Helsinki Watch Committees in the Soviet Republics

Home , Anatoly Marchenko, Andrei Amalrik, Antanas Venclova, Armenian nationalism, Baltic Appeal, Balys Gajauskas

Yaroslav Bilinsky

Tönu Parming

THE HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEES

IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS :

IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOVIET

NATIONALITY QUESTION

PART I I

Note s

Appendice s

Reference s

Supplementary References Chapter I

NOTE S

'Testimony of one of the participants, Congresswoman Millicen t

Fenwick ; United States Congress (94th Congress), House of Representatives ,

Committee on International Relations, Subcommittee on International Poli- tical and Military Affairs, Conference on Security and Cooperation i n

Europe, Part II, Hearings .. . November 18, 1975 and May 4, 1976 (Washington :

U .S . Government Printing Office, 1976), pp . 7-8 .

2For example, see the United States Department of State, Publi - cation 8677 (Bureau of Public Affairs, September 1972), Current Foreig n

Policy series, Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe .

3 For the historical backdrop and development see Roman Szporluk ,

"Nationalities and the Russian Problem in the USSR : an Historical Outline, "

Journal of International Affairs, Volume 27 (No . 1, 1973), pp . 22-40 (re - printed as No . 87 in the series of the Center for Russian and East European

Studies, University of Michigan) . Also : Marc Raeff, " Patterns of Russia n

Imperial Policy toward the Nationalities ;" Hans Kohn, "Soviet Communis m and Nationalism : Three Stages of a Historical Development ; " and John N .

Hazard, " Statutory Recognition of Nationality Differences in the USSR , " al l three in Edward Allworth, ed ., Soviet Nationality Problems (New York :

Columbia University Press, 1971) . For a general review : Robert J . Osborn ,

The Evolution of Soviet Politics (Homewood, IL : Dorsey Press, 1974) , chapters 13-14 .

Chapter 2

NOTE S

1Edward Allworth, " Restating the Soviet Nationality Question , "

in Edward Allworth, ed ., Soviet Nationality Problems (New York : Columbi a

Univeristy Press, 1971), p . 13 .

2 The import of the affective-instrumental connection in social actio n

has been most forcefully argued by Daniel Bell, " Ethnicity and Socia l

Change, " in Nathan Glazer and Daniel P . Moynihan, eds ., Ethnicity Theor y

and Experience (Cambridge : Harvard University Press, 1975) .

3 For a review of the geographical growth of Russia, see W .H . Parke r

An Historical Geography of Russia (Chicago : Aldine, 1969) . For th e

historical pre-Soviet roots of the nationality problem, see S . Frederick .

Starr, " Tsarist Government : The Imperial Dimension, " in Jeremy R . Azrael ,

ed ., Soviet Nationality Policies and Practices (New York : Praeger, 1978) ,

and Marc Raeff, " Patterns of Russian Imperial Policy toward the Nation-

alities, " in Edward Allworth, ed ., Soviet NationalityProblems (New York :

Columbia University Press, 1971) .

4For overviews of the development of Soviet nationality policies ,

see : Hans Kohn, " Soviet Communism and Nationalism : Three Stages of a

Historical Development, " and John N . Hazard, " Statutory Recognition o f

Nationality Differences in the USSR, " both in Edward Allworth, ed ., Sovie t

Nationality Problems (New York : Columbia University Press, 1971) ; Roma n N2-1 N2- 2

Szporluk, " Nationalities and the Russian Problem in the U .S .S .R . : an His- torical Outline , " Journal of International Affairs, Volume 27 (No . l, 1973) , pp . 22-40 ; Helene Carrere d ' Encausse, " Determinants and Parameters o f

Soviet Nationality Policy, " in Jeremy R . Azrael, ed ., Soviet Nationality

Policies and Practices (New York : Praeger, 1978) . But also, Rober t

Conquest, ed ., Soviet Nationalities Policy in Practice (New York : Praeger ,

1967) .

5 See the following works for the development of the dissent movement : Abraham Rothberg, The Heirs of Stalin . Dissidence and the Sovie t

Regime 1953-1970 (Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 1972) ; George Saunders ,

Samizdat . Voices of the Soviet Opposition (New York : Monad Press, 1974) ; Pete r

Reddaway, ed ., Uncensored Russia . Protest and Dissent in the Soviet Unio n

(New York : American Heritage Press, 1972) ; and Rudolf L . Tökes, ed . ,

Dissent in the USSR . Politics, Ideology andPeople (Baltimore : John s

Hopkins University Press, 1975) .

6For case studies of two of these groups, see Thomas E . Sawyer ,

The Jewish Minority in the Soviet Union (Boulder, Colo . : Westview, 1979) , and Alan Fisher, The Crimean Tatars (Stanford : Hoover Institution Press ,

1978) .

