Perspectives

2007/2 | 2007 Kong. Ten Years Later

Media and politics in : A decade after the handover

Joseph M. Chan et Francis L.F. Lee

Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/1673 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.1673 ISSN : 1996-4617

Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine

Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 avril 2007 ISSN : 2070-3449

Référence électronique Joseph M. Chan et Francis L.F. Lee, « Media and politics in Hong Kong: A decade after the handover », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2007/2 | 2007, mis en ligne le 08 avril 2008, consulté le 21 décembre 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/1673 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/ chinaperspectives.1673

© All rights reserved Special feature s e v i t

Media and Politics a c n e in Hong Kong: i p h s

(1) c A Decade after the Handover r e p

JOSEPH M. CHAN FRANCIS L. F. LEE

Hong Kong has been through numerous ups and downs in the ten years since the handover. The media have also undergone significant changes in relation to the larger social and political reconfigurations. While the press, driven by market forces and professional ideologies, has continued to provide timely information to the public and to monitor the behavior of power holders, the power center has employed various means to tame the media, and self- censorship remains a haunting issue.

hat major challenges have journalists and media istrative policies in Hong Kong. At the same time, the Chi - organizations faced since 1997? How have the nese government began to co-opt local elites to facilitate the W media responded to and sometimes shaped po - smooth transfer of power. Many local elites were invited to litical changes in Hong Kong? What is the status of press participate in the drafting of the Basic Law and/or later to freedom in the city? This article discusses these questions participate in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Re - by analyzing the interplay among the national, the interna - gion (HKSAR) Preparatory Committee. Some were even tional, and the local. We argue that re-nationalization, inter - invited to become members of the Chinese People’s Politi - nationalization, and localization are the three primary cal Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and National Peo - processes of social and political development in post-han - ple’s Congress. dover Hong Kong, and that the interplay among these forces Many of the appointed local elites were media owners. For has shaped the transformation of the Hong Kong media and example, Louis Cha was a member of the Basic Law Draft - their relationship with politics. The following discussion be - ing Committee in the 1980s, at which time he was also the gins with the explication of each of these three processes owner of ((2) . This practice of political appointment and how they impinge on the media. We then discuss how as a form of co-optation has continued since 1997. Sally Aw the three processes are intertwined. was appointed a member of the CPPCC in 1998, at which time she was the owner of the Sing Tao Group. Ma Ching Re-nationalization: Recogniz- Kwan of Oriental Daily and Yang Lan of Sing Pao Daily ing the New Power Center were both appointed in 2003. Other media tycoons who have received political appointments include By re-nationalization, we refer to the process of the political, (Cable TV), Ricky Wong (HK Broadband), Charles Ho economic, and cultural reintegration between Hong Kong (Sing Tao), and Chan Wing Ki (Asia Ltd.). and China over the past twenty years. This process can be It is widely assumed that the central government is interested traced back to 1984 when the Sino-British Joint Declaration in silencing oppositional voices in Hong Kong. However, sparked off a series of societal and political changes. Most importantly, a dual power structure was instantiated in Hong Kong in the transition period. Within the structure, the bal - 1. The work that is described in this article was jointly financed by the Research Grants Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (Project no. ance of power gradually shifted from the United Kingdom to CUHK4136/04H) and the State Innovative Institute of Studies of Journalism, Com - the People’s Republic of China as time went on. The British munication, and Media Society at Fudan University (Project no. 06FCZD0021). colonial government had to consult the Chinese government 2. J. M. Chan & Y. M. To, “Democratization, Reunification and Press Freedom in Hong Kong,” In Press and Politics in Hong Kong , C. Y. K. So and J. M. Chan (Eds.) (Hong and even seek its approval on important political and admin - Kong: Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, 1999), pp. 465-407.

49 N o 2007/2 Special feature s

e given the promises of “ country, two systems” and a Re-nationalization applies not only to the political-economic v i a

t “high degree of autonomy,” overt forms of control and sup - arena. After the handover, social interactions between Hong c n

i pression are likely to backfire. Hence, co-optation remains Kong people and mainland Chinese have increased tremen - e h p the primary means by which the central government exerts dously. New immigrants and visitors from s c

