Name Date AP US History II period __ Mrs. Homstein

Investigative Reporters, Carl Bernstein & President Nixon’s Resignation Speech: Bob Woodward of the Washington Post August 9, 1974

"Watergate"is a general term used to describe a complex web of political scandals between 1972 and 1974. The word refers to the Watergate Hotel in Washington D.C. In addition to the hotel, the Watergate complex houses many business offices. It was here that the office of the Democratic National Committee was burgled on June 17th, 1972. "Watergate" is now an all-encompassing term used to refer to:

political burglary bribery extortion wiretapping (phone tapping) conspiracy obstruction of justice destruction of evidence tax fraud illegal use of the Central Intelligence Agency (C.I.A.) illegal use of the Federal Bureau of Investigations (F.B.I.) illegal campaign contributions use of public (taxpayers’) money for private purposes

Background to Watergate: 1968: Richard Milhous Nixon (Republican) elected president. . . Nixon was first elected to the US House of Representatives in 1947, campaigning strongly as an anti-communist. ~ He was subsequently elected to the Senate and became Vice-President under Eisenhower (1952-60). He was defeated in the 1960 presidential election by John F. Kennedy. No stranger to controversy, Nixon had been the subject of allegations in his 1952 vice-presidential campaign that led to the famous "checkers" speech. 1971: Publication of the "Pentagon Papers". These secret Defense Department documents on American involvement in the Vietnam war were leaked to the New York Times by an official in the Defense Department, Dr. Daniel Ellsberg. Nixon challenged the publication of the documents in the Supreme Court and lost when the court ruled 6-3 in favour of publication.

1970-1: A White House Specia~ Investigations Unit is established, known as the "Plumbers". This secret group investigated the private ~ives of Nixon’s critics and political enemies. It burgled the office of Ellsberg’s psychiatrist in an attempt to discover damaging information.

Nixon was reported to have a "hate list", containing the names of many Democrats, James Reston, Jack Anderson, Jane Fonda, Barbra Streisand, Paul Newman, and even Gough Whitlam.

Somewhere around 1971, voice-activated tape recorders were installed in the Oval Office in the White House.

The Political Context: The late 1960s were a time of great politica~ and social upheaval in the United States. President Johnson had been destroyed by the Vietnam War and had announced that he would not contest the 1968 election. A spirit of unrest pervaded the college campuses. Demands for black rights were growing and a huge anti-war movement had developed.

Nixon was elected on a pledge of ending the war. During his term, Nixon and his Secretary of State, Dr. Henry Kissinger, opened up diplomatic relations with China (1971) and establishing "detente" with the Soviet Union. It has been argued that only a president with Nixon’s well~established and hostile attitude to communism could have done these things. As the 1972 etection approached, the Democrats opted for a liberal candidate, Senator George McGovern, a factor that led to the landslide win by Nixon. Nixon won 49 of the 50 states, McGovern winning only Massachusetts and Washington D.C. During the campaign, McGovern had been forced to drop his vice-presidentia~ running mate, Thomas Eagleton, after newspapers published reports of his previous mental illness. McGovern had earlier said he was 1000% behind Eagleton. Eagleton was replaced by Sargent Shriver.

The Watergate Burglary: June 17th, 1972: Five men are arrested at the Watergate complex after burgling the offices of the Democratic National Committee. Charges are a~so laid against G. Gordon Liddy (CREEP) and E. Howard Hunt, a former White House aide. The "Watergate Seven" were sentenced by Judge John Sirica. View ABC’s report on the Watergate break-in on June 19th, 1972.

