RESOUND a Quarterly of the Archives of Traditional Music

RESOUND A Quarterly of the Archives of Traditional Music

Volume 24; Number 3/4 July/October 2005

Sound Recordings and Ethnomusicology: From the Director Theoretical Barriers to the Use of Archival Collections Daniel B. Reed Ronda L. Sewald

Part two, continued from Resound Vol. 24, No 1/2 We Keep Getting Busier

Defining Disciplinary Boundaries: The Struggle For many decades, the Archives ofTraditional between Anthropologists and Musicologists Music has prided itself as being an open and accessible Since the founding of the Society archives. We have a Listening Library which is staffed for Ethnomusicology in the 1950's, many and open to the public thirty-five hours a week. The vast ethnomusicologists have declared the use of others' majority of our collections is cataloged and searchable sound recordings as a research methodology on-line via Indiana University's electronic catalog used by comparative musicologists as opposed to IUCAT. We receive a constant flow of orders from ethnomusicologists. This methodology has been researchers, educators, members of the communities transformed into a token representing the mistakes where recordings were made, and others· from around of the past and its rejection has become a means of the world. As archives go, we have always been quite symbolically distancing ourselves from the imperialistic heavily used. and ethnocentric theories generated by earlier In the past several years, however, we have seen a researchers. the scapegoating and stigmatization of dramatic growth in orders for our collections. Simply others' sound recordings, however, has not only served comparing statistics from 2004 and 2005 clearly as a device for demarcating the past from the present demonstrates the rate of increase in use of the ATM. but also for defining the scope and boundaries of the No single statistic tells the story better than this one: discipline in general. the number of reoJrdings ATM staff digitized increased In addition to being used as a device to 230/0 from 2004 to 2005. This is a remarkable increase, distance themselves from comparative musicology, especially considering that, excepting temporary staff ethnomusicologists have stigmatized the use of others' hired for grant-funded projects, our staff size has sound recordings as a means of defining the scope and remained constant during this period. We have always boundaries of the discipline. A dichotomy has often been busy, but we keep getting busier! The pace of been presented in which anthropologists study human orders just continues to quicken. behavior, culture, and music of the present day through How do we account for this increase in use, the use of ethnographic fieldwork while musicologists particularly in light of Ronda Sewald's article about study "sound products" and the music of the past the theoretical barriers to the research use of sound through the use of archival materials and armchair recordings in the field ofethnomusicology? First, analysis. As mentioned above, ethnomusicology may because we have a presence on the World Wide Web, have named itself as the successor of comparative and in particular because people around the world can

{continued on page two} {continued on page two} (From the Director continued) (Sewald continued) search our catalog records on the web, it is surely musicology, but members of the American no accident that our use is increasing along with Anthropological Association created the Society for the increase in use and popularity of the Web. Ethnomusicology and its related publications as pan Secondly, if ethnomusicologists do not take full of a new field of anthropological study. I would advantage of the ATM for purposes of research, speculate, however, that researchers of traditional they do continue to make extensive use of our and non-Western music among musicologists saw collections for pedagogical purposes. Thirdly, this new field as filling the vacuum left behind while our primary connection as an institution by the defunct American Society of Comparative is cenainly to the discipline of ethnomusicology, Musicology and the older Gesellschaft zur our holdings include materials recorded by Erforschung der Musik des Orients. scholars of a wide range of disciplinary affiliations. Since many musicologists continued to rely Ethnomusicologists make up just a ponion of the on musicological theories and methodologies, the people who order copies of our collections. Who, anthropologists sought to redress what they saw for example, ordered copies of ATM materials in as an imbalance between the study of music as the past couple of years? The Cowichan Tribe of sound and the study of music as behavior. This British Columbia. A repatriation project pairing action not only served to separate the field from historians at the University of Connecticut with the past practices of comparative musicology, but the Mrican National Congress in South Mrica. also weakened the position of the more traditional The Yager Museum of Hatwick College, New musicologists, panicularly systematic musicologists, York. An independent filmmaker in Georgia. A who had joined SEM. Those researchers who specialist in Brazilian capoeira in France. A graduate employed traditional musicological methodologies student at the University of Chicago. Descendants were