7 For background, see Robert S . Sullivant, Soviet Politics and th e

Ukraine 1917-1957 (New York : Columbia University Press, 1962), an d

Yaroslav Bilinsky, The Second Soviet Republic : The Ukraine After Worl d

War II (New Brunswick : Rutgers University Press, 1964) . For recent trends, N2- 3

see : Roman Szporluk, " The Ukraine and the Ukrainians, " in Zev Katz, ed . ,

Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities (New York : Free Press, 1975) ;

Wsevolod W . Isajiw, "Social Bases of Change in the Ukraine Since 1964, "

Mykola Stepanenko, "Ukrainain Culture in the Brezhnev-Kosygin Era : Som e

Observations, " Konstantyn Sawczuk, " Resistance Against Russification i n

the Ukraine Since 1964 : A Profile of Three Urkainians in Opposition, " and Bohdan R . Bociurkiw, "Religion and Nationalism in the Contemporar y

Ukraine, " all three in George W . Simmonds, ed ., Nationalism in the USS R

& Eastern Europe in the Era of Brezhnev and Kosygin (Detroit : University of Detroit Press, 1977) ; Yaroslav Bilinsky, "Assimilation and Ethni c

Assertiveness Among Ukrainians of the Soviet Union, " in Erich Goldhagen , ed ., Ethnic Minorities in the Soviet Union (New York : Frederick A .

Praeger, 1968), and his, "Mykola Skrypnyk and Petro Shelest : An Essay o n

the Persistence and Limits of Ukrainian National Communism, " in Jeremy R .

Azrael, ed ., Soviet Nationality Policies and Practices (New York : Praeger ,

1978) . And Lesya Jones and Bohdan Yasen, eds ., The Ukrainain Herald .

Issue 6 . Dissent in the Ukraine (Baltimore : Smoloskyp Publishers, 1977) .

8For the theoretical case for this, see Fredrik Barth, " Intro- duction, " in F . Barth, ed ., Ethnic Groups and Boundaries . TheSocia l

Organization of Cultural Difference (Bergen-Oslo : Universitets Forlaget ,

1969) .

9An integrative model of ethnic identity may be found in Tön u

Parming, The Nature of Ethnic Identity (unpublished doctoral dissertation ,

Yale University, 1976) . N2- 4

10 See Jaan Pennar, " Nationalism in the Soviet Baltic, " in Eric h

Goldhagen, ed ., op . cit .; V . Stanley Vardys, " Modernization and Balti c

Nationalism, " Problems of Communism (September-October 1975) ; Janis Sapiets ,

" The Baltic Republics " in George Schöpflin, ed ., The Soviet Union an d

Eastern Europe (New York : Praeger, 1970) ; Rein Taagepera, " Dissimilaritie s

between the Northwest Soviet Republics, " in Arvids Ziedonis, Jr ., et al .,

eds ., Problems of Mininations (San Jose : Association for Advancement o f

Baltic Studies, 1973) ; Yaroslav Bilinsky, " The Background of Contemporar y

Politics in the Baltic Republics and the Ukraine : Comparisons and Contrasts, "

in A . Ziedonis Jr ., ed ., op . cit . ; V . Stanley Vardys, " The Role of th e

Baltic Republics in Soviet Society, " in Roman Szporluk, ed ., The Influenc e

of East Europe and the Soviet West on the USSR (New York : Praeger, 1975) :

Frederic T . Harned, " Latvia and the Latvians " and " Lithuania and th e

Lithuanians, " in Z . Katz, ed ., op . cit . ; Rein Taagepera, "Estonia and th e

Estonians, " in Z . Katz, ed ., op . cit .; Tönu Parming, " Nationalism in Es-

tonia Since 1964," in G .W . Simmonds, ed ., op . cit . ; Juris Dreifelds ,

" Latvian National Demands and Group Consciousness Since 1959, " in G .W .

Simmonds, ed ., op . cit . ; Thomas Remeikis, " Political Developments [i n

Lithuania] during the Brezhnev Era," in G .W . Simmonds, ed ., op . cit .;

Tönu Parming, " Contrasts in Nationalism in the Soviet Baltic " (Paper, 15t h

Southern Conference on Slavic Studies, University of Virginia, 1976) ; Tön u

Parming, "Roots of Nationality Differences," in Edward Allworth, ed .,

Nationality Group Survival in Multi-Ethnic States . Shifting Suppor t

Patterns in the Soviet BalticRegion (New York : Praeger, 1977) ; Tön u

Parming, "Population Processes and the Nationality Issue in the Soviet N2- 5

Baltic, " Soviet Studies (forthcoming, July 1980) ; Tönu Parming and Elma r

Järvesoo, eds ., A Case Study of a Soviet Republic . The Estonian SS R

(Boulder, Colo . : Westview Press, 1978) ; V . Stanley Vardys, ed ., Lithuani a

Under the Soviets (New York : Praeger, 1965) .

11See, for example, Albertas Gerutis, ed ., Lithuania 700 Year s

(New York : Manyland Books, 1969) .

12 See Royal Institution of International Affairs, The Baltic

States (London : Oxford University Press, 1938) and Georg von Rauch, Th e

Baltic States (Berkeley : University of California Press, 1977) ; also se e

Stanley W . Page, The Formation of the Baltic States (Cambridge : Harvar d

University Press, 1959) .