January 1973: James McCord and others a~leged that they had ~ied in earlier evidence at the urging of John Dean (counsel to the President) and John Mitchell (Attorney-General). These allegations of a cover-up and obstruction of justice by the highest law officers in the land blew Watergate wide open,

February 1973: The Senate votes (77-0) to establish a Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, chaired by Senator Sam Ervin (Democrat - North Carolina) April 30th 1973: Nixon announces the dismissal of Dean and the resignations of Haldeman and Erlichman, two of his closest advisers. The Attorney-General, Richard Kleindienst, also resigns and is replaced by E~iot Richardson. Archibald Cox is appointed as a special Watergate prosecutor. Click here to read the full text of Nixonls Address to the Nation.

May-October 1973: Senate hearings continue. Alexander Butterfield disclosed the existence of the White House tapes and a protracted lega~ battle begins. On 15 August, 1973, Nixon delivered a second Address to the Nation on Watergate. Nixon claimed ~’executive privilege" for the tapes and argued that he should not have to hand them over. Archibald Cox and the Senate Watergate committee request the Supreme Court instruct Nixon to surrender the tapes.

October 12th 1973: Nixon nominates Gerald Ford, Republican Minority leader in the House of Representatives, as vice-president, following the resignation of Spiro Agnew on bribery and tax evasion charges. Nixon’s tax returns also come under investigation.

October 1973 - The Saturday Night Massacre: Nixon orders the Attorney~General to dismiss the special prosecutor, Archibald Cox. Richardson refuses to do so and resigns. His deputy is sacked for similarly refusing to carry out Nixon’s order. Eventually, the Solicitor-General, Robert Bork, dismisses Cox. In the 1980s, Bork becomes a controversial Reagan nominee to the Supreme Court. His nomination is rejected by the Senate.

Late October 1973: Under immense pressure, Nixon releases some of the tapes. One tape is found to have a 18 and a half minute gap. Electronics experts report that the gap was the result of at ~east 5 separate erasures. Nixon’s secretary, Rose Mary Woods, denies deliberately erasing the tape.

November 17th 1973: During a press conference, Nixon says I’I’m not a crook".

Early 1974: There are calls for Nixon to resign and the Congress begins to seriously consider impeachment.

January 1974: TIME Magazine names Watergate Judge John Sirica as Man of the Year,

April 30th 1974: Nixon releases more edited transcripts of tapes. ¯ There is public shock at the foul language used by Nixon and the expression "expletive deleted" enters the vocabulary.

July 24th 1974: The Supreme Court orders (8-0) Nixon to release more tapes that were potential evidence in criminal trials of his former subordinates. The case is known as United States v. Nixon.

July 27th-30th: The House of Representatives Judiciary Committee votes (27-11) to recommend that Nixon be impeached on three charges, including obstruction of justice. Read the text of the Articles of Impeachment and an analysis of the Judiciary Committee’s votes.

August 5th 1974: Nixon releases three more tapes that prove he ordered a cover-up of the Watergate burglary on June 23rd 1972, six days after the break-in. The tapes show that he knew of the involvement of White House officials and the Campaign for the Re-election of the President. These tapes become known as the "smoking gun". The eleven Republicans on the Judiciary Committee who voted against impeachment say they will change their votes. It is clear that Nixon will be impeached and convicted in the Senate.

August 9th 1974: Nixon resigns, the first president ever to do so.

Gerald Ford becomes the 38th president. He nominates Nelson Rockefeller as vice~president. They become the nation’s first unelected presidential duo.

8 September 1974: President Ford grants Nixon a "full, free and absolute pardon".

November 1976: Jimmy Carter defeats Ford to become the 39th president.

Casualties & Convictions Resulting from Watergate: o one presidential resignation o onevice-presidentia~ resignation ¯ 40 government officials indicted or jailed o H.R~ Haldeman & John Erlichman (White House staff) resigned 30 April 1973, subsequently o jailed ~ John Dean (White House legal counsel) sacked 30 April 1973, subsequently jailed o John Mitchell, Attorney~General and Chairman of the Committee to Re-elect the President o (CREEP) jailed o Howard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy (ex-White House staff), planned the Watergate break-in, o both jailed ¯ Charles Colson, special counsel to the President jailed o James McCord (Security Director of CREEP) jailed

Aftermath: Some commentators attribute the increased ~evel of cynicism about politics to the Watergate affair.