encouraged to shift their approach to more of Gullah people recorded in the 1930s. To be . anthropological models or risked relegation to sure, ethnomusicologists placed many orders the discipline of musicology if they failed to in the past two years as well, but orders from do so. Looking back on this period, Joseph ethnomusicologists represent a small ponion of our overall number of requests. We preserve recorded heritage for a broad range of constituencies. And they are using our RESOUND collections more than ever. Nothing makes me A Quarterly of the Archives of Traditional Music happier as director than to repon that people are recognizing the value of and using the materials in Marilyn Graf, Editor We are pleased to accept comments, letters, and our care. We keep getting busier, and we are glad of submissions. Please address your correspondence it! to RESOUND at: Archives of Traditional Music Morrison Hall 117 Indiana University Bloomington, IN 47405 [email protected] www.indiana. eduJ~libarchm Daniel B. Reed, Director Marilyn B. Graf, Archivist Suzanne Mudge, Librarian Mike Casey, Associate Director for Recording SeIVices Megan Glass, Office Services Assistant

ISSN 0749-2472

2 Kerman referred to comments by anthropologists and diffusionism to music and named several as the "rattling of social-scientific sabers" that researchers who made use of these theories, was "calculated to make musicologists nervous" including Erich von Hornbostel, Curt Sachs, (1985: 170). A sizable number of musicologists Helen Roberts, Rose Brandel, George Herzog, Alan remained within the society, but those who Lomax, and Bruno Nett!' McLeod complained were unable to meet the new anthropological that both of these theoretical approaches served requirements may have felt pressured to leave the to lift music from its context and failed to take discipline. Researchers such as Kolinski and Rose into account the impact of this context upon the Brandel, who both drew primarily upon methods content (1974:101-02). Later, McLeod also raised from systematic musicology and audile analysis, Marshall's complaint regarding the study of music undoubtedly felt the effect of this paradigm shift. as art and clearly labeled the approach to music Although Kolinski continued to publish essays in as an isolatable and aesthetic art form as an act of Ethnomusicology well into the 1980s, Brandel's last ethnocentrism (1974:107). She praised Merriam's article in the journal appeared in 1962. The Anthropology ofMusic, stating, "it offers the student of music a series of choices for study which The Anthropology ofMusic as a Turning Point do not depend upon a knowledge of music, and Writers from the 1970s through as late thus it allows scholars without musical background as 1993 have often praised Merriam's The to envisage investigation into the nature of music Anthropology ofMusic as the turning point in the as culture rather than as form or style" (McLeod struggle between musicology and anthropology or, 1974:103). occasionally, in the struggle between musicology Carole Pegg also credited Merriam's book and ethnomusicology. For our present purposes, as a "significant landmark for ethnomusicology" the most interesting aspect of these tributes is their (1980:61) and his scholarship as one of the key treatment of "armchair analysis" as a thing of the facto-rs in establishing ethnomusicology as a past that Merriam's innovative work had at last "relatively new branch of anthropology" (1980:60). done away with. In addition to arguing that the Pegg goes so far as to claim: work of the Berlin school, and of all musicologists who studied music as an isolatable art form, was Before Merriam, both musicologists and directly related to evolutionism and diffusionism, etlmomusicologists had considered only the technical aspects of musical analysis, concentrating on the Christopher Marshall credited Merriam with structure of the sounds produced and taxographical challenging the idea of music as art. Marshall details of the instruments producing those sounds. The argued that such a concept was both detrimental human factor had been totally ignored. Merriam pointed to the discipline and responsible for the high out the importance of considering the behavior which "dropout" rate of anthropologists in the 1950s produced the sounds, that is, of investigating music not as an aestheth object in itself but seen in relation to both and 1960s. Marshall praised Merriam for opening its pertormalice and social context. (pegg 1980 :61) the field to anthropologists who often lacked "any formal training in music sound" and for elevating Putting aside for the moment that the discipline from the role of a "curious, obscure ethnomusicologists other than Merriam were aware little field straddling the bounds of anthropology" of and interested in the study of cultural context (Marshall 1972:82). and human behavior, it is important to point out Norma McLeod echoed Marshall's essay two that not all ethnomusicologists felt as excited about years later. She began her article by criticizing Merriam's work as the musical anthropologists ethnomusicology's early emphasis on music of the 1970s, 80s, and 90s. Malm's reaction to sound and offered Kolinski's work as an example Merriam's The Anthropology ofMusic included of music studied in isolation from its cultural statements such as, "At last we musicologists