F a m o u s Sc o t s S e r i e s

Th e following Volum es are now ready

M S ARLYLE H ECT O R . M C HERSO . T HO A C . By C A P N

LL N R M Y O L H T SM E T O . A A A SA . By IP AN A N

H U GH MI R E T H LE SK . LLE . By W. K I A

H K ! T LOR INN Es. JO N NO . By A . AY

R ERT U RNS G BR EL SET OUN. OB B . By A I

L D O H GE E. T H E BA L A I ST S. By J N DDI

RD MER N Pro fe sso H ER KLESS. RICH A CA O . By r

SIR MES Y SI MPSON . EV E L T R E S M SO . JA . By B AN Y I P N

M R P o fesso . G R E BLA I KIE. T HOMAS CH AL E S. By r r W A D N

MES S ELL . E T H LE SK. JA BO W . By W K I A

I M L E OL H T SME T O . T OB AS S O L T T . By IP AN A N

U G . T O MON D . FLET CHER O F SA LT O N . By . W .

R U P Sir GEOR E DO L S. T HE BLACKWOOD G O . By G UG A

RM M LEOD OH ELL OO . NO A N AC . By J N W W D

IR LT ER T T P o fe sso S T SBUR . S WA SCO . By r r AIN Y

E LO S . R E. KI RKCALDY OF GR ANG . By UI A BA BI

R R R . GROSA RT . O BE T FE GU SSO N . By A . B

MES T H OM N LL M E . JA SO . By WI IA BAYN M T KS M CL CH L UNG P R . . O A K . By BAN A A AN M o fesso L ER O D V D H U P WO . A I E. By r r CA D D LLI M D U N R OL H T SME T O WI A BA By IP AN A N . I R E P o fe sso M U R S S WILLI AM WA LLAC . By r r I ON .

R ER EVE S M R R ET MO ES L C K . O B T LO U IS ST N ON . By A GA Y B A T H M fesso M ELL FR SER O AS RE D P o B . I . By r r CA P A R M SS P LL U N OS L E O . O O CK AND AYT O . By A IN A N D M M M HER S IT H H ECT O R . C O . A A S . By C A P N M R S D RE ME V LE LL M O O . AN W L IL . By WI IA I N M R R E H L E FRE ER C FE R E . . S. JA ES D I K I By A DAN . M R G R ERT T H E R E. . F U SO KI N OB B UC By A . I N .

ME H Sir GEOR E DO U L S. JA S OGG . By G G A M M LL T H ERT H E T HO S C P E . C U B A A B . By J ADD N .

GEO RGE U H N N ROB ERT LL CE. B C A A . By WA A

o ed M ELL SM T H . C mplet by J . CA PB I

SI R D VI D I L IE T HE SCOT S SCHOOL OF P T ERS. A W K , AND AIN E W R PI NNI NGT ON By D A D .

T HE ERS I NES E ENE! ER R LPH . . R K , B AND A By A M AcEWEN .

M L T HO S G T H R E. O H T SME T A U I By IP AN A ON . D V D L VI GST B M T . KS CL CHL . A I I N O N . By BAN A A AN T HE DEMI GRE R S R ER ACA C GO I ES. By AGNE G AING ST E RT WA . O H ST F W RRIST N LL M MOR SO J N ON O A O . By WI IA I N .

T h e des ign s a n d orn a men ts O f

Mr s volume by . Jo eph a n d th e printin g is from th e p re s s o f

M i i i E i r h r is L . o r on G bb m ted , d nbu g W1 M

T H E MEMO RY

W I LLIAM SY M E M A C KI E

N UN Q (J A M M E MI N I SSE

PI GE BI T

P R E F A C E

IT is a matter of surprise to me that the life and work of one who took such an influential part as Warristo n In the public affairs Of so importan t a period in our

history have remained so lon g without separate treatment . The present volume is an attempt to fill this gap in our

national biography . If I have allowed the historical part

of my subject to overbalance the biographical, the reason

’ is that Warristo n s character is almost entirely shown and the interest Of his life almost exclusively found in his

public acts . I need not enumerate my sources— they are all well

known to students of the period of which I have written . The most recent of these is the Fr agmen t of Me D ia ry

' ' o ir A rc/zzbald ofim fon Lord Wa m sto n M a 21 5! f S j , , y

zm e 2 th 1 6 1 8 6 j 5 , 39, printed in 9 by the Scottish History t Society, and edited with In roduction and notes by George

F S. A . . Morison Paul, M . A . , . Scot This publication has thrown Open an incom parable source of information

c regarding the brief but critical period which it overs . I desire to ackn owledge my indebtedness to the Editor for so interesting a historical relic from the pen of War

riston , as well as for much valuable biographical material 8 PRE FACE

supplied in his Introduction . I may

c ar to another sour e, which C lyle in his a nd Spear/m commends to anyone

’ W r M emo als a n d l etters a risto n viz . ri , , Hailes , vol . that I have given all in that volume that is relevant to

c my subje t . C O N T E N T S

C HA P. PA GE PREFACE I NT RODU CT OR Y FAM I LY ST OC K

’ T H E LET T ING O UT O F WAT ERS : LAUD S SERVI CE BOOK

FI RST ST AGE O F T H E ST RUGGLE : SUPPLI CAT I O NS AND PROT EST AT I ON S : T H E T ABLES

V T H E N T O L O E T . A I NA C V NAN

V I T H E L S O A SSEM L : WAR R IST ON ELECT E . G A G W B Y D CLER K

’ V F RST SH O S WA R : D S LA W II . I BI P UN

’ VII I F RST SHO S WA R CO T U E : T H E P C F C . I BI P , N IN D A I I A T I ON O F B ERW IC K

’ B ET WEEN F I RST AND SECO ND BI SHO PS WA R S

’ T H E SECO ND BI SHO PS WA R

’ T HE KING S V I SI T O F RECO N C I LIAT I O N T O SCOT LAND

T H E SOLEMN LEAG U E AND CO VENANT T H E WEST M IN ST ER A SSEMB LY

T H E A NGLo -SCOT T I SH A LL IANCE IN T HE FI RST CIVI L WA R T H E ENGAGEMEN T

’ CROMW ELL S I NVASI ON O F SCOT LAND

T HE R ESOLU T I ON ERS AND PROT EST ERS : WA R R I S ’ R L T o N s A DH ESI O N T o C O MWEL .

’ ! V I T H E REST OR T O : WA R R I ST O N S DEAT H I I . A I N 9 W o a ll th e o ha s h a T he h m w rld e rd . ’ e a s s s in 16 an d Cov n nter prote t , 37 e a s o f th e a i s f p rh p , Coven nt t el ; canny, an d a s e P s ia z a f o f o f a u t re re byter n e lot ; ull fire, he vy an d : in fac a n a c a ac —O f gloom t, very ot ble h r ter ; ~ our Scotch frie n ds might do well to give u s fa rther elucida JO H N ST O N O F W A R R I ST O N

C H A P T E R I

I N T R ODUCT OR Y

WE L may justly claim for Sir Archibald Johnston , ord Warristo n f , a place in the front rank O those Scottish o f patriots who, by their resistance to the absolutism r L Cha les , saved the liberties of their own nation and largely helped to secure those of the whole kingdom . He did not reach the stature of the most eminent men who took part in what was virtually the same struggle under the two previous

. an monarchs He did not, like Knox d Melville, focus in

his own life the history of his age . He lacked their

commanding genius and pe rsonal magnetism . Nor had he the same vantage-ground for captivating the heart of the

nation . Knox had the pulpit and Melville the floor of the ’ Assembly : Warristo n s services to liberty were rendered for the most part in the inconspicuous labours of committees

of Church and State . Neither has his career that melo dramatic interest which attaches to many of his contem o raries p who, as regards all high and honourable qualities

Of c . haracter, are not worthy to be named with him A dashing soldier and brilliant renegade like Montrose makes a purple patch on the page of history beside which the

figure of the ecclesiastical and constitutional lawyer, supreme

Ow n . though he was in his sphere, is but a dull grey But Warristo n when all deductions have been made, remains I a FAMOUS S COTS

one Of the most notable men of a remarkable time . As Of the Clerk and legal adviser the Scottish Church , and as the secretary of the principal committees of the Parliament, f in one O the most troubled periods of our history, he served the cause Of liberty from early manhood to the close of life with an ability and a loyalty that won for him the confidence of all his associates . NO one did more to u organise the national party, to shape its policy and g ide r its counsels . There was none who toiled for it with g eater i constancy, w th firmer resolution, with more capacity, or cl i with a purer devotion . He risked all that is ear in l fe in n its interests, and in the end he paid the pe alty of his ff Of patriotism on the sca old. The story his last days is one Of the most pathetic Of a tragic time . With a mean i s v ndictiveness which even the Stuarts never surpa sed, he c was hunted down on the Continent, to whi h he had t escaped at the Restoration, and brought home, his streng h exhausted by his excessive labours and the anxieties of his O f - months exile, to receive his death sentence for treason Of at the bar Parliament . Scarcely a quarter of a century f -in - ervisw o o d a ter his execution, his son law, the noble J , i was also brought to the scaffold . Twice had his w fe and children to pass through the horrors and bear the anguish of so dread a parting WIth those to whom they were united Warristo n his by the tenderest ties . and house contributed nobly to the price in blood and tears which Scotland paid for her liberty . There is one respect in which Warristo n was a pre i eminently representat ve Scot . To him the religious s in sti interest was the deepe t, and the Church the prime tu If tion of the nation . he appear to many to have exagger ated the value of the Presbyterian constitution O f the — Church for there was never even among the Scottis h people one more passionately attached to it— all must honour him for the sacrifices he made to preserve it, and acknowledge the splendid fruit which his s ufferin gs o f ri and those his compat ots bore in history. The immediate object Of the Covenanters may have been i narrow, but their s ncere and honourable purpose, work JOHN STON O F W AR R IST O N I 3 ing along the lines Of a larger providence than they knew, turned the good which they sought primarily for their own Church and nation into a mighty reinforce ment of the cause Of liberty all time through and all the world over . C H A P T E R I I

FAMI LY ST OCK

— WARR IST ON sprang from the Johnstons of Annandale an c if unlikely race, we would say, to produ e a Covenanter, we did not remember in what new directions inherited

force of character may break out . The first of his ancestors of whom we have any knowledge was Gavin Of i - Johnston, tenant the K rkton of Kirkpatrick Juxta, three ' - M fi 1 miles to the south west of o at, who died in 555. His Mi le ill— a heir was James Johnston, tenant of dd g farm

a few miles north of the Kirkton in Evan Water. The ’ Middle ill s next in succession, and James Johnston of g son , was Of B eirh o lm James Johnston , near the Kirkton , who ’

D 1 62 2. h died ecember T is James Johnston s brother, ’ n Warristo n s f . Archibald Joh ston , was grand ather He left 1 c Annandale and settled as a mer hant in Edinburgh ,

where he prospered and amassed a large fortune . His m f marriage to Rachel A ot, daughter of Sir John Arnot o Birswick Lo 1 8 —1 8 , rd Provost of Edinburgh 5 7 5 9, a Mem ber of the Privy Council and Treasurer Depute of the

Kingdom , shows that he early made for himself a good -in - position in the city . Through his father law he more

tha n once procured the personal in fluence of James V I . in 2 2n 1 8 furtherance Of his business interests . On d April 5 9 D the King wrote to Archibald ouglas, thanking him for ‘ services rendered to the son-ln -law o f the Lord Provost of

1 T ha t Archibald Johnston reta in ed a kindly feeling fo r his na tive a is is o n e o f th e vis n s o fhis i in ic h e f a p r h shown by pro io w ll , wh h le t ‘ sum Of 100 merks to hel th e repair ing an d completing o f ye kirk ’ ’ - callit i a c a ere redecesso ris o s . K rkp tri k Juxt , w my p b ne lve J OHN STON OF W AR RIST O N 1 5

’ Edinburgh ; and on 3l st May 1 595 he conferred a still more distinguished favour on this Edinburgh merchant by writing to Queen Elizabeth on his behalf in connection with a suit in which Johnston was engaged before the English ’ i Council . Archibald Johnston s w fe, Rachel Arnot, who 1 6 26 lived till , was a staunch Presbyterian , and from her

Warristo n n . i herited his love of the Kirk Bishop Burnet, ‘ - r : who was her great g andson, writes Bruce [Robert Bruce, m inister Of Edinburgh] was concealed in her house for some years , and they all [the Presbyterian ministers] found such advantage in their submission to her, that she was counted for many years the Chief support Ofher party. My c father, marrying her eldest grand hild, saw a great way into ’ 1 all the methods of the Puritans . It was in her house at ‘ ’ cien n es 1 6 2 1 the S that, in , when the Black Parliament Five A r ticles o Peri/z met to ratify the f , the ministers who had been commanded to leave the City for refusing to 2 conform to the Articles, met and spent the day in prayer . -in - Two years before this, one of her sons law, Sir James Curriehill Of Skene of , President of the Court Session , had failed to appear in the Kirk of Edinburgh on Easter Day to receive the Communion kneeling, in accordance with the

Articles, and his absence was ascribed to the influence of

- - 3 in . his mother law and his wife Her daughter Rachel , w ife of Sir William Bruce of Stenhouse, also shared her ’ a o f mother s att chment to the Kirk, and the eldest son Lady Bruce was a ruling elder in James Guthrie’ s Remon 4 ’ . a strant Presbytery Her gr nddaughter, Bishop Burnet s ‘ mother, was as devoted a Presbyterian . She was bred to ’ her brother Warristo n s principles and could never be ’ 5 moved from them . Though her husband , Robert Burnet L of Crimond , afterwards ord Crimond of the Court of

Session, was an Episcopalian, James Guthrie lay concealed for some time in her house . A story conclusive as to her Presbyterian zeal has been preserved in Lord Hailes ’

1 ’ H ist im e i I . s or is Ow n T . . Burnet y q , I p 3 2 i 1 3 i 1 6. . 6 . K rkton, p. K rkton, p

a e o iii . 8 C ld rw od , v . p 3 . ’

B e s s tor o s Ow n T im e i. . . urn t y f , p 434 1 6 FAMOU S SCOTS

1 M ateria ls a n d Letters. While her son , Bishop Burnet, z was minister of Saltoun , he was sei ed with a Violent fever, and during the delirium attending it imagined that he was f ‘ o . . to entertain Sharp , Archbishop St Andrews Where

shall we find a place for the Archbishop P cried he . The ’ ‘ ld f Of i Do O lady, forget ul her son s condit on , answered, l not let that disturb you, my dear ; we will find a p ace for — ’ him in the hottest corner of hell . Archibald Johnston and Rachel Arnot had five Children

three sons and two daughters . The eldest, James Johnston, ’ W H e c was arristo n s father. also was a mer hant in ’ f Warristo n s Edinburgh . His wi e, mother, was Elizabeth d o f Riccarto n Craig, aughter of Sir Thomas Craig , author f Law Of O a famous work on Feudal , and one the greatest f jurists O his day. Thomas Craig was related to John ’ c Craig, Knox s colleague, and when ompleting his studies n for the Bar, placed himself under his superi tendence, an d through his influence renounced the Old religion and

became a zealous Protestant . He was much employed by

the Church as a legal adviser, and was one of the counsel ” for the six ministers who were tried in L6 r6 6n a charge n of treason for holdi g the Aberdeen Assembly . On his ’ ’ f W rr mother s side, therefore, as well as on his ather s, a isto n was come of sound Presbyterian stock ; and it was through

her he inherited his interest and capacity in law. W rri n 1 6 1 1 a sto was born in . We have no account Of

h is . a early years On leaving school, he bec me a student o f

Glasgow University, in whose matriculation lists his name 1 6 0 appears, on his entrance to the higher classes in 3 .

Robert Baillie, who afterwards became Principal , was one ’ of the Regents at this time : an d it was Warristo n s relation

ship, through his mother, with Baillie that attracted him to f Glasgow . Baillie speaks o the friendship professed by ‘ Warristo n to himself constantly since he was a child and ’ my sch o llar. Warristo n 6th 1 6 passed for the Bar on November 33.

About the same time he married Helen Morison , daughter — O fSir Alexander Hay OfForester Seat one of the Senators of 1 V ii ol . . p . 75.

C H A P T E R I I I

’ T HE LET T IN G OUT O F WAT ERS : LAUD S SER VI CE B OOK

WARRIST ON had not passed for the Bar more than two or three years when the struggle between Charles 1. and the

Scots began ; but young and inexperienced as he was , he had already so impressed the Presbyterian leaders with his knowledge of ecclesiastical and constitutional law, his attachment to the principles for which they were contend

ing, and his trustworthy personal character, that he at once became their principal legal adviser ; and he retained that

Office with undiminished respect to the close of his life. It was in the months succeeding that most historic Of — — Scottish Sabbaths z 3rd July 1 637 when the indignation of the people against Laud’ s liturgy burst out in the riot at ’

W . . arristo n ff St Giles , that became prominent in public a airs In these months the entire nation rose to Obtain relief l Of not merely from the iturgy, but from the incubus the i whole Episcopal system . From that time it was mpo s sible for either the King or the people to rest in half

measures, and the controversy became one which could

only take end in complete Episcopacy or none. Never did a sovereign more evidently put his crown to peril than Charles when he invaded what the Scottish nation regarded as the inmost sanctuary Of its liberty ; he was thrusting a

thorn into its eye. Never did tyranny Show itself more bereft of skill than when he put ‘ little Laud ’ into the saddle to break in a people of such mettle to a hated l ’ fashion in re igion . The resistance his father s ecclesiastical policy in Scotland had encountered at every step might 1 8 J OHN STON OF W A R RIST O N 1 9 have taught him the need Of caution in pursuing it to its conclusion . Those who knew the temper of the country were amazed at his rashness . Ar we so modest spirits so one of the mildest of Scots wrote at the time an d ar we so towardly han dlit in this matter that there is ape iran ce ’ we will imb race in a Clap such a masse of novelties ? 1 A great part of the pathos Of the situation lay in the fact that the Scottish people were almost as anxious not to humiliate the King by their resistance to his authority as they were to save their own dearest liberties. Again an d Of again in the course the struggle now beginning, they O his refused to attach to Charles the dium of own policy, and imputed it to the influence of the evil counsellors by O whom he was surrounded. But as ften as they did so he stoutly dis claimed their apology for the acts of his Govern th e O fth e ment, and in matter Service Book he boasted that it had all passed through his own hands and received his

- warm approval . Had he foreseen what a Pandora box it O would be when it was pened, and what calamities it would bring on himself and his house, he would have said with Prospero deeper than did ever plummet sound ’ ’ l ll drown my book.

Of It was said that copies a first edition of the liturgy,

which was withdrawn, reached Edinburgh and fell into the

hands of the shopkeepers, by whom they were used as — wrappage for their parcels . A fitter end this so the — people of Scotland thought for such a symbol and in stru ment of tyranny than to be used in the services of a religion whose very genius is freedom ! ’ The news of the riot in St . Giles and the revolt against the Service Book throughout the whole country took the Court in Lo ndon with such surprise as makes easily ’ credible to us Clarendon s account Of the ignorance ' f afl airs f and indi ference in regard to Scottish , alike O the ‘ English Government and the English people : The truth

is, there was so little curiosity either in the Court or in the 1 ’ ai ie s Letters i . . 1 B ll , p . 20 FAMOU S SCOTS country to know anything of Scotland or what was done c there, that when the whole nation was soli itous to know what passed weekly in Germany and Poland and all other aIt s Of m an in p Europe, no ever enquired what was doing Of Scotland, nor had that kingdom a place or mention one ’ 1 Fo r page of any gazette . some time to come England was to have an ear for little else but Scotch news 1 1 ’ a o n s H istor i. . 1 10 Cl rend y, p . C H A PT E R I V

FI RST ST AGE O F T H E ST R UGGLE : SUPPLI CAT I O N S AND PR OT EST AT I ON S : T HE TA BLES

T HE instructions which the King despatched to the Scottish c Of Of a rd Coun il on receiving the report the events 3 July, showed that he had no perception of the strength o f the r agitation which had broken out in the count y. The Council was enjoined to discover and prosecute the authors o f the

riot, and to support the clergy in the use of the liturgy. It i was easy for the K ng to give orders , at the distance of L : ondon , to extinguish the fire he had kindled even the rashest and most superserviceable of his Officials on the i spot could do noth ng to extinguish it . Charles acted in the first instance as though he had been suppressin g a local a disturbance Of the peace ; but as the posts which ran daily between the Council in Edin burgh and the Court brought him news of the spread Of the revolt against the Service

Book throughout the kingdom , and alike among high and

low, gentle and simple, it was gradually brought home to him that he had wounded the deepest and holiest feelings

of his Scottish subjects, and provoked a struggle with the

- conscience power of a whole nation .

It had long been the custom of the Scots, in seeking Of relief from oppressive Acts the Crown , to proceed by a - way of supplication and p_r_otest _tion the latter being a formal refusa l to recogni se any Act against which it was 1 made as having legal force . It was by these two familiar

1 ’ I n R h s R elation s 9. es a i is esc i e as th e o s i ot e , prot t t on d r b d m t ord nary an d humble an d lega l w ay to obviate any prejudice [th a t] m ay do an a act an d se in i e i th e re und to y leg l , pre rv g our r ght, p rm tted to 2 2 FAMOU S S COTS

t a i me hods that, in the first instance, the n t on now

fought its battle with the King. During the weeks imme diately followin g the introduction of the Service Book petitions to the Privy Council were drawn up by all sections — — of the nation by nobles and barons b y burghs and — par ishes by the ministers and their congregations . As S time wore on and the Crown gave no ign of yielding, these r 20th g ew in volume and boldness . On September the petitioners flocked to Edinburgh and made an imposin g demonstration of their strength by marching in a bo dy to

the Council House to present their supplications . The D L ’ uke of ennox, the King s cousin , was in Scotland at the n time and witnessed the demonstration , and on returni g to London he took with him all the documents to lay them

before Charles . Some three weeks afterwards information reached Edinburgh that the King’ s answer to the petitions u i 1 th had wo ld be publ shed there on 7 October. It been Warristo n communicated to by friends at Court, who all through the course Of the struggle supplied him with timely ’ Warristo n warnings of every fresh step in the King s policy. c O f at once despat hed messengers to every part the country, summoning the principal petitioners to repair to Edinburgh ’ to receive the King s reply and take such measures as it might render necessary ; and with such alacrity was the

call obeyed , that on the appointed day the leaders on the popular side of every rank and from every distri ct had ’ assembled within the capital. The Kings answer showed that the petitions had failed to turn him from his policy or to undeceive him as to his power to carry it through and in suppress the agitation . It was published the form of three proclamations : one dispensing with the functions of the Council in ecclesiastical affairs and commanding all strangers to leave the city within twenty-four hours on pain of hom ing ; another removing the seat of the Council and Law Courts from Edinburgh ; and the third condemnin g a

an s s c s in th e i s s o f sse Pa ia me e t ubje t , h ghe t Court A mbly or rl ment, s h are n o t f ar e n ar are ri where oever t ey ully he d, or b i g he d g eved by an in i i in th e se c ic is th e law o f na y qu ty nten e, wh h grounded on ture ’ a i nd nat ons. JOHN STON O F W AR R IST O N 23 book just published by George Gillespie against the E nglis/z Po is/z Ceremon ies p obtruded on the Church, which was being eagerly read by the people. The petitioners had gathered at the Cross with a large num ber of the citizens Of every class to hear the proclamations, which were no sooner ended than the crowd gave emphatic expression

. Of to their exasperation The Bishop Galloway, who happened at the moment to be making his way up the

High Street to the Council Room , was mobbed and chased to the steps Of the building . The populace sur rounded the entrance with the evident purpose Of venting their indignation on the members Of the obnoxious body when the Council should break up . On Traquair, the L ord Treasurer, learning what had occurred, he resolved to go to the City Chambers and appeal to the magistrates for protection . He succeeded in reaching the Chambers with out injury, but on his way back was roughly handled by the crowd . The magistrates, who were in ill favour with the citizens at the time , owing to their having withheld their subscriptions from the petitions sent in by the burghers, had f no influence with the people, and it was only when some o the leading men among the pe titioners themselves interposed S n that the iege of the Cou cil House was raised .