13 See the references to Lithuania in footnote 10, above ; es-

pecially Thomas Remeikis, op . cit .

14 See V . Stanley Vardys, Th e Catholic Church, Dissent an d

Nationality in Soviet Lithuania (Boulder, Colo . : East European Quarterl y

Press, distributed by Columbia University Press, 1978) .

15 See sources referenced in fn 10, above, especially the thre e

comparative ones on the Baltic by T . Parming, op . cit .

16 See T . Parming, " Population Processes .. .," op . cit .

17 See J . Dreifelds, op . cit . N2- 6

18 Mary Kilbourne Matossian, " Communist Rule and the Changin g

Armenian Cultural Pattern," in E . Goldhagen, op . cit . ; Vahakn N . Dadrian ,

" Nationalism in Soviet Armenia : A Case Study of Ethnocentrism," in G .W .

Simmonds, ed ., op . cit . ; Mary K . Matossian, " Armenia and the Armenians, "

and Richard B . Dobson, "Georgia and the Georgians , " in Z . Katz, ed ., op . cit .

19 See Edward Allworth, ed ., The Nationality Question in Sovie t

Central Asia (New York: Praeger, 1973); Edward Allworth, ed., Central Asia.

A Century of Russian Rule (New York : Columbia University Press, 1967) ;

William O . McCagg, Jr ., and Brian Silver, eds ., Soviet Asian Ethni c

Frontiers (New York : Pergamon Press, 1979) ; and articles in E . Goldhagen , ed ., op . cit .; E . Allworth, 1971, op . cit . ; Z . Katz, ed ., op . cit .; J .

Azrael, ed ., op . cit .

20 See S . Frederick Starr, " Tsarist Government : The Imperia l

Dimension" and S . Enders Wimbush, "The Great Russians and the Soviet State :

The Dilemmas of Ethnic Dominance," both in J .R . Azrael, ed ., op . cit .

21 See . for example, Robert A . Lewis, Richard H . Rowland and Ralp h

S . Clem, Nationality and Population Change in Russia and the USSR . An

Evaluation of Census Data, 1897-1970 (New York : Praeger, 1976) .

2 See, for example, among others, the edited works by E . Gold - hagen, ed ., op . cit .; E . Allworth, ed ., 1971, op . cit . ; G .W . Simmonds, ed . , op . cit .; Z . Katz, ed ., op . cit .; J .R .Azrael, ed ., op . cit . For reviews see also Roman Szporluk, " Nationalities and the Russian Problem in the USSR :

An Historical Outline," in Journal of International Affairs, Volume 27 N2- 7

(No . 1, 1973), pp . 22-40 ; Teresa Rakowska-Harmstone, " Ethnicity in th e

Soviet Union , " Annals Volume 433 (September 1977), pp . 73-87 ; and Roma n

Szporluk, ed ., The Influence of East Europe and the Soviet West on th e

USSR (New York : Praeger, 1976) .

23 See sources in preceding footnotes on these groups .

24 See the studies of this in the Baltic ; T . Parming, " Population

Processes " op . cit .

25 The developments in national assertiveness in many respect s parallel those in the general dissent and opposition movement as describe d by G . Saunders, op . cit .

26 See, for example, the special issue, Ethnic Conflict in th e

World Today, Annals, Volume 433 (September 1977) ; Milton J . Esman, ed .,

Ethnic Conflict in the Western World (Ithaca : Cornell University Press ,

1977) ; Nathan Glazer and Daniel P . Moynihan, eds ., Ethnicity, Theory an d

Experience (Cambridge : Harvard University Press, 1975) .

27 The collection of the recent essays on nationality issues in th e

USSR in the Brezhnev-Kosygin era, in G . Simmonds, op . cit ., evidence this .

28 See Tönu Parming and Mee-Yan Cheung, " Modernization an d

Ethnicity , " in Jacques Dofny, ed ., National and Ethnic Movements (London :

Sage, 1980) for a brief review ; and Mee-Yan Cheung, Modernization an d

Ethnicity : The Divergence Model (unpublished doctoral dissertation, N2- 3

Department of Sociology, University of Maryland, 1979) for a thorough analysis .

29For an example of this, see the discussion in Gertrude J .

Robinson, Tito ' s Maverick Media (Urbana : University of Illinois Press ,

1977) .

30The role of elites, and some of the related political issue s here have been argued earlier by Teresa Rakowska--Harmstone, "Ethnicity i n the Soviet Union," op . cit ., and her "The Study of Ethnic Politics in th e

USSR, " in C . Simmonds, op . cit . For a discussion of equivalent elites i n the United States, see, for example, John Higham, ed ., Ethnic Leadership i n

America (Baltimore : The Johns Hopkins Univeristy Press, 1978) .

31See the theoretical discussion on this from the anthropologica l perspective, in F . Barth, op . cit .

32For an example of some such problems, see T . Parming, " Popu- lation Processes and the Nationality Issue in the Soviet Baltic, " op . cit .

