DOCSLIB.ORG

Mozambique Will Be Free Mozambique Will Be Free

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Mozambique Will Be Free Mozambique Will Be Free MOZAMBIQUE WILL BE FREE MOZAMBIQUE WILL BE FREE CONTENTS FORWARD l PART ONE : .REVOLUTION lN MOZAMBIQUE 2 I . FIGRT1NG FOR FREEDOM 2 I I. THE EXPLOI'l'ED LAND 10 Ill. PARTNERS m CRlME 16 IV'. BIBLIOGRAPHY 25 MAP 26 PART TWO : ACTION IDEAS--WHAT YOU CAN DO 27 I. DIRECT AID TO THE MOZAMBIQUE LJJIERAXION FRONT (FRELIMO) 27 II. ACTIONS AJ1.IED AT EFFECT lNG A CHANGE lN U. S. FOLICY 31 III. APPENDICES 35 * * * * * This booklet was prepared by the members of the Africa Committee of the Com­ mittee of Returned Volunteer s (CRV') New York Chapter. CRV is made up of people who have served overseas, IIIB.inly in the Third World, and who have had a chance to see U. S . forei.gn policy in action. They have come to realize that this policy works for forces that IIIB.intain the stat us quo of wealth and privi­ lege for the few and poverty and ignorance for the many. This policy must be radica.J..4' changed, both at home and abroad. Our booklet i s one of many steps toward the building of a movement toward such change. Commit tee of Returned Volunt eers/New York Afri ca Committ ee 65 Irving Place New York, N.Y. 10003 Copyright @ 1969 by Committee of Returned Volunteers/New York FORWARD Political independence for most of Africa came a decade ago, without the prolonged violence of war. Not so for Mozambique, now entering the fifth year of armed struggle against the Portuguese colonialists. Portugal's rule, fascist at home , is even more oppressive overseas . The forty-year reign of Salazar's dictatorship has ended, but the inflexible policies of a military and business oligarchy continue. Portugal, a NATO member, is a "charter member" of the post-war "Free world. " But its response to demands for self-determination for the peoples of its African colonies has been a blunt NO . Independence is unthinkable; talk of it is treason. African nationalism i s seen as a threat to the unity of the Portuguese nation. England, France, even Belgium maintain great influence in Africa while granting political independence. Portugal is not so subtle. Over the years Portugal' s rigid oppression bas left few choices for the Mozambican people. They could acquiesce to continual Portuguese oppression. They could protest, and risk prison or even death. Some could go into exi le and try to forget their country. Or they could turn to the difficul t task of organizing armed resistance against the Portuguese. This last choice was made by t he Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) . Now there is war. Through the process of executing the flevolution, ~~zambicans are constructing new political and economic structures geared toward self-reliance. These new structures can prepare Mozambicans for life in a society that is free of the neo-colonial ties which often exist between Western powers and the Third World. Mozambique is far away, rarely mentioned in the American press. But the UnJted States is not uninvolved. "It i s important that Por tugal cont inue to contribute to stability in Africa," says the State Department (U .S. State Dept, "Background Notes on Angola," 1967) . Portugal is a military ally: it l,)rovides America wi th an air base; it receives American aid. Its "overseas pr ovinces" provide new investment opportunities for American businessmen. Portugal main­ tains itself in Africa only with the support of the United States and other Western countries. Every year United Nat ions resolutions condemn by large maJorities Portugal' s policies and the support that Portugal receives from the United States and others. Yet the United States policy towards Portuguese colonialism continues unchallenged by popular dissent. Those of u.s who prepared this booklet have worked in Africa, some of us with Mozambicans. We hope it will help to make people in America, some of whom are already aware of what their country is doing in Asia and Latin America, aware of what is hawening in another part of the world. We believe it is necessary to take sides-- against Portuguese colonialism and the whole imperialist system which props it up -- and for the liberation of Africa. we ask for your support. 1 PART ONE : REVOLUTION IN MOZAMBIQUE I. FIGHTING FOR FREEDOM MOZAMBICAN PEOPLE, Workers and peasants, workers on the plantations, in the timber mills and in the concessions, workers in the mines, on the railways, in the harbours and in the :factories, intellectuals, civil servants, Mozambican soldiers in the Portuguese army, students, men and young people, patriots, IN THE NAME OF ALL OF YOU FRELIMO today solemnly proclaims the general armed in­ surrection o:f the Mozambican people against Portuguese colonialism :for the attainment o:f the complete independence of Mozambique . -- :from the FRELIMO Central Committee Proclamation of September 25, 1964 On September 25, 1964 FRELIMO, Frente de Liberta~~ de Mo ~ ambique , began its military struggle against Portuguese colonialism in Mozambique . By thi s time