r political influence. In other words, political and economic re - come to the city as Hong Kong people head north for work e wards are given to members of the Hong Kong media in ex - and leisure. Before 1997, some scholars pointed out that p change for their good will and support ((3) . Hong Kong people had long treated mainland Chinese as From the perspective of the media owners, cooperating with “the other” against which they defined themselves, but this China is likely to benefit their (media and non-media) business feeling has faded gradually after the transfer of sovereignty. interests. Media owners understand that developing guanxi Poll findings show that the identification of Hong Kong peo - with the Chinese government is beneficial to their participation ple with China has increased over time ((6) . In fact, the more in the market in mainland China. Some of them may also be - concrete contact that a Hong Kong person has with mainland lieve that owning a media organization will enhance their bar - China, the more positive are his or her views about China ((7) . gaining power when dealing with Chinese officials. Media content reflects these changes. In the past, the Hong Meanwhile, Hong Kong newspapers have gradually been Kong media portrayed China as uncivilized, chaotic, and au - taken from the hands of “traditional news people” by profit- thoritarian, thereby defining the cultural boundary between oriented corporations. One of the major acquisitions in re - Hong Kong and mainland China. Nowadays, while the co- cent years was the takeover of the ownership of the Sing opted media tend to depict China positively, even the polit - Tao Group by Charles Ho, a tobacco businessman and ically critical newspaper becomes – intention - CPPCC Standing Committee member. In 2006, PCCW ally or not – the conveyor and promoter of nationalistic sen - chairman Richard Li Tzar-kai acquired 50% of the owner - timents, as illustrated by their coverage of the news on the ship of the Hong Kong Economic Journal from veteran jour - 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing and the visits of Chinese nalist and famous editorial writer Lam Shan-muk. The case astronauts to Hong Kong. was widely viewed as signifying the death of the traditional These cultural and media changes have added new complex - “intellectual-operated media” in Hong Kong. ities to the phenomenon of media self-censorship. On the Communication researcher Anthony Fung characterizes the one hand, self-censorship remains a serious problem in the new media ecology of Hong Kong as a manifestation of non- eyes of professional journalists. In a survey of Hong Kong organizational concentration ((4) . The notion of media concen - journalists conducted in 2006, 29.2% of the respondents re - tration usually refers to the ownership of the greater number ported that self-censorship existed and was “very serious,” of media organizations in the hands of a few big players. 51.9% said self-censorship existed “but was not very seri - However, Hong Kong has been spared the trend of owner - ous,” and only about 3% reported that there was no self-cen - ship or organizational concentration. Rather, Hong Kong sorship. The figure of respondents who report serious self- media ownership has increasingly been taken over by various censorship has in fact doubled from the figure of 14.0% re - pro-China business people who share similar backgrounds ported in a similar survey in 2001 ((8) . and business interests. Sharon Cheung, a journalist re - searcher, conducted a content analysis of eleven local news - papers. She reported that the owners of five of the eleven pa - 3. J. M. Chan & C. C. Lee, and Political Transition: The Hong Kong Press in pers hold an official appointment in China and enjoy close China’s Orbit , (N.Y.: Guilford Press). ties with the central government. These papers tend to ap - 4. A. Y. H. Fung, “Political Media: Producing a Hegemonic Voice,” prove the policies that are issued by the central government Asian Journal of Communication , Vol. 17, No. 2 (June 2007), pp. 159-171. 5. P. W. Cheung, “Press Barons and Press Freedom – A study of newspaper ownership and and dilute negative news about the policies. The owners of its impact on editorial independence in Hong Kong after the decade of rule from Beijing,” four other of the eleven papers have business connections in unpublished manuscript. mainland China. These four papers seem to be more neutral 6. F. L. F. Lee & J. M. Chan, “Political Attitudes, Political Participation, and Hong Kong Iden - in reporting news about China, but they seldom present tities after 1997,” Issues & Studies , Vol. 41, No. 2 (June 2005), pp. 1-35. 7. E. K. W. Ma & A. Y. H. Fung, “Negotiating Local and National Identifications: Hong Kong strong criticism of the policies of the Chinese government. Identity Surveys 1996-2006,” Asian Journal of Communication , Vol. 17, No. 2 (June Only the two newspapers without any economic or political 2007), pp. 172-185. affiliation with China do not give the Beijing authorities spe - 8. C. Y. K. So & J. M. Chan, “Professionalism, Politics and the Market Force: Survey Stud - ies of Hong Kong Journalists 1996-2006,” Asian Journal of Communication , Vol. 17, No. cial consideration when reporting news ((5) . 2 (June 2007), pp. 148-158.