The King had proved obstinate, but he found now, as he Of was to find frequently in the course these events, that this

0 excl s el r a . o f was n t__an g ig y oylvirtue When the excitement i the day was over, the pet tioners held a consultation and drew up a joint remonstrance, in which they used more boldness than they had yet done in fixing on the bishops the blame Of an d all the recent mischief, demanded their exclusion w as from the Council . The document sent in to the ‘ i Of - Council bear ng the signatures twenty four nobles, S several hundred gentlemen of the hires , some hundreds ’ of merchants and most of the burghers . In the middle of November the petitioners reassembled ’ in Edinburgh, a rumour having arisen that the King s answer to their last remonstrance would be published about that date . In this they were disappointed ; but before they left the city they adopted a measure which proved so 24 FAMOUS S COTS advantageous to their ca use that it made their meeting at this time memorable . Hitherto they had come together

and approached the Council as a miscellaneous crowd, each

man representing his local constituency, and bearing a sepa

rate supplication . Now they formed permanent committees , to whose hands the conduct Of all the business was e n

d. truste These were the four Tables , as they were called r re re the fi st composed of all the nobles ; the second, of p sen tative s Of i O f the counties ; the third, of representat ves

the presbyteries ; and the fourth, of representatives of the a burghers . A Centr l Table, made up of four representatives

from each of the separate Tables, was to sit constantly in ll Edinburgh and conduct a negotiations with the Council . This organisation of the popular forces played a great part in shaping the history of the period and in bringing the

national will to bear with effect upon the Government . At its inception it was rather welcomed than resented by the

members of the Council, as a means of saving them from such direct and disagreeable encounters with the masses of the people as that which they had experienced the previous

month . Had they been able to foresee what a formidable f rival it would prove to the authority O the Government, they would have regarded its formation with different

feelings . Once established with their concurrence, it had h to be recognised as a regular body wit in the State, whose function was to carry on a constitutional opposition to the

Government . W arristo n . Of the Central Table, was appointed Clerk Such an important Office could only have been entrusted

to one who was deeply committed to the popular cause,

an d who had given conclusive proof Of hi s skill in affai rs . We have given one instance of the good service he rendered to his party in acquainting them with the substance Ofthe ’ t King s forthcoming proclamations, and there can be lit le doubt that in the drawing up Of the principal supplications — Of those which came from the capital and which ha d claims to be recognised as national in the weight which — they carried h e had a large hand . Early in December another proclamation was issued by

26 FAMO US SCOTS

Of Warristo n at the Cross Edinburgh, when , accompanied S by ixteen noblemen and a large number of citizens, stood up on an improvised platform and read out in ringing i accents another protestation . The read ng of the proclama tion was punctuated by the jeers Of the crowd gathered Of round the Cross, and the ficers of the Crown were ’ W rri compelled to wait and listen to a sto n s counterblas t. C H A PT E R V

T HE NAT I ONAL COVENAN T

T HE methods by which the Tables had hitherto conducted

. the struggle with the Crown were now superseded by a

more powerful engine . The conception of the National W rristo n Covenant was due to a and Alexander Henderson , Of and it was framed between them . It consisted three Of portions . The first was a copy the National Covenant O 1 580 ; the second was a recapitulation of all the Acts of Parliament condemning Popery and confirmin g the liberties of the Church ; and the third was a protest against the i innovations wh ch had provoked the present troubles. The Warristo n an d i second portion was executed by , the th rd Warristo n a by Henderson . It was who read the Coven nt ’ to the vast multitude who assembled in Greyfriars Church a 8th 1 6 8 yard , February 3 , to adopt it and attach their sig 0105 natures . There is no name that is more e identified

than his with that august symbol Of the national will. It is not necessary to dwell on the effect of the Covenant

on the country, as no part of our history is better known . S exce rdeen All the hires signed, and all the towns, pt he

. n rail. St An drews a glg Of noblemen , not Papists or Privy

Councillors, all but five signed it. Copies were circulated

throughout the land , and everywhere they were eagerly

subscribed by all sections of the people . The pulpits rang with exhortations to rally round the standard that had Of been set up, and even the most zealous the ministers

could not complain of the response made by their flocks . Where the Covenant was read at the close of worship the

whole congregation, men, women , and children , rose and 28 FAMOUS S COTS

O held up their hands to signify their adhesion to it . S great was the rush on the Churches of the leading ministers

in the cities that many of the women, to secure a place , to k l o possession of their seats on the Saturday night, and ' t a communion seasons, as early as the Friday ! N 0 more potent instrument for protectin g itselffrom tyran ny

was ever devised by a nation . It brought the resolution of the people to a whi te heat and welded them into such a unity that all the power Of the Crown could not avail to break or f bend it . If evidence were needed O the passion roused i by the Covenant, it could be supplied as read ly from the testimony of its opponents as from that of the Covenante rs D c Of i themselves . In a letter of Mr . avid Mit hell Ed nburgh,

Dr. L afterwards Bishop of Aberdeen , to John eslie, Bishop i of Raphoe, we have the means of learn ng how the agitation was regarded by the Episcopalian clergy

‘ Of c The greater part the kingdom have subs ribed , and the a c h e It I s th e Of th e rest are d ily subs ribing t Covenant. oath ’ 1 80 c King s house 5 , with strange additions , a mutual ombina i fo r c o f i i n do cth ne ? t on resistan e all novat ons religion, an dis ciplin e a n d rites o f worship that have been brought i n sin ce i ifth e o f c c that t me . so as least the subs ribers be tou hed, and O f o f there be some them not ten years age, and some not worth c c c fo r f c an d fo r th e two pen e, that all shall on ur their de en e, Of P — i s expulsion all apists and adversaries that , all that will — not subscribe out o f th e Church and kingdom according to

h . t e laws This goes on apace . The true pastors are brought into Edinburgh to cry out against us wolves and

. H i . they, w th our brethren here, Mr Andrew Ramsay, Mr enry c f th e c — c h Rollo k, and your whilom riend, Prin ipal rying out t at they are neither good Christians nor good subjects that do not i n c — subscribe, nay, nor ovenant with God have made us so n th e I Iodio s that we dare not go in streets . have been dogged by some gentlemen and followed with many mumbled threaten i c In ngs behind my ba k ; and then , when stairs , swords drawn , if i Oh ! T I s and they had the Papist v llain , here nothing

expected here but ci vi l war . There is no meeting o f th e Coun cil : th e Chan cellor [Spo ttisw o o d] may not with safety It b Sh O : th e attend : nor any i p very name is more odious among old and young thaf the devil’ s 1

1 ’ Hai s Memor zals . le , II p . 35. J OHNSTON OF W AR RIST O N 29

Caricature Often confirms the impressions left by serious history, and of this we have an instance in a letter written by a partisan of the Government to a friend at Court in 6 8 April 1 3 , from which we give an extract

‘ If you saw under what terrible maledictions they bind themselves to th e performance o f the tenor thereof [the Cove if u n nant you would admire, and you knew what odd, c c co u insolent, and ridi ulous ourses they use to draw in silly f f f fa sards I can ignorant ools , ear ul , women and boys, hardly say whether it would afford his Majesty more occasion o f c ch u se d laughter or anger. You ould not have but laugh to have seen pi pers and candle- makers in our town committed - z . to the town jail by our ealous Mr Mayor, and herdsmen and n c c hire m e laid in the sto ks , up and down the ountry, and all th e fo r refusing to put their hand to pen, as a thousand have done w h o cannot write indeed ; and yet you would have laughed better to have seen th e wives in Edinburgh (ifper m iss u u eri o ru m m Of s p , you ight have been present thereat) so many them as could not subs cribe (fo r su ch as could have done it already indeed at a sermon on a Sunday was a fortnight) hold all up their hands when th e Covenant (fo r so they called it) was

. In th e c r read, as soldiers do when they pass muster West ount y i they will give no passenger either meat, drink, or lodg ng fo r is c h money, until he first give them assuran e that he is a member o f their unchristian Covenant. You will not believe o f c fo r what sums they raise, by way ontribution , maintenance c c o f their ommissioner, lerk, postilions, and other members o f h t e o f . state, and yet they are not at height their levies ‘ T his last week hath been th e busiest Of all others among them ; and they have told those who have stood out (and that o f f by way threatening) that perhaps herea ter, when they would if come in upon their knees, it is a question they will get o f c quarters ; and divers them sti k not to speak it out, that frien dste d th e K f they are as well in England as ing himsel , albeit we do verily think these are but their accustomed brags fo r I c am verily persuaded, ex ept it be some private fanati cal ’ P if th e o f c uritans, braver sort the mal ontents in his Majestys f Of Ih other dominions were rightly in ormed their senseless, f fo r r solent opperies , they would, ve y shame, disdain to have ’ c c c - 1 any orresponden e with su hgiddy headed gowks . The reports which poured in by every post from Scotland 1 ’ Hai es Mem o ria ls 2 . l , II . p. 3 30 FAMOUS SCOTS of the ardour with which the country was ablaze in the cause of the Covenant at length brought home to the King and his counsellors the gravity of the situ ation in which ‘ ’ hi s Wh ae s P his policy had landed Government. fule noo ’ c i K e d Ezu d so Ar h e Armstrong, the ing s fool, gib as he i c was enter ng the Coun il one day about this time, and his him taunt struck so deep that it cost his place . What course he was now to pursue with his rebellious Scottish

- subjects became the all engrossing problem Of the King .

However much he might desire to put them down by force, r i that alte native was meanwh le impracticable . The Epis COpalian remna nt in Scotland was Of no account nor could he raise an English army at the time that would have been ch jce t powerful enough for the purpose . His g lay be ween co m le : o ven an ters a n a p surrender to the C , honest com gI Of O promise, a temporising policy ffering unreal con c l essions until he had prepared himse f for crushing them . The first would have been intolerable to a sovereign of such imperious Spirit and one who set such store on the bishops the second would have been hopeless with a people who were bou nd by the most solemn oaths to seek the overthrow i of Ep scopacy, root and branch and so the King resolved to adopt the third course and send a special Com missioner to Scotland to pacify the nation . The Marquis ' Of Hamilton was selected, and there were many respects Of in which he was fitted for the mission . He was the n Of highest rank, being a ki sman the King and the premier di of the Scottish nobles ; while a loyal subject, he d not ’ sha re in the same measure as many Ofthe Royalists Charles exalted notion of his own prerogative ; though educated in f England and resident at the English Court, his amily — relations with the Covenanters were so intimate his mother S being one of the staunchest in the land, and his isters having married Covenanting noblemen— that he could hardly fail to regard them with respect if not with sympathy Of he was a man of mild and reasonable temper, and at least respectable ability . But he was not a strong character. ’ He had neither the spirit to carry through the King s policy nor the manliness to incur his disfavour by discouragin g it. J OHNSTON O F WA R RIST O N 31

The instructions with which Hamilton was furnished were - O f twofold h e was to f er certain concessions , and he was to m require the renouncing of the Covenant. These ter s were D embodied in a Royal eclaration, which he was to publish n or withhold at his discretion as he fou d, in treating with the leaders of the people, whether the terms were such as they would accept . If they were refused he was to protract the negotiations and keep the Covenanters in hand till the

King found himself in a position to crush the agitation . w — ih — He as other words to seek, in the first place, to allay their discontent by a hollow settlement of their griev an ces, and if that failed, to win time till the King could raise an army to suppress them . L The Commissioner left ondon in the end of May, and arrived at Dalkeith Palace on sth J une . Four days later he made his entry to the capital by the shore and Le ith

Links . The occasion was used for an imposing demonstra ‘ tion in favour of the Covenant . Huge multitudes as ever was gathered in that field set themselves in the way nobles , Of sh res : gentry all y , women a world bot we [the ministers] were most conspicuous in our black cloaks, about five hundred on a b rayside on the links our alan e [by ourselves . ] ’ 1 for his sight . It would have astonished Hamilton had he been told on his arrival that the Covenanting leaders were in the secret of his instructions— that they knew not only the Of terms he was commissioned to fer, but also the more sinister side of the diplomacy which he had come to under take . But such was the fact . After the instances we have already met with of the early information with which they ’ were supplied by correspondents at the Court, of the King s designs, it is no surprise to us that they should have learned D the substance of the Royal eclaration . But how did they ’ c come to know the rest of Hamilton s instru tions, which, we c may be sure, the greatest pains would be taken to con eal so if fatal would they be divulged, not only to all confidence in the good faith of the King, but to the success of his policy ? Of c Was it only a case suspi ion and inference, or had they

ai i i . . 8 . B ll e, p 3 32 FAMOUS S COTS positive information communicated to them ? That an invasion of Scotland was suspected by their friends in f London we know. One O these writing at the time to ‘ T w o Con/ida n ts in Scotland says : Wise men here do think that the King is resolved to hold you in all fair and promising ways of treaty until he hath suffi ciently fitted himself, by provision both of arms and men, and then you may look for no other language, but what comes from the ’ l can n o n . mouth of the From the way, however, in which the matter was referred to afterwards at the Glasgow

Assembly, we conclude that the nature of the Com ’ missioner s instructions must have been disclosed by some one about the Court. It was alleged at the time that the secret had been betrayed by certain Scotch grooms of the O f L D 2 bedchamber, whom the chief was ord ysart . In whatever way the Covenanters had Obtained the informa On tion, it is evident, from an incident which happened ’ Of l Hamilton s arrival, that the fear some mi itary stroke on the part Of the King had been aroused and that they f were on the watch against it. Munition O war had arrived L in eith Roads, destined for Edinburgh Castle, when a O blockade was at nce made to prevent its conveyance, and D Hamilton had to get it taken to alkeith . The Commissioner had not spent many hours in Scotland before he realised that it was in vain to seek a settlement on in D the terms contained the Royal eclaration , and he wrote h 1 1 h at once to t is effect to the King . On t June he ’ in received Charles reply, which the King wrote : I give you as leave to flatter them with what hopes you ple e, so you engage me not again st my grounds ; your chief end being now to win time that they may not be able to commit follies till I am able to suppress them . I will rather die than yield to their impertinent and damn ’ 3 . as able demands The negotiations, however, went on though they had been all oon a fi de on the part of the ’ ha d King . Before the Marquis arrival a paper been pre pared by Warristo n and Henderson containing a statement of 1 ’ 2 Mem or ia ls ii . . . i . i s v . 1 . H a le , p 43 Burton, p 95 ’ 3 - s H ou se o H a m ilton . 8. Burnet f , pp 55 5

34 FAMOU S S COTS

The Declaration led to stormy scenes when the Marquis and the Council met with the representatives of the Tables to discuss it, and high words passed . The Covenanting nobles insisted that they had a right from God to keep an Assembly whi ch neither in law nor reason could the King ‘ L c ro u n li take away from them . oudon told his Gra e d e they knew O fno other bonds betwixt a king and his subjects bot : of religion and lawes if these were broken, their lives were not dear to them : boasted [intimidated] they would not — ’ 1 b e such fears were past with them . The Marquis was

c . ill supported , even by the members of his own Coun il ’ e Sir Thomas Hope, the King s Advocat , made no secret of his sympathy with the Covenanters, and his disappointment with the Declaration and a maj ority Of the Council were of the same mind . The feeling in the national party through c o f out the ountry was one the greatest chagrin . We doe ’ all marvele, says so moderate a member of it as Baillie, ‘ that ever the Commissioner could think to give satisfaction ’ to any living soul by such a declaration . ffl Ba ed on all hands, the Marquis took his departure for

L . ondon In August he returned with fresh instructions , but these proved as futile as the former for the settlement of the country . They bargained for the retention of the bishops and limited the powers O fthe Assembly . Su ch terms could not satisfy the national leaders who had stru ck for the abolition of Episcopacy and the retention o f the Original polity of the Kirk . Once more Hamilton had to go up to f London and report the failure O his mission . Of Returning in the middle September, the Marquis at length brought powers to O ffer such terms as allowed pro i ati T h e gress to be made towards a pac fic o n . innovations which had originated the present troubles were to be c o f can elled, the High Court Commission was to be done f an d f away with , and a ree Assembly a ree Parliament were c to be summoned . In the Scottish Coun il this conciliatory c poli y brought immense relief, extricating them , as it did, a from a situation that had become insupport ble . The resolute and sanguine spirit of the Covenanters was shown 1 a ie i. 2 B ill , p . 9 . J OHNSTON OF W AR RIST O N 35 by the qualified satisfaction with which they received the ’ c overtures Of the King . Hamilton s instru tions included an injunction to the Council to subscribe the Covenant of 1 580 and to take orders that all the subjects should do the i c th e same. Aga nst this injun tion Covenanters made a Warristo n protestation, which was read by at the Cross , on the ground that it set up a rival standard to that which had c O been accepted by the nation , and was alculated nly to ’ cause division . The King s Covenant, as it was called , became a dead letter. C H A P T E R V I

T HE G LASGOW ASSEMBLY : WAR R IST ON ELECT ED C LERK

FT ER c A Charles had promised to all an Assembly, he set himself to hamper it with such conditions as should render w it harmless . Were it left free, he kne very well that it ’ would undo the entire ecclesiastical policy of his father s

n . reig and his own He sought to stipulate, before it met, t o f for the abroga ion the Covenant, for the limitation Of its fo r powers to the petitioning of Parliament, the admission 1 a c of bishops and Const nt Moderators, and for the ex lusion of lay members from the presbyteries when these Courts came to vote fo r those who were to represent them in the c Supreme Court . It was the last of these onditions Charles x c was most an ious to se ure, knowing as he did that the e vot of the lay members would go dead against the bishops . r On this point the Covenanters stood firm , and it was e solved that the Assembly should be composed in accordance A ct D Of th 1 with the of the undee Assembly 7 March 597 , which provided that three ministers and one ruling elder

should be sent up from each Presbytery . The other con i n s dit o they also resisted successfully, so that they secured

a free hand all round . NO more notable General Assembly has been held than c c 1 6 8 that whi h met in Glasgow Cathedral at the lose of 3 . a n n n s mir a bilis fo r c c That was indeed an the S ottish Chur h . c 1 8 There was no other like it in importan e till 4 3. This Assembly had momentous consequences for the whole

1 T es h ad ee i s o n the c a s V I . in 1 606 an d h e b n mpo ed Chur h by J me , were 5 Oken Ofat th e time as tlze little t/i ieves tlzru st into t/Ie w indow s to n t doo rs or tile r eat t/z ieo es— tb e bis/za s ope e f g p . 36 J OHNSTON O F W AR R IST O N 37 kin gdom it played a great part among the forces by which England as well as Scotland recovered its liberties from Of the Stuarts, and the splendid courage those who carried it through became one of the most inspiring memories in our history . The spirit displayed by its members atoned for the pusillanimity O f their predecessors who met in the C 1 6 1 0 same ity in , and regained from King Charles the f rights which were then surrendered to his ather . e O For a week befor the pening of the Assembly, c Wedn e s ye m b er which took pla e on W LA o , it was evident to all in the city that an occasion of unusual c moment was expected . From every dire tion strangers — flocked in and crowded the streets nobles with their retinues , barons, burgesses, ministers , and a multitude c besides of both sexes and of every class . Ac ommodation could hardly be provided for all who came, and exorbitant prices were paid for rooms . On the Saturday, the Marquis L of Hamilton, who had been appointed ord High Com missioner, arrived, attended by most of the Council ; and he was received at the outskirts by several Of the Covenant ‘ c ing nobles, between whom and his Grace mu h good ’ c spee h was made, and promises of reasonable dealing on both sides . The place Ofmeeting was one of the most venerable and o f Of stately the religious edifices Scotland , and its dignity b efitt c erso n n el ih ed the oc asion . The p of the Assembly cluded the most notable and representative men in the — Of kingdom the heads of most the noble houses, nearly c f every baron of consequence, the hie burgesses in the — i country and the great body of the m nisters . The Space set apart fo r non- members was filled by prominent c itizens, by young lords and gentlewomen, and by a large number of people from every district interested in the momentous issues that were to be fought out between the

Kirk and the Crown . SO great were the crowds at the earlier sittings of the Assembly that the members needed th e Offi cers o f the town guard to clear a way for them to their ‘ c seats, and even with all their help ould scarce thrumble ’ O f L through . At one end the building was the ord High 38 FAMOUS S COTS

’ c i Commissioner s throne, the spa e around t being occupied by the chief of the Council ; before him were the chairs and table for the Moderator and the Clerk ; the elders sat c at a large table running down the entre, and rising in tiers on each side Of this table were the seats allotted to the ministers . There never was any doubt as to the men on whom the choice o f the Assembly fo r its two principal O c ffi es on this critical occasion would fall . Alexander in co m arab ilie fo r Henderson, p the ablest man of us all all was Wa rristo n unanimously elected Moderator and , ‘ ’ c to us all a nonsu h for a clerk, was elected with only 1 o ffice one dissenting voice to that . As great names as ’ Henderson s have been associated with the Chair Of the ’ Warristo n s Assembly, but none so great as with the Clerk seder u n t ship . At the third the newly appointed Clerk furnished the Assembly with a happy omen Of the services he was destined to render to it . Thomas Sandilands, D epute Clerk, delivered to the House two registers contain o f 1 0 ing the Acts the Kirk since 59 , and stated that his in father, James Sandilands, the late Clerk, never had more — his possession . Where were the others those between 1 560 and 1 590 ? It was known that King James had ordered ’ c Thomas Ni holson , James Sandilands predecessor, to place all the records in the hands o f the Archbishop of St . Andrews ; and Rothes rose in the court to urge that the bishops should be ordered to deliver up the minutes that o f were in their possession . Production the missing books c Warristo n having been alled for by the Moderator, rose and declared that ‘ by the good providence of God these books they spake of were come to his hands , which then he to : F ve produced all our great joy y books in folio, four written and su b scryved and margined with the known hands Of ane Gray and Ritchie, Clerks to the General Assembly, containin g the full register from the reformation in the ’ year to the year where Thomas San dilan ds s c Adam so n e books began , except some leaves whi h Bishop W : in rh am e de u t . had riven out thir ane , p to Mr Thomas i l n e N co so , had left to ane Alexander Blair, his successor 1 i i i. . 122. B a ll e, p JOHNSTON OF WARR IST O N 39

f o f . c in o fice, whom Mr Ar hibald [Johnston] had gotten f them , the fifth was ane extract by way of compend rom the to the whereby In a good part Bishop ’ ’ Adam so n e s c sa rilegious rapine might be restored . The f i c recovered records , a ter exam nation , were de lared authentic — by the Assembly the Commissioner protesting, not because c he had anything to say against the books, but be ause the ‘ books had so mu ch to say against the bishops ! - Their ‘ production by the Clerk was hailed as ane o f the notable ’ passages Of God s providence towards our Church thir fo u rtie years bygone so great a design being in the heart of the Prin ce and Prelates for covering in pe rpetu all darkness of our old Assemblies, which crossed their imten ’ 1 tions .

This was not the only occasion , as we shall see, when Warristo n had the good fortune to recover missing docu o f ments importance . At the same seder u n t as that at which he laid the restored minutes on the table of the House, the new Clerk was put f f to the raming of his first di ficult minute, and it did not come so readily to his pen as his friends who were anxious fo r c his reputation ould have wished . Baillie thought he ‘ ’ was to seik [had lost himself], and pitied him . It was, c c h e however, the only o casion on whi h stumbled he ’ S f kythed [ howed] his wit ever a ter. The first week of the Assembly was occupied with pre c liminary business, in onnection with which many poi nts ’ — came up that gave the King s party the Commissioner an d — an d n his assessors the Presbyteria s, who made up the rest — o f the Hous e ah Opportuni ty to sharpen their weapons and to try their stren gth before they came to their mai n encounter. The toughest dispute during this stage of the proceedings was over a claim made on behalf Ofthe bishops to have a protest read against the Assembly going on

1 ai . . 12 et se . T h s eco s ish e In th i B llie, I pp 9 q e e r rd per d e fire wh ch es o ed the H o ses o fPar ia en In 18 T e h ad e e n o h d tr y u l m t 34 . h y b br ug t to Lo ndo n by o rder o f a Co mmittee o f th e H o use o f Co mmo n s o n Pa o na in Sco an a t th e in s an c Of P in ci a Le e w ho w a a tr ge tl d, t e r p l , s i h d w i n ess an d w h o s e efe to h e . Se e o vi . . 22 t , w to r r t m Burt n, p 7 . 4 0 FAMO US S COTS with its business till the commissions of the members had been tried . To have yielded this demand would d th e have raise , before Court was constituted, some of the gravest questions it had been summoned to settle, and have left their decision in the hands of the Com ’ . i missioner The bishops petit on was refused, whereupon Hamilton lodged a protest in which he mai ntained that the refusal would invalidate all the subsequent Acts of the

Assembly. 2 8th r It was on Wednesday, November, that the Cou t came to address itself to the crucial question of its j u ris diction Over the bishops . When the question was put by the Moderator— Was the Assembly judge of the bishops ? the Commissioner at once rose and warned the House if that he would not allow it to be submitted, and that, it were , he would dissolve the Assembly . On the Moderator persistin g in his course in defiance of the threat from the Throne and putting the question a second time— it was ffi a courageous act, and su cient, had it stood alone, as evidence of the strength of character we associate with the name of Alexander Henderson— the Commissioner rose ‘ ’ ‘ . a again to speak It was, says B illie, a sad , grave and ’ sorrowful discourse the Commissioner s last pas sage ; S c f he acted it with tears, and drew by his pee h water rom ’ c f 1 many eyes, as I think ; well I wot mu h rom mine . c On concluding, the Commissioner dis harged the Assembly f and left the House ; but be ore he had gone, Rothes handed the Clerk a protest that had been prepared fo r the c emergency, in which it was de lared that his withdrawal would not stay the proceedings of the Assembly nor invalidate its Acts . As soon as Hamilton retired, the

Moderator put the question to the vote, when it was c f c unanimously arried in the a firmative . Such a dire t defiance o f the authority of the Crow n was one of those daring acts o f which individuals have often been found z capable, but bodies of citi ens seldom , and it proves the truth ’ of Baillie s observation that the members o f the Assembly ‘ ’ ile d had been very weelya [well chosen] for the purpose .

4 2 FAMOU S S COTS him : an d I know him to be an learn eder and more con scien tio us man (although I will not purge him of in firm ities m o re than others) than any of those who were his exco m i ’ 1 m u n cato rs . One o f the most notable in cidents of the Assembly was the enlistme n t on the side of the Covenant of one who was — its first martyr the Marquis of Argyle . He attended the ’ m meeting by the King s com and, as one of the Com ’ to missioner s assessors, and up the day after Hamilton broke with the Assembly, his position was an ambiguous one . He had supported the protest lodged by the bishops against the Court proceeding before the commissions th e were tried, and had been answered by Moderator ‘ ’ ‘ cu ttitlie e i , Bailli says , na vely adding, the man [the c Moderator] naturally hath a little holer, not yet quite ’ extinguished . On the day the Commissioner withdrew, he made a speech in which he still left the Court in doubt th e sederu n t of his attitude but at next he appeared, and in response to the Moderator, who now addressed him in a ff very di erent tone, and entreated him to countenance the proceedings of the Assembly, he rose and avowed himself on the side of the Covenant . His explanation of his tardy declaration of his sympathy was that he had hoped that he might be able to mediate between the King and the

Assembly, but that as this was no longer possible he felt bound by his fidelity to God and to his country to cast in h is lot with the Church . The accession to their ranks of the most powerfu l subject in the realm at a moment when they had so distinctly defied the authority of the Crown was hailed by the Covenanters as a great triumph ; and it ‘ awoke corresponding resentment on the other side . No ’ ’ as one thing did confirm us so much Argyle s presence, f o . so Baillie expresses the feeling the Assembly Hamilton , on the other hand, wrote to the King to warn him that ‘ f Argyle must be well looked to, for it ears me he will ’ ’ a r t prove the d n ge o u ses man in this state . Argyle s

’ 1 i o a a i s M emo ria ls . . 2 2. I t s n f the sse H le , II p 7 ly ir to A mbly to say th a t n o ch arges affecting his mo ral chara cte r were bro ught aga inst this bish o p. J OHN STON O F WAR R IST O N 43 subsequent career was th e best vindication of the integrity of his conduct at this time ; whatever might be its blemishes, disloyalty to the Covenant was not one of them . Among the leaders of the popular cause to whom Argyle Warristo n c c now allied himself, be ame his most onfidential ff friend . They were men of very di erent temperaments Argyle was often as difficult to understand as Warristo n was c always easy, and was as invariably diplomati in his deal in gs as the other was straightforward and transparent ; but the two were alike in the main interests o f their lives ih their devotion to constitutional liberty in the State and to the Presbyterian government of the Church . Generally, though not always, they agreed in their View of public affairs and stood side by side in the controversies of their c time, and at last they were united in the same tragi end and in the better than Roman courage with which they met it . As one of the first acts of the Assembly was to elect Warristo n Clerk, so one of its last was to appoint him also

Procurator of the Church . 2 The Assembly was dissolved on 0th December. C H A P T ER V I I

’ FI RST B I SHOPS WA R : DU N S LAw

T H E c struggle was now to be arried on , on a new field

and with other weapons . As we have seen from his

private instructions to Hamilton in midsummer, Charles had been preparing for some time for an invasion of Scotland ; but the diffi culties of his government in England t made the prepara ions drag . The Covenanters , who

were alive to his designs, had also been preparing ; and their activity presented a great contrast in its effectiveness ’ i O f to the King s . Not many months after the launch ng In the Covenant, a war committee was formed every county and a tax was leV Ied on free rents which brought i n a

sufficient revenue for the national defence. In the early summer ammunition began to be imported from the c Continent, and communi ations were opened with the distinguished soldier who was afterwards called to the chief

command of the army, and who played so notable a part — L ’ in the impending civil war Alexander Leslie . eslie s record under Gustavus Adolphus had brought him high repute in his profession ; but he had more than a professional fitness for the position he was destined to f fill in his native land . It has not been su ficiently recog n ise d that a very large proportion o f our countrymen wh o fought under the Protestant flag during the Thirty Years ’ D Dal e t s War were no ugald g y , hiring themselves to the best paymasters and regardless O f the cause for which : they used their swords they were, on the contrary, warm 1 L Protestants . eslie was one of these ; and now that his 1 T h e a r ies a o g th e Ro ss a n d S a , y re were l ge lev m n utherl nd men an d e c th e fa i a f u sta v u s in th e o h n e vour te n me o G N rth. 44 J OHNSTON OF WAR RIST O N 45

c servi es were needed at home in essentially the same interest, f he resolved to return and o fer them to his country . Before leaving the Continent he enlisted a large number of Scottish O ffi cers and soldiers in Sweden and Germany fo r the Cove i nant ng army, and arranged for the transmission of war l L an material . Baillie pays a just tribute to eslie d our other countrymen so jo u rs of that time when he says that to ‘ o u r c fo r their kindness nation is ex eedingly obliged, , to - c help their boasted [threatened] mother hurch and country, they have deserted their Charges abroad to their great to m ak e losse, which they knew she was never able up ; verié at they have here, on easle and small conditions , tended her service for fear of their valour our peace has both been qui cker and better : the ren o wn e of their kind ness and conscience of their desert at the hand of their mother for ever will be their greatest and most glorious ’ c recompen e . In the four months between his appointment to the chief command of the army and th e time when he had to take L the field, eslie showed the greatest energy in his prepara tions . Arms were shipped from Holland, and at home the smithies ran g with the manufacture o f weapons of war ; recruits for the army were enrolled and diligently drilled ; and SO prompt and effectual were the measures taken to deprive the King of any military footing within Scotland f ’ itsel , that by the time Charles army set out for the North , all the principal strongholds of the country had been seized c L — so and se ured , the fortifications of eith important for o f c — the safety the apital strengthened, the Huntly risin g in the North suppressed, and the Scottish side of the Border f cleared o f all active allies o the King . The spirit displayed ’ by the nation both in this and in the second Bishops War could not have been more admirable . Every class of the people cheerfully bore its share of the burdens and sacri ‘

fices . required Every ane, man and woman , encouraged ’ their neighbours, says Baillie . When the army marched fo r the Border, it knew that it had the whole nation at its back , and that, whatever it might have to encounter in front, no f enemy was le t in the country to fall on it from behind . 46 FAMOU S S COTS