The media becomes more confident and aggressive. Watergate was unraveled by the Washington Post reporters, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein~ Their work led to the development of teams of ~’investigative" reporters on newspapers around the world. "Deep Throat" became an everyday term, referring to the anonymous official who leaked information to Woodward and Bernstein.

A new wave of Democratic congressmen is elected in 1976 and there are dramatic changes in the composition of committee chairmanships.

Many of Nixon~s subordinates are jailed, some discover religion, and others write books.

Political scandals are termed ~’--gate~’.

Nixon sets about rehabilitating his reputation, writing books and travelling the world. He dies on April 22nd 1994 at the age of 81. In 1995, Oliver Stone produces a film called "Nixon", starring Anthony Hopkins as Nixon. The film is condemned by the Nixon family. Earlier, in 1991, Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin produce a book cal~ed "Silent Coup - The Remova~ of a President".

Former Vice-President Spiro Agn~w dies on September 17~ 1996, in Berlin~ Maryland, aged 77. Click here to visit The Wild World of Spiro Agnew.

More of the White House tapes were released in 1996 and 1997. Read a backgrounder about these tapes and a discussion from The News Hour with Jim Lehrer. The Washington Post also discusses the tapes.

Watergate provides useful material for analyzing the operation of the President, Congress or Supreme Court. It gives some idea of the interplay between the 3 arms of the American political system and of the political values underpinning the constitutional framework.

Congressional committees (Senate Watergate & House Judiciary) - The operation of these committees demonstrate a fundamenta~ difference between the Australian and American political systems. US congressiona~ committees have much more independence and power than parliamentary committees in Australia. The inquiries undertaken by the Senate Watergate Committee were crucial in securing Nixon’S resignation. The recommendation by the Judiciary Committee to impeach the president was carried by the votes of both Democrat and Republican members.

Supreme Court power over the Executive branch - The checks and balances built into the US system were demonstrated by the rulings of the Court that Nixon release the tapes of Oval Office conversationS,

Presidential executive power, and the White House office - Nixon claimed "executive privilege" for the White House tapes and other documents. His personal staff, particularly Ha~deman and Ertichman, demonstrate the power that the White House office can exercise. Unlike Cabinet appointments, these positions are not subject to Senate confirmation.

Separation of powers - No member of any of the 3 arms of the US government may belong to any of the other arms~ Checks and balances - The Watergate scanda~ demonstrates the complex web of safeguards built !nto the American Constitution. On the one hand, the President is the Head of Government, but does not control the Legislature. Unlike a Westminster Prime Minister, the President cannot dissolve Congress. Whilst the President may nominate members of the Judicial arm, they require Senate approval. Similarly, the President serves a fixed 4-year term and may only be removed following an impeachment process that must begin in the House of Representatives. The President may only be removed from office by the Senate~

Values of accountability and responsibility - the remova~ of Richard Nixon demonstrates an array of accountability processes. Whilst serving a fixed term of office, the President is accountable to the House of Representatives, the chamber that most directly reflects the most recent opinion of the nation. However, in keeping with the Federalist values of the Founding Fathers, it is only the Senate, where each state, regardless of population, is represented by two Senators, which may remove the President.

Malcolm Farnsworth - malcolm@~+=~ace.net.au last updated 9 November ~97 ~ FBI’s No. 2 Was ’Deep Throat’ - washingtonpost.com Page 1 of 5 washingtonpost.com FBI’s No. 2 Was ’Deep Throat’ Mark Felt Ends 30-Year Mystery of The Post’s Watergate Source

By David Von Drehle Washington Post Staff Writer Wednesday,~ A01 Deep Throat, the secret source whose insider guidance was vital to The Washington Post’s groundbreaking coverage of the Watergate scandal, was a pillar of the FBI named W. Mark Felt, The Post confirmed yesterday.