50 N o 2007/2 Media and Politics in Hong Kong s

On the other hand, the frequent and regular interaction be - that Hong Kong journalists themselves have turned against e v i a tween Hong Kong journalists and mainland Chinese offi - independence? It is hard to clearly separate self-cen - t c n

cials has led the former to develop a greater identification sorship and cultural co-orientation empirically, but the ana - i e h with and better understanding of China. Journalists have lytical distinction between the two is crucial to our under - p s c thus become less skeptical and more sympathetic towards standing of press freedom in Hong Kong. r the nation. A senior editor of a major newspaper in Hong It should be noted that cultural co-orientation is not only a e p Kong opined that the problem of self-censorship is not as se - media phenomenon, but also a social phenomenon. Univer - rious as most people think, but he admitted that the media sity-conducted opinion polls, for example, have shown that have become more “careful” when commenting on China the percentage of Hong Kong people who are against Tai - due to the media’s better understanding of the country after wan independence rose from 58.8% in 1996 to 78.1% in years of reporting ((9) . 2006, while the percentage of Hong Kong people who trust This can be seen as a process of cultural co-orientation, the Chinese government increased from 24.5% to 45.5% in which refers to the generation of a shared culture and a bet - the same period ((11) . In any case, the concept of cultural co- ter mutual understanding between two parties through inter - orientation highlights the intricate relationship between cul - actions over time. Cultural co-orientation involves changes in tural changes and press freedom. people’s attitudes, judgments, and “common sense.” If self- At the time of the handover, people and organizations that censorship concerns journalists who behave against their “in - exhibited a tendency to move closer to China were often dependent judgment” because of political pressure, then criticized as “bending with the wind ((12) .” Ten years later, in - changes in the independent judgment of journalists will alter tegration with China is treated as an inevitable trend. In the what self-censorship encompasses. An originally conscious recent election of the HKSAR Chief Executive, even the act of self-censorship may become naturalized and normal - pro- camp candidate Alan Leong had to reiterate ized over time and/or come to be in sync with the new his knowledge of China and experience and ability to com - “common sense.” In the end, when the independent judg - municate with mainland China. Re-nationalization involves ment of the majority has changed, those who maintain their both structural changes and cultural changes. “Bending with original judgment may be regarded as unprofessional, im - the wind” is no longer widely used in public discourse. Self- practical, or simply too radical. censorship is also being redefined. An example that can best illustrate this point is the coverage of the Hong Kong media of Taiwan. In the period immedi - Hong Kong media and ately after the handover, the issue of Taiwan was highly po - International Society litically sensitive because Hong Kong and China held differ - ent attitudes towards the independence of Taiwan. Although Despite the indomitable forces of re-nationalization, the the Hong Kong media have never been supportive of Tai - Hong Kong media have yet to become identical to their wan independence, the topic was largely treated as a legiti - mainland Chinese counterparts. This is because national mate debate. For example, Cable Television interviewed forces are to some extent counterbalanced by international Taiwan Vice-President Annette Lu in 2000 and used the forces. In fact, Hong Kong has long been in close contact norm of journalistic objectivity to defend itself when it was with the international community. In the last 30 years of severely criticized for its reportage by Chinese officials. The colonial rule, the colonial government imported Western val - underlying assumption of the behavior of Cable TV was ues and institutions such as the rule of law, human rights, lib - that the pro-independence opinion deserved a fair hearing in erties, and even democracy to Hong Kong. The city’s eco - the public sphere. Yet the Chinese government did not see nomic system is also acclaimed as one of the most open and national reunification as a legitimate controversy ((10) . Even “free” in the world. Many of the said values have been in - the “objective reporting” of the Taiwan independence view - point was problematic in the eyes of the Chinese govern - ment. 9. Personal interview conducted in August 2006. Since 2000, however, the Hong Kong media have shut the 10. F. L. F. Lee, “Strategic Interaction, Cultural Co-orientation, and Press Freedom in Hong door on reporting the pro-independence views of any Tai - Kong,” Journal of Communication , Vol. 17, No. 2 (June 2007), pp. 134-147. wanese politician. To what extent this is the result of self- 11. The poll findings are available at http://hkupop.hku.hk. 12. This is a semantic translation from . The literal translation is “making sharp censorship? And to what extent this is a result of the fact steering turns.”