It was on 26th January 1 639 that the Scots got t heir first ’ public notice of the King s warlike designs . On that day he summoned the English nobility to meet him at York on ‘ I st to reven t April, with all the forces at their command, p ’ ad n E n la n d t/ie Sco ts in v i g g . This was to be done by an n i vasion of Scotland, and on a very extensive scale indeed . Troops were to be landed on the shores of the Clyde and in Argyle ; a fleet under the command of Hamilton was to be sent to the Forth ; the King with the main army was ’ to advan ce to the Tw eed . It was only within Charles own breast that there was a zeal commensurate with th e pro c th e gramme he had con eived . Hardly a soul in kingdom L lb eyo n d aud and his clergy approved of the war. The great body of the English people sympathised with the Scots f in the stand they had made against a new ashion in religion , if L knowing very well that they were beaten , aud would have all the freer hand to carry out innovations amongst

themselves . It was notorious that the army itself had no in heart the war. Sir Ralph Verney wrote from the ca mp to hi s son : I daresay that there was never more unwillin g

an army brought to fight . This day I spake with an under standing S cottishman and one that is affected to moderate i f i ways . He is confident noth ng will satis y them but tak ng th e n ever iel e away all bishops, and I daresay King will y d ’ 1 to that, soe we must be miserable . The English nobles and the fo rce s they had raised th e Of assembled at York in beginning April, and were

joined by the King according to appointment . While the hi Court remained in that city, w ch it did for a whole c month , Charles issued a pro lamation to the Scots, con taining an Act of Oblivion fo r all who would lay down rm wi o r c their a s thin eight nine days, de laring others rebels, and ordering their servants and vassals not to ackno wledge t h e c them nor pay rents . In May Royal army mar hed i i northwards and encamped at B rks, near Berw ck, where the

King himself arrived on the 3oth . Ten days earlier the L L z rst Scottish army mustered at eith inks, and on May c Leslie set out with the main body for the Border, mar hing 1 rn e Pa ers . 2 1 . Ve y p , p 4 J OHNSTON O F W AR R IST O N 47

D D m by Haddington and unbar to unglass , where he enca ped th for a little over a fortnight . On Wednesday, s June, he f c c D le t Dunglass and mar hed by Oldhamsto ks to uns , where he was joined on the same day by a detachment under the command of Colonel Monro , which had been posted at ’ L D C Kelso . eslie s position at uns was well hosen, commanding as it did both roads to Edinburgh , one by c Haddington and the other by Soutra . The Scottish amp ‘ D Law — rettie I sin declivitie was on uns the p round, y g in a ’ without steepness to the height of a bowshot, immediately to the north of the town— as it is perfectly described by Of f Baillie. Every reader Scottish history is amiliar with the ' picturesque passage in one ofhis letters in which he expatiates with such a glow of patriotic pride on the appearance of ‘ ’ ‘ ’ our b ra ve and rich hill as one cast his eyes athort it when the Scottish army lay encamped on its Slopes— its — level summit garnished with mounted cannon from base c to rown a tented field, every company having flying at its ’ captain s tent door a brave new colour blazoned with the c S ottish arms , and with the legend inscribed upon it in — ’ For C/zrist s Cr o w n a n d Coven a n t. gold The soldiers , mainly young and lusty ploughmen fro m the West ffi — country, were full of spirit . Their o cers most of them nobles and lairds from their own districts— went daily through f the regiments and conversed reely with them . The con fiden ce of the army in the old, little, crooked soldier at its head was as boundless as if he had been ‘ great Solyman ’

. c himself Several ministers were in the camp, each a ting ] In d c : as chaplain to the regiments raised his own istri t, and every day of the week there were ‘ good sermons and prayers morning and evening under the open roof of ’ heaven . The heads of that army did not think their men would fight with less valour if they went to the field with ’ the conviction that the battle was the Lord s . Alexander Henderson and Warristo n were present at D L w f c uns a in an o fi ial capacity. That the Moderator and Clerk o f the General Assembly followed the army and sat in the Coun cil of War is significant of the trend o f national f interests in S cotland sin ce the Re ormation . The Kirk has 48 FAMOUS SCOTS

W . arristo n always been in the centre of her battles , we c f shall see, took an active part in the onduct of a fairs , and especially in the negotiations by which the war was concluded without a blow being struck . f ’ For the history o the first Bishops War, from the date of the arrival of Leslie’ s army at Dunglass to the conclusion are draw Fr a men t of the peace, we able to on the g of ’ arristo n s D W iary, mentioned in the Preface . It contains a detailed and graphic account of the progress of hostilities and of the negotiations which ended in the pacificatio n of Berwick it describes the vigorous measures taken by the Covenanting leaders and the an xieties that filled their minds till the crisis of the danger was past ; and it supplies us also h i wit a report at first hand of their conference with the K ng, before they came to a Treaty . The fortnight intervening between the arrival of the army at Dunglass and its march to Duns Law w as a time that made severe demands on the energy of the Commander

- ih Chief and the Council of War. The army still needed a considerable reinforcement, especially of horse ; in foot ’ S oldiers it outnumbered the King s army, but in cavalry it 1 fell far short of it ; the commissariat was a heavy tax on their resources , and the order and discipline, where there were so many raw levies, required a great deal of attention . During that fortnight frequent letters of distress were sent th e from camp to the Committee in Edinburgh , to all the

S . hires, and to the ministers These letters are given in the ia r D y, and their vehement and rousing style points to a th Warristo n himself as the scribe . Under date 4 May ‘ ’ 1 6 : 39, the heads of the army wrote The King s army, o f especially horsemen, lying now close upon our borders de s h t in pyg of all foot companies, may and will assuredly ravage all the country and ryde into the heart of the Kin g Le t dome. not any man now either linger or think it suffi cient to sen any unworthy body o r a b a chlin g naig Is n [shambling nag] in stead . But as they love the standi g

1 T h e Ro a a c sis e o f i in a few o f foo y l rmy on t d w th hundred t, an d e 000 h o rse th e Sco s a o f a fo an d 00 ov r 3 t rmy, bout ot 5 o s h r e.

50 FAMOU S S COTS

showing the most praiseworthy zeal in supportin g the army. The disappointment was not due to the lukewarmness of

the country, but to the high temperature which the zeal of those who were at the front and had the greatest responsi i b lity had reached . The people in the district where the army was encamped were ready with their services ; in the towns of East Lothian they were busy baking and brewing for the soldiers ; and all the parishes join ed in sending in

victuals and supplying horses . Money was freely lent to

the Committee in Edinburgh . The spirit of the people can not be better illustrated than by the reply whi ch the town of Burntisland sent to a letter of the Marquis 1 - Of- of Hamilton when his men war were lying in the Forth , [in which he promised to stop all disturbance o f the shipping trade of the coast towns of Fife on condition that they ‘ ’ f would yield fitting obedience to the King . A ter a ’ courteous acknowledgment Of his Grace s good intentions

and a warm expression of their loyalty to the King, the people in Burntisland wrote : But because the proposition concerneth not only their seafaring men indwellers in this in kin do m e Town, but all those of other port towns the g , and hath annexed to it some conditions which are so t wrapped up in generals y they transcend our reach : We ’ humbly begg your Grace s favour to condescend more e ciallie co n ditio n e s o f an d sp upon these required us , to grant t m e a dv sin us some short competent y for y g thereupon, that neither we may trench upon our oath to God and our Covenant or be pressed with oathes contrarie to the lawes o u r o m itt tem o rall of Kirk and Kingdom , nor yet any p du etie of civile obedience which we most heartily will deferr ’ to our Gracious So veraign e . The anxious consultations at the Scottish camp and the hopes and fears of those who were responsible for the

1 ’ H a i o n s fl e e n e th e Fo at th e e in n in Of Ma m lt e t t red rth b g g y, but H w a b e o seiz in o n e tw o a in esse s w a s h a e ss . e s y nd g or tr d g v l , rml not al to an n f i m en His o w n h h el i h e lo wed l d a y o h s . mot er w th ot r la die s in carrying earth a n d sto nes to strength en th e o rtifi ca tio n s o f ‘ Le i h an d a o a m e w ith a isto l ic sh e ischa t , went b ut r d p , wh h vowed to d rge 1 ’ o n h er o w n so n ifh e o ffe ed to c o n s o . up , r ome h re J OHNSTO N O F W A R R IST O N 51

conduct of the campaign are unveiled in the D ia ry. On rd D D 3 June, Alexander Henderson, avid ickson, Robert ’ ‘ L Warristo n b e Meldrum ( eslie s secretary), and himself thoght and better b eth o ght the whole aftem o o n e upon the ’ ‘ ’ present necessities of the arm ie and were fo rfo ghte n with the consideration of them . On the following day Warristo n spent two hours with the General and his secre L tary in discussing the difficulties of the situation . eslie ‘ e xtream l b ro ht in deid was y perplexed, was g low befor God and acknowledged that we had no ground of co n fi dence except in the providence of our God who had led us in thir straites and certainly co n trar to all appearance was L t e verie to lead us out of them, thus the ord was gmp ying erie e as heart and annihilating ev spirit, for to pr pare we receav e i o f his hope to some, greater subsequent blnks _ ’ pgyyer. When we read such passages we are reminded of i the letters and speeches of the great Englishman who was ' then on the eve of his entrance on public life, so much do ‘ — they partake o f that practical mysticism as it has been happily described — which was the secret of Cromwell’ s invincible power on the field of war. After what has been told of the half-heartedness of the ’ King s fo rces and of the unity and zeal alike of their own c nation and their own army, we may regard the S ottish Council of War as having taken too gloomy a View of the

. c situation And such is the fa t . But we must remember that they did not know the weakness of the invading army, and that they might well reckon that to Oppose successfully t o f n the streng h which the sovereign Engla d, in even the most n c unfavourable circumsta ces, ould put upon the field, would n strain to the utmost the resources of their own ki gdom . C H A P T E R V I I I

’ RST SHOPS WA R CO T UED : T H E C C T O FI B I , N IN PA I FI A I N O F B ERW I CK

T HE anxious preparations described in the previous chap ter were arrested by a new turn in the course of affairs . Not yet were th e questions at issue between Charles and his Scottish subjects to come to the arbitrament of the

sword . The prelude to the negotiations that led to the disbanding of th e two armies was made in two letters of L ’ ord Holland, General of the King s Horse, one addressed

to all the Scottish nobles in the camp, and the other to u r e the Marquis of Argyle . His lordship wrote to g com plian ce with a proclamation the King had published at 1 c a Newcastle on 4 th May, in whi h he decl red that his ‘ O bject in coming North with his army was to give the

good people of Scotland all just satisfaction in Parliament, as soone as the present disorder and tumultuous pro ce id ’ ings of some there are quieted, and promised that if sub mission were made they need not fear any hostility on his

part ; but if, on the other hand, the army continued to B o rder i advance and came within ten miles of the , th s would be regarded as an invasion of the kingdom of

England, and they would be treated as rebels . Holland appealed to the nobles as subjects of his Majesty’ s ‘ natural — - kingdom having been b o rn e in the bowels o f it to obey his commands : it was shocking that a sovereign who had ‘ covered us all under the wings of peace when all other princes have been laid open to the rage and calamities ’ ‘ of warre Should be faced with ' ah arm ie in his own kingdom l ’ J OHN STON O F W AR R IST O N 53

’ — The day after the receipt of Holland s letter o n 20 th — May Sir John Hume o f Blackadder was despatched to o f the English camp with the answer the Covenanters .

They regarded his Majesty as the aggressor, and they eh ‘ treated him to appoint a Conference o f prym e and well ’ affected men o f both kingdoms to effect a peaceful : settlement meanwhile they would, as he desired, keep their c — army within th e bounds pres ribed such was its tenor . ’ c On 3oth May, Hume reported his lordship s reply, whi h was in effect a refusal of the Conference on the part o f the King and a renewed demand for the submission o f the ’ Covenanters . The King s honour and his reputation in the eyes of all men required that having come so far with his army h e Should not turn back without having restored his authority in Scotland . If they will obey, he will remit all bygones and come to Edinburgh in a quiet and peace able way and hold a Parliament for the settlement o f all disorder : and seeing they were so wilfully bent for m atte rs ’ ‘ ’ of religion though the un cleanliness of their places of worship was an offence to him and he would fain reform them , they would get their will in all these things . Within a week the King seems to have repented of his rejection of the Scottish proposal and to have used means

o f . th to suggest the renewal it Under date s June, War riston has the following entry in his D ia ry : This day the Erle of Hume and Dun ferm lin g spake with the Erle of il u H am m to n . H r Mo rto u n D r. c e b o u n , Patri k and Mr Adam ’ H addin to u n c spake with the Erle of g , and about eight o clo k Robin Leslie came to the Generall all running to one pur pose that we would supplicate the King to appoint ane present conference betwixt some of the English and some o f c ours, and to entreat the English Coun il and nobility ’ c L to assist our Suppli ation . Who was this Robin eslie who joined the Scottish noblemen and gentlemen named in proposing a fresh approach to the King ? He was one o f the Royal pages ; and on consulting another version o f this incident by one who was also on the spot we get some ar cc elucidation in regard to his p t in the business . A ord ing to Baillie, he was the originator of the proposal . Coming 54 FAMOUS S COTS

D in over to uns ostensibly to see old friends the camp , he had this for his real errand to suggest, at the instance n o f of the Ki g, who had become afraid the strength of the

Scottish army .

The Covenanters had no desire to humiliate the King, and were glad to have the door opened again by his own L Du n a ct for their rejected overtures . Accordingly ord fe rmlin e was sent to the Royal camp with a supplication for f a Con erence, and at the same time a letter was sent to the e English nobility and Council, requ sting them to support it. D c unfermline was gra iously heard , and the King intimated that he would send an answer by the hands of Sir Edmund

Verney, Marshal of the Palace. This was taken as a good ‘ ’ omen , Verney being known as a lover of our nation . ’ ’ The King s envoy came to Duns without an h o u r s delay fe c and held a Con rence with the S ottish nobles . He had been instructed to require that they should publish the Royal proclamation made at Newcastle on the previous ’ month as a condition of the King s treating with them ; f ’ but this they re used to do, putting into Verney s hands

their reasons for their refusal . How sufficient these were was proved by a letter of the Marquis of Hamilton to Lo rd c c Ogilvy whi h fell into their hands at this time, in whi h th e writer assures his correspondent that the King was bent f on curbing the insolence o the Covenanters . The pro c c lamation was read at the Conferen e, however, as a matter an d of business, Verney, who was anxious for peace, reported

to the King that his injunction had been complied with . Thereupon Charles appointed six of the English nobility to meet with representatives of the Scots and hear their c desires . The S ottish Commissioners were Rothes , L D ff T evio tdale oudoun, ouglas, Sheri of , Alexander

W - arristo n . Henderson , and The two last named did not set out with their colleagues ‘ we had not will to hazard ’ all at once was the reason given for their retention . In ’ c other words, the S ots had no faith in the King s word, and feared he would not respect the safe - conduct given

under his own hand . It is significant that it was th e Moderator and Clerk Of the Assembly they were most J OHNSTON O F WA RR IST O N 55

’ afraid to risk in the King s hands . These two men stood most distinctly for the cause that was dearest to them , and most Offensive to him . It was on the morning of r 1 th June that the Scottish

Commissioners left Duns Law for the English camp .

They were escorted by a hundred horse, and on arriving at Birks they were conducted to the tent of the Earl of ’ -ih — f Arundel, Charles Commander Chie , where the Confer en ce had been appointed to take place . The business had not well begun when the King suddenly entered the c tent . This was no unusual tri k with Charles, who had an exaggerated sense of the effect of the Royal presence ff fro m in overawing those who di ered him ; but, if that c was his object on this o casion , he utterly failed . When c he asked the S ottish Commissioners what they desired, Loudoun answered for them all that they desired security fo r cc their religion and liberties , a ording to the ecclesias W rri tical and Civil laws of the kingdom . a sto n was not present, but there were in the hands of the Commissioners memoranda drawn up by him of the conditions on which c they were to a cept a settlement, along with a paper of c private instru tions , both of which were of a thorough going character. There was no man among them more determined to make the occasion one for obtaining a real redress for the grievances of the nation or who realised more how momentous were the issues that hung upon it . ’ The main conditions laid down in Warristo n s paper were the ratification of all the Acts of the Glasgow Assembly and the declaration by the King and Council that they would not interfere in future with matters of religion ‘ ’ the cause of all this co n ten tio un e . The others were that the King as the invader was first to lay down arms and give an assurance that he would make no similar attempt that the damages done to the trade and shipping ’ o f the country by Hamilton s fleet should be paid for out of the estate o f Papists and other Incendiaries that the — ‘ — bishoprics the cause of all the trouble should be applied to such common and pious uses as the relief of the

a . poor, the maintenance of ministers and schol rs, etc that 56 FAMOU S S COTS the King should reinstate the friends o f the Covenanters in u England who had been treated as rebels, and ass re them and all who might conform to Presbytery against moles t ation that the Castles should be put into custody of the King a n d P a rlia men t ; that the Coun cil and the Court of Session should be chosen by the same ; and that no

foreigners, and especially no foreign prelate, should be ff allowed to meddle with Scottish a airs . In this piece of Warristo n work we see the character of its author. had O always a clear perception of his bject, avowed it without ih hesitation, defended it with Vigorous argument, was o f tolerant compromise, and pushed vehemently for whole

measures . 1 On Thursday, 3th June, Alexander Henderson and f Warristo n were sent to join the Con erence . Before they c set out for Birks, another statement of the S ottish demands — was drawn u p the principal being the ratification of the w in Glasgo Assembly, the abolition of bishops both Church — — and State for b en efi ces and o ffices and the summoning

of the Parliament at set times, as once in two or three years . At the next meeting, the King took the lead in the W rristo n . discussion on his own side, and a on the other

Reverting to his proclamation calling the Glasgow Assembly, Wa rristo n a Charles vindicated its terms . contended th t it was satisfactory neither in manner nor in matter . The King urged— with the Assembly ’ s abolition of bishops in his mind— that no Assembly could meddle with what was w as established by law, when he answered that Parliament c could not make ecclesiasti al laws, but only sanction those made by the Assembly ; and when he rejoined that no ecclesiastical constitution could have effect if it was not ratified by Parliament, he was told that in that case it carried i ecclesiastical if not civil authority . The K ng thereupon his as asserted supremacy in all causes , ecclesiastical as well i — — so li civ l the Assembly, he said, could not judge him e o D o perc vi . Here Rothe s broke in to the contrary that ‘ if D ’ he were King and had committed avid s fault, y! ’ i the Kirk might excommunicate him , na vely adding that ‘ ’ he knew the King s ma/ would never fall in such trans

58 FAMOU S S COTS that his refusal to approve the Acts of the Glasgow Assembly ‘ ’ . t prelimitated the next Assembly Net led by this remark, ‘ Charles replied that the devill himself could not make a more uncharitable construction or give a more bitter ex ’ Warristo n c pression . repeated his obje tion , when the King commanded him to be Silent and said he would speak Warristo n to more reasonable men . Still persisted he was there to speak the minds of those he represented, and n c speak he would . A second time the Ki g ommanded him hi n to be silent and rebuked him for s perti acity. Before C c the Conference losed, however, Charles ame round to a li better mood , and all the Commissioners fal ng down on their knees craved that he would make the next day, which was a Sabbath, one of thanksgiving to them by granting SO ‘ their desires . long as he kept up the bishops, he wolde never winne their hearts nor keep peace in the kin do m e g , but if he would quyte them , he wolde have th e ’ i most obedient subjects in the world . The K ng reserved his answer till Monday . On dismissing them he gave each Warristo n a kiss of his hand, and bade walk more circum ’ spe ctly in tym e coming . AS Warristo n ff soon as the Conference ended, went O to D Law n uns to report the part the Ki g had taken in it, and ’ w a es his friends in the camp were in no y pleased with it . — 1 6th — On the Sabbath June two of the Scottish prelates, c c c Ross and Aberdeen, so hanged the on iliatory mood in which the King had closed th e Conference by their ‘ sweet and peaceable ’ discourses that the Monday’ s ‘ ’ meeting was more tart than any of the preceding ones . ’ It was the new taste of the bishops s weetn ess that brought ’ on the fresh accession of the King s oitter ness against the

Presbyterians . ’ The Scottish Commissioners , before the Monday s con c f c feren e, drew up a fresh dra t of a declaration su h as f would satis y them , for the King to give out . Their c demands had always be ome more precise, and these were n the most precise of all . The Ki g was asked to pr omise that the General Assembly would be held once a year, and oftener if necessary, and that Parliament would be sum J OHN STON O F W AR R IST O N 59 m o n ed once in three years and as often as the state of the kingdom required ; that the date of the next Assembly should be fixed, that it should consist of elders as well as ministers , and that it should deal with all proper matters, the places and powers of Kirkmen being specially named .

When the Conference resumed its sittings, the King announced his adherence to the answers he had given at the the previous meeting. When Commissioners pressed the main point and insisted on his agreeing to whatever the m Assembly ight determine, he wrote down , as his answer, f that with regard to Episcopacy he would not bind himsel , and added these words : we shall give way to the determination of the General Assembly w Ch we shall find to be agreeable to ’ ’ the laws of Kirk an d State . As this implied the King s o f right to a negative vote, and deprived the Assembly power to meddle with the bishops or with any other matter which the King might allege to be established by law, the W r n Commissioners could not accept it . a risto rose twice S to peak against the declaration , but was at once put down by the King. The Scots at this juncture began to suspect that Charles ' o fl to was only putting time exhaust them , and they resolved either to bring him to a point with the Treaty or to bring ’ - their leaguer within cannon shot of the King s trenches . ’ This coming to the King s ears, made him more pliant at h e n f n 1 t o eI e ce . 8 the next meeting of C On Tuesday, th

June, the Covenanters held a consultation at which they resolved to make a declaration o f their resolution to stand by the Glasgow Assembly and its Acts . When the Con f ference resumed, the King pro essed that it was not his desire that they should repudiate the Assembly— only they f were not to ask him to rati y it. SO the very question that f had brought the two armies ace to face would be left open . The Scots had only the alternatives of coming to a pacifi cation on these terms or of prosecuting the war ; and they chose the former course . It was but little they had gained from the King only his admission that the disposal of the main issue was reserved, and his promise of a free Assembly and a free 6 0 FAMOU S S COTS

Parliament ; in all the other articles of the Settlement he had got his own way. They were determined, however, c c to make the gain , su h as it was , as se ure as possible . i They could not leave the nterpretation of the negotiations , nor the version of them to be given to the country, to the honour of the King ; and they agreed to issue an I nfo r m a ’ io a in st a ll m ista kin o b is M a es s decla r a tio n t n ag g f j ty . In this manifesto they advertised the concessions made by viz the King, . , that he did n ot require them to disown the

Glasgow Assembly, and that he had come under promise to call a free Assembly and a free Parliament to ratify w as whatever the Assembly might conclude . The paper i drawn up with the most careful courtesy to the K ng, and at the same time with the most uncompromising language they could u se to make it plain to the nation that in all their negotiations they had stood firmly on their original ground . Copies of it were distributed among the English in to nobles the Royal camp, and the King was requested make known to them also all that had passed at the in n e o tia Conference, confirmation of their version of the g tions, so that there might be in neither kingdom any misunderstanding of their position . A memoran dum was — ’ — also draw n u p no doubt by Warristo n s hand O f Some bea ds of lzis M a trea tie w it/z li ts su bjects in Scotla n d be or tbe E n lislz N obilitie c f g , in whi h the concessions made by the Kin g were enumerated and all the doubtful points in the articles of the pacifica tio n elucidated . f o f 1 8th The Treaty was signed on the a ternoon Tuesday,

June, and on the following Monday it was read by the ’ King s herald in presence of the Scottish army at Duns

Law . When the reading was over, the Earl of Cassilis f c stepped forward and in the name O all assembled , de lared their adherence to the Glasgow Assembly, and thereafter ’ presented a copy of the Commissioners I nfo rm a tio n to the ‘ t herald . All the people applauded , y they did adhere A li “ to the sse m b e and bade hang the bishops . Wherever the Treaty was read by the Royal heralds , representatives of the Tables appeared and made a similar declaration . We have given the contents of the D ia ry with such JOHN STON OF WARR IST O N 6 1

’ c Warristo n s fulness, not only be ause it comes from hand and supplies the most complete and trustworthy account of so im w portant a passage in our history, but also because it sho s how great a part he took in making our history at that l period . Of all the negotiators on the Scottish side he was the most courageous and resolute in facing the King, and did most to secure whatever was grateful to the country in the terms of the Treaty .

In estimating the result for the cause of the Covenant, it is easy to minimise it ; the Treaty postponed the real struggle with the King ; Warristo n and his party were under no illusions on this point they knew very well that Charles in his heart was still resolved to maintain the bishops . Moreover, they were disbanding their army and incurring the risk of another invasion the moment the King saw his opportunity . Would it not have been better for ’ them to have rejected the King s terms and at once brought on the inevitable issue ? We know that when the Treaty was published keen disappointment was felt in the country. Warristo n mentions in one of the last entries in his D ia ry that when he returned to Edinburgh from D uns Law he f - ound many grieved with him and his fellow Commissioners . They thought the Treaty had been concluded with too c mu h haste, and that by delay better terms could have O been btained . ’ On the other hand, the King s readiness to come even to such terms revealed his sense of his own want of support c in England, and this was a great moral gain for the S ots . And though the promise of a General Assembly and a Parliament gave no assurance that the Acts of either would be respected by the King if he found at the time that he O could safely ppose them , they had good grounds for believing— as both were to be held immediately— that Charles would be as ill prepared for hostilities when they h e came on as evidently felt himself to be now. ’ It is hinted in Baillie s l etters that the reason fo r the Scottish Commissioners concluding the Treaty as it stood f was the ear of disaffection in their own ranks , but for such a fear there was no ground, save the suspicion that had 6 2 FAMO US S COTS

been aroused ih regard to Montrose and one or two other i o f adherents of the cause, and the grumbl ng some of the people of the Merse who had suffered inconvenience from c f the en ampment o the two armies in their distri ct. One ’ Warristo n s C L of those under suspicion was own hief, ord Warristo n Johnston of Annandale, and a letter of of this date to his lordship shows that a few of the nobles ’ c were being soli ited to go over to the Kings interest, li and that, though the secessions were not kely to be o f t serious, the leaders the Covenant used heir utmost i endeavours to prevent them . The Earl of Traqua r had n L undertaken to bri g over ord Johnston, among others , to the Royalists and the letter was written for the purpose of ‘ ’ ’ L e defeating my ord Treasurer s brags . It rev als the man it— d ! who wrote his honesty, his ardour, his convince ness that the cause fo r which he pled was the ca use of God and

it shows, along with a keen enough perception of the weaker S o wn ides of men, a trust, honourable to his character, in t ~ the power of an appeal to their conscience . After men ion ing the sinister rumours that were abroad with regard to

Johnston, the letter goes on to say

‘ If you take this oath [to the King] you renoun ce th e Cove 11 15 c nant with God, you draw down vengean e verily upon f f you , your house and your name, good ame, yoursel and your i o f poster ty, with that stigmatising blot and blunder a traitor to th e K th e r f o f k your religion, irk, libe ty and reedom this ingdom you will be infam o u s i n all stories and contemned both at home f I c r and abroad , whereo am very onfident you abhor the ve y f o f thought worse than death . Mistake not my orewarning you c c if I L f these onsequen es, as believed your ordship would all fo r I I c Of c on them, protest am not apable as yet su h an imagi nation but you know my licen ce and liberty to be free in ’ this business with all I love and respect .