33 See the detailed discussion of this in M .Y . Cheung, op . cit .

34See some of the historical roots of this in Russia, in Michae l

B . Petrovich, The Emergence of Russian Panslavism 1856-1870 (New York :

Columbia University Press, 1956) ; Hans Rogger, National Consciousnessi n

Eighteenth Century Russia (Cambridge : Harvard University Press, 1960) ; N2-9

S .F . Starr, op . cit .; and the contemporary effects of this, S .E . Wimbush , op . cit .

35 Andrei Amalrik, Will the Soviet. Union Survive Until1984? (New

York : Harper and Row, 1970) ; Helene Carrere D ' Encausse, L ' Empire Eclate .

La Revolte des Nations en U .R .S .S . (Paris : Flammarion, 1978) . N3-0 1

Chapter 3

NOTE S

1 Until his expulsion in 1974, it could also boast of counting in its ranks Aleksander Solzhenitsyn, the Laureate of a 1970 Nobel Priz e in Literature .

2 This is not the place for an exhaustive bibliography on earl y

Soviet opposition . On the nationality question at the time of th e

Revolution the indispensable book is by Richard Pipes, The Formation o f the Soviet Union : Communism and Nationalism, 1917-1923 . New York :

Atheneum, 1968 ; rev . ed . One of the most penetrating books on earl y opposition within the Party is that by Leonard B . Schapiro, The Origin of the Communist Autocracy : Political Opposition in the Soviet State , first phase 1917-1922 (London : Macmillan, 1977 ; 2nd ed .) .

3 The book on that is Robert Conquest ' s, The Great Terror : Stalin' s

Purge of the Thirties (New York : Collier, 1973 ; rev . ed .) .

4 See Alexander Dallin, German Rule in Russia, 1941-1945 : A Stud y of Occupation Policies (New York : St . Martin ' s Press, 1957) .

5 See Rudolf L . Tökés, "Introduction : Varieties of Soviet Dissent :

An Overview, " in Rudolf L . Tökés, ed ., Dissent in the USSR : Politics ,

Ideology, and People (Baltimore, MD : Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975) , p . 11 . Source henceforth abbreviated Dissent in the USSR .

N3-0 2

6 See Brigitte Gerland, " Vorkuta (1950-53) : Oppositional Current s

and the Mine Strikes, " in George Saunders, ed ., Samizdat : Voices of th e

Soviet Opposition (New York : Monad Press, 1974), p . 223 . See als o

Saunders' "Introduction : Currents in the Soviet Opposition Movement, "

pp . 19-20 . Source henceforth abbreviated : Samizdat Voices .

7 Saunders, Samizdat Voices, pp . 20-21 .

8lbid ., p . 256 .

9See below, Chapter 5, pp . 5-4 ff .

10See [US] Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe ,

Staff, Profiles : The Helsinki Monitors (Washington, D . C . : Revise d

December 10, 1979), no page numbers . Source will be cited US CSCE ,

Profiles (rev . Dec . 10, 1979) . Also in Chapter 5, below, p . 5-38 .

11See also Chapter 5, below, pp . 5-73, 5-77 .

12Besides Petro Sichko and Ambartsum Khlgatyan, Oles Berdnyk an d

Oksana Meshko of the Ukrainian Helsinki Group had also been imprisone d

under Stalin . We have not been successful in finding out exactly wha t

for--see also p . 5-19 below .

13The best source on this is the open letter by 17 Latvian Communists ,

of July-August 1971, reprinted without date as " Against Russification, "

Samizdat Voices, pp . 427-40, on p . 430 . Henceforth abbreviated as " 1 7

Latvian Communists' Letter . " See also same letter in [US] Congressiona l

Record, 92nd Congress : 2nd session, February 15-22, 1972, Vol . 118, N3-0 3 part 4, pp . 4820-23 . The passage of the resolution has been confirme d by Khrushchev in much less detail in [Nikita S .] Khrushchev Remember s

[Vol . I] (Boston : Little Brown, 1970), pp . 329-30 .

14 Abraham Rothberg, The Heirs of Stalin : Dissidence and the Sovie t

Regime 1953-1970 (Ithaca, N .Y . : Cornell University Press, 1972) , pp . 5-6, 6-7 .

15 See ibid ., Chapters 2-11 (pp . 12-133), also Priscilla Johnson ,

Khrushchev and the Arts (Cambridge, Mass . : MIT Press, 1965), passim .

16lntroduction by Saunders in Samizdat Voices, p . 27 . Th e original citation is from David Burg, " Observations on Soviet University

Students, " Daedalus, Summer 1960, p . 530 .

17 Saunders in Samizdat Voices, pp . 27-28 .

18lbid ., p . 30 .

19 Ibid ., p . 31 . On Novocherkassk see also Aleksandr I . Solzhenitsyn ,

The Gulag Archipelago, Vol . 3 (New York : Harper & Row, 1976), pp . 507-514 .

20 See Mark Kipnis, " The Georgian National Movement : Problems an d

Trends, " Crossroads (Jerusalem), Autumn 1978, p . 200 .