it had become clear that the only path to independence for Mozambique lay through war . For decades all organizations which encouraged political involve­ ment or which began to look like trade unions had been suppressed by the author­ ities or infiltrated by the secret police. Dock strikes in the 1940's and 50 ' s were put down brutally; hundreds o:f strikers were killed or deported to the prison island of Sao Tom~. In 196<> some 6oo Mozambicans were massacred in Mleda during a peaceful demonstration after the authorities had led them to believe that their grievances would be heard. Meanwhile the Portuguese government con­ tinued to claim Mozambique as an integral part of Portugal, refusing to consider even l ong- term or partial independence :for her colony. The 1961 massacres in AngOla served as a clear indication of the extremes to which the Portuguese would go in order to hold onto her African colonies. For those Mozambicans who had found life intolerable at home and who eventually organized into nationalist movements abroad, war was obviously the only alternative. THE MAJOR SOURCES FOR TFIIS SECTION ARE: 1) Eduardo Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique (Penguin African Library, 1969); 2) Mondlane, "Toward Liberation the future of Mozambique" (Motive magazine, February 1968); and 3) Mozambique Revolution (FRELII'IO, Department of Information, P.O. Box 15274, Dar-es- Salaam, Tanzania, 1966-1969). 2 FRELIMO itse~f was the result of a ~962 merger of three of the ear~ier existing parties, UDENAMO, UNAMI, and MANU, which bad been formed by Mozambicans in Rhodesia, Kenya. and Malawi respectively, and which had ~moved to Dar-es­ Salaam with the independence of Tanganyika. Since its inception FRELIMO has remained essentially united, a~though a few members have, over the years, broken away to form sp~nter organizations. The most important of these, COREMO (Revolutionary Committee of Mozambique), has headquarters in Lusaka, There is very little information about its activities. At the first FRELIMO Congress held in Dar-es-Salaam in 1962, Mozambicans of widely varied backgrounds met to e~ect leaders and to determine basic policies. Under the leadership of the late President, Eduardo Chivambo Mo~e, FRELIMO laid the first plans for exerting diplomatic pressure at the United Nations and elsewhere, organizing underground cells throughout Mozambique, training volunteers and preparing for guerrilla warfare, finding schools for young exiled Mozambicans, and building up the organizational structure which co~ carry out a revolutionary struggle that would be ~ong and hard. It was at this first Congress that groundwork for FRELIMO's phi~osophy of politics, economics and social welfare was laid, a philosophy which was summarized by Dr. Mondlane in a Febru&ryj 1968 artic~e in Motive magazine: 1) FRELIMO IS A DEMOCRATIC movement, fighting to establish a government in which the majority of the Mozambique population, reg~ess of color or religion, will choosetheir leaders freely; 2) socialism will be the economic system followed to determine control of natural and human resources of the country; 3) social welfare of the people as a whole, not of a s~ group of privileged individuals and their families, will receive the energetic commitment of the leaders of FRELIMO as befits a movement guided by socialist principles. THE ARMED STRUGGLE The armed struggle opened in 1964 with a series of s~ actions in the northern provinces of Cabo Delgado and Niassa. The Portuguese were taken by surprise. They had expected armed action, but they had imagined that it would take the form of s~ raids across the border from Tanzania, and even now they speak in terms of "infiltrators" and "border raids." In rea~ty the FRELIMO Arrrly was already in the country, and the attacks were launched from bases set up well inside the borders. FRELIMO has always drawn its recruits from the villages and now trains all but its officers inside Mozambique . During the first three years of the war, 1964-1967, fighting was confined mainly to the two northern provinces. By 1965 FRELIMO had liberated an area which represented about a fifth of the total area of Mozambique . There the Portuguese forces were restricted to bases and towns, and were constantly ambushed when they att~ted to move outside these fortified areas. By 1967 FRELIMO forces had grown sufficiently in strength and experience to be able to mount offensives against Portuguese bases, to cause considerable damage, and in some cases to force the Portuguese army to abandon fortified positions. 3 In 1968 the re- opening of a new fighting front in Tete Province, adjacent to Zambia, marked a new stage in the war . Tete is important not only because it indicates the progress of the Revolution southward, but also because it is one of the richer areas of Mozambique in mineral wealth, and the site of the proposed Cabora Bassa Dam backed by South African and international capital.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • What Does the Case of Mozambique Tell Us About Soviet Ambivalence Toward Africa?