Montrose, it seems, had been invited to Court at this

time and had declined, and Johnston is exhorted to follow his example and ‘ do nobly as my noble Lord of Montrose has done The letter resumes

if o u r L l This is my advice but y ordship will go away, tru y I shall be sorry fo r it ; but I will both expect from your Lord J OHNSTON OF WAR R IST O N 63

c c I ship an answer hereunto more lear and spe ial, whereby may f f th e c be more enabled to alsi y the doubts, and answer obje tions made by others against your voyage [to the Court] like as an r - tru e f o u r t ue hearted Johnston , and a riend and servant to y Lo rdShi th o f p and to e house Johnston , and, above all, as a ’ f f c fo r fo r aith ul advo ate God s Kirk , and agent this great work o f I f f c God in this land . do aith ully ounsel you and really fo rw am c o f f you , as in the presen e the great God , be ore whom o u r L I y ordship and will both answer, that as you love your c r own soul , your name, your state, your ount y and religion , you neither by word, or writ , undertake either to assist the King in i h is c f - c th s ourse against your ellow Covenanters, whi h by your ’ solemn oath you are obliged to maintain . The letter closes with these sentences

‘ Lo rds o f F f L th e And albeit all the i e, othian , and West would con cur in defection with those in th e N orth and th e S I o d th e o f If outh, make not question that the great—G , patron

. I t this Work, will trample them down shall be seen , even Sh t L fo r h is it all be seen in his world , that the ord will fight c f h e people, and rather work mira les be ore desert them and ff In th e su er h is work to be destroyed . meantime let o f o f f everyone us be sure himsel , and warn and encourage ane w h o b a n ds another, and God, knit our hearts and our , will be f h i ’ 1 ound to keep the knot fastened with s own hand .

1 ’ H a i Mem a ls i les ori , . p. 49. C H A P T E R I X

’ B ET WEEN FI R ST AND SECO N D B I SHOPS WARS

T HE Treaty was no sooner concluded than ominous signs occurred that boded but a short period of peace . While the King was still at the Border, he summoned fourteen of the leading Covenanters to B erwick to confer with him on c State affairs . Most of them de lined the summons owing f ’ to their suspicion o some sinister design in the King s mind . How keenly he felt their refusal came out at the meeting of c the General Assembly held in the following August, whi h he

promised to attend, but did not, giving as his excuse that it could not be thought reasonable that he should trust his

person with those who could not trust theirs with him . But a still graver omen was that Charles no sooner returned to London than he had the memorandum which had been drawn up by the Scottish Commissioners burned by the

hands o f the common hangman .

The promised Assembly met on 1 2th August 1 639 . Six th e S o ttisw o o d c days earlier King wrote to p , Ar hbishop of

St . Andrews, in answer to an appeal made to him through Laud by the Scottish bishops ; and the letter shows how much reason there was for the distrust on the part of the

Covenanters of which he complained . The bishops were assured that though the King would give way to the Presby t rian s e for the present, he would always have it in his mind

to find a way of restoring them . He advised them to send in a protest against the Acts of the impending Assembly

and Parliament, and to address it to neither Court directly,

but through the Royal Commissioner . In this way they would supply him with a weapon by which he would be 64

66 FAMO US S COTS

’ book, and ended by requesting the King to call in the book , and to command all who had had a hand in it, and Balca n u h al to especially q , to be sent to Scotland, in order r be t ied and punished, as a salutary example to deter others from raising sedition between the King and his subjects , and that his loyal and loving people in Scotland should b e plea re d before the world fro m the false accusations that had been made against them . The supplica tion was probably the ’ o fWarristo n s production of the Clerk, and bears the marks f earless and peremptory spirit in all his addresses to the King . The achievements of the Assembly called forth fervent expressions of thankfulness from the members— as they — well might fo r they did not leave a single point in the o f reformation the Church unaccomplished. The agitation had lasted little more than two years ; within so short a c c c time the whole burden of Epis opa y, whi h had lasted - c with more or less rigour for well nigh half a entury, was O ff c thrown , and the Chur h breathed again the air of liberty . In the Assembly there was a remnant who had be en members of the Court when James v1. began to assail its freedom and overturn its polity, and when the day they had fo r — longed , but scarce hoped to see, arrived when the — Church came to its rights again these venerable men were overcome with joy . They rose one after another in the

House and poured out their hearts in gratitude to God . l c John Weems, minister of Kinnaird, especial y, gave tou h ing utteran ce to what all felt. He could scarce get a word spoken fo r tears tricklin g down along his grey hairs ] “ and yet witha , smiling with joy, said , I do remember f when the Kirk of Scotland had a beauti ul face . I remember since there was a great power and life accompanying the o f ordinances God, and a powerful work of operation upon f the hearts of people. Then my eyes did see a fear ul defection after, procured by our sins, and no more did I wish, before my eyes were closed , but to have seen such f r L a beautiful day. Blessed o evermore be our ord and : Go d King, Jesus and the blessing o”f be upon his Majesty, f 1 and the Lo rd make us thank ul . 1 ’ P n s R ecords . 2 0 eterki , p 5 . J OHNSTON O F W A R R IST O N 67

In one of his letters of this date Baillie expatiates on the turn the tide had taken in the fortunes of the Church with a glow of satisfaction which no doubt reflected the feelings ‘ o f all the Presbyterians in the kingdom : The several c pieces of this heavenly work , whi h God has begun and perfected by the noble spirits o f manie brave men among excellen tlie f us , fitted with gi ts according to the extra ordinary exigents of our time I wish ye had them ’ ‘ ’ well de scryve d. None of the brave men among us ’ had taken a larger part in the work than Baillie s old Warristo n pupil, and would be prominent in his mind when he penned these words . A few months later he wrote to Warristo n urging him to write a narrative of fo r the period, as there was no one fitter the work than ‘ one whom God has enabled in all this cause to do great ’ things .

As the Assemblyrose, the Parliament began to sit . It i e met for the first t me in the present Parliament Hous , which was not happily inaugurated by its proceedings .

Before finishing its formal preliminary business, it was 2 1 6 prorogued to n d June 4 0 . The King had no mind to expedite the business of a Parliament which had been ex pressly called to confirm the deed o f the Assembly in abolishing the bishops . Against the prorogation a protest c c was lodged, in whi h it was ontended that no excuse or occasion had been given fo r it and that it was contrary to

. c Warrist n the Treaty The do ument was prepared by o , and it was he who read it to the House . The prorogation was a glaring breach of faith on the part of the King, and the Covenanters resolved that they would hold him to his covenant . In all their transactions with Charles it is h ard to say whether they showed m o re pains to observe towards him the respect due to a sovereign or to keep him fro m encroaching on the liberties of the

. 1 6 0 D f kingdom So, in the spring of 4 , un ermline and Loudoun were sent to London to vindicate to the King’ s own face the proceedings of the Assembly and the Parlia f ment . Charles re used to hear them ; and on the eve o f their return to Scotland Loudoun was arrested and sent to 68 FAMOUS S COTS

the Tower . It was not so much , however, the errand on which he had come to Court that incensed the King against c him , as the dis overy of a letter which had been drafted before the Bishops ’ War by several of the Scottish leaders c L L in luding oudoun, Rothes, Montrose, and General eslie — h ! n ih whic they made an appeal to Louis III . of Fra ce uh to support them against the Crown . Charles not naturally thought that this dis covery had put it in his power to rid himself at a stroke of all his troubles in connection with the government of Scotland . A charge of treason proved against some of the principal Covenanters would more than turn the balan ce of the grievan ces of c which the Scots omplained, and would serve to alienate the f sympathy of their English riends . SO Charles hoped but he was disappointed . Scotland felt no compunction fo r in the matter, never in its history had its Parliament, c L with whose virtual san tion the nobles approached ouis, f parted with the right to negotiate by itsel , and without the concurrence of the sovereign, with foreign princes, when 1 the nation was threatened with war . Nor would the ’ English people dance to the King s piping . They felt they had m o re to fear from his o wn oppressi ve government f fo e than rom any foreign . — When Parliament met on the day fixed 2n d June 1 64 0 —it was found that the King had once more given orders f r au th en ti o a prorogation, but as these were not formally cate d . the Parliament continued to sit In any case, it would have done so, but the omission made it easier for acificati n it to proceed . The situation since the p o of c Berwi k had been one of veiled hostility to the Crown, but the resolution of Parliament to disregard the King’ s instructions to prorogue w as a critical step towards the renewal of actual war, and was so understood on both sides . The first Act Of the session was to reconstitute th e

Estates , which had hitherto consisted of the Prelates , the

Nobles, and the Burgesses . The Prelates were now ex cluded, but the old number of the Estates was still pre 1 ee o vi . 2 . S Burt n, p. 9 J OHNSTON OF W A RRIST O N 69

served by dividing the second into the greater barons, or nobles , and the lesser barons, or representatives of draw counties . The House then proceeded to up a statement of its grievances against the Crown and to enumerate all the points on which the King had infringed the articles of the recent Treaty . He had violated most of its terms ; he had allowed the action of the Parlia c ment to be aspersed before the English Coun il , and had issued denun ciations of its conduct broadcast among the English people ; and when Commissioners had been Lo i sent to ndon to v ndicate its honour, he had dismissed them and sent one of them to prison . Instead of seeking th e e to preserve peace between two kingdoms, he had don everythin g that was possible to involve them in war. For every one of these charges the Parliament gave chapter and f verse . With war inevitably be ore it, it was determined to clear itself and to lay the entire responsibility on the

King. — The Parliament next transacted its Chief business the — ratification of the Acts o f the Assembly which was carried in every case without opposition . Its last Act was to appoint a Commission o frepresentatives of the three Estates n f to u dertake the government of the country, with ull

powers alike in peace and war . This Commission proved a most potent organ of the will of the nation during the

long period of trouble that was impending. There were two items in the business of this Parliament W rri t which specially concerned a s o n . It voted him a salary 1 0 0 0 0 l of merks a year as Advocate to the Kirk, and 5 merks as Clerk— to be paid out of the Kirk rents of the ‘

late bishoprics . It also gave him a commission in co n n ectio n with the impending war, which showed its sense of the unique service he had rendered to the nation and still 2 th was expected to render . Act 4 of the session was as ‘ follows : And because there will fall out in the camp a n ece ssitie of treaties, consultations , or public declarations, to show ye reason o f ye demands and proceedings in

Assembly and Parliament, and ye prejudices against either esteats o rdean of them, the Master Archibald Johnston , 7 0 FAMO US S COTS

r rato u r p o cu for ye Kirke, as best acquaint with these reasons Excelle n cie L and prejudices , to attend his [General eslie] and to be present at all o ccatio n e s with ye said Co m m ite for ’ 1 their further information and cleerin g thereanent . 1 o Par lia m en t iv . 28 A cts . f , p 4. C H A P T E R !

’ T H E SECOND BI SHOPS WAR

Two months before the meetin g of the Scottish Estates Charles had summoned the English Parliam ent to O btain Of supplies for another invasion Scotland, but it had met his demand for money by a counter demand for better government and he had summarily dismissed it. The temper shown by the Slzo r t P a r lia m en t would have made a wiser ruler pause, but Charles took no warning and went on to raise supplies by his own hand . Strafford and other English nobles gave large sums ; the Irish ’ Straffo rd s c Parliament, through influen e, gave subsidies amounting to the En glish Convocation voted for six years ; and Catholics subscribed so much that the King’ s army was spoken of as the Popish 1 ‘ ’ ‘ e m army . It was, says Carlyl , a ost hopeless army . ‘ They mutinied against their officers in various towns in their march ; if the Clergyman was reported Puritan they c o f c c went and gave him three heers ; if surpli e tenden y, they sometimes threw his furniture out of the window . No fighting against Scotch Gospellers was to be hoped fo r from ’ 2 these men . ‘ The preparation o f the Scots was of a very difl eren t kind . They raised an army of foot and nearly 30 0 0 ho rse m an , every of them with his heart in the business . A quarter of the able- bodied men in every parish were called out ; a tenth of the rents of the whole country was taxed, and the ministers procured voluntary subscriptions . 1 ’ P in ci a Le e s H istor o tb Cb u rclz Scotla n d 2 e o . r p l y f f , II p . 95. 2 ’ a e s Crom w ell i . . 8 . C rlyl , p 3 7 2 FAMOU S S COTS

The capital set a noble example by the promptitude and ‘ ’ . Oft liberali of its contributions tym es , says Baillie, ‘ has that worthy Toune been a good instrument to our c an ause, bot never more seasonable than at this d gerous ’ W rri to WIth L exigent . a s n along Rothes and oudoun made an appeal to the citiz ens for loans of money and also for c material for the army tents ; and Henry Rollo k, one of ‘ sw eetlie the most popular of the ministers, spoke so to the people’ s minds on the Sunday ’ that the women that very afternoon and on the Monday freely brought such store of coarse linen and sheets as almost suffi ced to cover the whole army ; and money on loan poured in so freely that by the Tuesday Warristo n and his colleagues had

in their hands , with promises of more shortly f D ia r — a to ollow . In the last page of his y detached frag ment of not more than thirty or forty lines immediately following the body of the MS . which ends with June 1 639 there are two entries referring to the extraordinary zeal ‘ shown by the city of Edinburgh at this time : Upon o f 1 6 0 k ei e d Sunday, 9 August ( 4 ) thair was p ane solemn ” l fast throw the h aill army and the City of Edg . qk did con tribute much to provide the money and tents . Upon Mo n o da 1 0 y the of August, all the neighbours“being i d in arliat co n ve n e . solemnly , the p house of Edg with Off prayer and exhortation , they er willingly as many par ticu lar sums as amounted to ane hundredth thousand ’ w o n de rfu ll in pounds . This is God s work and our eyes , l qk requires remembrance, thankfulness and dependence ’ on God in neue difficu ltie s. On 20 th August the S cottish army crossed the Tweed at in i c Coldstream h gh spirits, and then mar hed leisurely through Northumberland in three divisions, which kept

. a 8th within easy reach of each other On Thursday, May, i these all met by appo ntment at Newburn , five miles up the

Tyne from Newcastle, where they forced a passage after but a feeble resistan ce on the part of the enemy . Advancing c without interruption , they took possession of New astle, and in a day or two made themselves masters of N o rth u m b erlan d

D u . Y and rham The Royal forces fell back on ork , where the

74 FAMO US S COTS

ten an ce of the Scottish army while it remained in England, L and thereafter adjourned to ondon . The Long Parliament had just assembled and the Scot tish Commissioners were eye- witnesses of the processes by which it abolished one by one the despoti c Acts of Charles and punished the chief abettors of them . In their corre spo n den ce with their friends at home they gave copious expression to the high hopes with which the temper alike Of c the English Parliament and the English people, and espe ially ‘ ’ o f L . h ere the people ondon, filled them All things , wrote l Bail ie, goes on as our heart could wish . We were ex tr am lie c H n e wel ome . u dge things are here in worki g ; the mighty hand of God be about this great work We h Ope this shall be the jo yfu ll harvest of the teares that thir manie n ll ye ares has been sawin in thir ki gdo m es. A here are w ri c ea e of Bishops . We doubt not bot at on e we clea rlie shall have all our demands, for the God of Heaven is in co u rad es daili with us, g e our friends , amazes our enemies ’ c 1 and onfounds them .

The demands were slowly but surely conceded . When c ever the English nobles refused them , the S ottish Com missioners insisted on their consulting the Parliament from which they derived their authority, and the Parliament — it always backed the Scots was their sure refuge . In the course of settling the demands fo r the punishment ff L — of the Incendiaries, Stra ord and aud the two prime ones - f came to be dealt with . The first dra ts of the charges against them were entrusted to Baillie— although he was not on the Commission— and after being submitted to friends in the Commons, were given , one to Alexander Henderson and Warristo n L n al the other to and oudoun , to be put i to fin ‘ fo r form . Both we and the English are panting these ’

. i two processes, says Baillie The Parliament had ntimated that it would delay both trials till the Scottish Com missioners had drawn up their contributions to the indi ctments ; and it had named a particular day fo r these to be given in . We can well believe the chronicler of their proceedings when he tells us they were resolved 1 ’ — ai ie s Letters i . . 2 2 2 . B ll , pp 7 77 J OHNSTON O F WA RR IST O N 7 5 that it would be no fault of theirs if on that day they ’ would not be ‘ in hands with the two principal delin ‘ ’ c c . quents , and espe ially with his little Gra e While in London as one of the Commissioners of the Warristo n Lo rd Treaty, frequently wrote to Balmerino and

other friends in Scotland in regard to the negotiations .

2 th Feb . 1 6 1 In one of his letters to Balmerino, dated 9 4 , he refers to an incident whi ch caused much excitement at the

c c . time , and in onnection with whi h he was much blamed Early in 1 64 1 a rumour went abroad that the Com missioners had been induced by the blandishments of Charles to abandon their charges against Strafford and

Land. Traquair was supposed to have originated it with the Of View making the Commissioners odious to the people, or

if they should repudiate it, odious to the King . The Com

missioners immediately drew up a paper in denial . The

paper was given in to the English Commissioners , and copies of it were printed and affixed in the most public — places b ywhose orders it was not known . The King was ’ c infuriated , and threatened to ancel the Commissioners f - c c sa e conduct. The paper on a count of its a erbity was Warristo n ascribed to , but in his letter to Balmerino he ‘ T O gives a flat denial to the charge . He says : tell you the truth none can justify the printing of it [the Com ’ missioners paper] neither knew I of it ; and albeit the ’ c b e c paper, be ause of its bitterness, alled Johnston s paper, er ever yet it was delivered to the English Commissioners, I i ’ 1 did so much as see t. In the following April Warristo n was much concerned o f c c about the prosecution the S ottish In endiaries, and

espe cially o f Traquair. He and his colleagues were deter Lo rd c mined to bring the Treasurer to justi e, and Charles

was equally determined to bring him off. We have three f an d letters rom his hand, one addressed to Balmerino, the — —m other two both of great length to Adam Hepburn of

m atter. Humbie, in all of which he deals with this In his letter to Balmerino he instructs his lordship how to treat

the counsel engaged for the prosecution of the Incendiaries, 1 ’ H ai e Memo r ia ls s . . 10 . l , II p 7 7 6 FAMOU S S COTS and in doing so makes some observations not flattering to his brothers of the gown . They would need to be handsomely paid beforehand, for if they were not, being ‘ ’ mercenary advocates, Traquair, who was a man of no c ! conscien e, might buy them over No money must be S pared on their retainers, and they must spare no pains f f on their brie s . Were it not that he would be one o the ‘ ’ rim est i l p w tnesses against the accused, he would wil ingly ‘ ’ have been the pursuer himself, and would have thought ‘ ’ it a notable occasion to exp ress afi ectio n to the Cause and 1 Country . In the first of the two letters to Hepburn he refers to the i efforts the King was making to save Traqu a r. Charles wished to bargain for a universal Act of Oblivion , and threat ened that if exceptions were made on the Commissioners’ side, he would insist on making an equal number on his side . ’ In the conjectural list of the King s exceptions Warristo n was certainly believed to be one ; so was Rothes Argyle and Wa t Loudoun were suspected to be others . rris o n urges his friends in Scotland not to give heed to intimidation and ’ T ra u air s to insist on q punishment, whatever might be the consequence to himself and the others who were threatened ‘ r by the King . I say and w ite to you from the bottom of e i c h my heart, that befor the Parl ament of S otland were t us frustrated and boasted [intimidated] from their pursuit of c In endiaries I will rather be content, for myself, this

- night to be laid in the Gate house, and let them do with ’ 2 me to morrow what they pleased . n Warristo n In his second letter to Hepbur , reports a private interview he had with the King on the same busi ness . Charles would stomach no exceptions to the Act of : Oblivion ; if any were made, he would retaliate and Warristo n was as determined that the S cottish Parliament o n Should defy his threats and go with the prosecution . ‘ ’ ‘ Since my writing my last, he says, with this same bearer cca and closing it yesternight, I had o sion this morning to

. f c i speak with M and a ter, by his advi e, with the K ng, to whom I told my mind freely of the dangers and in co n 1 ’ 2 H ai Mem or ia ls . . 1 1 . I bid . 120. les , II p 7 . p J OHN STON O F W A R RIST O N 7 7

n i n ce s ve e he might draw on himself, by discussing his actions c rac and for ing men, for their defence, to look over old p ex on era vi a n im a m m ea m tiques , not so expedient for him ; fo r to him , and that others , because as for myself, I told him that I defied all the world that could lay to my charge any treasonable intention against his person and crown, and renewed my offer to go in chains with any accuser to ’ Scotland . On the same day the King met with all the Com c missioners to dis uss the Treaty . He spoke of taking th e payment of their war expenses into his own hands— for Warristo n the purpose, as thought, of breeding jealousy between them and the English Parliament — and also of paying a Visit to S cotland and attending the meeting

. A c of the Parliament there Then, turning to the t ‘ c of Oblivion , he cried and swore, that if they ex epted ' ’ War t n any he would except some also . ris o regarded this as an empty threat, neither did he believe that the King meant to go to Scotland ; and he urged his friends in the Parliament to do their duty fearlessly in c bringing the Incendiaries , and espe ially Traquair, to 1 justice . Warristo n was mistaken in supposing that Charles had really no intention to visit Scotland . He did visit it, as we shall see, and attended the meeting of the Parliament that th e c dealt with In endiaries, and through his personal influence saved Traquair and others from the extreme measures which the Parliament was prepared and indeed actually resolved to take against them .

The Treaty, which granted all the demands of the th 1 6 1 Covenanters, was ratified on 7 August 4 . Their invasion of England cost them little and it accomplished c much . It se ured every immediate object for which it was undertaken and gave them a triumph over the Kin g at every ‘ ’ point. So long as our lads sat on at Newcastle the

English Commons sat on at Westminster, secure from all interference from the King, to grant the Scots all they e sought in order to retriev their constitutional rights . 1 ’ H ai s M emoria ls . 22 le , II 4. 7 8 FAMOUS S COTS

i When Charles provoked the nvasion, he dealt a fatal blow f to his own power in both kingdoms . In the interest o w keeping up the Scottish bishops, he thre away his throne ‘ L . c and his life We annot do without them , the Philistines ’ fo r — are too strong us , so said Strode one of the five

members of the Commons whom Charles, on J anuary 1 6 2 w — f 4 , went do n in person to the House to arrest o m the Scottish army in Northu berland . The support of the English Parliam entar y party by S cotland not only ’ L f tied the King s hands in the ong Parliament, but a ter c wards, when he ame to wage war with the Parliament, c c c and when the struggle rea hed its most riti al stage, turned the tide against him and overwhelmed him with

disaster. L c While in ondon, negotiating the Treaty, the S ottish Commissioners and the ministers who accompanied them used their time in cultivating the friendship of leading

members of the popular party, both in Church and State, and in promoting a permanent union between the forces of Scottish Presbyterianism and English Puritanism on the basis of a common ecclesiastical policy in the two king

doms . In this they made such progress that when the c i criti al period in the Civ l War arrived, they, for the sake

of bringing it to a consummation , persuaded their nation o f to join its arms to those their friends in England . It was largely their own fault that they did not ultimately succeed ; it was their own intolerance that gave strength to the Independents in the English Parliamentary party it was the fear expressed by Milton that ‘ New Presbyter ’ would be but Old Priest writ large, that led Cromwell and

the strongest of the Puritans to oppose their programme . When we know what was thought and said about the c en Independents by the S ottish ministers, when they in L countered them ondon, when we read the discussions in the General Assembly at this period in regard to the lawfulness of private meetings of Christian people for

the purpose of mutual exhortation , we do not wonder that the Presbyterians roused such a determined resistance to

their supremacy . Meanwhile, however, they had good J OHNSTON OF WA RR IST O N 79

grounds for the hopes they so warmly cherished ; and the demand made and granted in the Treaty just concluded in L f ondon, that the two kingdoms should seek uni ormity in o f i religion as the basis a last ng peace, seemed to be fairly

on the way of realisation. C H A P T E R ! I

’ T H E KI N G S VI SI T O F R ECO N C I LIAT I ON T O SCOT LAN D

’ T HE Treaty was no sooner concluded and Leslie s army on

its way home than Charles set out for Scotland . He 1 1 arrived in the capital on 4th August 64 1 . The General

Assembly had just risen , but Parliament was in session . ’ The King s object plainly was to alienate its support fro m

the English Parliament. He could not have been more

complacent than he was on every hand during this Visit . He attended the Presbyterian service in the Abbey Church which was conducted by the distinguished minister who Warristo n projected the Covenant conjointly with , and

who, as Moderator, was mainly responsible for the defiance

of his authority by the Glasgow Assembly. At the first

meeting of Parliament at which he was present, he made i i a grac ous speech, in wh ch he declared that his purpose in coming to his native kin gdom was to end the unhappy differences between himself and his subjects and to give f them content and general satis action . He attended Parlia f ment day a ter day, spoke frequently and for the most part

in a friendly spirit, and eagerly gave the Royal sanction to erson n el its Acts . The p of the Government underwent such ’ al c a change, with the King s approv , as takes pla e now when those who o ccupy the front bench of the Opposition pass ’ n over to the Treasury bench . The Ki g s complian ce with the national will was received with enthusiasm by a people who were never slow to recognise gracious acts on the part ’ of their sovereign . The change in Charles temper and

policy, however, was too sudden and violent, and had too evident a motive in the straits of his government in England, 80

82 FAMOUS SCOTS

. to o was bound to follow the advice of the Estates Here, , Warristo n O led the pposition to the King, and in one of c ff c the dis ussions on the question, took part with such e e t that he virtually settled it . On this o ccasion he gave the Parliament a like surprise to that whi ch he had given the General Assembly in Glasgow when he laid its lost minutes on the table of the House . He had justified the claim of the Parliament on the ground that it was in accordance c i with an ient constitutional usage . The King den ed this Warristo n him usage, when referred to the Records . Now Charles had only too good reason for believing that these c were not in existen e, knowing as he did that they had D u n been given by his father James V I . to one Hay of li f ferm n e o r . the purpose of being destroyed Hay, how

- ever, had put them away in his charter chest, and it so Warristo n c c i happened that , in conne tion with some iv l c c case, had had occasion to sear h the hest, and had come ’ upon the State documents . Great was Charles astonish ment and m o rtificatio n when on his challenging the exist 1 Warri sto n . ence of the Records , produced them The claim made by the Parliament was carried out in the appointment of leading Covenanters to high O ffices of state and in the honours that were be stowed upon others of their number. Argyle was raised to the dignity of a Marquis ; Leslie was created Earl of Leven Loudoun received the Chan cellorship ; and Warristo n was knighted and made a ffi c Lo rd of Session . There was a more coveted o e to which c f he was nearly appointed at this time , and whi h he a ter f wards filled . The blue riband of his pro ession was the z Lord Clerk Registership, and the most ealous of the Covenanters and all the Estates wished to bestow it u pon ‘ him as a reward for his great and v e rie h appie laboures in a f the St te he was , however, passed over in avour of Gibson D l o f of urie , the King being strong y in favour the latter, and e o f Argyle also, to the surpris many supporting his candida Wa rristo n ture . The Marquis had had a tussle with in the Parliament over a proposal made by the latter to return

Commissioners from the Ge neral A ssem b lyto the Legislatur e. 1 ’ W dro w s A n a lecta . . 2 1 . o , II p 9 J OHNSTON O F W AR RIST O N 83

‘ Argyle opposed it with sto rm e as m ak ein g way fo r church ’ ’ men s voices in Parliament, and in doing so was undeniably ’ more in accord with the Church of Melville s day than i n w as Warr sto . Whether there some alienation or irrita

m e . tion between the two, at this ti , we do not know At one of the diets of the Parliament Warristo n presented ’ c c a petition for exoneration , as it was called, in onne tion with the performance of the duties with which he had been entrusted as Commissioner in attending the army and taking I n part in the negotiations fo r the Treaty . the petition he ‘ prays : That as it hath pleased the Lord who is the framer and searcher of hearts to mak it my greatest desire in this lyfe to be in any degree according to my weakness the meanest instrument o f his service in this great work fo r the gude of the Kirk and State before I retire to m y private affaires and calling fro m the which thir four yeire s I tin u allie fro m have been co n distracted, I may obtain his gracious Ma/ and your H e an exoneration of that charge and an approbation of my former cariage to be jo yn e d to ’ c c f an inward testimonie of good cons ien e be ore God . The Parliament made handsome acknowledgment of the way in which he had discharged his stewardship : He heath in all fide litie caire and diligence behaved himself in ye fo irsaid

employment, charge, and trust, as ane loyall subject to ye ’ 1 King and true patriot to his country . He was at the same time appointed one o f the Commissioners for conserving

the recent Treaty with England . In the beginning of the chapter reference was made to certain inauspicious events whi ch happened towards the ’ c c ff c close of the King s Visit and undid all its on iliatory e e ts .

