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Download/File/Fid/2703 COPYRIGHT AND CITATION CONSIDERATIONS FOR THIS THESIS/ DISSERTATION o Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. o NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. o ShareAlike — If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you must distribute your contributions under the same license as the original. How to cite this thesis Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujcontent.uj.ac.za/vital/access/manager/Index?site_name=Research%20Output (Accessed: Date). SOCIAL CAPITAL AND TRUST IN A RISKY ENVIRONMENT: MOZAMBICANS IN JOHANNESBURG by Sandra Jane Roberts 909803601 Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree DLitt et Phil Sociology in the Department of Sociology of the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Johannesburg Supervisor: Professor Tina Uys Co-supervisor: Professor Kammila Naidoo November 2017 DEDICATION To Dael, in appreciation. ABSTRACT Mozambican migration into South Africa was a key source of labour for South Africa even before the territories existed as they now do. The countries are joined by long-standing routes of migration, and social networks and positive cultural scripts act to encourage mobility. Johannesburg is the destination essential to the long-term plans of many Mozambicans, both men and women. They have positive conceptions of the possibilities to be found in Johannesburg in the form of jobs and income-generation, particularly when compared to the opportunities in Maputo. However, Johannesburg is not a welcoming host. Legislative provisions largely exclude possibilities for long-term settlement and formal jobs for Mozambicans, who are often unskilled and semi-skilled workers. This makes detention, deportation, and economic exploitation very real risks. There are high levels of resentment against black immigrants in South Africa, which introduce the risk of violence. This thesis examines the perceptions and experiences of risk, social capital, and trust of Mozambicans who travel to live and work in Johannesburg. The research is based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Maputo, Mozambique and Rosettenville, in southern Johannesburg, South Africa. The study found that Mozambicans applied the concept of risk to Johannesburg, comparing risks to those in Mozambique. Risks were braved to provide access to opportunities that are not available in Mozambique. Having family in Johannesburg was one such opportunity. Most migrated after an invitation from a family member, while a few migrated without reliance on any support networks in Johannesburg. Many gained through social networks and found accommodation and jobs through network relationships. Yet risks in Johannesburg are ongoing, and threaten immigrants’ economic well-being and long-term plans. At the same time, there are opportunities in Johannesburg, such as education. Making use of these advantages while accumulating in order to be self-sustainable is essential to Mozambican migrants who plan to return to Maputo with the necessary material goods, skills and qualifications to continue to earn in that city. A model of how risk and social capital change throughout the stay in Johannesburg draws together the study findings. The shared understanding of risks, or riskos, by Mozambican immigrants in Johannesburg, indicates the existence of a risk culture. I ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Firstly, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor, Professor Tina Uys, for her continuous support and precise guidance in the writing of this thesis. I am also appreciative of her support in allowing me to study full time for 15 months, and to travel to Maputo for research purposes. I would also like to acknowledge my co-supervisor, Professor Kammila Naidoo, for her advice, feedback, and encouragement. Both supervisors have provided invaluable comments and insight. I am also indebted to the input given by Professor Sakhela Buhlungu, who acted as my co-supervisor before leaving for the University of Pretoria. Secondly, I thank my research assistants, Adolfo Zunguze, who welcomed me into his home, guided me around Maputo and transcribed Portuguese interviews. To other research assistants not named here as per agreement, I am grateful for your assistance and openness when helping me in numerous ways. I would like to acknowledge Albert van Houten for proofing and providing feedback on chapters. James French is acknowledged for his early support. Dael Morris provided incomparable assistance in clarifying my thoughts and reducing the details of the findings to a model. Last but not the least, I would like to thank my family: my parents, my aunt Mary and my siblings, Lisa and Aidan and their spouses for supporting me throughout writing this thesis. The financial assistance of the National Research Foundation (NRF) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed, and conclusions arrived at are those of the author and are not to be attributed to the NRF. III TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................................... I ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ....................................................................................................................... III LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................................... VIII LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .................................................................................................................... IX GLOSSARY ............................................................................................................................................ XI TIMELINE ........................................................................................................................................... XIII NOTES TO THE READER...................................................................................................................... XV CHAPTER ONE: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF RISK, SOCIAL CAPITAL, AND TRUST FOR MOZAMBICANS IN JOHANNESBURG ................................................................................................................................ 1 1.1. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................................. 1 1.2. BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT ........................................................................................................ 2 1.3. PROBLEM STATEMENT AND RESEARCH APPROACH ........................................................................ 6 1.4. OUTLINE OF CHAPTERS ................................................................................................................ 11 CHAPTER TWO: MOZAMBICAN MIGRATION FROM THE EARLIEST PORTUGUESE PRESENCE IN MOZAMBIQUE TO THE END OF APARTHEID IN SOUTH AFRICA (C. 1652 TO C. 1992) ...................... 13 2.1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................ 13 2.2. EARLY COLONIALISM AND MOVEMENTS OF SLAVES TO THE CAPE (C. 1652 TO 1838) ................. 14 2.3. LABOUR MIGRATION AND FORMALISED LABOUR MIGRATION TO THE MINES (C. 1870 – 1928) .... 18 2.4. INCREASED MIGRATION TO SURROUNDING TERRITORIES DURING THE TIME OF PORTUGAL’S ESTADO NOVO (NEW STATE) (C. 1928 TO C. 1960) .................................................................................. 25 2.5. LIMITING LABOUR MIGRATION AND MOVEMENT RELATED TO THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE (C. 1960 TO 1975) ............................................................................................................................ 31 2.6. REFUGEE MOVEMENTS DUE TO HUNGER AND THE CIVIL WAR (C. 1975 - 1994) .......................... 34 2.7. ESTIMATED NUMBERS OF MOZAMBICANS IN SOUTH AFRICA IN 1994 ......................................... 38 2.8. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................... 39 CHAPTER THREE: MOZAMBICAN MOBILITY TO SOUTH AFRICA: A RISKY ENDEAVOUR ............. 40 3.1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................ 40 3.2. LIMITED ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES IN MAPUTO ........................................................................ 41 3.3. POLICY AND PRACTICES OF SOUTH AFRICAN STATE AGENTS REGARDING MOZAMBICANS .......... 44 3.3.1. Migration policy and Mozambicans ...................................................................................... 44 3.3.2. Policy implementation: Department of Home Affairs (DHA) ................................................ 49 3.3.3. The South African Police Service and the Metro police ........................................................ 52 3.3.4. Detention and repatriation .................................................................................................... 54 3.4. PROVISION OF SERVICES TO MIGRANTS ....................................................................................... 56 3.4.1. Access to policing services ...................................................................................................
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