    A publication of ihe African Studies Program of The Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies No. 46 • August 30, 1985 What Does the Case of Mozambique Tell Us About Soviet Ambivalence Toward Africa? by Winrich KUhne Developments in southern Africa since early 1984 have ambivalence-was Moscow's subdued response to the raised a range of new questions about Soviet policy signing on March 16, 1984 of a "nonaggression and and Soviet relevance in this region of the continent. In good neighborliness" accord by the leaders of Mozam­ the military sphere, Soviet assistance has enabled bique and South Africa. Under the terms of the neither Mozambique nor Angola to quell or even Nkomati Accord, Mozambique undertook to curb substantially diminish domestic guerrilla challenges drastically the activities of the African National Con­ that have blocked economic growth. There have also gress (ANC), while South Africa promised to end been growing doubts about the effectiveness in prac­ assistance to the dissident Resistencia Nacional tical terms of orthodox state-centered Marxist-Leninist Mo5jambicana (known as Renamo or the MNR). models of development-especially in agriculture, the Although there is no doubt that Nkomati was seen most important socioeconomic sector of African states. by the Soviets as a negative development, Moscow did Meanwhile, an increasing number of Soviet analysts not retaliate by cutting aid to the government of Presi­ and strategists are questioning how 'much emphasis dent Samora Machel or recalling advisors. On can or should be placed on ideology in cultivating rela­ December 26, 1983, with Nkomati already an in­ tionships with Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Hidden Processes of Reconciliation in Mozambique: the Entangled Histories of Truth-Seeking Commissions Held Between 1975 and 19821
    Africa Development, Vol. XLI, No. 4, 2016, pp. 153–180 © Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, 2017 (ISSN: 0850-3907) Hidden Processes of Reconciliation in Mozambique: The Entangled Histories of Truth-seeking Commissions held between 1975 and 19821 Maria Paula Meneses* Abstract The southern Africa region has witnessed, over the last 50 years, several episodes of violent conflicts, and Mozambique is no exception. The dominant perspective of the Global North on transition to democracy insists on reinforcing a eurocentric version of modernity, symbolized by a linear transition towards a single legal system and nationhood. This dominant international model of justice reproduces violence in the form of epistemicide and privatization of violence. If courts cannot end civil wars, what are the alternatives? This article, which is focused upon Mozambique and based upon interviews and archival data, aims to explore the extent to which the multiple, almost invisible and silenced processes of national reconciliation can find expression within methodologies of national reconciliation processes. Specific emphasis is placed upon the analysis of initiatives (in the 1970s and 1980s) to deal with ‘traitors of the revolution’ in open organized meetings that produced little-known practices of national reconciliation. It is in such a context where the limits of the discourse about ‘universal jurisdiction’ and criminalization of perpetrators of violence are arguably best understood, and where alternatives can find their strongest manifestations and most radical expressions. Résumé Au cours des 50 dernières années, la région de l'Afrique australe a connu plusieurs épisodes de conflits violents, et le Mozambique ne fait pas exception.