Those were the intrigues of Montrose and others, adherents Cu mbern a u ld B a n d of the , against the Covenanters , the plot to deport Argyle and Hamilton fro m the kingdom I n ciden t — the , as it was called and above all, the Irish

m . fi rebellion and assacres In the rst two the King, in the c popular belief, was impli ated . They were construed as art c c c n p of a poli y he had planned in oming to S otla d, which was to seize the moment when the fears of the nation 1 A cts Pa r lia m en t 6 Gb b 6 1 2 1 of , v. 7 , , 0 9 . 84 FAMO US S COTS

would be disarmed by his surrender to its demands, for laying hands on leading patriots and certain influential nobles who though no Covenanters were in disfavour with the Court, and getting the army, with Montrose at its head , into his own power. But it was the last of these events c that did most to turn the visit, whi h the King made for the purpose of detaching the Scots from their English m o r allies, into the means of binding the two e closely together . The tidings from Ireland spread a panic through both kingdoms , which was due not merely to the blood curdling tale of the atrocities perpetrated by the rebels , but c c o f also to the suspi ion of compli ity on the part the King . The leader o f th e rebellion de clared in a proclamation he ’ issued that he was acting by the Kin g s instructions and for the purpose of restoring his authority in England an d that he had a commission under the Great Seal of Scotland . What degree of truth there was in his assertions it is impossible to discover . No one holds that the King was directly responsible for the massacres . But did he instigate the rising of the Irish Papists at the risk of the butchery ’ that followed ? Writing o f the commission O Neil profes sed ‘ : to have received from the King, Burton says By some writers the commission has been cas t aside as a forgery so obviously inconsistent with the surrounding conditions that its rejection requires no support from criticism . But this is a matter open to differences of opinion and any one con versant with the do cuments of the time could point to papers n of undoubted authenticity, issued by the Ki g, of a nature ’ 1 more inconsistent and surprising than this commission . c It did not need, however, su h dark imputations on the King’ s honour to lead the Scots to cleave to their English friends . In the late war, Charles had raised a large force c of Irish Papists to invade S otland, and that act was too recent and had impressed the nation too strongly with his fi c unscrupulousness, not to be suf ient, when taken in d connection with the events in Irelan , to make the Scots more anxious than ever for the continuance of the English alliance. 1 o vi Burt n, . p. 344 . JOHNSTON OF WAR R IST O N 85

c Since the con lusion of the Treaty, the friends of freedom in the two cou ntries had taken measures to maintain

correspondence with one another. In the General Assembly — 1 — held in July of this year 64 1 at St . Andrews in the first : instance and then adjourned to Edinburgh, friendly letters

were received from English Puritan ministers , and on

these being submitted, the Moderator, Alexander Henderson, moved the House to prepare a platform fo r religious con formity with England to consist of a common catechism fo r and confession, a common directory worship, and a

comm on form of Church government . Parliamentary correspondence was also established between the two

countries . At the meeting of the Estates, Commissioners

had appeared from the English Commons, and the courtesy was reciprocated by the appointment of S cottish Com

missioners to attend at Westminster. It is significant of the temper o f the Estates that all Of these were men on whom they could most certainly count not to be compliant with Warri to n the King ; and s was of the number. C H A P T E R ! I I

T HE S OLEMN LEAGUE A ND C OVE NAN T

— — I N the following year 1 64 2 the quarrel between the King and th e English Parliament came to a head an d issued in

civil war. It was felt by both parties that Scotland would th e play a decisive part in struggle, and each did the utmost

to gain her support . From the first there was little doubt

as to the side she would espouse . She had no trust in

Charles, and was convinced that if he crushed the forces of the Parliament the loss of her dearly recovered liberties h e i would inevitably follow. S knew she had noth ng to l fear from the opposite event . No one be ieved that the

Parliament, however powerful, would do anything to hurt

her. The only point that was open to question was whether it would satisfy her aspirations for uniformity in

religion by adopting the Presbyterian system in England . Even in regard to this the Parliament had given good fo r n grounds hope by its legislation agai st the bishops, as well as by its correspondence on the subject with the Scots

themselves . ’ Charles visit to S cotland was followed by unrelaxing efforts on his part to prevent h er joining the forces of the c L Parliament. In the month of May he ommanded oudoun,

the Chancellor, to call the Council together to draw up a c n remonstran e for presentatio to the Parliament, setting

forth all the wrongs it had done to his prerogative . Warris ih L ton , who was ondon at the time, went down to

Edinburgh , at the request of the Parliament, in order to defeat the scheme . A paper which he wrote and published under the title of A Letter to a F r ien d had great influence 86 J OHN STON OF WA RRIST O N 87

’ n with the country in rousi g opposition to it . The King s

party was very confident, and flocked to the capital to support its friends in the Council in carrying out the Royal injun ction but they were so overmatched alike in n umber and resolution by their opponents— for the most part gentle men and ministers from Fife and the Lothians— that the

remonstrance had to be dropped .

. 2 th The General Assembly met at St Andrews on 7 July, within a month of the day the King raised his standard at Nottingham, and had placed before it letters from a Puritan ministers in England and from the P rliament, and also a very gracious message fro m the King— all

fo r . f bidding its support The House, in ace of a passionate L protest from the ord High Commissioner, answered its c th e English friends in the most ordial terms, and at same c i time resolved to suppli ate the K ng for peace . At a Commission of the Assembly whi ch met in the autumn c f th e replies were re eived rom King and the Parliament . Charles would go no further than promise to consider the desires of the Assembly ; and he warned it against cherishing hopes of those who had no more love for Presbytery than

fo r c c . they had Epis opa y The Parliament, on the other hand , promised all that was asked , and gave an earnest of it there and then by abolishing the bishops . f o f c th e When the ortunes war, towards the lose of year, ’ turned in favour of the King, the Parliament, on Pym s c fo r motion, sent a de laration with request help to the Scots . c c fro m This was met by a ounter de laration Charles . The ff Scottish Council met, and after a sti debate, in which ‘ ’ Lanark [the Marquis Of Hamilton s brother and th e Secretary of State] and Argyle let fly at ane another for a ’ ’ while with much eagerness, agreed to publish the King s d ’ eclaration and withhold the Parliament s . It was feared o f by the Covenanters that this Act the Council, which had been passed through mismanagement on the part of their own leaders, would wound their friends in the English

Parliament ; but in the end it did good rather than harm . ‘ ’ ‘ It was, says Baillie, a trumpet that wakened us all out of a deep sleep . It was feared that the next step of the 88 FAMOU S S COTS

Council would be to rai se an army for the King . This put us all agast for we were feared that the first action of such an Ar m ie might have been the knocking down our best ’ 1 a patriots . A l rge number of the leading Covenanters from c all parts, and espe ially from Fife, rushed to Edinburgh and brought such influence to bear upon the Council that it was not only deterred from takin g any fresh step in favour i c c of the K ng, but was compelled to an el that which it had ’ t taken at the previous meeting . The King s par y having failed to induce the Council to support the Royal cause in a England, now sought to pledge it at least to abst in from Cross Petitio n supporting the Parliament, and got up a , as it was called , in favour of this compromise . Thereupon the Commissioners of the Church took what Baillie calls th e ‘ ’ most pere m pto r and extraordinary step of issuing a declaration against the petition to be read from all the ‘ u n ctu all O pulpits and he adds , this is lyke to get p bedi ’ ence by all the ministers of the land . There could be no question that Scotland was very decidedly throwin g its influence on the side of the Parliament at a moment when h e al the fortunes of t Civil War were trembling in the b ance. The action of the Commissioners sealed the fate of the compromise. While the Covenanters were evidently prepared to draw t the sword on the side of the Parliament, they were reluc ant to do so until they had exhausted every effort to persuade the King to yield to its demand for the abolition o f the bishops . Accordingly a Commission of mediation was c appointed, omposed of representatives of the Estates and Commissioners of the Church . The Commission Y 1 6 approached the King at ork in February 4 3, and the treatment its members received from Charles himself and f those who were about him, and rom the people of the city, did not win favour for his cause when it was reported in ‘ an . Scotland . None durst shew them y sensible favour In the streets and from the windows they were continually reviled by all sorts of people ; and by their secret friends were de syred to look to their persons as if from stabbing 1 ’ Bai e s Letters 11 . . 8. lli , p 5

90 FAMOUS S COTS how willing we are to redeem them with our lifes yow shall ’ hear . The suggestion is that the Parliament feared it might have to pay too great a price fo r Scottish suppo rt by the acceptance of Presbytery, and that it wished that whatever the Scots did might be of their o wn resolve . in Very soon, however, the Parliament gratified its friends the North by a direct appeal for help . The General 2n th Assembly m et on the d August, and on the 7 L Commissioners from the Parliament arrived at eith . ’ c These in luded Sir Henry Vane the younger, Milton s o f friend and the subject one of his sonnets, and two — notable ministers Marshall and Nye . Their commission gave them full power to treat with the Assembly. They pre c sented a de laration of both Houses of Parliament, setting f c forth their desire to re orm religion , of whi h they had given proof by abolishing the bishops, and suggesting that the Assembly should appoint some of its members to join with their divines for that end . They also presented two — c letters one from the Westminster Assembly, whi h had been in session for some weeks, inviting the Court to send representatives to take part in its labours, the other from

r n . seventy of the Puritan ministers, earnestly ent eati g help

When the latter was read, it drew tears from many eyes . Reports were abroad that Bristol had been taken and that the King was likely to march to London : it was one of the most depressed moments in the fortunes of the

Parliament . A Committee was appointed to negotiate with the English

Commissioners . In the Committee there was a general ff c desire to go to the help of Parliament, the only di eren e between the members being as to how they were to do it. Should they go as mediators or as supporters of the Parliament ? Warristo n by his passionate pleading won the day for the latter course . As Pym was the prime mover in England in proposing the alliance between the Wa rristo n arms of the Parliament and those of Scotland, so was the principal man in bringing Scotland to conclude it :

- together these two were the authors of this master stroke . ’ ‘ ‘ van itie Warristo n his alone , says Baillie, did shew the J OH NSTON OF W AR R IST O N 9 1 of that motion [to go as mediators] and the im po ssibilitie f ’ o it .

The English Commissioners were for a civil league, but gave way to the Assembly ’ s preference for a religious covenant . The Moderator, Alexander Henderson , framed O a draft of a covenant, but it did not allow an pen enough door for Independency to suit the taste of the Com missioners . Here again , however, they had to give way ’ f and accept Henderson s draft . A Committee o the Estates f sitting at the time also gave its assent . The dra t was w then brought before the Assembly itself, here it was ‘ re caived with the greatest applause that ever I saw in w h e artie ff c anything, ith so a e tion , expressed in the tears ’ 1 f ri o ve e Old . pitie and joy by manie grave, wise and men ’ f Henderson s _dra t became, with little alteration , the final L form of the Solemn eague and Covenant . The Committee of Estates immediately issued a pro clamation publishing the document that was to be the instrument of u niting the national forces to those of the f English Parliament, and calling out all encible men between sixteen and sixty to form an army to co -operate with its allies on the southern side of the Border . This International Covenant was fashioned on the model of the Scottish National Covenant and the mighty part the latter had played in the recovery of Scottish liberty became a powerful motive in inducin g the English

Parliament to adopt the former. When Henderson and Warristo n f e , only five years be or , projected the National c Covenant , they ould scarcely have anticipated that within so short a time it would have such a tremendous effect on i the destinies of the two k ngdoms . The Solemn League and Covenant bound those who swore to it to seek the preservation of the reformed religion in Scotland and the reformation of religion in the other two kingdoms in doctrine, worship, and government, according to the Word of God, and the example of the best ’ f r c M r a r s l . a e t re o med chur hes It was sworn at St. g , 2 th 1 6 Westminster, on 5 September 43, by the Parlia 1 a i i 0. B ll e, II . p. 9 FAMOU S SCOTS

ment, the Scottish Commissioners, and the Westminster

Divines . There is no doubt that the Scots expected that their own Church would be the model on which the English Chu rch c : would be reconstru ted at the same time, the document itself did not go that length, and both parties were quite aware that it left some open questions . C H A P T E R X I I I

T HE WEST MIN ST ER ASSEMBLY

I T will be convenient to embrace in one chapter all that we

have to say about this famous Convocation , though it was prolonged through the years and much involved in the political events with which th e next two chapters are o ccu

pied . The Assembly was called by the authority of the “ 1 2th e 1 6 English Parliament under an ordinance of Jun 4 3, I st and was appointed to meet on July . It was convened for the purpose of settling the government and worship of the Church of England and declaring its doctrine ; but in the month of October its commission was enlarged so as to carry out the object of the Solemn League and Covenant and prepare a common platform in religious matters for the

three kingdoms . Parliament was to submit to the Assembly

all the questions to be discussed , and it reserved the right

of final adjudication on them . It nominated the members 1 1 1 2 1 1 0 5 in all, of whom were divines, members of the

L 20 . ords, and members of the Commons The Scottish , Commissioners when they joined the Assembly chose to l in de en d- 1 deliberate, without voting, so as to preserve their p ence of the English Parliament and treat with it as the

representatives o f their own kingdom .

Of the divines returned to the Assembly, all but a few

were Presbyterians of a more or less pronounced type, so

that they had an overwhelming vote . But the minority, by — n their pre emi ent ability, made up for the smallness of their

. Of Dr numbers There were the Erastians, two whom , . John L ightfoot and Thomas Coleman, were among the greatest

Oriental scholars of their day ; while their leader, Selden , 93 94 FAMO US SCOTS was powerful enough of himself to make his party respected in the Assembly . His erudition was unsurpassed among his contemporaries ; he had taken an active part in public affairs for a quarter of a century ; he was a skilful contro v ersialist and he thre w himself with all his strength into — the debates . There were the Independents all men of c c c high character, passionate convi tion , and great apa ity. ’ D r Their leaders were . Thomas Goodwin, Cromwell s c in favourite prea her, and perhaps the weightiest theologian the Assembly, and Philip Nye, who though a divine had c f - a great reputation as an a tive and ar seeing politician . The Independents h a l the support of Sir Henry Vane the f — a c i younger, a man of lo ty spirit and aims do tr naire, it is true, and with little constructive power, but, as Cromwell c found to his cost, stubborn in resisting any poli y that did not accord with his ideals . There were many in the majority alam who were men of distinction, such as C y, and Marshall, and Reynolds, and Vines, and Whitaker, but they were not f o . s the equals those who led the minority Be ides, in the

Parliament, which gave final judgment on all questions , the r strength of the parties was reversed . There the E astians and Independents were most powerful, and their po wer increased as time went on . The English Commons were determined not to transfer the supremacy it had just wrested from one section of the clergy to the hands of another section . c The S ottish Commissioners were Alexander Henderson , D Samuel Rutherford, Robert Baillie, Robert ouglas , and — Warristo n Ge orge Gillespie ministers ; and , the Earl of Lo rd — D k Cassilis, and Maitland afterwards the infamous u e — L . c of auderdale elders Gillespie was their hief debater, and the renown he won in the Assembly is one of the c c proudly herished traditions of the S ottish Church . His colleagues spoke in the most glowing terms of the prowess he d i splayed when matched against the ablest of his antagonists — when crossing swords with the illustrious ’ c Selden himself. None in all the Conferen es, wrote their ‘ m o re most diligent penman , did reason more and perti d accu rate lie n en tlie . He has stu ied so all the points J OHN STON OF WAR R IST O N 95

c A sse m blie o ever yet ome to an he has gotten so r adie, so o f assured , so solid a way publick debating, that however A se m b lie there be in the s divines very excellent men, yet in ratio n allie my judgment, there is not one that speaks more ’ 1 and to the point than that brave youth has ever done . Warristo n was the only elder among the representatives

who took part in the discussions . He took his seat in the 1 6 f Assembly early in 44, but his attendance was o ten interrupted by the calls made upon him for public service ‘ ’ of another kind . We got good help of him , however, when he was present . Though the Assembly had a formidable mass of work before it, it could not be blamed for perfunctoriness in the f f way in which it performed any part O it . It sat o r over f five years, and thrashed out pain ully every question that o f gam e before it . The length the discussions outwore the c patience of the Scots, who were not una customed to pro lixity in their own Church Courts . They can put nothin g to any point, either in Church or State ; we are vexed and overwearied with their w ayes. Nothing in any A ssem b lie that ever was in the world except Trent like to them . If our n eighb o u res at Edinburgh tasted the sauce wherein L we dip our venison at ondon , their teeth would not water ’ 2 f . so ast to be here, as some of them doth The discussions connected with the symbolical books — the Confession of Faith and the Cate chism with the Dire c

tory of Worship and the Metrical Version of the Psalms , were tedious enough but it was when the Independent and o n — Erastian controversies were entered when the cru cial . questions o f the method of Church government and the ] autonomy of the Church came before the Assembly that

the sharpest and most prolonged debates arose . In these debates the two parties put forth all their strength ; and the heat o f the controversy within the Assembly was intensi fi ed by the imported arguments of a great army of c pamphleteers on both sides throughout the ountry . At first the Scottish Commissioners were in no haste to bring

these questions on , but rather sought to postpone them . 1 i i 1 a e . 1 1 1 [ bid 11. 16 20 B ll , II pp. 9, 59. pp . 4, 7 . 96 FAMOUS S COTS

They were looking forward to Leslie’ s army assisting their dialectic : the more indispensable it made itself to the a Parliament ry cause, the more likely they were to pre ff vail in the Assembly . But with a di erent calculation of the effe cts which the progress of the Civil War would have O l on the issue , neither were their pponents unwi ling to put o ff the main questions . They knew their strength in the

Parliament, and they believed that time was on their side . In the end the Scottish Commissioners came to be as much fo r fo r expedition as at first they had been delay, and the pages o fBaillie abound in pathetic lamentations over the time ‘ consumed by the bi ckerings and strange ruggings between the Presbyterians and ‘ the chiefs of the wild and monstrous ’ people, as he terms the Independents in the Assembly . There were two occasions in which Warristo n took a prominent part in the business of the Assembly . One was when the minority proposed that an Act for the toleration of Independency should be procured in the Co m mons before the question of the government of the Church was settled . The proposal roused the strong opposition of the

Presbyterians, who regarded it as an attempt to limit the original remit to the Assembly, and as a notice on the part of the minority that they would not accept its decision f unconditionally . The matter was re erred to a Committee, of which the Scottish Commissioners were members, and all of them stoutly resisted the proposal my Lord Chan cello r L s aite [ oudoun] with a p [torrent] of divine eloquence, Warristo n r s with the sha p point of manifold argument , ’ 1 Maitland , Mr . Henderson , Mr . Gillespie and all . The other occasion was in the Assembly itself and at a c O f late stage in its ourse, when one the most important discussions in its history took place over an ordinan ce of the Parliament which had been procured through the o f pressure the minority, for the purpose of setting up a body of Civil Commissioners in each county as a Court of c c c Appeal from the Chur h Courts in ases of dis ipline . The ordinance was keenly resented by the Presbyterians as an S ri encroachment of the civil power on the pi tual, and the 1 a i i 2 B ll e, II . p. 37 .

98 FAMOU S SCOTS

thoughts o fwhat Is before you . In my judgment that 15 before you which con cerns Christ and these kingdoms most and above c th e c f all, and whi h will be hie est means to end or continue I can these troubles . never be persuaded that they were raised or will be calmed upon th e settling o f civil rights and riv iled e s o f P p g , either King or arliament, whatsoever may seeme I to be our present success . But am confident they have a f fo r — higher rise rom above, the highest end the settling the crown o f Christ in this island to be pr0pa gat from island to continent . U ntill King Jesus be set down on his thr one with ’ c h is I c c his s eptre in hand, do not expe t God s pea e, and so no solid peace from man in these k i n gdo m e s ; but that sove ra ign e truth being established a desirable peace will be found f ‘ to ollow y . upon . ‘ all e rie Sir, Christians are bound to give testimony to ve truth when they a re called to it ; but ye ar the immediat — ’ servants o f the Most High Christ s preco n es and heralds f c 18 c m h is r h is whose propper un tion to pro lai name, prese ve offi ces and assert h is rights . Christ h a s h a d many testimonies gi ven to his prophetical and priestly Offi ce by th e pleading and suffering o f his sa in cts ; and In thir latter da yes he seems to sam n e ffi A require the y into his kingly o ce . king loves testi mony to his cro w n e best o f any as that which is tenderest to ’ h im : and confessors or m artyres fo r Christ s cro w n e ar the most royal and most stately o f any state martyrs fo r alth ough ’ o f d Christ s kingdom be not this worl , and his servants did not f ff fight there or when he wes to su er ; yet it is in this world,

fo r h e . and this end was born And to this end, that we may

r . give a testimony to the truth amongst others, were we bo n B ut In c l e th w ho a pe uliar way it y upon you, sir, hes both your c f m r fo r alling ro Ch ist it, and at the same time a parti cular “ h1 ° f It . . i calling rom man . is that W the hon houses requ res c fro m c l c th e and expe ts you, espe ia ly at su h a time when

o f . v e rie settlement religion depends y upon , and when it is the

m . A n d controversie o f the ty e . the civil magistrates not c f av e rre th e only all you be ore them to truth thereon, but also to give you good examples comes befor yow out o f th e tender o f ‘ c dutie th e o f ness y . ivil trust and to maintain priviledge P fo r c i arliament by the Covenant, and respe t to you to g ve a o f c testimony asserting y . ivil rights and priviledge, and to forewarn you lest you break the samen and In curre civil pre

i . c z e allo u s mun res Sir, this should tea h us to be as tender, , and c f l] c are u to assist Christ and his Chur h, their priviledge and right that Christ lives and reigns alone over and in his J OHN STON OF W AR RIST O N 99

c cc Chur h, and will have all done therein a ording to his word i o v er h is and will, and that he has g ven no supreme headship

Ch u I ch P o e K i n o r P a r li a m en t w b a tsoev er . to any p , g ‘ f o f Sir, ye ar o ten desired to remember the bounds your o m m Issio n f c : I c rom man , and not to ex eed the samen am confident you will make as much conscience not to be deficient in the discharge o f your com mission from Christ . Wee f c c c must not be ore men min e, hold up, on eal, prudentially waive anything necessary fo r this testi mony nor qui t one ’

f o f . hoo e, or edge away an hemme Christ s robe royal ‘ T ru el si r I c i n y, , am onfident ye will never be love with a peaceable and external possession that may be granted to th e ’ l di la im c co n cea e sc e . Chur h, as to , , or invert your Master s right th e c fo r c c c That were to lose substan e the ir umstan e, to disserve and dethrone Christ, to serve yourselves and enthrone others in h is c . c o f c o f pla e Sir, we may heare mu h brea h priviledge Le and covenant in relation to civile rights. t us remember in th e f c Covenant the three ends in the title and pre a e, three h h ff h t e t e c t e c . maine duties in body, and three e e ts in lose T h e Covenant began with the advancement and ends with th e enlargement o f th e k in gdo m e o f Christ as th e substantiell and ’ f T h e c o fth e I s overword o the whole. first arti le sevin Christ s c di es do m i n ica In th e in D o mi o arti le, lyke week, all the rest ar n in a su b r i a ta sub o rd t . o d n n on re na n t. and y unto, and p g ’ Christ s throne is highest and h is priviledge supreme as only o f h is c m a r king and head Chur h, albeit kings and go st ate s

I n . Is SO may be members it . it small a thing to have the s w o rde th at they must have the keyes also ? Qu a e D en s sejzcnx it ho m o n e yn nga t. . ‘ I i c h Sir, w ll only lose t is by reminding you o ftwo passages o f o f H o f h e your letter, sent by orders the ouse Commons to t Generall Assembly o f the Church o f Scotland that ye will sett out such a dis cipline as to th e utmost o f your power ye m ay th e th e c h is In exalt Christ, only lord over Chur h, own house, h is f c c c v i r i n all o fi es, and present this Chur h as a hast g e to f r Christ . An d o this end that ye were not restrained by the H u th e ouses in your votes and resolutions, nor bound p to o f c In i sense others , nor to arry on privat designes an e servile way but by your oath new formed against all fettering o fyour ’ . b cc th e H judgments, and engaged y y a ordingto ouses desire, fre e do m e c th e i o f c c c to use all be oming integr ty your ons ien e, o f c an f c weight the ause, d the gravity and honour o su h an ’ Assembly. In these words Warristo n rang out in the presence of the I OO FAMO US S COTS

English divines and representatives of the English Parlia ment those claims of the Church of Christ to self-govern i ment and independence of the civil authority wh ch, from a the days of Melville to those of Ch lmers, have been so effectively and persistently declared on the floor of the ’ General Assembly. The King s headship over the Church , e was which up to this p riod scarcely questioned in England, e had never for a moment b en admitted in Scotland . And while we believe that what is now known as the Volun tary principle is the only one that conserves the Spiritual authority i of the Church, and that the posit on of all Presbyterians who claim or accept a legal establishment for their Church

is incompatible with that authority, we must remember i are e that final pr nciples not reach d in a day, and we must honour those who moved in the direction of them and a made the roads by which we h ve reached them . The Presbyterians in the end carried the day in the

Assembly, the adoption of their system passed the Parlia an d O ment, a beginning was made with its actual peration in L h ff London and ancas ire . There was one di erence, how we ar ever, bet en the new government which P liament enacted for the English Church and the government of the Scottish Church ; in the former all the ecclesiastical Courts were

to be controlled by the Parliament . That was a vital ff di erence . The opponents of Presbytery might have said of the addition it made to the power of the Sta te the !’ little more, and how much it is and the Presbyterians, of the subtraction it made from the liberty of the Church ‘ t the lit le less, and what worlds away a The victory of the Presbyteri ns was only, after all, an

academic one . A greater power had arisen in the country

than the Parliament, and one that was hostile to their aims . The great struggle the nation was pas sin g through had roused too strong a passion for lib erty in those who had felt the tyranny of the hierarchy to allow them willingly to f f replace it by any en orced uni ormity in religion . They could not return to any system that would repress individual i freedom in rel gious thought and life. There is no doubt that what led the Erastians and the Independents to offer

1 0 2 FAMOU S S COTS a lib ertie for all religions without exception and he adds that he would leave it to his friends to perceive from that design of the enemy what need he and his brethren in London had of their prayers ! The English Presbyterians were of the same mind as Baillie . Their London ministers ‘ ’ 1 6 declared in 45 we detest and allow no such toleration . a It was in the army, and especially among the Ironsides , th t the new force o f Dissent was strongest ; and it was to protect these honest men from the imposition of the Cove nant that their Chief made his resolute stand against the

new uniformity . He and those who stood with him in the — same spirit need no Vindication at our hands they were

the truest friends of every right interest, alike of Church

and State, both in England and Scotland .