have a context (1974:100). Like Marshall, she discussed concrete view of the anthropologist's view of what the Berlin school's application of evolutionism music actually is" and "His conclusions are not 3 necessarily those of all of us but we can be grateful What may be responsible for the controversy that he took such care in presenting them. They between anthropologists and musicologists during will enable the dialogue between the musicologists the first two decades of the discipline's existence, and anthropologists to continue on a firmer basis" beyond the exclusion of traditional musicologists and "Of course, one could construct a seminar unwilling or unable to adopt the study of music showing how the musicologist might approach the in relation to its cultural context, are attempts to same data differently or perhaps even say 'so what' promote their methodologies and research areas in the manner anthropologists tend to say 'so what' as centrally important to the discipline. Kerman about much that we do" (MaIm 1966: 120). These pointed out that although Merriam addressed quips represented, in part, an effort by musicologists the '''sound' aspect of music in his own work ... to defend their territory and to reassert the val ue "to others the flow looks to be largely in one of studying the aural aspects of music. There is direction-from sound to society" (1985:165). also evidence of a long-term tension in MaIm's Looking over Merriam's publications, one is struck statements. He was reacting not just to Merriam by the differences between the theories expressed but also to anthropologists in general and to their in The Anthropology ofMusic and Merriam's actual tendency to downplay the value of musical analysis. research practices. In Prologue to the Study ofthe Hood tried to address the methodological African Arts, Merrialll presented the following imbalance presented by Merriam in a book entitled question and answer: Musicology. Gertrude Kurath turned his efforts on their head: In short, can the social sciences tell us all that we need to know about Mrica? I am a social scientist, and I doubt it. It is clear that Hood feels his anthropologist colleagues have underestimated, undervalued, and underplayed the I feel constrained to say that I do not intend to imply importance of music style as such, and he says: "In other that economic, political, and social studies are fruitless. words,·it is a duty of the ethnomusicologist to advocate Quite to the contrary, such studies have taught us much the study and comprehension of the most minute details about Mrica and they will continue to do so; indeed, of musical practice and to warn the anthropologist that a I have made such studies myself, and doubtless I will lack of interest in the object itself (the individual musical continue to do so. But if there is a neglect in Mrican piece) may prevent an understanding of what the object . studies-and I am convinced that there is-it is the symbolizes" (pp. 272-73). With certain reservations to almost total neglect of the study of the humanities. For be discussed below, I should say this is quite true, but I it is in the humanities that we reach most quickly and would add that in all fairness the statement deserves also surely to tlle heart of the matter, to the basic values, to be re-arranged in precisely the obverse position. That beliefs, and sanctions which activate the phenomena we is: "In other words, it is a duty of the ethnomusicologist call social, politi~al , or economic. (Merriam 1962:5) to advocate the study and comprehension of the most minute details of the ethnographic background of musical practice and to warn the IPusicologist that a lack The next twenty-seven pages presented various of interest in the ethnographic bac:. •ground may prevent approaches to both the study of music in culture an understanding of the musical object itself." (Kurath and of the study of the humanities alongside the 1964:181) social sciences. The remainder of the book also included several sections addressing the study of the In 1964, Nett! complained that since 1950, "so un d pro duct. " "the American ethnomusicologists coming from In the Ethnomusicology ofthe Flathead Indians, anthropology seem to have favored the study of published just three years after The Anthropology musical culture over detailed work with music ofMusic, Merriam cited Kolinski and Richard itself" (1964: 19). In 1979, George List expressed Waterman as two of the researchers who helped the opinion that Merriam's work presented only an inspire his analytical models. The book included anthropological approach to the discipline versus a 155 pages of musical transcriptions as well as musicological or interdisciplinary one (1979:3). detailed musical analysis. Merriam also mentioned using sound recordings made by Bennett H. Stein 4 as well as his consideration of several other field theories, which undermined the formation of a firm collections containing performances by the Flathead theoretical basis, but was also due to the increased Indians (1967: 162). All three practices go against inability of ethnomusicologists 1) to relate their what Merriam presented in The Anthropology resulting detailed data to macro-ethnography, 2) to ofMusic, namely the use of a musicological verify their results, and 3) to perform comparative approach, the treatment of music as