    [Show full text]
  • The African Liberation Reader, Vol. 1: the Anatomy of Colonialism
    The African liberation reader, Vol. 1: the anatomy of colonialism http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.crp2b20039 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org The African liberation reader, Vol. 1: the anatomy of colonialism Author/Creator de Bragança, Aquino (editor); Wallerstein, Immanuel (editor) Publisher Zed Press (London) Date 1982 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Portugal, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Southern Africa (region), Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, Angola, Namibia Coverage (temporal) 1950 - 1974 Source Northwestern University Libraries, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, 320.9603 A2585, V. 1 Rights By kind permission of Sylvia Braganca, Immanuel Wallerstein, and Zed Books.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Santa Cruz UC Santa Cruz Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UC Santa Cruz UC Santa Cruz Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Performing Citizens and Subjects: Dance and Resistance in Twenty-First Century Mozambique Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1w33f4s5 Author Montoya, Aaron Tracy Publication Date 2016 License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 4.0 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ PERFORMING CITIZENS AND SUBJECTS: DANCE AND RESISTANCE IN TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY MOZAMBIQUE A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in ANTHROPOLOGY with an emphasis in Visual Studies by Aaron Montoya June 2016 The Dissertation of Aaron Montoya is approved: ____________________________________ Professor Shelly Errington, Chair ____________________________________ Professor Carolyn Martin-Shaw ____________________________________ Professor Olga Nájera-Ramírez ____________________________________ Professor Lisa Rofel ____________________________________ Tyrus Miller Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Aaron T. Montoya 2016 Table of Contents Abstract iv Agradecimientos vi Introduction 1 1. Citizens and Subjects in Portuguese Mozambique 20 2. N’Tsay 42 3. Nyau 84 4. Um Solo para Cinco 145 5. Feeling Plucked: Labor in the Cultural Economy 178 6. Conclusion 221 Bibliography 234 iii Abstract Performing Citizens and Subjects: Dance and Resistance in Twenty-First Century Mozambique Aaron Montoya This dissertation examines the politics and economics of the cultural performance of dance, placing this expressive form of communication within the context of historic changes in Mozambique, from the colonial encounter, to the liberation movement and the post-colonial socialist nation, to the neoliberalism of the present. The three dances examined here represent different regimes, contrasting forms of subjectivity, and very different relations of the individual to society.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Contestations Over Natural Resources in the Lower Tchiri Valley in Malawi, C.1850-1960
    A history of contestations over natural resources in the Lower Tchiri Valley in Malawi, c.1850-1960. by George Berson Diston Jawali Dissertation presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Prof Sandra Swart March 2015 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Declaration By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am authorship owner thereof (unless to the extent explicitly otherwise stated) and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Signature: .................................................... Date: ........................................... Copyright © 2015 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved i Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Abstract This study explores hunting in the Lower Tchiri Valley as an arena in which African and white hunting interests as well as conservation policies precipitated insurgence and accommodation, collaboration and conflict. Precolonial Magololo hunters, having supplanted Mang’anja hunting as a result of the superiority of their hunting technology by 1861, found themselves in competition with white sport hunters over game animals. Unequal power relations between the Magololo hunters and the white hunters, who formed part of the colonial administration in Nyasaland from the 1890s, saw the introduction of game laws that led to wild animals and their sanctuaries becoming contested terrains. Colonial officials and some whites enjoyed privileges in hunting game whose declining populations were blamed on Africans in general and the Magololo in particular. Some Africans and certain whites devised hunting strategies that brought them into conflict with the colonial state.
    [Show full text]
  • PARTY INSTITUTIONALISATION in MOZAMBIQUE ‘The Party of the State’ Vs the Opposition
    VOLUME 12 NO 1 109 PARTY INSTITUTIONALISATION IN MOZAMBIQUE ‘The Party of the state’ vs the Opposition Adriano Nuvunga and Eduardo Sitoe Adriano Nuvunga is a PhD student in the International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus University, Rotterdam, and lecturer in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Eduardo Mondlane University, Mozambique e-mail: [email protected] Eduardo Sitoe is Professor of Politics and Governance in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Eduardo Mondlane University, Mozambique e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT The article probes party institutionalisation in Mozambique and argues that only three of the more than 50 registered political parties there are ‘effective’, namely Frelimo, which is highly institutionalised; Renamo, which is collapsing organisationally yet has a high level of social rootedness; and an institutionalising MDM. The article concludes that although the opposition parties are partly to blame for their misfortunes, the nature of Frelimo’s relationship with society bears the main responsibility for the impoverishment of the opposition parties because it makes it difficult for opposition parties to break in and challenge its control over the state. INTRODUCTION There are few published studies on Mozambican political parties and those there are focus on elections. Studies of political parties have covered the following: the Frelimo party ideology (Brito 1988); building opposition (Manning 1998); strengths and weaknesses of multiparty democracy (Nuvunga 2005); the Frelimo-Renamo two-party system (Carbone 2005); the Renamo-UE coalition (Kadima & Matsimbe 2006); The Movimento Democrático de Moçambique (Mozambique Democratic Movement – MDM) as a new force (Chichava 2010a) and the MDM as a new 109 110 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS opposition party (Nuvunga & Adalima 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Socialist Federalism As an Alternative to Nationalism: the Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora
    humanities Article Socialist Federalism as an Alternative to Nationalism: The Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora Constantin Katsakioris German Orient Institute, Beirut 11-2988, Lebanon; [email protected] Received: 6 August 2019; Accepted: 17 September 2019; Published: 19 September 2019 Abstract: Scholarship on the impact of Lenin’s thinking and on the Soviet Union’s relationships with Africa has emphasized two dimensions: on the one hand, the ideological imprint on and support provided to nationalist and anti-imperialist movements and, on the other, the emulation of communist techniques of authoritarian rule by many postcolonial governments. This paper highlights the neglected receptions of another major communist idea, namely, the ‘Leninist solution to the national question’, as embodied by the federal political model of the Soviet Union. The paper argues that many actors in different contexts, where the nationalities question had to be tackled with, showed a keen interest in the Leninist solution and in the sui generis federal model of the USSR. These contexts included the post-1945 French Union, as well as postcolonial countries such as Sudan, Nigeria, and Ethiopia. The Leninist alternative to the nation-state and to assimilation assumed a great deal of significance to minority groups. Nevertheless, it was rejected even by Marxist-inspired movements and elites which sought to create a nation-state. The paper uses the approach of cultural transfers to investigate and assess both the appeal and the limits in the reception of the Leninist federalist alternative. Keywords: Africa; national question; Leninism; Soviet Union; socialism; federalism 1.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Mozambican Political System in the Making: an Interview with Mdm Politican Lutero Simango
    INTERNATIONAL POLITICS 02/2014 ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG SOUTHERN AFRICA A NEW MOZAMBICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM IN THE MAKING: AN INTERVIEW WITH MDM POLITICAN LUTERO SIMANGO FREDSON GUILENGUE In 2009 Mozambicans watched the birth of a new political party, the Democratic Movement of Mozambique (Movimento Democrático de Moçambique – MDM). In only four years the party has managed to gain control of three strategic municipalities. In the last municipal elections in 2013, it emerged as a serious challenger to the ruling FRELIMO,1 one year ahead of the national elections. Meanwhile, very little is known about MDM’s political orientation and the reasons behind its rise. To gain greater insight into MDM’s political thinking, Fredson Guilengue, project manager at the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung – Southern Africa (RLS), interviewed the head of the national parliamentary group of MDM, Lutero Chimbirombiro Simango (LS). Lutero was born in 1960 and is the older brother of Daviz Simango, president of MDM. While Daviz2 resides in Beira, Lutero is based in the capital city of Maputo. Their parents Uria and Celina Simango were assassinated.3 Uria Simango was one of the founding members of 1 For a detailed account see Guilengue, F. (2014, February 12). Mozambique’s 2013 elections: The end of liberation movement politics? Pambazuka news, issue 665. 2 Daviz (born in 1964) joined RENAMO in 1997, rose within its ranks and became mayor of Beira (Mozambique’s second largest city when RENAMO for the first time carried the day in the Mozambican municipal elections of 2003. After having been dismissed by RENAMO’s President Dhlakama on the eve of the 2008 municipal elections, Simango stood as an independent candidate and still won the mayoral post.
    [Show full text]
  • Comrades-In-Arms: the Chinese Communist Party's Relations With
    Cold War History ISSN: 1468-2745 (Print) 1743-7962 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fcwh20 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman To cite this article: Joshua Eisenman (2018): Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76, Cold War History To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Published online: 20 Mar 2018. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fcwh20 COLD WAR HISTORY, 2018 https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman LBJ School of Public Affairs, the University of Texas at Austin, Austin, United States ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This study examines the evolution of the Chinese Communist China; Africa; Communism; Party’s (CCP) motives, objectives, and methods vis-à-vis its African Mao; Soviet Union counterparts during the Mao era, 1949–76. Beginning in the mid- 1950s, to oppose colonialism and US imperialism, the CCP created front groups to administer its political outreach in Africa. In the 1960s and 1970s, this strategy evolved to combat Soviet hegemony. Although these policy shifts are distinguished by changes in CCP methods and objectives towards Africa, they were motivated primarily by life-or- death intraparty struggles among rival political factions in Beijing and the party’s pursuit of external sources of regime legitimacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Newitt on Marcum, 'Conceiving Mozambique'
    H-Luso-Africa Newitt on Marcum, 'Conceiving Mozambique' Review published on Thursday, December 17, 2020 John A. Marcum. Conceiving Mozambique. Edited by Edmund Burke III and Michael W. Clough. African Histories and Modernities Series. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. 199 pp. $79.99 (e- book), ISBN 978-3-319-65987-9; $99.99 (cloth), ISBN 978-3-319-65986-2. Reviewed by Malyn Newitt (King's College London) Published on H-Luso-Africa (December, 2020) Commissioned by Philip J. Havik (Instituto de Higiene e Medicina Tropical (IHMT)) Printable Version: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=56036 This is a fascinating book that everyone interested in the modern history of Mozambique should have on their shelves. John A. Marcum is well known for his two-volume history of the Angolan revolution, The Angolan Revolution, published in 1969 and 1978 respectively, which has rightly become a classic. At the time of writing those volumes, Marcum thought about a parallel volume on Mozambique. For various reasons this was postponed, though he continued to gather information on the topic throughout his academic career. Eventually, toward the end of his life, he finished this long-postponed project, though at his death (in 2013) it still needed extensive editing, which was undertaken by Edmund Burke III and Michael W. Clough. Reading the book one can guess how the author’s ideas changed. At first it seems to have been designed as a companion to his Angola history, charting the early stages of Mozambican nationalism and the emergence of FRELIMO (Frente para a Libertação de Moçambique) under the leadership of Eduardo Mondlane.