At the same time, it is only fair to the Presbyterians to allow that they saw a real danger in a heterogeneous in i k national Church, and that they were right th n ing that as soon as the government of the nation was settled

such a Church would fall in pieces , and the ancient Church with its attractions of historical prescription and

orderliness be welcomed again by the English people . Whether Presbyterianism as a via m edia could have maintained itself in the land and gradually weaned the people from Episcopacy and secured their permanent

attachment, is a question we need not discuss . In any case the English Dissenters could not do other than they did ; and they are to be honoured with all those who have promoted freedom by refusing an immediate and a partial

Victory for a distant, but when it came a more complete

and more permanent, triumph . The Scottish Presbyterians

lost nothing by their failure . In assisting those who at the

time disappointed them , they helped the growth in the neighbouring kingdom of that section of the nation which ultimately deposed the dynasty that had so long menaced i c the liberties of the r own Chur h and kingdom , and which has ever since shown the warmest sympathy with all that

has been best in the religious and political life of Scotland .

We have only dealt, as was our purpose, with the ecclesiastico - political questions which came before the J OHNSTON OF WAR R IST O N 1 03

Westminster Assembly. Its theological labours and pro du ctio n s take rank with those of the great historic Coun cils of the Church and the chief symbolical book that bear s its name has proved to be the m ost vital of all the Calvinistic a Confessions . We can sc rcely exaggerate the theological ] and religious results of the Assembly in Scotland . It gave her the system of doctrine and the metrical version of ’ the Psalter, which through all the generations since have continued to shape the religious thought of her people and to nourish their piety . C H A PT E R X I V

T HE ANGLo -SCOT T I SH A LLIAN CE IN T HE FI RST CIVI L WAR

T HE alliance was formed, as we saw in the chapter be fore 1 6 last, in the autumn of 43. Immediately thereafter a Committee of both kingdoms was appointed to direct the two armies for the objects set forth in the Solemn Le ague Warris n and Covenant, and the indispensable to was one of

its members . The Scottish army crossed the Tweed in 1 6 January 44, and it was in the same month, four years s a after, that it evacuated England . The e were nxious

years for the Scottish members of the Joint Committee, and

a heavy share of their labours fell on Warristo n . The policy of the Presbyterians of both kin gdoms was to bring

Charles to terms, and to pursue the war only to such a point as would secure the establishment of their own

ecclesiastical system . The only way in which it could succeed was by the Scots makin g the Parliament feel its

dependence on their army . From the moment it entered England the Scottish Commissioners at Westminster showed the greatest anxiety that it should come to the

front in the struggle . Their first hope was that it would c h O e i e l ca pture New astle, a p which was not real s d til

1 6 . a October 44 But before that town c pitulated, the portion of the allied army under David Leslie vied at ’ 2n d 1 6 Marston Moor, July 44, with Cromwell s Ironsides i in the honours of the V ctory . The Scots were aggrieved ’ ’ by the way in whi ch their army s sh are of that day s work 1 was ignored by their English friends , and that, not merely 1 ai i ii . 20 20 B ll e, pp. 3, 7 . 104

1 06 FAMOUS S COTS

to retrieve his position in England . The Scots had to acknowledge that there was in them ‘ a world of things to ’ 1 increase his disgrace, and the Parliament urged the need f o caution in dealing with him after such disclosures . The

Scots, on the other hand , argued that the disclosures would assist a Treaty by humbling the Kin g and making him amenable to reason . If he continued stubborn an d refused terms, he could not stand out longer against the forces of ’ the Parliament . Charles policy at the time was to foster jealousy between the Presbyterians and the Independents,

and so he intrigued with both . These two parties had so little confidence in each other that the Scots were afraid of the English takin g the King forcibly out of their hand : the L moment Charles had surrendered himself at Newark , eslie ha d retired to Newcastle, in order to make his prize more ‘ ’ secure from such an attempt . The King s being with us ’ makes them [the Independents] madd, says Baillie . The

Presbyterians in the Parliament, on the other hand, were

delighted . Now that Charles was in the hands of the Scots ,

they had good hopes that he would come to terms . t It was decided, at leng h, that negotiations with the

King should be resumed , and so Parliament approached

him, proposing as the terms of a settlement, that it should

have the control of the army and navy for twenty years, that all Malignants should be excluded from civil and military f o fices , that Episcopacy should be abolished and Presbytery

established . The Scottish Commissioners pressed the

King with tears to yield to these terms. They felt that

the Covenant, even at that eleventh hour, would do all his c n business but that if he refused it, his hopes for re overi g a h arder his power would for ever p ss away . No one strove ‘ W rristo n than a for this Treaty . All the Royalists in Scotland could not have pleaded so much for the Crown ’ ’ 2 and the Kings just power : and he pleaded as earnestly with the King to recognise that th e Treaty gave him all — his rights . Charles, however, would not give way the

Covenant was too bitter a pill for him to swallow. n Moreover, he still had hopes of bringi g the two sections 1 1 ’ a ii 28 J bzd ii. . 68. B illie, . p. 9. . p 3 JOHN STON O F WARR IST O N 10 7

of his opponents to a rupture, and of persuading one or other to join with him in preventing its rival gaining the ascendency. When the negotiations fell to the ground, ‘ one of the Presbyterians asked, What will become of us ’ now that the Kin g has rejected the proposals ? when one c of the Independents replied, What would have be ome of us if he had accepted them ? ’ 1 In the month of October Charles proposed as a pacifica tion that he should agree to establish Presbytery for three be n years, during which time the government to perma ently adopted in the Church might be discussed and finally settled ; but this was too patent a device to give him time to recover his own position . Though rejected at the time, it was accepted in January ( 1 64 7) by the leading Presby terian s in the Parliament . This made it plain that they now feared more the ascendency of the Independents than ’ the restoration of the King s absolute authority, which they had united with that party to overthrow. Their next move was to get rid of the army, which they knew would resist such a settlement ; and as they could not well propose such a step, so long as the Scottish army remained in

England, they resolved to negotiate with the latter to leave the country . The Scots had nothing to gain by remaining, ff and so, accepting the terms o ered for their share of the c ost of the Civil War, they evacuated Newcastle and fo r a 1 marched the Border in the end of J nuary 64 7 . There were two letters written at this date by Patrick Warristo n Maule, Earl of Panmure, to which show how bitterly the King resented the part the latter had taken — in the recent negotiations . In the fi rst dated 2n d — January 1 64 7 the writer says

‘ The informations which have been made against you in you r violence against h is Majesty have taken such impressions can c f that no man be heard to speak to the ontrary, o r th e fa r c ground that you go upon is so ontrary to his resolution, let the envier be never so much fo r his good they that press h im c c to ondes end to the Covenant, he thinks that they seek h is

1 ’ b rt H ist r ire i lz e n s S o o t E n l s Peo le . 6 Gr e y of g p , p 54 . 1 08 FAMOUS SCOTS

. o s c s ruin What rep rt have been made by your spee he , both

c L can f . La publi and private, your ady in orm you Your dy ’ would not go to ki ss his Majesty s hands ; sh e had h er own fo r c c reasons it, whi h I could not but submit to, sin e it was ’ 1 her pleasure.

2 r 1 6 The second letter, dated 3 d January 4 7 , says

‘ fin d I by his Majesty, that though what is done was past P r both in Committee and arliament, yet he att ibuted the c f c arriage thereo to arti ular persons, who have endeavoured p c n c to their uttermost is ruin , and he a not but a knowledge c their intentions to his good that voted to the ontrary, though they did not carry it ; in this particular you have your own f fo r m part o the blam e, which is unnecessary e to write more h ~ o f it . But I assure you he doth not think tha t you ave dis charged the duty and respect to him that he hath deserved f His fo r and expe cted rom you. Majesty is resolved the worst and will suffer anything before he condescend to th e Covenant ; and it is thought the Parliament o f England will not b e so rigid in that point as the Parliament o f S cotland is . If c f f his Majesty be on e rom us, it will be ound that we have but an ill game to play; and I pray God we have not cause to repent our proceedi ngs when it is too late ; fo r certainly ’ ff c f th e an d his Majesty s a e tion will be alienated rom nation , it will be found that we have little [help or pity] from th e f kingdom of England . His Majesty thinks himsel little ob liged c to your nation , but more disobliged to some parti ulars than c h e u to the general, and I am onfident will st dy to resent it ; yet I shall never leave endeavouring to give him th e best im r o f I can p essions, both you and your friends, that think all if I upon, at occasions ; it do no good, am sure it will do o ft f L no ill . I have written so and so airly, both to my ord o f A o f can rgyle and you, this and all other things, that I add ’ 11 nothing thereto .

In the Acts of Parliament belonging to the yea rs from - c 1 6 the formation of the Anglo Scottish alliance to Mar h 4 7 , W ’ D arristo n s name frequently occurs . uring that period he sat for the county of Edinburgh and was Speaker of the barons. Most of the minutes in which he is mentioned refer to the various commissions to which he was appointed. 1 ’ 1 H ai s Memor ials . . 18 . I bid 11. . 188. le , II p 5 . p

C H A PT E R X V

T H E EN GAGEME N T

’ 1 6 th e WHEN Leslie s army returned home in January 4 7,

King, who was still in its hands, was anxious to accompany a it, and friends in Scotl nd tried hard to get the nation to invite him but the General Assembly peremptorily refused to receive him till he accepted the Covenant ; and its

firmness ended the project . He was handed over to a

Committee of the English Parliament, by whom he was

removed to Holmsby House, in Northamptonshire, to

remain there till he had satisfied both kingdoms . He th e was much chagrined by action of the Scots at this time, but from the moment it was decided that he should be

transferred to the keeping of the Parliament, he seems to have conceived the hope that in his new position he would be able to carry on his policy of creating division between m r the parties opposed to his government, and with o e

effect than hitherto . At the close of the second letter of Warristo n the Earl of Panmure to , quoted in last chapter, ‘ his lordship says : His Majesty is so well resolved now

for his going to Holmsby as ever I saw him for anything .

He thinks that the Scots have sold him at too cheap a rate.

If our posterity find not the smart thereof, it is well . But he says that we have absolutely quitted our interest in ’ 1 him . i The Scottish army be ng now out of the way, the Presbyterians in the Parliament moved forward with their b e policy. They voted that the existing army should disbanded and a new one raised with Presbyterian o fli cers 1 ’ Hai s Memoria ls II . 188. le , p. ! O J OHN STON OF W ARR IST O N I I I

at its head . But the army had its own Views on the subject . The soldiers for the most part had served at their own charges and their pecunia ry claims on the Parliament remained to be settled . They had besides a loftier reason for e their disobedience . They had drawn their swords to secur the liberties of the kingdom , and they could not sheathe them till they had accomplished their object . In a letter L addressed by the heads of the army to the ord Mayor, L Aldermen , and Common Council of the City of ondon in 1 6 June 4 7 , they stated the grounds of their refusal to disband .

‘ — As fo r th e thing we insist upon as Englishmen and surely o f our being soldiers hath not stript us that interest, although — our mali cious enemies would have it so w e desire a settlement o fth e Peace o fthe Kingdom and o fth e Liberties o fth e Subject cc V D c o f P c a ording to the otes and e larations arliament, whi h be o re th e P u f we took arms , were by arliament used as arg ments and inducements to invite us and divers o f our dear friends out ;

o f In . c some whom have lost their lives this war Whi h, being ’ fin ish e d— w e c now, by God s blessing think we have as mu h right to demand and desire to see a happy Settlement, as we have to our money and to th e other common interests o f soldiers which we have insisted upon . We find also th e in ge n io us and honest People in almost all parts o f th e kingdom c f o f o f if th e where we ome, ull the sense ruin and misery , Army should be disbanded before the Peace o f th e Kingdom f f and those other things be ore mentioned, have a ull and per fe ct settlement . ‘ f f We have said be ore, and pro ess it now, we desire no alteration o f the Civil Government . As little do we desire th e to interrupt , or in least to intermeddle with the settling P N o r o f the resbyterial Government. did we seek to open a way fo r licentious liberty under pretence o f obtaining ease

r c c c . f fo tender ons ien es We pro ess , as ever in these things, c th e h a s when on e state made a Settlement, we have nothing ff O to say but submit or su er . nly we could wish that every good citiz en and every man who walks peaceable In a blame c i s c th e less onversation and benefi ial to Commonwealth , might have liberty and encouragement ; this being a ccording ’ th e c o f S c f 1 to true poli y all tates and even to justi e itsel .

1 ’ a s Crom w ell i . 22 . C rlyle , . p 9 1 1 2 FAMOUS S COTS

On its reaching the ea rs of the Council of Officers i which the army had appointed to protect ts interests , that a new army was to be raised and the King brought Lo to ndon , five hundred men under the command of Com et Joyce seized the King at Holmsby House and w bore him o ff to Ne market. The seizure was not dis

pleasing to Charles, who hoped it would foment the iff d erences between the army and the Parlia ment. Crom l i wel , who had endeavoured for some time to med ate e b tween these two bodies, was compelled to act at this juncture with those who had bo rne along with himself the

brunt of the Civil War. The army marched on London and laid an H u mble R epresen ta tion of their case before i h the two Houses of Parl ament, in w ich they claimed a th settlement of the government, in accordance with e i e an d l . promis s, votes, declarat ons of Par iament They

repudiated, as before, any desire to touch the monarchy t or the Presby erian government of the Church, but at

the same time insisted on toleration. They demanded the expulsion from the Commons of eleven membe rs with D r enzil Holles at their head, as the breede s of trouble H u mble between themselves and the Parliament . The resen ta tion R ep was referred to a Committee. The heads i of the army then sought to deal directly with the K n . ’ g i n - in Ireton, Cromwell s son law, was the principal agent i i l in the negot at ons , but Cromwe l supported him all that

he did, for there was no man in England less disposed than Cromwell to overthrow the monarchy so long as there was a shred of hope that Cha rles would consent to h rule as a constitutional sovereign . The terms w ich Ireton th e — H ea ds o P r o osa ls submitted to King the f p , as they — were called were no more than were necessary to secure h n the liberties of the kingdom , in the event of C arles bei g

again entrusted with the government . They included an Act of Oblivion for all save a few of the principal Malig a nants, Parliament ry control of the army and navy and ffi l appo intment of the chief o cers of state, triennial Par ia l ments , electoral reform , a juster taxation, a simp ification of l v the law, and the abo ition of pri ileged interests . As regards

I 14 FAMO US S COTS they heard that their own Commissioners had succeeded in the negotiations . These feelings , however, were of short L duration . When Loudoun and auderdale returned to

Scotland, it came out that the terms of the Treaty were very ' difle ren t m ~ fro what had been reported, and that the Com missioners had accepted less from the King and given more than the nation would stand to . There was keen disappointment, and the Commissioners were much blamed . The first to declare themselves regarding the Treaty were i the m nisters, who were strongly opposed to it. The Commission of Assembly pronounced against the in ade ’ ‘ u qacyof the King s concessions in religion , and the pulpits ’ S sounded loud on the same ide. But when Parliament met, it was found that the members were overwhelmingly in favour of the Treaty . The nobles, who were present all n in unusually large numbers, were nearly E gagers . L Argyle, Balmerino, oudoun (who had now abandoned his

- fellow Commissioners at Carisbrooke), and a few others a constituted the minority . The majority of the b rons were Engagers ; the burgesses were about equally divided ; w but the representatives of the larger to ns were Engagers . The chief spokesmen of the minority were Argyle and

Warristo n . The majority in the Parliament were anxious to effect a compromise with the ministers and secure their support for the Treaty ; and for this pu rpose they asked and obtained a Conference between Six of their own number and six Warr n members of the Assembly . isto was not sent to the

Conference , but before it met he and others drew up a new oath of association to be imposed on all to whom the nation should entrust the prosecution of the object of the Covenant at the present cris is . It was too strict, even for those members of the Conference who were most friendly to its as authors, but it could not be ignored, coming it did from such an influential quarter, and it imported a fresh difficulty

i . into the situat on A new step, however, taken by the i Parliament, brought the Conference to an end. Th s was the resolution to which it came, at the instigation of the

- hottest headed of the Engagers, to seize the garrisons at JOHNSTON OF W ARR IST O N 1 1 5

r Berwick and Ca lisle . The result was the uniting and

- strengthening of the Non Engagers (or Remonstrants, as they a S were also c lled) throughout the country . Many of the hires sent in petitions against the Engagement, and their example was followed by the burghs, and also by presbyteries and n D L ffi sy ods . avid eslie and the other o cers of the army declared they would not move till the Kirk was satisfied . e in In the West the popular feeling was esp cially keen , and the course of the controversy a body of Clydesdale men who had assembled on Mauchline Moor by way of demon stratio n against the Engagers had a serious brush with a 1 2th m party of their soldiers . On July the Asse bly met to consider the question of the hour. It supported the action t hat had been taken by its own Commission, condemned all a the Engagement, ordered the ministers to preach ag inst it, and passed a declaration in accordance with their own

finding for publication in both kin gdoms . There were certain leaders who were conspicuous by their absence from L this Assembly. Among these were Argyle, oudoun, and W n arristo . The two first stayed away that they might escape subscribin g to a bond imposed by the Parliament n requiri g the subjects to support the levy for the army . ’ ff Warristo n s reason was di erent. Eight of the ministers were to be brought to the bar of the Assembly on the charge of instigating the Mauchline Gathering, and it fell to ro secu him , as Procurator of the Church, to conduct the p n tion . It was impossible for him to do so, believi g as he did that the prosecution was unjust, and so he did not appear at the Assembly . Baillie is our authority for assign ‘ ing his absence to this cause. He says : The good advocate being resolved in his mind if he had been put to it, to have pleaded for the ministers and not against them , was, with much ado, moved by his friends to lurk for some ’ time till the sto rm e went over. He went to Can tyre as the guest of Argyle . ’ n Hamilton led the Engagers forces i to England, but was defeated at a stroke by Cromwell at Preston , August ‘ ’ 1 6 8 4 and the Whiggamore Raid immediately followed . Six thousand men of the West country under Eglinton 1 1 6 FAMOU S SCOTS

marched from Mauchline to Edinburgh, where they a i occupied Salisbury Cr gs, wh le old Le ven held the

Castle in the same interest . The Whiggamore Raid placed the government of the country in the hands of the a Remonstr nts, with Argyle at their head . Before crossing e the Border after Preston, to s cure the interests of the

Parliament in Scotland , Cromwell came to a cordial under

standing with Argyle as to the object of his invasion . On th Wednesday, 4 October, he arrived in Edinburgh , and lodged at Moray House . His business with the Estates ai was quickly arran ged . He l d a demand before them for i all the d squalification of Malignants for public service, a i which was immedi tely granted, their compl ance being Warristo n s conveyed to him by , Ca silis, and two other gentlemen . On the Saturday he was banqueted at the

L . i Castle, even presiding The follow ng week, on his

way south, he wrote to the Speaker of the Commons, assuring the House that the affairs of Scotland were in a ‘ ’ ‘ ’ r n th ivi g posture, that good elections were going on , 000 that the Estates were to raise 4 horse and foot, and - L w that meanwhile he was leaving Major General ambert, ith ha suffi cient troops, to hold the country . He himself d ‘ ’ i received noble entertainment, and he left Scotland w th ‘ the confidence that henceforth it would be a bette r ’ a neighbour to Engl nd . 1 6 The Estates met in January 4 9, and passed the Act l of C asses, disqualifying Malignants for any service of the

State, till they satisfied the Kirk. It was moved by Argyle ‘ S Warristo n . and econded by , who was its author The ha d n Marquis of Argyle a very long speech, consisti g of ’ 5 heads, which he called the breaking of the Malignants Warristo n teeth, and he who came after him [ ] would break ’ Warristo n their jaws . , the King s advocate, after the

Marquis of Argyle had ended, read a speech two hours in ff ’ length o his paper, being an explanation of Argyle s five a heads of teeth , as he named them , with the nswering of such objects he thought the prime Engagers would make ’ 1 on them in defence . 1 a fo iii . B l ur, . p 377 .

C H A PT E R X V I

’ CROMWELL S I NVASI ON OF SCOT LAN D

H LE f 1 W I resisting the tyranny o Charles . the Covenanters had never ceased to protest their attachment to the

monarchy, and at any moment they would have been ready to defend the King’ s person and authority had he given them security that he would respect the rights of the K Church and the nation . The execution of the ing divided 11 them from their English friends ; when Charles . was il proclaimed a few days after, it was with the goodw l of the whole nation and the Covenanters now turned to him for the realisation of the hopes which his father had so often in and so bitterly disappointed . Before receiv g him , how ih a war ever, Scotl nd and engaging in another on his behalf, they were resolved to pledge him to rule in accordance with

their desires . The first body of Commissioners who visited him with this object on the Continent returned with a

a . report of f ilure . The Hague Conference was fruitless ’ ‘ ’ Charles great sticke was at the Covenant, which covered ’ the Scots demands . They would be content with nothing

less, and for Charles to be hesitant here was to bring the

negotiations to a deadlock . He was sanguine of being

brought to the throne, without being indebted to those

who would make his tenure of it intolerable. The Con ference held at Breda in the following year had a different ’ i r result . In the nterval Cha les hopes from Ireland and ’ from Montrose risin g in S cotland had been blasted : the party represented by the Commissioners was now the only h string to his bow, and he swallowed the Covenant. W en 1 6 0 he reached Scotland in June 5 , he was pledged to that 1 1 8 J OHN STON O F W AR RIST O N ”9

’ symbol of the nation s aspirations, and after his arrival became doubly pledged by a formal repudiation of his ’ a father and mother s m lign ancy . These transactions were more disgraceful to the national leaders than to Charles himself, knowing as they did the hollowness of his pro fessio n . There were some of the leaders who were not responsible for them and who strongly opposed them . Warristo n — Of these was the chief, and the others among hiesle K ersw ll them James Guthrie, Sir John C y of a , Sir John Swinton — were men who were closely identified f with him in public afairs all through . So ill at ease were the consciences of those who were responsible, that when they came to make war for Charles, they would not allow him to accompany the army, lest by his presence they should incur the displeasure of the God of battles ! We know how inept their consciences appeared to Crom well, who always saw through the wrappings of things to ar their soul and substance. C lyle puts the situation in a ‘ sentence : Given a divine law of the Bible in one hand and 2 Stuart king, Charles I . or in the other, when did history ever present a more irreducible case of equations in this world ? ’ In parting with Cromwell and joining

Charles, the Scottish Presbyterians threw away the kernel for the husk . They have often erred in binding their faith to documents an d trusting to the security of legal enactments, but never so egregiously as in this instance. ‘ And dear was the price they paid for their folly The ’ ’ killing time was the penalty . How true was Milton s ‘ c warning : Woe be to you Presbyterians espe ially, if ever ’ c c any of Charles ra e recover the English s eptre . Believe !’ me, you shall pay all the reckoning Cromwell had no course left but to strike at the fresh

Stuart movement in Scotland . But never did he enter on war with such reluctance — never did he unsheathe his sword with such a grudge as when it was to fight against i the Covenanters, w th whom he felt he was knit together in the same essential interests . He exhausted every argument to avert the collision ; and it was only when ‘ argument failed, when his passionate appeals to them in 1 20 FAMO US SCOTS the bowels of Christ to think it possible they might b e ’ i i mistaken proved unava l ng, that he made them feel the t weight of his hand on the field of bat le . It needed crass minds and inexplicable consciences on their part not to feel the tremendous force of his remonstrances . In a letter to General Leslie from the camp at Pentland he wrote

‘ We return you this an swer by which I hope it will appear that we continue the same we h ave professed ourselves to the H c onest People in S otland, wishing to them as to our own souls it being no part o f our bus iness to hinder any o f them from worshipping God in the way they are satisfied in their c c c o f ff ons ien es by the word God they ought, though di erent from us but shall thereto be ready to perform what obligation

. B ut o f th e is upon us by the Covenant that, under pressure f Covenant, mistaken and wrested rom the most native intent f b e an d and equity thereo , a king should taken imposed upon” c c o f H is us and this be alled the ause God and Kingdom , ’ and this done upon the satisfaction o f God s people in b o th l o f al nations, as is al eged, together with a disowning M ignants, h 1 o f although e who 5 the head them, in Whom all their hope f c and com ort is , be re eived ; who at this very instant hath a Popish army fighting fo r h im and under h im in Ireland and strong co mm issro n s by th e Malignants in England to raise th e armies in our bowels . How godly interest you pretend ’ you have received him upon and the Malignants interest in c c ca n c c their ends and onsequen es be se ured, we annot dis h c c e n cern . All those Malignants take t eir onfiden e and co u ragem en t from the late transaction o f your Kirk and State m with your King . We co mit both you and ourselves to H im who knows the heart and tries th e reins with whom are all our ways w h o is able to do fo r us and you above what we c c c o know ; whi h we desire may be mu h, in mer y to this p or ’ 1 people and to th e glory o fh is great name .

Wh atever hopes Cromwell might justly cherish from such

cogent reasonings and generous appeals were disappointed . — A fortnight after the date of the letter to Leslie o n — 3rd September 1 650 the Scottish army was routed at

Dunbar. The blame has been generally laid at the door 1 ’ a s r m w ell ii. 1 2. C rlyle C o , 7

1 22 FAMOU S SCOTS rejected again and again ; but still we begged to be be lieved that we loved them as our own souls ; they often retu rned ’ ar D in evil for good . Afterw ds, he spoke of unbar the same ‘ way : Some who were godly were then fought into their th e cts is t graves, and of all i of my public life, it hat in ‘ [ l ’ which have th e east quiet. A Tew days after the battle Cromwell and his army reached Edinburgh . The ministers of the city had taken an refuge in the Castle, d one of his first acts was to write D to undas, the Governor, to grant lib erty to them to leave it and preach in their several churches . The ff i ministers refused the o er and compla ned of persecution , ‘ and also of what they were pleased to call the usurping ’ of the ministry by Cromwell s officers and soldiers , who occasionally preached in their churches . For answer Cromwell wrote a noble vindication of the liberty of pro h es in in p y g, which at the same time he makes the most generous allowance for the prejudices of his opponents . After a reply to the charges contained in the ministers ’ in letter, the course of which he turns round upon them ‘ Wh o h fu lfillers and asks, ath been the truest of the ’ an ? Covenant, of its most real d equitable ends he goes on

‘ You say you have great cause to regret tha t men o f civil

employments usurp the calling and employment o fth e ministry. Are you troubled that Ch rist is preached ? Is preaching so ex clu siv elyyour function ? Is it against th e Covenant ? Away with fin d c the Coven ant if this be so . Where do you in the S rip tures a ground to warran t such as sertion ? I hope He that ascended up on high may give h is gifts to whom he pleas es ; i th e o f b e n o t and f these gifts be seal mission, you envious ,

though Eldad and Medad prophesy. Appropriation c [ordination] is an a ct o f conveniency in respe t to order, not re o f necessity to give faculty to preach th e Gospel . Your p tended fear that error should set in is like th e man w h o would It keep all wine out o fthe country lest men should be drun k. will be found an un just and unwise jealousy to deprive a man

o f his natural lib e rty upon a sup sitiou he ma abuse it. if cal When he doth abuse it, judge . An you will our speak — ings together sin ce we came to Scotlan d to provoke one J OHNSTON OF W A R RIST O N 1 23 another to love and goo d works an d to charity and love towards you if you will call things scan dalous to the Kirk andyagai nst the Co v en ant becausegdone by men o f civil c l c . a lings, we rejoi e in these, notwithstanding what you say I c b o f c f th e besee h you in the owels Christ, sear h a ter mind o f th e Lord and we shall help you by our prayers a n d i t fo r if all th t you ma fi out, yet ( we know our hearts at ) our bowels o i n Christ Jesus yearn after the godly 1n Scotland . We know there are stumbl i ng blocks which hinder you the personal prejudice you have taken up against us and our n c cc h as ways, wherei we annot but think some o asion been i fo r c th e a g ven, and whi h we mourn , apprehension you have th t we have hindered the glorious reformation you think you were upon ; I am persuaded that these and such like bend you from an understandi ng an d yielding to the mind o f Go d 1n the great 1 o h i i day ft e power and v s tation .

ed With this letter the correspondence clos , and Cromwell L ’ l resumed hostilities . eslie s army meanwhi e had gone in North and was rally g at Stirling. There were great heart - searchings among the Covenanters 2 as to the causes of the defeat of their arms. Some of f them ascribed it to the insu ficient purgation of the army, severe as it had been, and proposed to rectify the evil by making it still more drastic . They took a bold step in this direction by urging the deposition of the head of D L the army, avid eslie ; and when the Estates refused, t they protested . Among those who joined in this ac ion w were Warristo n and James Guthrie. It as surely too ’ rigorous a test, even from the Covenanters point of view, that required them to exclude Leslie ; and it is difficult den t hat to defend those who urged it, and to yfl they L were precisians . There is nothing to show that eslie was undeserving of their confidence . His career, not only as a soldier but as a Covenanter, had been an honour able one . The spirit of the man may be seen from a letter he sent to friends in Scotland when he w as with ‘ ’ D . 1 th D the army at urham Its only date is 5 ecember,

1 ’ ’ a e s Crom w ell s Letters a nd S ear/u s 11. . 208. C rlyl p , p ’ ee Ca u ses o tire Lord s Wratlz ic w as is in c c i S f , wh h publ hed onne t on i the Da o fH ia n fo r D a Se 16 0 w th y umil tio unb r, ptember 5 . 1 24 FAMOUS S COTS but it was evidently written at a time when there was urgent i need of his services at home, and when it requ red great loyalty to the Covenant to offer them

c Be ause you desired me to be plain with you in this, and c c I l f fo r to ommuni ate my mind, wi l be ree, that my own part I desire not upon any terms to have command in my own c fo r m . m an ountry any reasons First, it is not, to me nor any f l can to carry himsel so that he sha l or please all men, as is to

e o f f . c be s en those who have gone be ore me Se ondly, I have

. T h 1rdl great ones to my enemies in that kingdom y, his l Majesty, with all reverence would see me hanged , and ast o f I can f all, live abroad, and get pre erment with honour. fo r all c fo r Yet this, they who have done so mu h me, c c shall ommand me in that ause I have sworn to, in spite o f c all greatness, mali e or whatsoever, to undergo anything fo r c o f ca use the maintenan e the , not doubting but God will give a blessing much beyond th e expectation o f all his enemies ; and that I should speak any more concerning m y f in c I f f sel that parti ular, will not, but re er mysel to God m 1 n ds can and to fr e , knowing nothing be done but at his ’ y pleasure.