product, and generalized studies (1975:64). What Merriam and the performance of "armchair" analysis. The found before him was not a happy synthesis of contradictions between these two works and The music with culture or the humanities with the social Anthropology ofMusic can perhaps be explained by sciences offering new insights into musical sound the possibility that Merriam used The Anthropology and behavior, but a fragmented discipline that ofMusic to redress the balance between musicology leaned as heavily toward the anthropological side as and anthropology. Additionally, Merriam may it had once leaned toward the musicological. have been playing devil's advocate in favor of anthropology or attempting to give his col eagues Ethnomusicology vs. Musicology: Moyle and a taste of what one could do with a purely Kaeppler anthropological approach. The problem is that Although both musicologists and many anthropologists and ethnomusicologists came anthropologists repeatedly claimed that they desired to see The Anthropology ofMusic and Merriam's an all-encompassing approach to the study of music, more controversial essays as his complete perspective there have been occasions when open struggles have on the duties of the ethnomusicologist. Rather occurred over the theories, methodologies, and than treating these works as representing the study objects that define the discipline and shape anthropological methodologies of a dual-natured the criteria for professionalism. On one occasion, discipline, many saw them, and continue to see the figurative turf war between the two sides turned them, as a means of liberating anthropologists from literal. A panicularly vicious spat occurred between the use of sound recordings and from the need Richard Moyle, a musicologist, and Adrienne to study and understand music sound as pan of L. Kaeppler, an anthropologist, both of whom ethnomusicological research. Although Merriam's performed research on Tongan music and dance and own research presented a more balanced approach, occasionally observed the same performance events. his other works are not as well known as The After commenting on her own work in comparison Anthropology ofMusic and generally are studied for with Moyle's, Kaeppler made the following critique: their specific content as opposed to as models for new research. According to my friends at the Tonga Radio Station, Merriam's reaction to the discipline in 1975 Moy Ie spent innumerable hours listening to tapes, and he also spent much time reading in the archives of the was far from pleased. In "Ethnomusicology Today," Tonga Traditions Committee, while I spent minimal time he lamented the increased difficulty of uniting in both. I am not suggesting that one should not take anthropologists and musicologists against the new advantage of recorded music and written documents, influx of non-academics. He also complained that but make these points in order to try to understand why "while we cenainly have much more awareness we have developed different understandings of the same material. (Kaeppler 1989:354) of each others' points of view, we have not done a great deal about it" (1975:58-59), expressing Later, Kaeppler stated "Moyle's preoccupation his continued desire for true synthesis. Merriam with the past blinds him to Tongan music of today" then complained of the decreased emphasis on (Kaeppler 1989:355). She attacked his use of aural "the sounds of music" in favor of emphasis on documents more directly toward the end of the "music phenomenon" (1975:59). Finally, Merriam review, making comments such as "He even tried seemed dismayed by the growing complexity of to notate the poetic texts from tapes," and "How anthropology. This dismay was in pan due to can one understand Tongan music by recording anthropology's rapid progression through new and listening to tapes?" (Kaeppler 1989:357). She 5 closed her review with the following comment on differences will once again be retrieved from the closet and Moyle's musicological approach: brought to our collective attentions. (Kaeppler 1990:275)

I am sure that there is much important musical Considering Kaeppler's choice of title and her information here. But the lack of an analysis of events use of "ethnomusicologists" in quotes, one senses and the contexts in which the music are embedded, w:hich of the two understandings she considered coupled with my familiarity with the subject and my to be of greater central importance to the field. anthropological bent, stands in my way of appreciating it. Maybe it is true that the twain of the musicologist and the Kaeppler went on to attack both the absence of anthropologist will never meet. (Kaeppler 1989:358) synesthetic context in Moyle's work and his focus on musical sound. To emphasize her perceived Kaeppler questioned not only Moyle's inadequacy of Moyle's focus and his understanding musicological approach but also his use of of kdtoanga, Kaeppler stated: archives, sound recardings, diachronic study, and As I saw Moyle in the recording van during the 1975 musicological analysis. While she stated that her katoanga, I could only assume from reading his book that purpose was to illuminate these aspects as the reason he was acting as a technician and not 'experiencing' the she had developed a different understanding of the katoanga-a point on which I wish to enlarge. A katoanga same material, the