As the bureau’s second- and third-ranking official during a period when the FBI was battling for its independence against the administration of President Richard M. Nixon, Felt had the means and the motive to help uncover the web of internal spies, secret surveillance, dirty tricks and coverups that led to Nixon’s unprecedented resignation on Aug. 9, 1974, and to prison sentences for some of Nixon’s highest-ranking aides.

Felt’s identity as Washington’s most celebrated secret source had been an object of speculation for more than 30 years until yesterday, when his role was revealed by his family in a Vanity Fair magazine article. Even Nixon was caught on tape speculating that Felt was "an informer" as early as February 1973, at a time when Deep Throat was supplying confirmation and context for some of The Post’s most explosive Watergate stories.

But Felt’s repeated denials, and the stalwart silence of the reporters he aided -- Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein -- kept the cloak of mystery drawn up around Deep Throat. In place of a name and a face, the source acquired a magic and a mystique.

He was the romantic truth teller half hidden in the shadows of a Washington area parking garage. This image was rendered indelibly by the dramatic best-selling memoir Woodward and Bernstein published in 1974, "All the President’s Men." Two years later, in a blockbuster movie of the same name, actor Hal Holbrook breathed whispery urgency into the suspenseful late-night encounters between Woodward and his source.

For many Americans under 40, this is the most potent distillation of the complicated brew that was Watergate. Students who lack the time or interest to follow each element of the scandal’s slow unraveling in comprehensive history books can quickly digest the vivid relationship of a nervous elder guiding a relentless reporter.

As dramatic as those portrayals were, they hewed closely to the truth, Woodward said.

"Mark Felt at that time was a dashing gray-haired figure," Woodward recalled, and his experience as an anti-Nazi spy hunter early in his career at the FBI had endowed him with a whole bag of counterintelligence tricks. Felt dreamed up the signal by which Woodward would summon him to a meeting (a flowerpot innocuously displayed on the reporter’s balcony) and also hatched the countersign by which Felt could contact Woodward (a clock face inked on Page 20 of Woodward’s daily New York Times).

"He knew he was taking a monumental risk," said Woodward, now an assistant managing editor of The http~//www.washingt~np~st.c~m/wp-dyn~c~ntent/artic~e/2~5/~5/~/AR2~5~53~655~... 3/13i2008 FBI’s No. 2 Was ’Deep Throat’ - washingtonpost.com Page 2 of 5

Post whose catalogue of prizewinning and best-selling work has been built on the sort of confidential relationships he maintained with Deep Throat.

Felt also knew, by firsthand experience, that Nixon’s administration was willing to use wiretaps and break-ins to hunt down leakers, so no amount of caution was too great in his mind. Woodward rode multiple taxis, sometimes in the wrong direction, and often walked long distances to reach the middle- of-the-night meetings.

For once, real life was as rich as the Hollywood imagination. But yesterday Woodward and Bemstein expressed a concern that the Deep Throat story has, over the years, come to obscure the many other elements that went into exposing the Watergate story: other sources, other investigators, high-impact Senate hearings, a shocking trove of secret White House tape recordings and the decisive intervention of a unanimous U.S. Supreme Court.

By tethering the myth to a real and imperfect human being, Americans may be able to get a clearer picture of Watergate in the future, they said. "Felt’s role in all this can be overstated," said Bernstein, who went on after Watergate to a career of books, magazine articles and television investigations. "When we wrote the book, we didn’t think his role would achieve such mythica! dimensions. You see there that Felt/Deep Throat largely confirmed information we had already gotten from other sources."

The identification is also likely to encourage new arguments about the essential meaning of Watergate, which has been construed by partisans and historians as the fruit of Vietnam, of Nixon’s obsession with the Kennedy family, of the president’s mental instability, and as a press coup, a congressional uprising and more. Felt’s role places the fact of a disgruntled FBI front and center.