51 N o 2007/2 Special feature s

e ternalized by Hong Kong people, who see them as the foun - ing to deprive the public of its right to information. In China, v i a

t dation of Hong Kong’s success. Since 1997, Hong Kong the news media were in sync with the central government of - c n

i has been struggling to position itself as a “Chinese city” or ficials in reporting on SARS, covering up the spread of the e ((13) h p an “international city .” The HKSAR government contin - dreadful disease in the initial stage, whereas in Hong Kong, s c

r ues to emphasize the importance of connecting to the world, the media strictly adhered to the principle of reporting the im - e and ex-Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa vowed to turn Hong portant facts to the public. In fact, the connectedness between p Kong into “Asia’s World City.” Internationalization is widely Hong Kong and the international community created pressure regarded as an effective prescription to enhance the compet - on the Chinese government. When global coverage collided itiveness of Hong Kong. with the official information of the Chinese government, the Meanwhile, China has paid greater attention to its international government had no choice but to revise its stance. The Min - image. China’s determination to participate in the international ister of Health was dismissed and the central government arena is indicated by its membership in the WTO and bid to started to cooperate with international societies and the World host the 2008 Olympics. In addition, to demonstrate the feasi - Health Organization. Finally, it provided factual data to the bility of the “one country, two systems” formula to Taiwan and WHO and increased transparency in handling the crisis ((15) .

the international community, China cannot overtly act against The case of the SARS outbreak in Hong Kong highlights g e V

the “universal values” of liberty and democracy that are propa - the connection between the Hong Kong media and foreign n a i t s

gated by the Western world. China must take international re - societies. In fact, Hong Kong is where information flow is a b e S

sponses into account should it ever want to change the course speedy and uninhibited, and it serves as an information hub of its policy towards Hong Kong. in Asia in which numerous international media organizations © More specifically, international influence on the Hong Kong station their foreign correspondents and news bureaus ((16) . media takes several forms. First, journalistic professionalism is About a dozen international newspapers and more than 30 widely upheld by the Hong Kong media. Hong Kong journal - international magazines are registered in Hong Kong. Those ists adopted long ago the liberal model of professional journal - that can be bought on the street include the Financial ism from the West. They regard the media as the “marketplace Times , The Asian Wall Street Journal , USA Today Inter - of ideas” or “public sphere” and journalists as autonomous ac - national , the International Herald Tribune , and Nihon tors who are independent of political and economic power. Keizai Shim bun ((17) . When SARS broke out, news instantly They believe in the notions of factual and objective reporting, traveled around infected cities worldwide, prompting compe - and they also believe that the media should play a watchdog tition among cities and resulting in mutual monitoring. The role to monitor the performance of the government and other reporting of the international media on China, to a certain power holders on behalf of the general public. Surveys of jour - degree, may prevent the Hong Kong media from exercising nalists in Hong Kong from 1996 to 2006 show that news re - excessive self-censorship as people with exposure to the in - porters still adhere to these core professional values ((14) . ternational media could develop an unfavorable evaluation of The performance of the Hong Kong media during the se - the unprofessional practices of the Hong Kong media. At vere acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreak in 2003 the same time, the Chinese coverage by international media demonstrated how the media used these international values to confront China. Whereas the Chinese government block - aded any news concerning SARS inside mainland China, 13. A. S. Ku, “Postcolonial Cultural Trends in Hong Kong: Imagining the Local, the National, and the Global,” In Crisis and transformation in China’s Hong Kong , M. K. Chan and A. scattered information and rumors were widely circulated So (Eds.) (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 2002), pp. 322-342. among the market-driven Hong Kong media. Later, the out - 14. Joseph Chan, “The Global-Local Communication (Dis)Synchronization: Interactions break of SARS in Hong Kong triggered an extraordinary among Media, Individuals, State and Global Institutions During the SARS Outbreak.” Paper presented at the conference “Epidemics and Transborder Violence: Communica - amount of coverage by all members of the local media. tion and Globalization under a Different Light.” Hong Kong Baptist University, December Apple Daily fiercely criticized China for locking up informa - 17-18, 2004. tion and refusing transparency, and accused mainland Chi - 15. E. K. W. Ma & J. M. Chan, “Global connectivity and local politics: SARS, talk radio, and public opinion,” In SARS: Reception and Interpretation in Three Chinese Cities , D. Davis nese officials of being the culprits responsible for the SARS and H. Siu (Eds.) (London, New York: Routledge, 2007), pp. 19-44. outbreak in Hong Kong. Phone-in radio programs in Hong 16. According to the most updated information that is provided by the Government Informa - Kong, especially the highly popular “Tea Cup in a Storm,” tion Services Department, as of March 2007 around 100 foreign media organizations brought firsthand information from frontline staff to have offices in Hong Kong. 17. The most recent raw data were provided by the Television and Entertainment Licensing the public, and the HKSAR government was accused of try - Authority on February 28, 2007, and this paper has re-categorized them.