21 See on this " 17 Latvian Communists' Letter , " Samizdat Voices , pp . 436-437 .

22 See Chapter 5, below, p . 5-24 . N3-0 4 23 See D . Porkhun, teacher, " Sud ' ba rodnogo iazyka, " in Roman

Kupchinsky, compiler, Natsional ' nyi vopros v SSSR : Sbornik dokumento v

([Munich :] Suchasnist', 1975), pp . 26-29 . Source henceforth abbreviated :

Nats . vopros v SSSR . See discussion in Y . Bilinsky, The Second Sovie t

Republic : The Ukraine After World War I I (New Brunswick, N .J . : Rutger s

University Press, 1964), pp . 33-34 . Tamizdat means " published there, "

i .e ., abroad .

24I t was published in Pravda, Oct . 21, 1962 . See also Rothberg ,

Heirs of Stalin, pp . 50 ff . on the circumstances .

25It was published in Novy mir in November 1962 . See also Rothberg ,

ibid ., pp . 56 ff .

26Tökés, "Introduction .. . ," Dissent in the USSR, p . 11 .

Undoubtedly under the impact of the (temporary) suppression of th e

Chronicle of Current Events from October 1972 to May 1974, Professo r Tökés

speaks of the following years (1971-) as those of retrenchment an d

polarization (ibid .) .

27 See Ivan Dzyuba, Internationalism or Russification? A Study

in the Soviet Nationalities Problem (New York : Monad Press, 1974) .

28Rothberg, The Heirs of Stalin, pp . 151-167, esp . pp . 153, 159-60 .

29 lbid . pp . 205 ff .

30Ibid ., p . 208 . See also Samizdat Voices, pp . 274-75 for appea l

itself . N3- 0 5

31 See Pavel Litvinov, comp ., The Trial of the Four : The Case o f

Galanskov, Ginzburg, Dobrovolsky, and Lashkova 1967-68 (New York : Viking ,

1972) .

32 See Viacheslav Chornovil, comp ., The Chornovil Papers . (New York :

McGraw Hill, 1968) . Also Chornovil's biography in US CSCE, Profiles (rev .

Dec . 10, 1979) .

33Reprinted in Problems of Communism (henceforth : POC), Vol .

XVII/4 (July-August 1968), pp . 42-43, 52-54, 65-67 . See also Litvinov , comp ., passim .

34Litvinov, ibid ., pp . 278-79, 405-06 .

35 Scholars and publicists delight in building complicate d conceptual schemes . Lewis Feuer is an exception : he found only two main schools of thought in Soviet dissent : " Scientific Opposition " an d

" Literary Opposition . " (In his " The Intelligentsia in Opposition, " POC ,

Vol . 19,'s No . 6 [November-December 1970], pp . 4-10 ; as cited i n Tökés introduction, Dissent in the USSR, p . 12) . Andrei Amalrik in 1970 settle d for three : " Genuine Marxism-Leninism, "" Christian Ideology " and " Libera l

Ideology " (in his Will the Soviet Union Survive until 1984 [New York :

Harper & Row, 1970], pp . 11-12 ; as cited ibid .) . In a later articl e

Amalrik refined his 1969 concept : he speaks of three " superideologies "

(Marxism, Nationalism, and Liberalism) and six ideologies " proper " (Neo -

Stalinist Marxism, Neo-Stalinist Nationalism, Neo-Slavophilism, Social -

Religious Ideology, Liberal-Democratic Ideology, and Liberal Marxism) .

See Andrei Amalrik, "Ideologies in Soviet Society , " Survey, Vol . 22, No . 2 N3- 0 6

(99) (Spring 1976), pp . 3 ff and scheme on p . 4 . Tökés himself opts fo r

three somewhat vague categories : Moral-absolutist, instrumental-pragmatic ,

and anomic militant (Dissent in the USSR, pp . 13 ff .) . Yuri Glazov, anothe r

dissident, lists eight separate ideological trends : " Neo-Slavist, "

" Christian-Socialist, "" Liberal, " "Christian-Democratic, ""Civil Right s

Activist, " and the " Jewish Activist " (see ibid ., p . 12) . George Saunders

distinguishes between dissident Marxist, literary-cultural, religious , neo-Slavophile, Great Russian chauvinist, Zionist, neo-Stalinist, an d

" even outright fascist " currents in samizdat (Samizdat Voices, p . 9) .

36 Saunders in Samizdat Voices, pp . 32, 30 .

37 See on this Pyotr Grigorenko, " My Friend and Comrade, Ivan

Yakhimovich, " ibid ., p . 348 .

38His revealing political memoirs (Léonide Pliouchtch, Dans l e

carnaval de l'Histoire ... [Paris : Seuil, 1977] or Leonid Plyushch ,

History's Carnaval : A Dissident ' s Autobiography [New York : Harcour t

Brace Jovanovich, 1979]--the two versions differ somewhat) have been published after he had been allowed to emigrate to the West .

39Roy A . Medvedov is the author of the monumental history ,

Let History Judge : The Origins and Consequences of Stalinis m (New York :

Knopf, 1971 ; xxxiv + 566 + xix pp .) .

