gulf and southern Arabia before the discovery of monsoons. This period was known as "coastal trade". Arab and Indian merchants were the most prominent at this stage.

With the discovery of the monsoon movement and when the commercial vessels started to cross the Arabian Sea, the importance was shifted from the port of Barbaricum towards the south to the port of Barygaza in Gujarat, which became more important from the end of the first century BC to the beginning of the first century AD with the advent of Roman merchants alongside Arab traders in the Arabian Sea. Nearby this port there are fertile plains which were supplied the port with all kinds of agricultural and commercial products, as described by Periplus.

The Roman merchants sought to search for various commercial goods and headed towards the south to the port of Muziris, which became the Arab, Roman and Egyptian merchants‟ destination from the first century BC till the fourth century AD, which helped the commercial ships to cross the longs distances in short time from Qana port to the port of Muziris in forty days. Black pepper and gems were the most important commercial items traded by a population of Muziris with the foreign traders.

On the opposite side of the coast of western India, the port of Qana dating back to the 6th century BC, was one of the important ports which referred to by the Torah in the south of the Arabian Peninsula, from there brought precious goods to Palestine. Archaeological excavations, which began in the 60s of the last century, revealed that the importance of the port of Qana goes back to the 2nd century BC. By the end of the 1st century BC and the beginning of the 1st century AD, Qana port became the main harbor existing on the ancient trade route between Yemen and India as referred by Periplus. The port was

242 approached by the commercial vessels from different countries and regions, where the coming ships from the Red Sea were kept waiting till the time of the monsoon to sail to the west coast of India. With the advent of the Romans in the Red Sea and the Arabian Sea, the port became a transit port for commercial vessels. The port was flourished during the first and second centuries AD, as confirmed by the diversity and abundance of archaeological remains that were discovered at the port. Due to wars, internal and external conflicts, the importance of the port gradually started to fade away from the fourth century AD to the end of the fifth century.

The Indian Ocean witnessed a commercial activity throughout the ages in which the inhabitants of the coastal areas acquired the accumulated experiences to use the sea for their benefit such as Yemen and India, sharing the waters of the Arabian Sea. The Yemeni-Indian trade relationship was one of the most prominent trade relations in the history of Indian Ocean since long time. Which establishes beyond doubt India was the main source of many goods and agricultural products (spices). Yemeni merchants were the intermediary who transported Indian and Yemeni goods to commercial markets in Mesopotamia, the Levant, Egypt and the Mediterranean countries and through this process they had accumulated enormous wealth that can be proved by the remnants of cities and temples in different regions of Yemen.

The abundance of Indian archaeological remains which found in the south of the Arabian Peninsula such as pottery, ceramics, statues, coins and Indian inscriptions, are clear-cut evidence reflecting the depth of the Yemeni-Indian trade relationship as well as the diplomatic embassies mentioned in inscription 931. Similarly, the Yemeni archaeological remains such as pottery found in the coast of Malabar which dates back to different historical periods between third century BC and the fifth century AD. The Yemeni-Indian trade relationship dates back to pre-Christian and is not less important than any other commercial relationship on the Indian Ocean. So, Yemen trade relationship with India is older than India relationship with Romans and Egyptian.

243 8. APPENDIX

8.1 Appendix 1. Figures

Fig. 1, Map of Indian Physical.

244

Fig. 2, Regions of Arabia Peninsula

245

Fig. 3, Ancient Yemen Kingdoms from 9th Century BC - 5th Century AD.

246

Fig. 4, The column on which the Shamir Market Law was written. (W. Phillips, Qataban and Saba, 1955.)

Fig. 5, Alexander‟s Campaign and the Battle with Porus 327 BC (A. Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, Vol. I, The Buddhist Period, Trubner and Co Publ Publ, London, 1871, p.158)

247

Fig. 6, Silk Trade Routes (Along the Ancient Silk Routes Centeral Asian Art from the West Berlin State Museum, p. 19)

248

Fig. 7, Simples of Ancient Indian Ships, (A) Satavahana Coins showing ship with masts (B) Pallava coin depicting ship with masts. ( Tripati, Seafaring Archaeology of East coast of India and southeast Asia during the early Historical Period, pp. 17-22; R. K. Mukhopadhyay, A History of Indian Shipping, a history of the sea-borne trade and maritime activity of the Indians from the earliest times, Longmans, Green and Co Press. Bombay, 1912, S. Tripati, Early users of monsoon winds for navigation, p.1620.

249

Fig. 8, Barygaza Port, (Asia's Maritime Bead Trade, 300 B.C. to the Present, p. 104)

250

Fig. 9, Location of Ancient and Modern sites of Muziris Port ( K.P. Shajan, R.Tomber, V. Selvakumar & P. J. Cherian, Locating the ancient port of Muziris, p. 312)

251

Fig. 10, The Wharf, one of most important excavations discovery at Pattanam, (P. J. Cherian & Jaya Menon, Unearthing Pattanam histories, pp. 20-21)

252

Fig. 11, Qana Port

Fig. 12, Aerial view of a Qana port & Husn Al-Ghurab

253

Fig. 13, Arabia Peninsula Trade Routes ( H. I. Al- Mazroo, A Stylistic and Comparative Study of Unpulished Pre- Islamic Stone Sculptures from Arabia, 1990, p. 14)

254

Fig. 14, Ancient Trade Routes between Indian and Western World (C. C. Davies, An Historical Atlas of the Indian Peninsula, p. 17.

255

Fig. 15, Monsoon Winds movement in the Arabian Sea (A) summer (B) winter

Fig. 16, Yamanat Region in Ḥaḍramawt Kingdom and Coastal Area

256

Fig. 17, Yemen Ovoid Jars from Pattanam (P. J. Cherian & Jaya Menon, Unearthing Pattanam histories, p. 55)

Fig. 18, Figure. 18, Indian Cooking pot with post-firing South Arabian Monogram (Tomber & et at, 2011b, Fig. 2-7)

257

Fig. 19, Indian pottery from underwater surveys of Qana (After Davide & Petriaggi, 1998; Davidde et at, 2004)

Fig. 20, Bronze Indian female dancer, from south Arabia, dated to about the second century AD . (A. A. Aqil, Bronze in Ancient Yemen, pp.53-54- fig.11)

258

259

Fig. 22, Indian epigraphy from Hoq Cave, Socotra Island, evidence of Yemen Indian trade (I. Strauch & M. D. Bukharin, 2004)

260

Fig. 23, The potsherd in South Arabia, The Tamil- Brahmi script on it can be dated to the first century AD (M.D. Bukharin, An Indian Inscriptions from Sumharam, Excavations and Restoration of the Complex of Khor Rori, Edizion Plus, Piza, 2002, pp. 39-40)

Fig. 24, This inscription mentions there two Indian attended a ceremony with King of Ḥaḍramawt ( Ja 931)

261

8.2 Appendix 2. Tables

Table. 1, This table depicts the trade goods came to Barygaza for exportation, According to Periplus of the Erythraean Sea

262

Table. 2, Showing Distances and Journey Times on the Incense route (N. Groom, Frankincense and Myrrh, p. 213)

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