Felt, 91 and enfeebled by a stroke, lives in California, his memory dimmed. For decades, Woodward, Bernstein and Benjamin C. Bradlee, The Post’s executive editor during the Watergate coverage, maintained that they would not disclose his identity until after his death. "We’ve kept that secret because we keep our word," Woodward said.

The secrecy held through some amazing twists of fate. In 1980, Felt and another senior FBI veteran were convicted of conspiring nearly a decade earlier to violate the civil rights of domestic dissidents in the Weather Underground movement; President Ronald Reagan then issued a pardon.

Woodward had prepared for Fells eventual death by writing a short book about a relationship he describes as intense and sometimes troubling. His longtime publisher, Simon & Schuster, is rushing the volume to press -- but the careful unveiling of the information did not proceed as Woodward or The Post had envisioned.

Yesterday morning, Vanity Fair released an article by a Califomia lawyer named John D. O’Connor, who was enlisted by Felt’s daughter, Joan Felt, to help coax her father into admitting his role in history. O’Connor’s article quoted a number of Felt’s Mends and family members saying that he had shared his secret with them, and it went on to say that Felt told the author -- under the shield of attorney-client privilege -- "I’m the guy they used to call Deep Throat."

O’Connor wrote that he was released from his obligation of secrecy by Mark and Joan Felt. He also reported that the Felts were not paid for cooperating with the Vanity Fair article, though they do hope the revelation will "make at least enough money to pay some bills," as Joan Felt is quoted in the magazine.

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Woodward and others at The Post were caught by surprise. Woodward had known that family lnembers were considering going public; in fact, they had talked repeatedly with Woodward about the possibility of jointly writing a book to reveal the news. An e-mail from Felt’s daughter over the Memorial Day weekend continued to hold out the idea that Woodward and Felt would disclose the secret together.

Throughout those contacts, Woodward was dogged by reservations about Felt’s mental condition, he said yesterday, wondering whether the source was competent to undo the long-standing pledge of anonymity that bound them.

Caught flatfooted by Vanity Fair’s announcement, Woodward and Bemstein initially issued a terse statement reaffirming their promise to keep the secret until Deep Thi’oat died. But the Vanity Fair article was enough to bring the current executive editor of The Post, Leonard Downie Jr., back to Washington from a corporate retreat in Maryland. After he consulted with Woodward, Bemstein and Bradlee, "the newspaper decided that the newspaper had been released from its obligation by Mark Felt’s family and by his lawyer, through the publication of this piece," Downie said. "They revealed him as the source. We confirmed it."

Downie praised Woodward’s willingness to abide by his pledge even while the Felt family was exploring "what many people would view as a scoop."

"This demonstrates clearly the lengths to which Bob and this newspaper will go to protect sources and a confidential relationship," Downie said.

Bradlee said he was amazed that the mystery had lasted thi’ough the decades. "What would you think the odds were that this town could keep that secret for this long?" he said.

It wasn’t for lack of sleuths. "Who was Deep Throat?" has been among the most compelling questions of modem American history, dissected in books, in films, on the Interact, and in thousands of articles and hundreds of television programs. Virtually every figure in the Nixon administration, from Henry A. Kissinger to Patrick J. Buchanan to Diane Sawyer, has been nominated for the role -- sometimes by other Nixon veterans. Former White House counsel John W. Dean III, who tried to cover up Watergate on Nixoffs instructions and then gave crucial testimony about the scheme, was a frequent contributor to the speculation, as was another Nixon lawyer, Leonard Garment.

Recently, an investigative-reporting class at the University of Illinois compiled what professor Bill Gaines believed to be a definitive case that Deep Throat was the deputy White House counsel, Fred F. Fielding. Those findings were publicized around the world. Perhaps the most insightful argument was mustered in the Atlantic magazine by journalist James Mann in 1992. "He could well have been Mark Felt," Mann wrote cautiously in a piece that laid bare the institutional reasons why FBI loyalists came to fear and resent Nixon’s presidency.