40lnterview with Y . Bilinsky, March 24, 1979, Also judging by hi s remarks in his introduction to Mykola Rudenko, Ekonomichni Monolohy ((Munich] :

Suchasnist', 1978), p . 11, Gen . Hryhorenko does no longer regard himsel f as an orthodox Marxist . (The introduction was written in June-July, 1976 .) N3-0 7

41 Howard L . Biddulph, " Protest Strategies of the Sovie t

Intellectual Opposition, " in Dissent in the USSR, p . 103 .

42lbid .

43 Samizdat Voices, p . 263 . On the " resurrectio n " of the Chronicl e see N .Y . Times, May 13, 1974, p . 5 and May 19, 1974, Section IV, p . 3 .

44Biddulph, " Protest Strategies .. . ," in Dissent in the USSR , p . 109 .

45Razmyshleniiaoprogresse, mirnom sosushchestvovaniii intellektual'noi svobode, Radio Liberty's Arkhiv Samizdata (AS) No . 200 .

The best known English translation is Andrei Sakharov, Progress ,

Coexistence and Intellectual Freedom, ed . Harrison E . Salisbury (New York ,

1968) . An oustanding study on Sakharov's thought is Peter Dornan, " Andre i

Sakharov : The Conscience of a Liberal Scientist, " Dissent in the USSR , pp . 354-417 .

46 See on the latter Dornan, ibid ., pp . 369-379 ; also Y . Bilinsky ,

" Russian Dissenters and the Nationality Question , " in Ihor Kamenetsky, ed .,

Nationalism and Human Rights : Processes of Modernization in the USS R

(Littleton, Colo . : Libraries Unlimited, 1977), pp . 80-81 .

47 See Dr . Albert Boiter's introduction to HRC and AI (Soviet Chapter ) in Samisdat Archiv e .V ., Sobranie dokumentov samizdata, tom 30, Khel'sinkski i samizdat iz SSSR (Munich : Samizdat Archive Association, 1978), pp . 20 3 and 143-44 . Source will henceforth be abbreviated : SDS 30 . N3- 0 8

48 See signatures under "Initiative Group Appeal to the Unite d

Nations , " of May 20, 1969, Samizdat Voices, pp . 365-369 . The names of th e eight Kharkov engineers were : A . Kalinovsky, S . Karasik, A . Levin ,

T . Levin, D . Lifshits, V . Nedobora, S . Podolsky, and V . Ponomarev .

49 See Georgian document No . 1, in the Appendix, below, p . A-131 .

50 See Rothberg, Heirs of Stalin, pp . 256-257 ; Saunders, Samizda t

Voices, p . 365, Boiter, SDS 30, pp . 159-160 . Incidentally, Rothberg i s apparently wrong in dating the beginning of the Group January 1969 an d

Boiter is wrong in dating the formation of the Georgian IG March 1977 .

51" Ocherk K . Vol'nogo 'Intelligentsia i demokratichesko e dvizhenie' , " SDS 8, AS No . 607, p . 36 ; or English translation of excerpt s in Survey, Vol . 17, No . 3 (Summer 1971), p . 185 .

52Boiter, SDS 30, pp . 219-220 ; quotation on p . 220 .

53 See document " AS 3241 . Sergei SOLDATOV, ' Action No . 10 in

Support of the Democratic Movement of Estonia (DDE) . Nov . 1, 1977 t o

Jan . 3, 1978," in SDS 30, pp . 221-224 . Others who endorsed Soldatov' s new role were N . Budulak-Sharygin, a British citizen imprisoned in a

Soviet labor camp, B . Shakirov, a member of the Uzbek national movement , and M . Ravins, a Latvian patriot .

54 Boiter, SDS30, pp . 95-96 .

55 See especially Solzhenitsyn's Letter to the Soviet Leaders o f

September 5, 1973 (comments on original version by Theodore Shabad in N3- 0 9

New York Times, March 3, 1974 : " Solzhenitsyn Asks Kremlin to Abando n

Communism and Split Up Soviet Union, " p . 26 ; revised version publishe d by Sunday Times, March 3, 1974, pp . 36 ff .) and Alexander Solzhenitsyn et alii, From Under the Rubble (Boston, Mass : Little Brown, 1975) . Se e also Bilinsky, loc . cit . (note 46, above), pp . 83-84 . A polemicall y critical view of Solzhenitsyn's ideology is in Alexander Yanov, The New

Russian Right : Right Wing Ideologies in the Contemporary USS R (Berkeley ,

CA . : University of California Berkeley Institute of International Studies ,

1978), pp . 85-112 .

56Boiter, SDS 30, pp . 173-4 and documents following, esp . pp . 180-20 0

( " Pomoshch' politzakliuchennym SSSR, " AS 3031) .

57See Bilinsky, loc . cit . (note 46, above), p . 83 .