    [Show full text]
  • A Case Study of the Tchuma Tchato Project in Tete Province, Mozambique
    Revisiting Community Based Natural Resource Man.agement: A Case Study of the Tchuma Tchato Project in Tete Province, Mozambique. By Anthony Michael Maughan Brown Submitted as the dissertation component (which counts 50 % ofthe degree) in partial fulfilment ofthe requirements for the degree ofMaster of Science in the School ofEnvironment and development, University ofNatal. Pietermaritzburg 1998 Plate 1: Welcome to Tchuma Tchato 11 Abstract Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) is a paradigm that has emerged in response to the perceived failure ofpast approaches to conservation and development. CBNRM is intended to deliver socio-economic development to impoverished rural communities, who manage natural resources, and harness the utility ofthese resources as a vehicle for development. This dissertation revisits the concept ofCBNRM, using the Tchuma Tchato project at Bawa, Tete Province, Mozambique as a case study. A conceptual framework for a CBNRM project intervention is developed and used to analyse the Tchuma Tchato project. The role ofexternal agents, and particularly the lead institution, is vital to a project intervention. It is shown that external agents need to be well organised, and they need to interact effectively as a team. External agents need to have the financial and human capacity, and an understanding ofCBNRM to play a constructive and effective role in a time-bound project intervention. A project intervention must evolve from a top-down intervention into an autonomous CBNRM programme, that is sustainable, and that can contribute to a process ofsustainable development and conservation after the end ofa project life. In order to realise this, a project intervention must be rigorously planned and designed.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Heritagization of the Liberation Struggle in Postcolonial Mozambique
    Draft 3, 29 Agosto 2017 The Heritagization of the Liberation Struggle in Postcolonial Mozambique Albino Jopela Kaleidoscopio - Research in Public Policy and Culture [email protected] Abstract Since Mozambique gained its independence from Portugal in 1975 only three historical sites have been declared National Monuments. All three sites, Matchedje, Chilembene and Nwadjahane, which were declared in 2008, are related to the country‟s struggle for national liberation and they are commonly designated „liberation heritage‟. This can be situated and understood as part of the current nation-building project initiated in 2005 when the former (until 2014) president Armando Guebuza came into power. Ever since then there has been a selective revitalization of state-driven heritage projects, with Government institutions and the ruling Frelimo Party focussing on the memorialisation of the liberation struggle, especially the „struggle heroes‟. While some Mozambicans certainly support the government‟s initiative in setting up monuments, memorials and promoting „national unity‟, many others have contested the specific „politics‟ of representation and memorialisation that underline current heritage projects. This paper examines the politics of heritagization of the liberation struggle in postcolonial Mozambique. 1. Setting the scene Whilst collaborating with the National Directorate for Cultural Heritage (Direcção Nacional do Património Cultural - DNPC) of Mozambique between 2005 and 2009, I was involved in several projects related to the conservation of immovable cultural heritage. One of these projects was the production of a national inventory of 115 monuments and sites to be declared sites of „national interest‟ under the designation of „national heritage‟. According to the justification put forward by the then Ministry of Education and Culture the purpose of this was to, „provide special protection by the state to sites and monuments of exceptional value‟ (Macamo 2008: 2).
    [Show full text]