rest of her review was quite harsh does not just consist of (or even feature) 'musical sound.' and not so subtly suggested what she thought of (Kaeppler 1990:276) Moyle's "understanding." Moyle responded to Kaeppler's review in a Following this comment, she labeled his letter to the editor, assuring readers that he not only approach as coming from a "historical musicological performed fieldwork but that his "innumerable" point of view" (Kaeppler 1990:276). Although this hours at the radio archive had been spent using label seems neutral when by itself, the additional his own materials .. His reaction to Kaeppler's comment that his book focused "largely on obsolete accusing him of using archival materials was musical instruments and performance genres" extremely defensive: "Small wonder I was a familiar (Kaeppler 1990:277), as opposed to "historical" face around the studio,-but not for the reasons instruments and genres, provided a more negative Kaeppler wants to believe!" (Moyle 1990:272). co nno tatio n. In turn, he criticized Kaeppler's own work and These exchanges between Kaeppler and Moyle commented that she was "unequipped" to deal with clearly demonstrate a musicological-anthropological his musicological analysis adding, "this in a journal turf war and present a few of the more popular devoted to ethnomusicology!" (Moyle 1990:274). blows exchanged between the parties. Sadly, Kaeppler returned fire with a response entitled, Moyle's reaction to Kaeppler's review was not to "Musicology Plus (or Minus) Anthropology Does defend his use of recordings and archives or even his Not Equal Ethnomusicology." She again insisted diachronic approach, but instead to downplay his that her main point was to show how musicological use of these tools almost to the point of utter denial. and anthropological approaches could result in , It is also interesting to note that, like different understandings of the same material. She Merriam, Kaeppler has presented a view of then turned her rebuttal into a general commentary ethnomusicological research that contradicts on the field: with her own research practices. Although she downplayed the role of music sound and musical In recent years, it appears that differences within our analysis, her Polynesian Dance: With a Selection Society between the musicological point of view and the for Contemporary Performances (1983) presented anthropological point of view have been swept under eighty-two pages of musical transcription in the proverbial rug, so that by now it may appear that all "ethnomusicologists" agree with each other on what we combination with dance notation, analysis, and study and how we study it. In fact, we do not-and if this lyrics. Although she presented anthropological exchange does nothing else, I hope that these philosophical overviews within this work, they are short and

6 neatly compartmentalized. Many of her other social evolutionism and diffUsionism. As a result, works have focused on Polynesian material culture, sound recordings became early casualties. Whether incl uding artifacts collected by Captain James as a willful concession or as a hastily abandoned Cook, which suggests that Kaeppler has made disadvantage, the use of sound recordings in use of historical and product-centered approaches research continues to carry a stigma as belonging to during her research. That Kaeppler is open to musicology versus ethnomusicology. The presence these approaches is further supported by her use of analysis of other researchers' sound recordings of ethnographic film, specifically silent black-and within a work may be treated as a warning sign by white film, captured by Douglas Campbell during anthropologists that ethnomusicological research is his 1937 field expedition (see Kaeppler 2002). again leaning toward the musicological side and that Much like Merriam's 1he Anthropology ofMusic, it is once again time to adjust the balance. As seen Kaeppler's review and response to Moyle's work in the cases of Moyle and Kaeppler, the reaction to on Tongan music appears to have redressed the such a transgression can be severe and even result imbalance between anthropology and musicology. in the questioning of one's professional status as an However, her proposed theory leans farther toward ethnomusicologist. a purely anthropological approach than what she The effects of these attitudes are being felt has presented in her personal research. in ethnomusicology programs as well. At least at Indiana University, there is a great amount of The Situation Today pressure placed upon students to perform fieldwork The struggle between musicology and with required courses covering ethnography, field anthropology has continued into the present. methodologies, and equipment use. Although there During his presentation at a 2003 Folklore is one class serving as a historical walkthrough of Conference at Indiana University, Bruno Nettl transcription methods used by past researchers, mentioned that the large majority of practicing there are no courses on selecting, preserving, ethnomusicologists are musicologists but that the archiving, and documenting one's field materials majority of those who have published under the so that they will remain valuable and accessible auspices of ethnomusicology are anthropologists. to future researchers. Additionally, there are This suggests that the struggle