Felt fended off the searchlight each time it swung in his direction. "I never leaked information to Woodward and Bemstein or to anyone else!" he wrote in his 1979 memoir, "The FBI Pyramid."

"It would be contrary to my responsibility as a loyal employee of the FBI to leak information," he told journalist Timothy Noah six years ago.

In an article being prepared for tomorrow’s Washington Post, Woodward will detail the "accident of history" that connected a young reporter fresh from the suburbs to a man whom many FBI agents considered the best choice to succeed the legendary J. Edgar Hoover as director of the bureau.

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Woodward and Felt met by chance, he said, but their friendship quickly became a source of information for the reporter. On May 15, 1972, presidential candidate George Wallace was shot and severely wounded by Arthur H. Bremer, in a parking lot in Laurel.

Eager to break news on a local story of major national importance, Woodward contacted Felt for information on the FBI’s investigation. Unlike many in the bureau, Felt was known to talk with reporters, and he provided Woodward with a series of front-page nuggets -- though not with his name attached.

By coincidence, the Bremer case came two weeks after the death of Hoover, an epochal moment for the FBI, which had never been led by anyone else. Felt wanted the job, he later wrote. He also wanted his beloved bureau to maintain its independence. And so his motivations were complex when Woodward called a month later seeking clues to the strange case of a burglary at the Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate complex. Again, the young reporter had a metro angle on a national story, because the five alleged burglars were arraigned before a local judge.

Wounded that he was passed over for the top job, furious at Nixon’s choice of an outsider, Assistant Attorney General L. Patrick Gray III, as acting FBI director, and determined that the White House not be allowed to steer and stall the bureau’s Watergate investigation, Mark Felt slipped into the role that would forever alter his life.

He makes his first appearance as a literary figure in Chapter 4 of"All the President’s Men."

"Woodward had a source in the Executive Branch who had access to information at [Nixon’s campaign committee] as well as at the White House," Bemstein and Woodward wrote. "His identity was unknown to anyone else. He could be contacted only on very important occasions. Woodward had promised he would never identify him or his position to anyone."

Felt established extremely strict initial ground roles: He could never be quoted -- even as an anonymous source -- and he would not provide information. He would "confirm information that had been obtained elsewhere and.., add some perspective," in the words of the book.

At first, the two men spoke by telephone. But Watergate was, after all, a case that began with a telephone wiretap. Felt had been summoned at least once to the White House, before Watergate, to discuss the use of telephone surveillance against administration leakers. He soon concluded that his own phones -- and the reporters’ -- might be tapped. That’s when he developed the system of coded signals and parking-garage encounters.

The relationship immediately bore fruit. On June 19, 1972, two days after the botched break-in, Felt assured Woodward that The Post could safely make a connection between burglars and a former CIA agent linked to the White House, E. Howard Hunt. Three months later, Felt again provided key context and reassurance, telling Woodward that a story tying Nixon’s campaign committee to the hreak-in could be "much stronger" than the first draft, and still be on solid ground.

One of the most important encounters between Woodward and his source came a month later, on Oct. 8, 1972. In four months the scandal had grown in its reach yet faded in its seeming importance. Nixon was sailing to what would be a landslide reelection, and his opponent, Sen. George McGovern (D-S.D.), was having no luck making a campaign issue of Watergate.

In the wee hours in a deserted garage, Felt laid out a much broader view of the scandal than Woodward

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From the book: Woodward "arrived at the garage at 1:30 a.m.

"Deep Throat was already there, smoking a cigarette ....

"On evenings such as these, Deep Throat had talked about how politics had infiltrated every comer of government -- a strong-ann takeover of the agencies by the Nixon White House .... He had once called it the ’switchblade mentality’ -- and had referred to the willingness of the president’s men to fight dirty and for keeps ....