The serious and permanent rent which the demands of Warristo n and Guthrie produced at this time in the ranks of the Covenan t will be more fully narrated in the next ff chapter. Meantime, we are only concerned with its e ect

on the course of the English invasion . It was well known ’ to Cromwell ; and he was hopeful that Warristo n s party would displace the party that was in power and become his in allies . It was the West that the strict Covenanters were 000 strongest. There they had an army of 5 men under the

command of Colonels Strachan and Ker, who were both vehement Remonstrants . The Estates had to humour the Westland men and allow their army to act in depen den tly: they were too powerful a body to drive into revolt. h There was a fear t at they might go over to Cromwell, with whom they were at one in their antagonism to Cha rles and i in their religious temperament . Indeed, they had g ven him the hint that if he would clear out of the country, they 1 ’ Me a ls ii 1 8. Ha l s mori . . i e , p 3

1 26 FAMOUS SCOTS

a a t approached Glasgow, a p nic spread among the u ho ri ’ ’ ties , but with little cause, as Baillie s account of Cromwell s ‘ visit to the city at the time shows : The ministers and : u mb rae magistrates flee all away I got to the isle of C , ’ but left all my family and goods to Cromwell s courtesy, i s which was great, for he took such a course w th his soldier that they did less displeasure than if they had been in

L . ! ondon , though Mr achary Boyd railed on them all to ’ ’ their very faces in the High Church . Cromwell s sta y in Glasgow was cut short by a rumour that the Western army had designs on Edinburgh, and he returned to the capital without having accomplished his object. The Remonstrants replied to his letter, but not in a very encouraging way. b e A second time appealed to them , sending his letter on this occasion by the hands of two of his Dunbar prisoners ' - Provost ] aflray of Aberdeen and Carstar es (one of the Carstar ministers of Glasgow, the father of Principal es)

w as . n but again it fruitless The Remonstra ts resolved, though not without a division of opinion, to fight for their own hands against the English ; but disaster soon overtook their army : under Colonel Ker it attacked a division of the English forces at Ham ilton and was totally routed. in The party which was power, and which, before the D e battle of unbar, had xcluded the Malignants from the army, now made common cause with them and received them into their ranks . It was a relief to Cromwell to feel that he had now to carry on the war with those who were o se essentially opp d to him, and not with men for whom , i however they m ght misunderstand his own spirit and aims, as he had a sincere regard brothers in Christ . His army i renewed its act vity, after a suspension of som e months for the purpose of carrying on the negotiations with the L Remonstrants . As eslie was not to be drawn from his strong position in Stirling, Cromwell resolved to cross over o ff to Fife and seize Perth, in order to cut the enemy from his supplies in the north . The victory which his army won

i . at Inverkeith ng left the way clear As soon, however, as e this flank movement had been ex cuted, the Scottish army, J OHN STON O F WARRIST O N 1 27

with the King in its midst, quitted Stirling and marched — for England, with what result we all know the battle of ’ ’ n Worcester, Cromwell s crowni g mercy and Charles finishing

stroke .

. D Cromw el s . . l Mr W S ouglas, in his interesting work on Scale/z Ca m a ns c Warristo n p ig , seeks to fasten a harge on of playing the informer to the enemy in connection with

two of the incidents of this period . The first occasion was when the Estates at Stirling had resolved to send a force to the West to bring the Remonstrants to a point and compel them to declare their real intentions ; and the accusation is that Warristo n communicated the contemplated

movement of the main army to Cromwell, who, regarding it as about to be made for the purpose of effecting a con ’ junction with Strachan s force, immediately gave orders to is a h own army to m rch to the West, the result being the

defeat of the Remonstrants in the fight at Hamilton. The r cha ge has absolutely no foundation . There is no evidence — there is none even suggested— that Cromwell acted on

such information . The conjecture is made solely on the ground that at a later period Warristo n is alleged by the

author to have been guilty of a similar breach of faith . D Mr. ouglas introduces his second charge with a great n flourish of trumpets. It is a damni g accusation against a man for whom he has conceived a strong dislike ; and he ! has the clearest possible proof of it When he is done, he ’ turns round triumphantly to his readers and asks in Carlyle s as an l e words Al , will y human soul ever again ov poor ’ ’ Warristo n ? Unfortunately, however, for the accuser s

enjoyment of his own performance, he had no sooner finished it than he was obliged by the discovery of fresh e ff S o facts to app nd a note that has the e ect of p iling it . ‘ ’ ‘ But it is very hard, as he pathetically says, to sacrifice a ’ pet passage, and so he makes an attempt to rehabilitate — — his case by new and it must be said very flimsy evidence . This second charge of treachery against Warristo n is that he informed Cromwell of the intention of the Scottish army to move from Stirling to raise the English siege of Black t ness, and that acting on the warning, Cromwell frus rated 1 28 FAMO US S COTS

the movement . Now on what ground does this charge rest ? There was a newspaper published in London and — ' ' ' subsidised by the Government the Mercun us P olztzcus (of f c which, by the way, Milton was for a time the O fi ial censor) - in which correspondence from Scotland, Ireland, and the

Continent regularly appeared . In an Edinburgh letter of r st 1 6 1 Warristo n April ( 5 ) there is a reference to , who had just arrived in the city from Stirling, accompanied by his

i o f . w fe and family, on an ficial errand He had been L 1 6 appointed ord Clerk Register in March 49, and he had come to Edinburgh at this time to get possession of th e registers of the kingdom . The writer in the newspaper ‘ says I am confident his coming is no disadvantage to us, for our horse marched forward to Stirlin g the next morning ; the last night about midnight the most part of the foot marched . And not without success, for this day I am r 6o o assuredly informed that the enemy, horse and foot, ’ ar e come over the water and are within view of Lithgow. ’ i ? Warristo n s Was not th s very sinister Of course it was . arrival in Edinburgh and the despatch of English troops were synchronous ; was the correspondent of the London paper not making a shrewd guess when he suggested that the English took action on information communicated by Warristo n ? No doubt ; but the shrewdest guesses are a sometimes fallacious, and this is an instance . There w s

a traitor in the Scottish camp, and the traitor was a Johnston , but not our Johnston : and for putting us in the way of

. D his proof, we are indebted to Mr ouglas himself in ’ r t r . D a 2 ret ac o y note In Nicoll s i ry (p . 5 ) there is the i 1 6 1 follow ng entry, dated April 5 , on the first of which ‘ month Blackness fell : sun drie were taken and appreh en dit and co m m ittit to prisso u n for being upon the

wicked Association in the west countrie, and for fomenting t n m ie division in the Kirk and stai , and for favouring the e y co u rssis adv sin and complying with his , and for y g and l w a is geving counse l again the King and his honest y , n am eli Y M a or ob n n estou fl e, Walter oung marchand, j f , and ’ ’ D w . L D ia 1 t William o ny, writer In amont s ry (p . 3 ) here ‘ 1 6 1 . is the following entry : 5 , Jun The Commission

1 30 FAMOU S S COTS were afterwards packed for conveyance from the Tower in L i 1 0 1 2 ondon to Ed nburgh , they filled 7 hogsheads, chests t u 1 ! or r nks, and 4 barrels As will be seen from the letter Of Warristo n him that follows, Cromwell had given a month for the purpose and he had to ask for an extension of is 1 th the time . The letter dated Edinburgh, 4 April ( 1 651 )

L a rn da 1 . My ord, on S tu yat night very laite I received your 0 letter with ane passe to my servant, whereanent I am ready to

. c leasur attend yr. lo , whensoever ye sall ommand or your may

e rm i . 10 I p tt Your . knows am bot a servant to those who c t employes me, and so annot without thea express warrand re delyv er the passes which I delivered once to them anent th e ’ ’ re istere s t f th e c g whereo the king, the parliament t ommission o f th e church hath k e ipe d the principles and hath entrusted E c c me only with some o f them to be sh e w e n to yr . x ellen y fo r c o f r if . 10. the re overy the Registe s, but yr press it ’ I t re cea v e c c again shall send it over their dire tions, whi h

1 . k f fu o n is all yr. 0 nows a aith l servan t entrusted by them c doe. c th e f My lord, I hope your lo . will not restri t ormer passes

i 10 . and fa r lesse to a moneth n xt following seing yr. or any whom you shall appoint sh all see me use all possible diligen ce ’ (upon the coming o f the clerks to know t re ceave every m an h is o w n e registers) to despatch them to th e places whereunto they sall be appointed ifon [one] week could do th e business ’ I if c should be very glad, ontrary winds t other necessary 1 h cc c . 0 . c t e a idents (whi h will be seen to yr . or in yr absen e to o f L w a e s I Governors eith) shall any y retard or Imped, am ’ 10 i n i i i ff certainly persuaded yr . . just ce t equ t e wold not su er any advantage to be taken therefrom in a matter concerning

ub lict c c v 1n all w arre . T h e p re ords, whi h useth to be in iolable s sooner that th e ship be re delyv ere d she would be th e sooner ’ fo r I th ear c u h ir t ready, hear is a laik stru k p in is not weel k n o w . 10 d1r e ct th e o f en whear it is yr . be pleased to governor Leith to lett on o f the Clerks who is in town goe see h is o w n e t m e m ak ein that he may in the mean y be g them ready, and so

h . I 1 . c t e like to the rest as they shall come desir yr . 0 se retary ’ may mend the passes by addi ng some other clerks names which ’ h e had forgotten t adding the alternative o f one servant fo r o f c c c every one the lerks, be ause themselves, it may be, annot ’ come all over in regaird o f the Parliament s sitting down on

. crav ein fo r n c . Thursday next So g pardon troubli g yr . Ex ell J OHN STON O F W AR R IST O N 1 31

’ with so long a letter o f so evil a hand t being most willing to

E . c c attend yr . xcell whensoever ye shall ommand me to lear my simple meaning and plain way o f dealing from all m istaik s — c s I n . c . or obje tion remai , yr Ex ell humble servant,

H T N . A. J O N S O C H A PT E R X V I I

’ T HE RESOLUT I O N ER S AND P R OT EST ERS : WARR IST ON S ADHESI ON T O CROMWELL

I N the last chapter we noticed the division that arose in Of D the ranks the Covenanters after unbar, in its effects u on the military sit ation . The Remonstrant army was

extinguished by the fight at Hamilton, but the strife i between the two parties continued t ll the Restoration, an d we have now to deal with their ecclesia stical and ’ al politic disputes , and their respective relations to Cromwell s

Government . It is not an attractive part of our history, and we shall not be tempted to linger upon it even by the W rristo n fact that a was much in it . The Resolutioners or Ministerialists were for the King and Covenant : the Protesters or Opposition were for the

Covenant, without the King . While the former retained in f the Covenant their plat orm , it became a nullity when

11. the King was Charles The latter, in excluding the

King from their platform , were actuated by no anti

monarchical feeling, but only by their incurable distrust of a Charles . The Resolutioners became inevit bly the political

allies of the Malignants, and were used by them for their own purposes : while they gave a passive obedience to Cromwell’ s Government they never concealed their love for i the monarchy, and were as enthusiast c as the Royalists

themselves over the Restoration, until they saw that the i bishops were to come back w th the King. The Protesters

became as inevitably the political allies of Cromwell, though no more than in the case of the Resolutioners were their aims in full accord with his . They never plainly 1 32

1 34 FAMOU S S COTS

a Est tes and the King at the Hague and at Breda, and with the easy terms on which Charles had been received in the his country . Nobody believed in the sincerity of com plian ce with the Covenant ; and the overwhelming defeat inflicted by the English army was generally regarded as a Divine judgment for the dishonour done to the Coven ant by the acceptance of his light profession of it . While the Resolutioners, however, were willing to continue their

' n i support of Charles , i spite of their d strust of him in n K n matters of religio , the Protesters insisted that the i g should be put out of the quarrel with Cromwell, and that the war for the national defence should be prosecuted on c S a new platform , in whi h the religious ide of the Covenant should have a sole place, and the political be altogether excluded . On the 1 7th October ( 1 650) a meeting of the stricter D ’ party was held at umfries, where Strachan s army was stationed at the time, when a Remonstrance against the Warristo n policy of the Ministerialists, drawn up by , who was present, was submitted and adopted . Five days later the Remonstrance was lai d before a Conference held at Stirling between the chief members of the Committee of Warristo Estates and the Commissioners of the Church . n e spoke strongly in its favour, and high words passed betw en D i him and Robert ouglas, who was the most influent al minister of the Church and a keen Resolutioner. The f Warrist n Con erence was resumed at Perth, where o again was the spokesman of his party ; but no agreement was c ome to . The Committee of Estates met, the King being W i n . arr sto c present , who was never awed by the presen e of Royalty, whom indeed it rather provoked to his boldest in defence of the interests of the nation, when he believed them to be imperilled by the Crown , made the most passionate speech he had yet delivered in support of the Remonstrance ; but he failed to carry the House, and the Remonstrance was condemned . The Commission of the Assembly was convened, when there was another hot

. i t discussion with the same result The m nori y protested, ‘ hi hl ’ and went out of the town g ie miscontent. Hugh JOHNSTON O F W AR R IST O N 1 35

Binning expressed the common feeling of his brethren, ‘ c when he de lared , after the Commission broke up, that it would approve nothin g that wes right ; that a hypocrite ought not to reign over us ; that we ought to treat with secu ritie Cromwell, and give him not to trouble England — with a king ; and who marred this treatie the blood of i ’ the slain in this quarrel should be on the r head . The formal rupture between the two parties took place in at the General Assembly held first of all St . Andrews ‘ ’ and then in Dundee in July A Resolution in support of the recommendations of the Commission to c abolish the Act of Classes was arried in the Court, when the minority laid a protest on the table and withdrew from the House. Warristo n bore the bru nt of the displeasure of the

Ministerialists . They sought to get him excluded from the Committee of Estates ; and they accused him of acts of treachery to the national defence on the shallowest grounds . D l When undas , for example, surrendered Edinburgh Cast e, they blamed him in the matter ; and for no better reason ’ than that he had been responsible for Dundas appoin tment as Governor . 1 6 2 At the General Assembly of 5 , the minority were enjoined to withdraw their protest on pain of discipline . i In the follow ng year the Assembly, which met in Edinburgh ’ 2 in July, was summarily dissolved by Cromwell s soldiery ; and the quarrel was left to be carried on in the subordinate

c . ourts of the Church, and in the country We cannot agree with those who regard the closure of the Assembly as an inexcusable act of despotism . Crom well’ s treatment of the Assembly had nothing in common w ith that of the two Stuarts, and leaves no stain on his in government of Scotland, which from first to last, alike c matters civil, ecclesiasti al, and juridical, was conspicuously

1 T he rea son fo r th e adjournment to Dundee w as th at the ba ttle o f I n verkeith in g too k pla ce while th e Assembly w as sitting in St. Andrews ; a n d in Dun dee it would be more out o f th e w ay o f th e E is a ngl h rmy . i ’ i Se e ai s sc o fth e sce e iii. 22 B ll e de r ption n , p. 5. 1 36 FAMO U S SCOTS

Le t fair . He is his own best Vindicator. us hear him for in himself. The speech I quote, though made the English ti hi s Parliament, applies to his Scot sh as well as English administration

‘ O u r practice hath been to let all this nation see tha t c c whatever pretensions to religion would ontinue quiet, pea eable , — they Should enjoy conscience and liberty to themselves and n o f r u t to make religion a pretence o arms and blood. Tr ly we ff c fu have su ered them and that heer lly, so to enjoy their

. c c th e liberties Whatever is ontrary and not pea eable, let c c if c preten e be never so spe ious, it tend to ombinations to f c c th e c o f Go d interests and a tions, we shall not are by gra e , w lzo m c If b e we meet withal , though never so spe ious, they not

quiet . God give us heart and spirit to keep things equal .

c I f m . I Whi h tru“ly, pro ess to you”, hath been y temper have had some boxes on the ears and rebukes on the one hand c fo r P r and on the other some ensuring me resbytery , othe s as o f h I an in le tte r to all th e sects and heresies t e nation . have ’ c I c borne my reproa h, but have, through God s mer y, not been

unhappy 1n hindering any one religion to impose upon another . ’ It is the civil magistrates real endeavour to keep all f in ff pro essing Christians this relation to one another, not su er

ing any to say or do what will justly provoke th e other. I think h e would have more liberty than this is not worthy o f that any .

Cromwell’ s act was justified by both parties in the

Assembly itself. The Protesters came to the meeting

resolved to challenge its lawfulness, and were glad when it was dissolved ; and in 1 656 the Resolutioners instructed L James Sharp, when he went to ondon as their agent, to beg the Protector not to call another Assembly while the

Church remained in such a divided condition .

In the country, and especially, as we have said, in the in i West, the Protesters outrivalled the Resolutioners w nning the support of the people . Their ministers were for the most part distinguished by a quality which has never failed to win the hearts of Scottish Christians ; they were men of u n ctio n ; they were fervent preachers of the doctrines of 1 ’ s Letters et iii . . 180 Cromwell , a , p .

1 38 FAMOU S SCOTS

neglected by all except the Remonstrants, to whom he ’ 1 was guide .

This dismal picture, however, does not present the whole truth in regard to the condition of Scotland under Cromwell’ s

Government . Ifthe authority of the Throne was in abeyance, if the nobles were all prostrate, if the supreme court of the

Church was closed, if all the national institutions were upset, the country itself prospered an d the people made no com plaint . Never in her history was Scotland governed with such security to person and property ; never was justice

administered more impartially in her law courts . Trade 0 flourished and money became more abundant . N Scottish administration was ever so liberal to the universities as ’ 2 A S Cromwell s . regards religion, Cromwell was the first ruler in our country who proposed to give a Government grant in aid of the work of evangelisation in the Highlan ds and Islands and while the state of vital religion at the time among the people may have been coloured by some of our in Church historians, we have good grounds for believ g that n i stead of being a period of declension in this respect, it

was one of growth and revival . i in It w ll have been observed that Baillie, the passage

we have just quoted, makes a statement in regard to Warristo n which seriously reflects on his character. He ‘ writes of him as having refunded much of w lza t lze got for ’ Warristo pla ces. n had lost the Lord Clerk Registership with the fall o f the Scottish State : in that offi ce he had a great many subordinate offices in his gift ; and the allegation is that he had accepted considerable sums of money from an d f those on whom he had conferred them , a terwards —when he saw he was to be deprived of the registership

paid back the money through fear of exposure. The same charge is made by Scot of Sco tstarv it in his Staggering Sta te o Seo ttis/z Sta tesmen f , with the additional detail that ’ W rri t n a s o s . i Sir John Gibson, cousin, and Mr W lliam Hay were two of those to whom places were sold, and that as 1 ai li iii. . 2 . B l e, p 49 9 ’ T h e T e o f i n s A e w as c in 1 6 8 a n d ow r K g College, berde n, ere ted 5 named afte r Cromwell . J OHNSTON O F WA R R IST O N 1 39 they were both Malignants and disqualified by the Acts of ffi ff Classes for any o ce under the Crown , the O ence was a double one . If we had only the authority of a writer with so loose and libellous a pen as Scot for the charge, we might dismiss it without any consideration . Nor would we pay much heed to similar allegations made by others Warristo n who were equally embittered against . In a pam L 1 6 A L el phlet printed in ondon in 57 , and entitled yv y Clza ra eter of So m e P r eten ding Gr a n dees of Scotla n d to flee ood Old Ca u se D i ested in to E z lz t u eries c G , g g Q , he is a cused L of having, after his reappointment to the ord Clerk S Registership (on his joining, as we hall see he did join, ’ Cromwell s Government), raised the charges for drawing out bonds, writs, and other legal deeds, and used his office to ’ 1 ’ make his own kitchen smoak well. Baillie s repetition of a m a c the f , however, annot be lightly passed over, for, while it is only fair to Warristo n to take in to account the fact that f his old riend and tutor, who was a strong Resolutioner, had become cool to him owing to the powerful support he was giving to the Protesters, Baillie was too honourable a man to give circulation to such an imputation had he not thought there was some good ground for it . There is one Obvious ’ diffi culty in the way of accepting either his or Scot s version Warristo n of the matter. If was so poor at the time as both c ? say, how did he raise the money whi h he reimbursed Warri n There we must leave the charge . If sto was guilty c of the peculation, it is an instance, whi h is not uncommon , Of a man lapsing in the very virtue in which he has shown special strength . His whole career up to this time had been singularly free from any mercenary and sordid taint . The weary controversy within the Church grew the bitterer the longer it was continued . There were many efforts to

. re o sal reunite the two parties, but they were fruitless A p p c c c on the part of the Protesters to set up, with the on urren e - Six of the English , a body of twenty four ministers and elders — all members of their own party— as a Government for the Church greatly exasperated the Resolutioners and widened c the breach . Another project of the Protesters of whi h 1 ’ i i a r See c s D . 2 . N oll y, p 37 1 40 FAMOUS S COTS

W ff arristo n and Guthrie were the authors had the same e ect. n They proposed a new Covenant, omitti g all the articles in former covenants relating to the King and the Parliament, f to the liberties of the realm and the national de ence. The Resolutioners regarded this as a device to enable their rivals to lord it over themselves by help of the English. It was ’ - favoured by Monk, Cromwell s lieutenant general, who was brought by it into intimate relations with its authors . There was evidently a growing approximation between their party ‘ ’ a in and the Sect ries, and Baillie taunts the Protest g ministers on the score that they ‘ made no bones to pray ’ 1 with the English . In the autumn Of 1 656 the negotiations which each party made to obtain the favour of the Government in c securing its own paramount y were transferred to London . Up to this time neither had gained any very decided advantage : at the most the Protesters had succeeded in ejecting one or two Resolutioner ministers from their parishes and supplying their places with others of their L own section of the Church . atterly, however, through ’ ’ Br hill o g s adverse influence, and in spite of Monk s w good ill, they had rather been losing ground at the head quarters of the Go vernment . Both parties had been invited more than once by Cromwell to send representa~ tive s to arrange with himself a settlement of the con tro vers : y, but they had hitherto declined it was against the grain of Scottish Churchmen to recognise the right o f the Government to interfere in the internal affairs of Pro the Church . At last, however, they yielded to the ’ tecto r s wishes . The settlement the Protesters were to seek was the appointment of two Government Commissions On e for the administration of the revenues of the Church in accordance with the Acts of the Assembly and the laws of the realm previous to the split, the other for the purpose ‘ ’ of planting and purging the parishes and composin g differen ces i n the synods and presbyteries . They were to propose that the first should be constituted by members i chosen as the wisdom of the Government might dec de, and 1 Bai iii . . 21 . llie, p 3

1 4 2 FAMO US S COTS

r ’ Four days afte the date of Colville s letter, Baillie wrote to Sharp

‘ ’ ’ You see the enclosed [Colville s letter] that his [Wa rristo n s] profession to me constantly Since h e was a child and my c o f f c s holler was so great riendship, and that su h past O ffices o f w a e s l w uninterrupted kindness had all y past mutual y bet ixt us . That I could never have thought that fo r any cause whatsoever o f c f h he would have spoken me to any living, mu h less be ore t e P c c c u rote tor, words whi h tended so ex eedingly to my h rt, without th e least signification even to myselfdirectly or indirectly that h e ’ c o f if harboured any su h thoughts me, surely any other man s fo r c I f rashness ( mali e, know no man living that pro esses to have h a d f r it, at me) brought me to any trouble either o my words or I f deeds, would have addressed mysel to none sooner than my Lord W arristo n fo r his counsel and assistan ce as he may remember in h is late distresses I had been one o f his fastest ’ friends .

z rst r L On March, Sha p replied from ondon as follows

If L W a rristo n I h e the ord did mean you, think hath dealt injuriously with you upon many accounts but h e did not name you then neither have I sin ce heard by any in this place that ’ you were the man he aimed at .

We need not add another word to dispose of this calumny . ’ Warristo n s visit to London in the interests of the Pro testers w as destined to have an important influence on his own public career. Before leaving Edinburgh on his mission he had expressed a fear that he might be offered pla ce under the Protector and tempted for the sake of the r emoluments to accept it, as he was in pecuniary st aits and had a large family to support. What he feared happened. During his visits to th e Court overtures were made to him by Cromwell which resulted in his joining his Government ; L 1 6 and he w as reappointed ord Clerk Register in July 57 .

It was not in Scotland , however, but in England and at West minster that he was henceforth to take most part in publi c ff c a airs . He was a member of every Administration by whi h the Commonwealth was governed from this time on to the

Restoration . When Cromwell, in the second session of his JOHNSTON OF W A R R IST O N 1 43

— — last Parliament 2oth January to 4th February 1 658 made c Warristo n the experiment of a se ond House, was one of the

- sixty three who constituted it . There were other two Scots

iz . in the number, v , the Earl of Cassilis and Sir William L ockhart . The session only lasted for sixteen days, and the ’ peers had nothing to do . It was very largely the Commons jealousy o f the second House that caused the breach b e

tween them and Cromwell, and that led him to dissolve the as Parliament so soon after it had re sembled . In Richard ’ — Cromwell s Parliament 27th Jan u aryto 4th February 1 659 W L c arristo n continued to sit among the ords . When Ri hard Cromwell abdicated and an Administration formed by a coalition between the old Republican party and the Rump Warristo n came into power, , through the influence o f Sir

- Harry Vane, became one of the Non Parliamentary members his c of the Executive, having as olleagues, among others, L L D Whitlo k Vane, udlow, Fleetwood, ambert, esborough, c e,

Lord Fairfax, and John Bradshaw. He was one of the most influential of the body, and took the chair alternately with k Whitlo c e and Vane. The Administration continued in

power for five months, and was succeeded by another formed by the Army or Wallingford House party . The old

Executive, however, was retained, its name being changed ‘ ’ to the Committee of Public Safety . It was reduced - - Warri t from thirty one to twenty three members, and s o n f continued to hold a place in it . The Walling ord House Government was displaced by the return o f the Rump once 26th D 1 6 more, ecember 59, when several of the members of the Executive were censured and condemned to exclusion c Warri to n from publi life. s , though one of the most pro

minent, somehow escaped this penalty. Before other two ’ L months were over, Monk s march on ondon put an end

to the Commonwealth . We have seen the Singular disclosure Warristo n gave of eve L his state of mind on the of his ondon mission . His conscience was ill at ease ; he felt that he was about to expose himself to a temptation which would prove too

strong . We Shall see that in his last hours he reproached

himself for his compliance with Cromwell, and referred to 1 44 FAMOU S S COTS his having Seriously blamed others for doing the same thing before him as an aggravation of his conduct . But for his own testimony we should never have suspected that his part in the service of the Commonwealth was in any way uncongenial to him ; he might have been as convinced a republican as any of his colleagues . And had he not taken blame to himself for this part of his career, no i i e . historian could have suggest d it Pol t cally, he was much ’ ’ nearer Cromwell s type Of republicanism than Charles type of monarchy ; and in religion there was the closest sym Warristo n pathy between and the Protector . It was only on ecclesiastical matters they were divided : and it was ’ Warristo n s rigorous Presbyterianism that made his com ’ plian ce with Cromwell s Government weigh so heavily on his j c conscience . With his own onfession before us, we cannot

exonerate him from moral fault. But had he only done

what he did with a clear conscience, we should only have the more admired him for his adhesion to the Government of one who had purchased so good a right to rule England and in whose hands the liberties of the United Kingdom

were so safe .