between the two sides no courses devoted to either the practical or is not only alive and well but that future students theoretical issues surrounding the use of commercial and scholars may find themselves dependent on a and archival sound recordings. I feel that primarily anthropological body of literature and, as ethnomusicology, like many disciplines, has not shown by the citation study, one increasingly devoid established a theoretical framework for dealing with of references to sound recordings. these materials. Instead of fostering guidelines Whether more musicological ethno for intelligent use of valuable historic documents, musicologists are co .lceding unconsciously to many ethnomusicologists have rejected historical the greater anthropological will or are avoiding approaches and materials as belonging to a less publication in Ethnomusicology altogether, enlightened past or at least to other disciplines. musicological approaches are largely absent from Yet there are rumbles that ethnomusicology the core ethnomusicologicalliterature. When is devoid of histories and that Western music researchers do take a more musicological approach, continues to dominate textbooks and courses they usually do so without using other researchers' on "music." There is an odd assumption that recordings. Although the struggle for dominance musicologists outside our discipline will be in the field has been complex and involved willing to pick up our ethnographies and our field several shifts in balance, anthropologists almost collections (often poorly documented, poorly immediately earmarked sound recordings and audile preserved, separated from their related field notes analysis as the tools of comparative, systematic, and ethnographies, and/or squirreled away in and historical musicologists and as the source of private collections) and that they will write these 7 histories and textbooks for us despite the heavy Ignoring recordings as "product" can leave a pressure in music departments to focus on Western gaping hole when studying musical behavior that art music. A more effective approach would be to revolves around the use of these products. Ignoring open up our discipline to allow for greater freedom product-centered behavior creates a gap in our and support for those interested in historical, understanding of musical behavior and human archives-based, and systematic approaches. If interaction. For instance, despite our touted role musicology has made room for theorists, historians, as the researchers of musical behavior, I doubt that performers, librarians, recording engineers, many of to day's ethnomusicologists are prepared to publicists, managers, and music education explain why college students willingly risk hundred specialists, why couldn't ethnomusicology support thousand dollar lawsuits from the Recording a similar branching out into specializations within Industry Association of America to download the discipline? Our efforts should be directed not "sound products" off of Kazaa and Grokster. And towards circumscription, but toward specialization. yet, music piracy is one of the major forms of Closing the field to those who make use of musical behavior occurring in the early twenty-first "armchair analysis" will not keep our discipline century. from repeating past mistakes or making new ones, If our discipline is truly interested in studying but it may assure that researchers with new ideas musical behavior and adding new insights, we and insight that make use of these materials will must overcome notions that the use of others' take them to other fields such as communication sound recordings is inherently imperialistic or that and culture, cultural studies, and popular music it is a non-ethnomusicological practice because studies. Looking over the journals for each of these non-ethnomusicologists have used it. There is disciplines shows that many ethnomusicologists are also no logic behind the idea that analyzing sound already publishing some of their better and more recordings is the natural opposite of fieldwork. A innovative -research outside of the core journals researcher can 0 bviously make use of both strategies. within the field of ethnomusicology. Instead of condemning sound recordings out of Considering the increased role of sound hand, we must begin to learn to assess them and to recording technology in musical behavior around study them as historical documents and as entities the world, I would think it would be increasingly playing a key and often central role in many forms difficult to avoid the issue of how informants make of musical behavior. To be sure, sound recordings use of sound recordings or the role that historic have their flaws and weakness, but they also have sound recordings have played in shaping current many strengths and are capable of providing us with traditions. Merriam's divide between sound information about past events and current forms of recordings as musical sound and music as musical human behavior that is difficult to obtain through performance is no longer clearly discernible in other means. the age of iPods, cassette culture, compilation tapes, and muzak. Interaction with and through Bibliography sQund recordings is musical behavior and to ignore their role can only lead to distortions. Few stop Charron, Claude. 1978. 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