"The Nixon White House worried him. ’They are underhanded mad unknowable,’ he had said numerous times. He also distrusted the press. ’I don’t like newspapers,’ he had said flatly."

As Felt talked through the night -- of his love for gossip and his competing his desire for exactitude, of the danger Nixon posed to the government and The Post specifically -- he urged Woodward to follow the case to the top: to Nixon’s former attorney general, John N. Mitchell; to Nixon’s inner brace of aides, H.R. "Bob" Haldeman and John H. Ehrlichman; and even to Nixon himself.

"Only the president and Mitchell know" everything, he hinted.

That meeting and others gave senior Post editors the confidence they needed to stick with the story through withering fire from the administration and its defenders.

Later that month, at what Bradlee called "the low point" of the saga, Woodward and Bemstein misunderstood a key detail of a major story linldng Haldeman to the financing of Watergate and other dirty tricks. When Nixon’s defenders -- and other media outlets -- pounced on The Post’s mistake, Felt provided both a scolding to Woodward that he must be more careful and the encouragement that the reporters were still on the right track.

"He gave us encouragement," Bemstein said yesterday.

"And he gave Ben comfort," Woodward added, although Bradlee knew only Felt’s status as a top FBI official. The editor did not leam Felt’s name until after The Post had won the Pulitzer Prize for its Watergate coverage and Nixon had resigned.

Woodward’s source became such a key part of the discussions among the Post brass that then-Managing Editor Howard Simons decided he needed a nickname. "Deep Throat" was a blend of the roles of engagement Felt had with Woodward -- "deep background" -- and the title of a notorious pornographic movie.

When the book and then the movie were released, Woodward said, Felt was shocked to have his place in history tagged with such a tawdry title.

© 2007 The Washington Post Company

http://www.washingt~np~st.c~m~wp-dyn/c~ntent/ar~c~e/2~5/~5/3 ~/AR2~5~53 ~ ~655~.‘. 3/13/2008 A Chronology of the Watergate Crisis

"In all my years of public life, I have fever obstructed justice. People have got to know whether or not their President is a crook. Well, I’m not a crook; I earned everything I’ve got." Richard Nixon, 1973