52 N o 2007/2 Protest against plans to reform the RTHK, July 2007.

also enables the Hong Kong media to resort to remediation icizing the Hong Kong media. The most famous example is as a method of covering sensitive issues on China – “pas - the reproach of Hong Kong journalists in 2000 by Jiang sively” quoting and reprinting what has been reported in the Zemin, China’s former president, in Beijing. He urged international press ((18) . Hong Kong journalists to learn from Mike Wallace of CBS, Moreover, international authorities have usually been re - rather than asking them to follow any mainland role models. ferred to by Hong Kong journalists as sources of legitimacy In addition to international values and beliefs, other types of to safeguard press freedom. In a survey of journalists that international forces are also important. In the age of media was conducted in 2006, more than 60% of the respondents globalization, expanding business to overseas markets is a chose international media organizations as the ideal media way for media corporations to increase their revenue. For ex - organizations ((19) . In fact, when facing political pressure in ample, Ming Pao publishes North American editions in their work, the Hong Kong media can point to international Vancouver, Toronto, San Francisco, and New York, while journalistic standards for self defense. For example, after the Apple Daily is published in Taiwan. The former has made handover, Radio Television Hong Kong (RTHK) was re - good profits in Canada, with a turnover of 0.2 billion Hong peatedly bashed by the pro-China camp, which argued that Kong dollars by mid-2006 ((21) . The performance of the latter it should not criticize the government. In response, RTHK continues to thrive, and the circulation of Apple Daily in proclaimed that it is modeled after international (or mainly Taiwan has recently reached half a million ((22) . Although we European) public broadcasting systems that cherish editorial independence. At the individual level, international recogni - 18. A. S. Y. Cheung, “Hong Kong Press Coverage of China-Taiwan Cross-straits Tension,” In Hong Kong in Transition , R. Ash, P. Ferdinand, B. Hook, R. Porter, and F. Ash (Eds.) (Lon - tion can also alleviate the pressure that journalists face. A don: Routledge, 2003), pp. 210-225. current affairs program producer acknowledged that interna - 19. The survey of journalists was conducted from June to November in 2006. tional awards can help otherwise sensitive programs to avoid 20. A personal interview that was conducted in August 2006. critique from within the news organization ((20) . In addition, it 21. “Revenue of MingPao Corporation’s Publishing Business Cut in Half,” Hong Kong Eco - is worth noting that even Chinese officials sometimes use in - nomic Journal , (December 18, 2006), p. 22. (In Chinese) 22. “Securities Report-DBS lowers Revenue Prediction on Next Media,” AFX , (February 1, ternational instead of mainland Chinese standards when crit - 2007). (In Chinese)

53 N o 2007/2 Special feature s

e should not exaggerate its impact here, investing overseas litical criticism as their selling point, and they position them - v i a

t may indirectly weaken the influence of China to the extent selves as the guardians of local and public interests (as op - c n

i that the Chinese market is not the sole consideration of busi - posed to the interests of the government and business peo - e ((23) h p ness people . ple). A populist and confrontational media, spearheaded by s c