1 46 FAMO US S COTS

On ro th October a writ of fugitation was issued against him . In the following year he was tried in his absence for c ff treason . The indi tment in e ect w as that he had been ‘ airt and pairt ’ in all the seditious acts of the King’ s Scottish subjects during the present and the previous reign that he had opposed the terms on which Char les was received in Scotland in 1 650 ; and that he had complied

. ffi with Cromwell He was condemned, his o ces were a declared vac nt, and his estates forfeited ; and the sentence 1 of death was pronounced against him . The tria l and con dem n atio n 1 were proclaimed at the Cross, 3th May ‘ when the heralds rave asunder his airm s and trampled them u nder their feet and k u ist [cast] a number o f thame over the croce and affixt ane of thame upon the height of the great stane to remai n there to the pu b lict view o f all airm s cro ce d c the beholders . Thir were ba kward, his head ’ 2 n w bei g put do nmost, and his feet upmost . Warristo n i l , on leav ng the country, fled to Ho land, and thence to Germany . He spent most of his time of i exile in the city of Hamburg . Wh le residing there he had Dr an illness for which he was treated by a . Bates, one a of the Court physici ns, and it was said that he met i with foul play at his hands . The specific allegat on was that he was purposely over-bled to such an extent that his constitution was Shattered . In his speech on the scaffold ‘ Warristo n spoke of his memory having been much ’ ‘ ’ destroyed by excessive drawing of blood, among other causes, but made no imputation of the kind we have men two in l tio n ed. After spending years Hol and and Germany his he went incautiously to France, where he was joined by L i an wife . ady Johnston had petit oned the King to gr t a pardon to her husband for the sake of their twelve children, ’ ‘ but in supplicating Charles pity She had sought grace ’ from a graceless face ; and when the petition was refused ’ i l she resolved to share her husband s ex le, for at east a n little while . The King, suspecti g that a Major Johnston knew where the two had appointed to meet on the Continent, 1 — Acts o Pa rlia ment vu A i 1 1 . f , . ppend x, 7 3 ’ ico ll s D ia r . 2 2. N y, p 3 J OHN STON O F W AR R IST O N 147 had him arrested and thrown into prison till he should inform . The Major, it was said, took fever through the

treatm ent he received, and died of it . One of those base creatures whom Charles could always lay hands upon for s - the vilest service Alexander Murray, commonly called ‘ — Crooked Murray was employed as a detective ; and by ’ tracking Lady Johnston s movements he discoveredWarristo n a at Rouen . Murray, who c rried in his hand a commission

from Charles , and who had applied to the French king for ’ a writ of extradition , entered the refugee s lodgings and Warristo n seized him when he was at his devotions . w as brought across the Channel and consigned to the Tower in 1 6 January 63. He lay there for six months, his imprison ment bein g Shared and solaced through permission of the

Government by his fourth daughter, Margaret, who was only i a girl at the t me. In the month of June he was brought down to Edinburgh to undergo the sentence pronounced 1 66 1 l against him in . Par iament was sitting, and the Government was anxious to carry out the execution at a season so favourable for impressing the public mind with

the terrors of the law, and emphasising the punishment of 8 so notorious an enemy of the King. It was on th June that the prisoner landed at Leith and in accordance with arrangements made at a meeting of the Council a few days

before, he was made to walk to the city, bareheaded, between r 8 gua ds ; and confined in the Tolbooth . On th July he was brought to the bar of Parliament to have his sentence S confirmed . All who saw him were hocked at the change

in his appearance and bearing. No one in that House where for so many years he h ad been a leading figure had had i Warrist n A S ever cause to p ty o before . he had risen

to address it, he had compelled it to listen by his po werful c reasoning and trenchant spee h . Many a time had he

made the King and the courtiers cower under his invective . But now as he stood before the House so enfeebled that

when he attempted to speak , he showed no flickering even

of his native fire, there were few who were not touched

with compassion , and it was left only to the bishops to insult him by the expression of their p leasure 1n his hu m 111a 1 48 FAMOU S S COTS

L tion . auderdale behaved with characteristic baseness on l this occasion, when his O d comrade in the Covenant stood waiting his sentence . A disposition having been shown — in by many to delay the execution, he rose accordance, as — all knew, with the wishes of the King to insist on its being carried out at once . The House gave way, and it was fixed 2 2 for n d J u ly .

While he lay in the Tolbooth awaiting his death, Warris ’ ton s relatives and friends were allowed to visit him . They al found him in a c m frame, his greatest concern being that ‘ ’ - f he might have a gracious through bearing, and not aint in ’ the hour of trial . The nearer he drew to his end, he grew th e more tranquil. His friend Kirkton visited him the ‘ night before his execution, when he said to him, I dare ’ a never question my salvation . I h ve so often seen God s ’ ‘ face in the hour of prayer. That night he slept very ’ sweetly, and when the morning came it found him still peaceful, and he spoke with assurance of his being clothed ’ ‘ !’ in a long white robe before night . Abba, Father was ’ his constant ejaculation . At two o clock he was taken — from prison and conducted by his via dolorosa it was only — — an a few steps to the Mercat Cross, where the gallows n f unusually high one, to be in keepi g with the o fences to be — A expiated upon it was erected . round the Cross were i ’ stationed the K ng s mounted guards, armed with carabines, and with their swords drawn ; and the city guard with their is in i colours displayed . What an irony there the l fe of ’ man ! Warristo n s town residence stood just on the oppo site side of the High Street from the Cross ; every day for many years he had looked u n co n cem e dly on the spot to which he was now led forth to so awful a death ; the p revio us shadow of that dread morning had perhaps never once fallen on his spiri t . On his way to the Cross he often turned to the people and asked their prayers . When the ff sca old was reached, he begged the crowd to quiet itself and listen to his last words ; and then he read in a clear voice his dying testimony, addressing it first to those assembled on the north side of the Cross, and then to those n on the south side . When he had fi ished, he prayed with

1 50 FAMO US S COTS

’ Warristo n s body was laid in Greyfriars Churchyard . His head was struck o ff and hung up at the Netherb o w ’ beside James Guthrie s, but on the intercession of a friend at Court, it was after a short while taken down and buried hi s with other dust in the graveyard which, during the next s quarter of a century, became the mo t sacred ground in

Scotland . i Warristo n Of the ch ldren of who survived their father, — we know of nine two sons and seven daughters . With the exception of the elder son , Alexander, they proved them f selves worthy O the name they bore . Alexander was bred as a lawyer, but made his living for a while by dealing in Exchequer bills , and then found employment in the i ’ ’ secret serv ce of King William s Government . In Brodie s D ia 1 6 1 ry there is the following entry regarding him 7 , W ’ . 1 . h arristo n s Nov 7th I heard t at Alexander, son , had i brok and through cheat ng, lying, wrong ways . My ff ’ brother and others had su ered much by him . The — th 1 6 1 th younger son, James born 9 September 55, died 3 1 — t March 7 44 had a distinguished career. He was educa ed in Holland, and won great reputation, while studying at c Utre ht, for his knowledge of civil law. Through the i i ffi influence of his cous n , Bishop Burnet, he obta ned o ce under the Government . He was Secretary of State for 1 6 2 1 6 6 1 0 —1 0 Scotland from 9 to 9 ; and in 7 4 7 5 he filled, f O L . like his father, the fice of ord Clerk Register When he c retired, he lived at Twickenham in quite a ourtly way ; he ha d often the Prime Minister, Sir Robert Walpole , as his guest, and the King himself (George sometimes honoured ’ his table by his presence . He had many of his father s th e traits of character. He had the same sincerity and same hot and eager temper, and apparently, also, the same sa n roid e gf in the presenc of Royalty, for it was said that his manners were too free for the taste at least Of one of the — 111 sovereigns he served William . On the other hand, he was a favourite of Queen Caroline, who liked his humour ’ and pleasantry . In respect of these he was not his father s son . i was The daughters of the fam ly were, Elizabe th, who J OHNSTON O F W AR R IST O N 1 51

f ’ married twice ; first to Thomas, eldest son of her ather s f riend , Sir Adam Hepburn of Humbie, and next to General D ro m lix William rummond of C , created Viscount Strath 1 686 allan in (seven years after her death) ; Rachel, who f erviswo o d became the wi e of Robert Baillie of J Helen, 1 6 who married (in 59) George Home of Graden , in the i c par sh of Earlston, Berwi kshire Margaret, who was married twice, first to Sir John Wemyss of Bogie, and then to Mr . Benjamin Bressey ; Janet, married to Sir

Alexander Mackenzie of Coul another, whose name we do f f o . c not know, who became the wi e Mr Roderick Ma kenzie

Eu h an 1 1 . and p , who died unmarried May 7 5 e L We hav mentioned the fact that Helen Johnston, ady ervisw o o d Graden, attended J when he suffered the penalty r c of death on the cha ge, utterly false, of his omplicity in

. si x the Rye House Plot For months before, he lay a S c prisoner in the Tolbooth, prostrated with i kness , and durin g nearly the whole of that time Lady Graden shared th e his imprisonment, tending him with most Sisterly ff a ection , and consoling him by the reading of the Word o f o God and her own devout conversation . On the day f his ’ trial ( 23rd De cember which lasted from ten o clock in ’ c sh e the forenoon to one o clo k next morning, sat beside him e D in th dock . uring the few hours that intervened between She c n the sentence and its execution , onti ued with him in f the prison ; she followed him to the sca fold , and strengthened him by whispered words of faith up to the last moment ; and when all was over she still remained till the last c barbarous indignities, pres ribed by the sentence, were — ’ done upon the corpse till it was cut in coupons and — these were o yled and tarred when she took th e limbs and wrapped them up in a linen cloth for brief burial in the ‘ thieves’ hole before they were distributed to the different

public places where they were to be exposed . Is it those who endure such a death or those who convoy others u c thro gh it, who most laim our pity and our admiration ? — That Warristo n was the father o f such a daughter for it — was a spiritual as well as a natural paternity i s surely an

additional ground for honouring his memory. 1 52 FAMOU S SCOTS

Lady Graden and her husband were both staunch 1 6 8 Covenanters . In 7 , Home was seized at Crookham , a l village on the Border, by a party of Eng ish soldiers who were in search of Covenanters who had sought refuge in

Northumberland , and carried as a prisoner to Hume Castle . In the following year he fought at Bothwell Bridge ; and in

Of . the same year, in the month October, he died From the Report of the Committee for Public Affairs presented to ro th 1 8 L the Council on September 6 4, we learn that ady Graden was fined in over twenty-six thousand pounds S cots ff i for nonconformity, by Henry Ker, the Sheri of Tev ot

dale. The fine was so excessive that it was apparently inflicted not merely because of th e personal offence Sh e had ’ i Warristo n s g ven to the Government, but because she was ’ ’ daughter and Home s widow and Jervisw o o d s sister- in law ! ’ Margaret Johnston was her father s companion , as we have

in . 1 6 mentioned, while he was a prisoner the Tower In 74 Sh e was brought before the Council and imprison ed along with other Covenanting ladies for presenting a petition for liberty to their ministers to conduct the worship o f their

people in accordance with their own forms . The petitioners l an d were brought up before the Counci a second time,

banished from the city . ’ The fact that so many of Warristo n s children followed in his steps and suffered for the cause for which he gave hi s life is a great testimony to his sincerity ; for if a man ’ s interior life be not in accordance with the lofty n h pri ciples w ich he professes, nothing is more sure than that those who see him in his freest and most spontaneous

moments will be cooled towards these principles . W ’ We have closed our sketch Of arristo n s career. We have little difli culty in getting behind the work of his e e elu ci lif to its inward quality . His character ne ds no

dation . Among his contemporaries and allies there were c men who were the opposite, whose chara ter was in

a greater or less degree enigmatical, whose conduct Often perplexes us in seeking to come to a fair judg i W rrist n ment regard ng them . a o always bore his purpose

1 54 FAMOUS SCOTS

Warristo n meant the same thing when he spoke in his last confession of the grace of God as engr a ven on his conscience and his heart . There was no one among all the reverend men in the Assemblies where he was so familiar a figure Of whose piety his brethren were more assured than the ’ keen lawyer who sat in the Clerk s chair. Even at a time in Scotland when men who habitually secluded them se lves for a portion of every day for the exercises of the Warristo n spiritual life were not scarce, was singular for his the hours he passed in closet with the door shut . He

Spent more time in reading, meditation, and prayer than ’ ’ any man I ever knew, was Kirkton s testimony . There were many stories current among his intimates of the extra ordinary length o fhis private devotions and of his oblivious

ness at those times to all that was going on around him . ervisw o o d When J was on his way to the scaffold, as he ’ passed Warristo n s house he looked up to one of the rooms L and turning to ady Graden , who accompanied him, said, ‘ Many a sweet day and night with God had your now ’ glorified father in that chamber . He needed many — ‘ ’— orisons h e needed to be very sure of God to live the life

l . he ived, and to die his death And when we turn from these testimonies to the involuntary self- revelation which

like every man he gave in his doings, we have, I think , the best confession of all that his life had its sources in th e n convictions and inspiratio s of the Christian Faith . I N D E !

A T S o f ass s he 1 16. CEREMONI ES T ile E n lislz Po C Cl e , T , , g p A r in s th e o e an 1 is/z o f o i es i ro gyle, jo C v n t, 4 ; , Ge rge G ll p e p War c ai th e c n ia fi o f d 2 . onfide t l r end l me , 3 is o 8 a a ar is 82 ha s as ss o f in hr s r t n, 4 m de m qu , C rle r hne , t u t has a tussle with Wa rristo n in in g inn ovatio ns on th e Sco ttish Pa ia n 82 o es th e hu c 1 c si e a io n sh n rl me t, ; m v C r h, 9 on d r t ow A c s o f asses in Par ia him th e Sc ish eo t Cl l ment, to by ott p ple, 8 a s n s hi s f f th e 1 6 1 18 e s th e 7 ; b e t m el rom 9, 7 , 73, ; ord r Ge n era l A ssembly to escape pro secutio n o f the authors o fth e

s sc i in to a i se i at t. i s 2 1 his o b ub r b g bond mpo d r ot S G le , ; Pa ia fo r th e su o rt stin ac 2 his ici 1 by rl ment pp y, 3 ; dupl ty, 3 o fa w ar- 1 1 h ea d o fth e his h a r d o fth e an levy, 5 ; 33 t e Coven t, R a s 1 16 n d in a s an in asi n o f c emonstr nt , ; drow e 33 ; pl n v o S ot 1 th e a 6 his a in the debt, 37 ; brought to l nd, 4 ; p rt - sca ffo 1 . ia i s a t i s 8 ld, 45 negot t on B rk , 55 5 A n o Rach e a o f ass s th e Sco ish ish s r t, l, gr ndmother re ure tt b op , Warristo n 1 h er z a fo r 6 his i a io o f th e T a , 4 ; e l 4 ; v ol t n re ty 1 o f B ic 6 shie s th e Presbytery, 5. erw k, 9 ; ld Sc is I n c ia i s - 1 ott h end r e , 7 5 8 LL E R o f ervisw o od his sac i c s fo r th e is o s 8 BAI I , obert, J , r fi e b h p , 7 so n -in -law o f Warristo n 1 1 isi s Sco a 80 is s s e c d , 5 , v t tl nd, ; u p te 1 o fi i s i Mo o se a n d s4. ntr gue w th ntr Ba illie R in s o fKilw in h s an d o f i s i a in th e , obert , m i ter ot er , n t g t g an d af a s P in ci a I is R e i 8 8 s s terw rd r p l r h eb ll on, 3, 4 ; eek Gas o U i e si 16 e Sc a f o o in i o f l g w n v r ty, , 4 7 , to ke p otl nd r m j ng 1 0 1 1 1 2 his i th e En is Pa ia n 74 , 94 . 4 . 4 . 4 : w th gl h rl me t, etters o 1 0 et 86 e ai s th e co ish a L qu ted, 9, 34 , 4 r p r to S tt rmy as im a t N ew a 10 co i i s . o s n p rk, 5 mpr m g

Balca n uhal De a o fDu1ham 6 . e s a re f n in h 1s car ia q , n , 5 lett r ou d r ge

a i Lo . at ase 10 fo s e s ea o s B lmer no , rd, 7 5 N by , 5 t r j l u y

ic T a o f 60. e ee th e P es ian s a d Berw k, re ty , b tw n r byter n

inni H 1 . th e I n e e n s 106 is B ng, ugh, 35 d p nde t , ; ish o n o f Wa r a o e to a co i e o f Burnet, B p, ephew h nded v r mm tt e

is n d 1 1 . th e En is Pa ia n an d r ton, ote , 5, 33, 4 gl h rl me t o e Lo i a e H o s H o s 1 10 Burnet , b rt, rd Cr mond, t k n to lm by u e, - - w o fWarristo n 1 . se iz e at H s H us brother in la , 4 d olm by o e by 1 56 IN D E !

D f c an d ta n a a o 1 20. Cornet Joy e ken to u b r, B ttle , N a e 1 12 m D s Law Sc is a at ewm rk t, ; re oved to un , ott h rmy , 47 . H a n 1 1 fl s mpto Court , 3 ; ee to a is o o as 1 1 a e s E B RGH E sias o f th e C r br ke C tle, 3 m k DIN U , nthu m

th e se c a n as T h e c iz e s o f fo r th e o a 2. ret tre tyknow it n , C ven nt, 7 ’ E a Sc ish E as ia s T h e in s s ng gement with ott r t n , , We tmin ter

o issio s 1 1 his execu ss . C mm ner , 3; A embly, 93

i n 1 1 . t o , 7 a e s r c a e in Five D issen tin B ret/lren T h e Ch rl p o l im d K g by g , ,

th e Sc s 1 18 a cc s th e in s i s e sse 101 . ot , ; ept We tm n t r A mbly, na 1 1 8 a es 1n Sco Cove nt, rriv t a 1 18 n o t a LLES E 2 6 l nd, ; llowed to GI PI , George, 3, 94, 9 .

acco a n th e a m D a o i T h as . mp y r y to unb r, Go dw n, om , 94 1 1 i a io in Sc a at a e La see H 9 jub l t n otl nd Gr d n, dy elen

i R s a i 1 his v in h s n . h s e tor t on, 45 ; Jo n to dictiv en ess a s Warristo n i a s 1 1 12 12 tow rd , Guthr e, J me , 9, 3, 4, ’ 1 f s s La hn s s 1 1 0. 45 ; re u e dy Jo ton 33, 5 pe titio n fo r a pardo n fo r he r

s a 1 6 . H AMrLT ON Fi a t 1 26 hu b nd, 4 , ght , . ’ Chie sle Sir o o f Kersw all H a il n Ma is o f Ki s y, J hn, , m to , rqu , ng 1 1 1 S e cia issi n co 91 4 5° p l Comm o er to S t

a en n Lo 20. a 0 his c a a c 0 Cl r do , rd, quoted, l nd, 3 ; h r ter, 3 e a T he Na i n a ass L Hi issi a t Cov n nt , t o l , p ion ord gh Comm oner s 2 a cc o f las sse rou ed by, 9 ; ount by G gow A mbly, 37 . an E isco a ia in is 28 H a ir a o f F s p p l n m ter, ; y, S Alex nder, ore ter a cc o f a a isa o f th e S a fa h -in -law o fWarristo n ount by p rt n e t, t er , en 2 1 Go vernm t, 9. 7 . a i E iz a h o f H a H M is La Cr g, l beth, mot er y, elen or on, dy John

Warris to n 1 6 . s n o fWarristo n 1 1 1 , to , 7 , 5. ai Sir T o a s o f Riccarto n H e s n A xa f a s th e Cr g, h m , , nder o , le nder, r me

ra fa o fWarristo n 16 . a i n a a a n i g nd ther , N t o l Coven nt lo g w th e as s Of fo r fe in Warristo n 2 M a o f Cromwell , r on , pre rr g , 7 ; oder tor I e n c 10 1 hi s ece as ss 8 a t ndep den y, r p Gl gow A embly, 3 ; o a t E n a f th e D n s Law 1 1 ti n di burgh ter u , 4 , 5 , 54 ; Com a e o f P s 1 16 his issio at Ri es b ttl re ton , ; m ner pon, 7 5 mov r c a c i a Sco a a sse a elu t n e to nv de tl nd, Gener l A mbly to prepare 1 19 ; his correspondence with pla tform o f re ligi ous unifo rmity th e inis s o fE in 12 fo r th e i s 8 m ter d burgh, 3 two k ngdom , 5 ; tries to establish frien dlyrela tio n s frames first draft Of the Solemn i h th e R s a n ts 1 2 at L a u an d na 1 a t w t emon tr , 5 e g e Cove nt, 9 a s o 1 26 iss o s th e s i s A ss Gl g w, ; d lve We tm n ter embly, 94 ,

a ss 1 6 c a . Gener l A embly, 3 h r 96 ac o f his e e in H e a o f H ie ter gov rnm nt pburn, Ad m, umb ,

o a 1 . o fW t n Sc 8 Le s arris o 6. tl nd, 3 tter to, 7 - Cu m berna u ld B a n d T he 8 . H Of a so n in , , 3 ome, George, Gr den, la w o fWa rristo n 1 2 , 5 . ’ DO GL S R e s e in Ho Sir T as i Advo U A , ob rt , mini t r pe, hom , K ng s

E i h 1 . ca . d nburg , 34 te, 34

1 58 IN DE!

i ee o fP ic Saf 1 La A c is 18 6 101 . Comm tt ubl ety, 43 ud, r hb hop, , 4 , r ac s hi se f fo r c Le s A a Ea o f rep o he m l omply lie, lex nder, rl Leven, in i 1 a 6 68 2 1 16 1 26 g w th Cromwell, 43 ; 44 . 4 , . 8 . . a an is iss fo r his a s L s Da i a 1 10 w rr t ued rre t, e lie, v d, Gener l, 04 , 5,

1 h e sca s 1 i in 1 16 120 I 2 . 45 ; e pe , 45 ; tr ed , , 3 absentia fo r as an d Le s ic 12 b in a 10 al e at tre on , l , o , y p ge

s c a h 1 6 fl s D ns Law . enten ed to de t , 4 ee u , 53 ' H o a an d h c L n Par ia sa i a i o f to ll nd t en e to o g l ment, t sf ct on a 1 6 s in Sco is missi s i Germ ny, 4 ; goe tt h Com oner w th, i s F a c an is caut ou ly to r n e, d 74~ a a t R 1 6 Lo Ea o f 6 6 pprehended ouen, 4 ; udoun, rl , 34 , 54, 7 , 7 ,

En a an d c fi 82 86 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 . brought to gl nd on ned , , 9 , 3, 4, 5

in th e T r 1 L is m m. o f F a c o e a owe , 47 brought to ou r n e, C v n nt E i an d co n 1n th e in Lea s draf a l d nburgh fined g der t etter to, .

T 1 his a ara c ask1n his s o 68. olbooth, 47 ppe n e g upp rt, a t th e ba r o f Parli ament to cei c n a i o f his se n M T L Lo r af a s re ve o firm t on AI AND, d, terw rd c 1 as s 1 8 Du o f La a 6 1 ten e, 47 ; l t hour , 4 ke uderd le, 9 , 1 3, s c th e scaff 1 1 1 1 pee h on old, 49 , 4 1 37 his c i d n 1 0 1 1 h1s Ma s M Ba o f 10 h l re , 5 , 5 ; r ton oor, ttle , 4. Ma i M c a ac 1 2. c o a i 1 18. h r ter, 5 u hl ne o r G ther ng,

h s H a o f Mi o 8 10 1 1 1 . Jo n ton, elen, d ughter lt n, 7 , , 9 Warristo n a i Mo n rose 1 1 62 8 10 , m rr ed to George , , , 3, 89, 5, H o f a 1 1 acco m g ome Gr den, 5 I I M an ics ervisw o o d th e ra T h o d 1 . p J to ur y, e Cro ke , 47 fl o ld 1 1 fo r sca , 5 ; fined non

c f mi 1 2. N SEB he a o f 10 . on or ty, 5 A Y, T b ttle , 5 s a s cha N e Phi i 0 John ton, J me , mer nt, y . l p. 9 . 94 E i r fa r o f War d nbu gh, the ’ is 16 O E L Le a of the I r ton, . N I , der rish War s o a s so n o f riston R e l i 8 . John t n , J me , , eb l on, 4

is in is car e o f 1 0. d t gu hed e r , 5 o n s Ma ar a o f PH ILI PHAUGH T h e a o f 10 J h ton, rg et, d ughter , b ttle , 5. Warristo n i h er fa h in the P s ia s I a c o f th e , w th t er re byter n , ntoler n e , T e 1 1 i iso d i h 101 102 h ei c in th e ow r, 5 ; mpr ne w t , ; t r poli y

t a i a s 1 2. i Wa r 10 o her Coven nt ng l die , 5 Civ l , 4 . s Rac e sis o f Wa r P s s an d R so i John ton, h l , ter rote ter e lut oners is m a Lo Cri cha a c e s 1 1- r ton , rried to rd r t ri ed, 3 34. n 1 her a ac e P 8 mo d, 5 ; tt hm nt to ym , 7 1 90° ’ h e r s in ci s 1 . brother pr ple , 5 ns L o f An a a R O Joh ton, ord, n nd le, IP N . 73, 77 . Le rs o fWarristo n 62 Ro c H Minis in tte to, . llo k, enry, ter

Edi r 2. nbu gh, 7 KER 1 2 R h s Ear o f 68 6 , Colonel , 4. ot e , l , 54, , 7 , 137 . R h f Sa l 1 ut er ord, mue , 94, 33.

L RK Ea o f 8 1 1 . ANA , rl , 7 , 3 ’ La r er la ratio n T he i s SCOT T o f co tstarvit 1 8 g Dec , K ng , S , 3 . 6 5. Selden, 94. IN D E! 1 59

i Re ains the S de se rf Bish o f a a 2 Serv ce Bo o k, volt ag t , y , op G llow y, 3,

2 1 . 4 1 . a isho 16 1 1 Sh rp, Archb p, , 4 ,

1 T h e 24 . o f th e a Eai'l o f 2 2 62 6 Coven nt, , 3, 5, , 5,

c o fthe . ° Chara ter , 44 , 45 75 S o ttisw oo d h is o 1 p , Arc b h p, 4

ir H . 6 . V E 0 1 4 AN , S enry, 9 , 43

St. i s Rio in 18 G le , t , .

S ach a n 12 . EST M ST ER ASSEM L T h e tr , Colonel , 4 W IN B Y, ,

S affo 1 . ch . iii . . tr rd, 7 , 74 x , 93 i S in o ir n 1 1 hi o Ra 1 1 1 1 16. w t n, S Joh , 9. W ggam re d, ,