58 See Yanov, The New Russian Right, pp . 62-84 ; also Bilinsky , loc . cit . (note 46, above), pp . 84-85 .

59 See John B . Dunlop, The New Russian Revolutionaries (Belmont ,

MA : Nordland, 1976), passim ; Yanov, The New Russian Right, pp . 21-38 ; quotation is from VSKhSON program, Vserossiiskii Sotsial'no Khristianski i

Soiuz Osvobozhdeniia Naroda (Paris : YMCA Press, 1975), p . 34, as cite d by Yanov, p . 21 .

60 See " Slovo natsii , " 23 pp ., AS No . 590, SDS 8, partly translate d in " A Word to the Nation, " Survey, Vol . 17, No . 3 (1971), pp . 191-99 .

Also comments by Bilinsky, loc . cit . (note 46, above), pp . 85-86 . N3- 1 0

61 Gennadii Shimanov, Protiv techeniia (Keston College Archives) , p . 24 ; as cited in Yanov, New Russian Right, p . 121 .

62 Shimanov, "Kai( ponima t' nashu istorii u " (Keston College Archives) , p . 9 ; as cited by Yanov, ibid ., p . 123 .

63Yanov, ibid ., p . 6 .

64V . Stanley Vardys, The Catholic Church, Dissent and Nationalit y in Soviet Lithuania (Boulder, Colo . : East European Quarterly, 1978 ; distributed by Columbia University Press), pp . 150-151 . Most importan t

Baltic documents on dissent, whether religious or secular, have bee n reproduced in English in Lituanus (Chicago, Ill .) and the Newslette r of the Baltic Appeal to the United Nations--United Baltic Appeal (Ne w

York, N .Y .) . See also T . Parming, " Contrasts in Nationalism in th e

Soviet Baltic " (paper presented at the 15th Annual Southern Conferenc e on Slavic Studies, University of Virginia, October 1976), and A . Zarins ,

" Dissent in the Baltic Republics, " Radio Liberty Research (RL 496/76 ,

December 14, 1976) .

65 Nats .voprosvSSSR, pp . 249-51 .

66!!17 Latvian Communists Lette r " --see Note 13, above . It has als o been reprinted in Nats . vopros v SSSR, pp . 185-200, which also contain s letter of Ukrainian Communists on pp . 133-141 .

67For English translation see The Estonian Democratic Movemen t and the Estonian National Front, " Memorandum to the Secretary General o f the United Nations, Mr . Kurt Waldheim, of October 24, 197 4 " and "Memorandum N3-1 1 to the General Assembly of the United Nations Organization, of October 24 ,

1974 " in Baltic Events, No . 5 (46) (October 1974), pp . 2-8 . Both thos e documents in Russian, with an erroneous date (1972) in Nats . vopro s v SSSR, pp . 209-218 .

68 Sobranie dokumentov samizdata (SDS) Vol . 12, of March 15, 197 5

(563 pp .) contains exclusively Crimean Tatar samizdat .

69 See the brilliantly concise but unfortunately undated anonymou s

" Evreiskii vopros : Tezisy " in Nats . vopros v SSSR, pp . 349-355 . See als o

SDS 13 of August 1974 (746 pp .) .

70 See above, p . 3- 9 . A brief excerpt from his book is reproduce d in Nats . vopros v SSSR, pp . 126-133 .

71For publication data see below, Note 53, p . N5-11 . Incidentally , the authenticity of the last double issue, No . 7/8 has been questioned b y

Professor Kenneth C . Farmer in his review of that issue in Slavic Review ,

Vol . 37, No . 3 (September 1978), pp . 521-22 . There is a break in th e style between issue 6 and issue 7/8 . The Chronicle of Current Events ha s reviewed all issues of the Ukrainian Herald except this one . I stil l believe that issue 7/8 is authentic, but has been written by dissident s from Western Ukraine .

72" Ukrainian Journal Evaluates Russian Dissidents, " in Samizda t

Voices, pp . 423-426, excerpt quoted from pp . 424-25 . Incidentally, " Messag e to the Nation " is another translation of Slovo natsii . N3- 1 2

73The allusion is evidently to the removal of the nationalit y

designation from Soviet [internal] passports .

74 Anonymous, " Obzor otnoshenii mezhdu Moskvoi i Gruziei do i

posle 1917 g . (Tbilisi, 1974 g .), " Nats .voprosvSSSR, pp . 400-401 ,

402-403 .

75 US Congress, 96th Congress, lst Session, Basket Three : Imple- mentation of the Helsinki Accords, Hearing Before the Commission o n

Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) . . . on the Implementation o f

the Helsinki Accords, Vol . XI ; Pastor Georgi Vins on the Persecution o f

Reformed Baptists in the U .S .S .R ., June 7, 1979 (Washington : GPO, 1979) , p . 5 . See also earlier volume II in same series (95th Congress, 1s t

Session) : Religious Liberty and Minority Rights in the Soviet Union ,

April 27, 28, 1977 (Washington : GPO, 1977) . Also the two books b y

Michael Bourdeaux : Religious Ferment in Russia : Protestant Oppositio n to Soviet Religious Policy (New York : St . Martin's, 1968) and Patriarch and Prophets : Persecution of the Russian Orthodox Church Toda y (New York :

Praeger, 1970) .