r However, while various international forces prevent the Apple Daily and a number of critical talk radio programs, e Hong Kong media from falling completely in line with have been cultivated. They serve as channels for the expres - p China, international forces do not always work against China. sion of public discontent, while at the same time reinforcing For example, the flow of international and China-friendly such discontent ((24) . After the highly controversial national se - capital into the Hong Kong media, represented by the acqui - curity legislation debate and the SARS outbreak in early sition of the and Ming Pao by 2003, the accumulation of grievances finally led to the July 1 Malaysian Chinese tycoons Robert Kuok Hock-nien and demonstration in 2003, in which 500,000 people marched on Tan Sri Datuk Tiong Hiew King, respectively, is very much the street to vent their anger at the HKSAR administration. a part of the trend towards non-organization concentration Against this background, Joseph Chan and Clement So have that was discussed in the previous section. Even transnational argued that on local matters, the Hong Kong media have companies such as Yahoo can succumb to the pressure that served a “surrogate democracy function” in Hong Kong. is exerted by the Beijing authorities. There is a limit to the Within the context of the underdevelopment of democracy in countervailing force that internationalization can bring about. Hong Kong, the media fill in the gap and have become the most important platform for public opinion formation and ex - Local Interests as the Bottom pression. Besides allowing people to voice their opinions, the Line media also promote communication between officials and cit - izens, criticize the government, and promote social reform ((25) . The media cannot operate effectively in a social vacuum. The surrogate democracy function supplements the lack of The Hong Kong media are located within specific political, democracy in the formal political institutions and contributes economic, and cultural systems that contribute to their forms to social stability in post-handover Hong Kong. and roles. The members of the Hong Kong media serve a The close relationship between local interests and the media local audience, and thus their contents and social functions can best be illustrated through the aforementioned case of are inseparable from local interests. The formation of a the July 1 demonstration in 2003. After the historic protest, “local society” in Hong Kong can be traced back to the mid- some Chinese officials pinpointed Apple Daily and several 1970s when the Hong Kong economy began to prosper in radio phone-in programs as the major mobilizers behind the tandem with the emergence of the second generation of the event. Indeed, Apple Daily adopted the advocacy approach post-war refugees, thereby contributing to the rise of the to the extent that it printed the headline “See You in the Hong Kong identity. Into the 1990s, as Hong Kong under - Streets” on its front page on the day of the demonstration. went decolonization and democratization, political changes Putting aside whether Apple Daily and the radio phone-in ignited the expectations of Hong Kong people. The dual programs really had huge mobilization power, arguably all of power structure representing the Chinese and British power the Hong Kong media played an important role in facilitating centers and the low degree of interference from the colonial

government provided the conditions under which Hong 23. A. Y. H. Fung, “Media Competition, Ownership, a Political Transition,” In Hong Kong Media Kong people articulated their own views, negotiated their in the New Millennium , P. Lee (Ed .) (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2003), pp. identities, and expressed their hopes and fears. 71-98. (In Chinese) 24. F. L. F. Lee, “Radio Phone-in Talk Shows as Politically Significant Infotainment in Hong Nevertheless, since the handover, the local government is Kong,” Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics , Vol. 7, No. 4 (Fall 2002), pp. 57- authorized only by the Chinese government and does not 79; F. L. F. Lee, “Talk Radio Listening, Opinion Expression and Political Discussion in a Democratizing Society,” Asian Journal of Communication , Vol. 17, No. 1 (March 2006), have high levels of legitimacy in the eyes of the public. In pp. 78-96. late 1997, the political reality collided with unfulfilled politi - 25. J. M. Chan & C. Y. K. So, “The Surrogate Democracy Function of the Media: Citizens’ and cal expectations and coincided with the Asian financial tur - Journalists’ Evaluations of Media Performance,” In Indicators of Social Development: Hong Kong 2001 , S. K. Lau, M. K. Lee, P. S. Wan, and S. L. Wong (Eds.) (Hong Kong: Hong moil. In the following years, as the economic decline has con - Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, Chinese , 2003), pp. 249- tinued and social crises have recurred, social grievances have 276. accumulated. Some media outlets have taken advantage of 26. J. M. Chan & F. L. F. Lee, “Media and Large-scale Pro-democracy Demonstrations in Post-handover Hong Kong,” Asian Journal of Communication , Vol. 17, No. 2 (June 2007), weak governance and grown in popularity. They have used po - pp. 215-228.

54 N o 2007/2 Media and Politics in Hong Kong s the formation of the protest. First, the tremendous amount of the Hong Kong media is also partly dependent on the future e v i a coverage of the national security legislation debate and the up - development of the local political culture. t c n