Event [[Date [[Note Kennedy defeats Nixon in November 1960 presidential race 1960 ]In an extremely close election, Vice-President Nixo£ loses to JFK. Pat Brown defeats Nixon in November Following defeat, Nixon tells reporters "You won’t have Dick Nixon to 1962 California gubernatorial 1962 kick around anymore." race Nixon defeats Humpkrey and November During the height of the Vietnam War, Nixon wins by 510,000 votes out Wallace for president 1968 of 73,000,000 (43%) of popular vote. Nixon orders wiretaps to discover leaks of secret May 1969 FBI is given orders for wiretap though no court order is obtained. bombing of Cambodia Daniel Ellsberg is indicted for theft, conspiracy, and espionage for leaking Pentagon Papers published by June 13, papers that expose the government’s plans in Vietnam, though the 1971 New York Times Supreme Court refuses to stop publishing papers. Plumbers unit created to une 1971 [Secret White House group assigned to rain Ellsberg’s reputation break discredit Ellsberg IlJ [into psychiatrist’s office in Beverly Hills but fred nothing embarassing. January $1 million program of kidnapping, wiretaps, and other illegal campaign Plumbers present program to activities. Mitchell rejects plan as too expensive, but does not condemn as Attorney General Mitchell 1972 wrong. Dirty tricks in 1972 Spring In plan to divide Democrats, Nixon’s aides uses various techniques, presidential race 1972 including forged letters to cause ill-will among candidates. June 17, Watergate burglars arrested [Plumbers break into Democratic National Committee offices to repair 1972 ]wiretap bug. White House dismisses event as "third-rate burglar~." Hush money paid to Watergate September burglars 1972 115220,000 given to convicted Plumbers in exchange for promise of silence. Nixon defeats McGovem for ]]November [Carrying 49/50 states (520-17 in the electoral college) and 61% of the presidency [11972 Ipopular vote, Nixon easily defeats McGovem. Nixon lies about his awareness April 17, Stating that he learned of cover-up in March of 1973, Nixon orders "intensive new inquiries." In fact, he knew about coverup since June of cover-up 1973 1972. Ehrlichman and Haldemarm fired by Nixon, who appoints new Attorney April 29, General Elliot Richardson who is empowered to appoint a special Nixon fires top aides 1973 prosecutor for the Watergate matter. Sen. Ervin conducts three months of televised hearings which report enemies lists, money drops, illegally Obtained campaign funds, and Senate Watergate hearings May 1973 harassment by IRS of political enemies. Most importantly, a secret tape- recording system in the White House is discovered. At first protesting innocence, Agnew eventually resigns and pleads "no Vice-President Agnew accused . ~ ,., . . .. II!-kugus~ Contest" to charges. He is fmed $10,000 and placed on three years oI income-tax evasion, orll3ery, 1973 probation. Agnew is succeeded by Gerald Ford as vice-president in conspiracy,., and extortion October. Court rules Nixon must presentllOctober Appeals Court rules 5-2 that "the President ...is not above the law’s tapeSArchiboldtO Specialcox Prosecutor 1973 commands." Nixon offers summaries of tapes to Cox, who demands actual tapes. October 20 Nixon orders Richardson to fire Cox, who-refuses and resigns. Asst. 1A73 ’llAttorney General Ruckelshaus also refuses and resigns. Finally ~obert Saturday Night Massacre 9 Bork fires Cox. In its firs~,-ever editorial, Time magazine states ’ The II l[President Should Resign.’ . 8 former White House aides March Mitchell, Haldeman, Ehrlichmann and others accused of obstructing Uustice and perjury. Nixon is named as an unindicted co-conspirator indicted by grand jury for 1974 ]because Special Prosecutor Leon Jaworski argued that a president must conspiring in cover-up I first be impeached and removed from office before an indictment. April 1974 In televised address, Nixon releases transcripts allegedly containing all relevant Watergate information. They reveal President and aides to be Nixon releases heavily-edited vulgar and constantly plotting to "get" their enemies. Republican Senator tape transcripts Scott calls taped conversations "shabby, disgusting, and immoral." A key 18-minute section of a June 20, 1972 meeting is inexplicably missing. House Committee recommends [July 1974 Judiciary Committee votes 27-11 to impeach Nixon for coverup, abuse of impeachment hearings powers, and failure to abide by subpoenas. In U.S.v. Richard Nixon, July 24, oting 8-0, Court rules that executive privilege does not apply and that Supreme Court rules that 1974 ixon must hand over tapes to Judge John Sirica. Nixon must hand over tapes I Nixon releases three tapes to [August 5, Included is the "smoking gun" which proves that Nixon ordered cover-up soften impact of full disclosure 1974 as early as June 23, 1972 and lied to the public for nine months. Secretary of Defense requires August 5, all military commanders to Secretary Schlesinger issues first-ever order, indicating lack of trust in refuse orders from White 1974 Nixon’s decision-making House unless also signed by

August 8, After pledging to his Cabinet his refusal to resign, top Republicans inform him that if impeached, he would be convicted by a huge margin in the Nixon resigns the presidency 1974 Senate. Nixon becomes first president to resign office. Ford succeeds Nixon. September Proclaiming that the "long national nightmare is over," Ford issues pardon Ford pardons Nixon 1974 for any Nixon crimes.

Feldmeth, Greg D. "U.S. History Resources" l~ttp:!/home.earthlink.netJ-gfeldmethAlSHistory.html (31 March 1998). Page 1 of 1

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