coming demonstration helped set the public agenda. Second, i e h the media reported the calls for action made by social elites Media Politics as the Interplay p s c and political groups, thus broadcasting the messages by lead - of the Three Forces r ers such as the Catholic Bishop Joseph Zen and the Hong e p Kong Professional Teachers’ Union. This reportage also cer - As stated previously, media politics in post-handover Hong tified and legitimized the demonstration. Third, the media Kong can be understood as the interplay among the forces were crucial in transmitting “action-facilitating information” to of re-nationalization, internationalization, and localization. readers and listeners and assisting their participation ((26) . Since 1997, the HKSAR government has had to toe the But it would be wrong to say that the public simply followed the line of the central government on important issues. How - lead of the media. The powerful expression of public opinion ever, when there are serious conflicts between the central through the July 1 demonstration also called for responses from and the local governments, the HKSAR government has to the media. Most notably, after the protest, different media out - address the demands of the Hong Kong people. China can - lets overwhelmingly used positive words such as “rational” and not frequently and overtly intervene in Hong Kong affairs “peaceful” to describe and eulogize the rally. Facing what we because of its concern over its profession of “one country, called energized public opinion, the media felt pressure to side two systems.” As reflected in the performance of the media, with the public. Newspapers that espoused different political the power transition has indeed induced scruples on the part stances converged in their portrayal of the protest and discus - of the media in reporting certain issues. Some media outlets sions of its implications. Although this convergence was by no have allied themselves with the new power center. However, means complete, political parallelism in Hong Kong did dimin - market considerations remain important to the ish for a period of time. When political parallelism re-emerged, media in Hong Kong, and many journalists still adhere to the configuration of discourses had already changed ((27) . The professional values and norms. Coupled with international case of the July 1 demonstration in 2003 shows that the Hong concerns regarding press freedom in Hong Kong, the Hong Kong media, riding on the wave of re-nationalization, had to ad - Kong media have yet to become fully submissive. just in the face of the powerful expression of local opinions in Self-censorship has been one of the responses of the media the form of collective action. At the same time, those media to political pressure. However, under the twin considerations that attempt to struggle against re-nationalization can treat pub - of market competition and professionalism, some members lic opinion as their capital and resource. of the media have come up with a set of strategies to manage Nevertheless, local opinions and interests do not necessarily political pressure and professional credibility at the same contradict re-nationalization, because Hong Kong and time. These include the increasing use of juxtapositions be - China do not stand on opposite sides on every issue. More - tween positive and negative opinions towards the power hold - over, while re-nationalization largely implies a move towards ers, the increasing use of polls as “objective” indicators of more conservative political values in the context of Hong public opinion, the increasing use of non-political authorities Kong, Hong Kong society and culture themselves also have (such as academics) as commentators, and the adoption of a fair share of conservatism. For example, Hong Kong has rhetorical strategies to produce “rational and objective” edito - little tolerance towards “radical” behavior. More precisely, rials ((29) . With these techniques, “professionalism” becomes a many acts that are regarded as “normal” and commonplace in weapon for self-defense when the media are criticized. social struggles in other countries are often treated as “too rad - ical” in Hong Kong. “Law and order” and “rationalism and pragmatism” form part of the deep-rooted cultural codes of 27. J. M. Chan & F. L. F. Lee, “Energized Public Opinion and Media’s Political Parallelism: A Case Study of the 1 July 2003 Rally in Hong Kong,” Hong Kong Journal of Social Sciences, No. 31 Hong Kong society. Therefore, the symbolic resistance of so - Autumn/Winter (Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong Press, 2006), pp. 71-95. (In Chinese) cial movement activists against established institutions can 28. A. Ku, “Constructing and Contesting the ‘Order’ Imagery in Media Discourse – Implications hardly win the support of the media. Acts of civil disobedience for Civil Society in Hong Kong,” Asian Journal of Communication , Vol. 17, No. 2 (June 2007), pp. 186-200; F. L. F. Lee, “Election Interpretations, Post-election Campaign, and In - may receive sympathy or even support from the media during stitutional Repair: The Case of the 2004 Legislature Council Elections in Hong Kong,” The the early stages of an event, but as the event unfolds, the media Chinese Journal of Communication and Society , No. 1 (2006), pp. 69-90. (In Chinese) often return to the baseline of “order” or “rationalism ((28) .” 29. See note 10 above, and also C. C. Lee, “The Paradox of Political Economy: Media Struc - ture, Press Freedom, and Regime Change in Hong Kong,” In Power, Money, and Media , This means that the performance and future development of C. C. Lee (Ed.) (Illinois: Northwestern University Press), pp. 288-336.

55 N o 2007/2 Special feature s

e In other words, objective journalism can be a helpful tool Hong Kong media. The problem lies only in how “profes - v i a

t in resisting political pressure in Hong Kong. However, the sional” journalism is practiced. c n

i emphasis on “objectivity” has at the same time hampered Meanwhile, economic forces work both for and against po - e h p the function of the press as the fourth estate. For example, litical influences. Capitalists have the tendency to be co- s c

r in a study of how the editorials of two newspapers re - opted by the political power center. Media market forces, e sponded to the democratic reform debate in 2004, it was however, can serve to restrain the media from getting too p discovered that Ming Pao , a paper that proclaims its pro - close to the power center too fast. Media outlets that com - fessionalism and credibility, positioned itself as a neutral pletely disregard professionalism and independence will commentator situated between the democratic camp and likely be shunned by the public. Apple Daily captures a spe - the Chinese government. It also repeatedly advocated ra - cific niche market by taking a critical stance against the tional discussion in its editorials ((30) . However, this stance HKSAR and Chinese governments, and hence has become of neutrality and rationality proved feeble as the paper did one of the most popular local newspapers. If other competi - not publish any strong critiques of China when China uni - tors want to secure a share in the local market, they cannot laterally vetoed for Hong Kong in 2007- afford to deviate too far from local interests. The existence 2008. of Apply Daily also serves as a buffer for other media, be - More broadly speaking, the media’s show of neutrality when cause as long as their viewpoints are less critical than the the public is expecting a strong critique of the government viewpoint of Apple Daily , political pressure on them is alle - on certain issues is likely to be perceived as a form of self- viated. The commercial success of Apple Daily illustrates censorship. A survey that was conducted in 2006 showed that its market-led advocacy journalism and the intensified that close to half of Hong Kong people said that the media objective journalism that is practiced by other media can should side with Hong Kong when there is a clash of inter - cover each other politically. ests between China and Hong Kong. These people are also Although Hong Kong has returned to China, it retains its in - more inclined to say the media have practiced self-censor - ternational status. Numerous foreign news agencies are based ship on controversial issues between China and Hong in Hong Kong, and the free flow of information in Hong Kong ((31) . These findings show that on controversial issues Kong makes it difficult to restrict the news system in Hong which involve conflicts between China and Hong Kong, Kong. With the scheme of “one country, two systems” en - “objectivity and neutrality” cannot satisfy the majority of the shrined in the Basic Law, the constitutional document of public. In the foreseeable future, issues that are caused by Hong Kong, the HKSAR government and the Beijing au - China-Hong Kong conflict will pose a great challenge to the thorities are held accountable for maintaining press freedom Hong Kong media. in Hong Kong. As Chinese society becomes more pluralistic Nonetheless, we are not completely pessimistic about the sit - and as China further integrates with Hong Kong and the rest uation of the Hong Kong media. In fact, after the handover, of the world, the pressure on China to comply with interna - even in times during which overt political pressure was ap - tional standards of openness and transparency will increase. plied (e.g., through public criticisms by central government However, this will take time to take effect. In the last analysis, officials), the Hong Kong press still stood firm and stressed press freedom in Hong Kong is subject to the interplay among the principle of press freedom and journalistic professional - the forces of re-nationalization, internationalization, and local - ism ((32) . With regard to the problem of self-censorship, the ization. The key to press freedom in Hong Kong lies in the Hong Kong Journalists Association called for members in extent to which Hong Kong and China are democraticized. • the field to retain their professional standards ((33) . As noted above, Hong Kong journalists adopted long ago Western 30. F. L. F. Lee & A. M. Y. Lin, “Newspaper editorial discourse and the politics of self-censor - professional journalistic practices, and view the media as in - ship in Hong Kong,” Discourse & Society , Vol. 17, No. 2 (June 2006), pp. 311-358. dependent gatekeepers for monitoring the government’s per - 31. F. L. F. Lee, “Hong Kong Citizens’ Belief in Media Neutrality and Perceptions of Press formance. Press freedom is a universally recognized value – Freedom: Objectivity as Self-censorship?” Asian Survey , Vol. 47, No. 3 (May/June 2007). even the Chinese government cannot deny or overtly in - 32. T. Y. Lau & Y. M. To, “Walking a tight rope: Hong Kong’s media facing political and eco - nomic challenges since sovereignty transfer,” In Crisis and Transformation in China’s fringe upon it. The open and free media system in Hong Hong Kong , M. K. Chan and A. So (Eds.) (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 2002), pp. 322-342. Kong remains more or less intact structurally. It can be said 33. The Hong Kong Journalists Association released its survey results on February 10, 2007, that, as a professional norm and a symbol in public dis - at a seminar on “Press Freedom in Hong Kong: Ten Years On.” They urged members to stay unwaveringly committed to their duty, maintain their professional standards, and course, professionalism is the most powerful weapon of the rebuild the confidence of Hong Kong people in them.

56 N o 2007/2