76 See New York Times, April 28, 1979, pp . 1+ .

77See Chapter 5, below, pp . 5-55 and 5-68 (Dr . Gamsakhurdia) .

78See p . 5-71, below (on Nazaryan) .

79 Father Vasyl E . Romaniuk, p . 5-38, below .

80See US CSCE, Profiles (rev . Dec . 10, 1979) . On the oldest group also SDS 30, pp . 107-118 . N3- 1 3

81Walter D . Connor, "Differentiation, Integration, and Politica l

Dissent in the USSR, " in Dissent in the USSR, p . 157 .

82 See David Satter in Washington Post, Dec . 20, 1977, p . A-10 ,

and David K . Shipler, New York Times, Dec . 21, 1977, p . A-6 .

83As quoted by Shipler, loc . cit .

84Facts on File, 1978, p . 180 B 1 .

85 See " AS 3215 . Moscow OGS, A statement in connection with th e

creation of the Free Labor Union Association, February 9, 1979 [Documen t

No . 36), SDS30, pp . 141-42, also Boiter's introduction on p . 119 .

86 B[ohdan] K[ravchenko], " Nevdovolennia i sproty v robitnychoi

kliasy v Radians'komu Soiuzi s'ohodni, " Suchasnist ' , Vol . 20, No . 2 (230 )

(Feb . 1980), p . 139 .

87 See CSCE News Release . . . Soviet Helsinki Group Documents :

"Socio-Economic Rights of Soviet Citizens : The Workers' Question" ( A

Partial Compilation, Edited and Prepared by the Staff of the Commissio n

on Security and Cooperation in Europe for The International Sakharo v

Hearings, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Room 1201, September 26-29, 1979) .

Unpaged . Chapter 4

NOTE S

1Comments of Arthur A . Hartman, Assistant Secretary of State fo r

European Affairs, US Department of State, to Congress on 6 May 1975 ; United

States Congress (94th Congress, 1st Session), House of Representatives, Com- mittee on International Relations, Subcommittee on International Politica l and Military Affairs, Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe ,

Hearings .. . April 12, 1976 (Washington : US Government Printing Office ,

1975), p . 2 . Also, Marian Dobrosielski, "The Conference on Security an d

Cooperation in Europe . Its Origins - Development - Meaning, " in Polis h

Institute of International Affairs, Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe . A Polish View (Warsaw : PWN-Polish Scientific Publishers, 1976) , p . 17 . Also, D .M . Proektor, " European Security in the Socialist Countries '

Policy, " in P .P . Cherkasov, et al ., European Security and Co-operation :

Premises, Problems, Prospects (Moscow : Progress Publishers, 1978), p . 64 .

2 A.L . Adamishin, et al ., From Helsinki to Belgrade . The Sovie t

Union and the Implementation of the Final Act of the European Conference .

Documents and Material (Moscow : Progress Publishers, 1977), pp . 12, 29 .

The political emphasis is also evident from the following Soviet publications : G .A . Ponomarev, gen . ed ., Europe and Detente (Moscow : Progres s

Publishers, 1978) ; P .P . Cherkasov, et al ., European Security and Co-operation :

Premises, Problems, Prospects (Moscow : Progress Publishers, 1976) ; and Yur i

Kashlev, Helsinki-Belgrade : The Soviet Viewpoint . Progress or Detent e

(Moscow : Novosti Press Agency Publishing House, 1978) .

N4-1 N4- 2

3Documents on American Foreign Relations 1954 (New York : Harper and Brothers for the Council on Foreign Relations, 1955), pp, 208-210 ., A good chronology of early events is given by Marian Dobrosielski, "The Co n- ference on Security and Co-operation in Europe . Its Origins—Development--

Meaning , " in Polish Institute of International Affairs, Conference o n

Security and Co-operation in Europe . A Polish View . (Warsaw : PWN-Polis h

Scientific Publishers, 1976) . The Polish chronology of events is basicall y correct, and not different from what one would garnish from, say, Wolfgan g

Klaiber, et al ., Era of Negotiations European Security and Force Reduc - tions (Lexington, Mass . : D .C . Heath, for the Atlantic Council of th e

United States, 1973) .

4Dobrosielski, E . cit ., pp . 18-19 .

5 lbid ., pp . 21-22 .

6United States, Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs ,

Foreign Policy Outlines ( " Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europ e " ) ,

1972 . For the early United States interpretation, that a security confer - ence should be related to MBFR and Berlin, see Secretary of State William

P . Roge r ' s comments in Brussels in December 1969 ; New York Times (7 Decembe r

1969), p . l . Actually this was already implied by NAT O ' s " Harmel Repor t " of December 1976 ; The Atlantic Community Quarterly, Volume 6 (No . 1, Sprin g

1968), pp . 114-117 . For the background of the US and NATO attitudes o n

this, see Wolfgang Gleiber, et al ., Era of Negotiations . European Securit y and Force Reductions (Lexington, Mass . : D .C . Heath, 1973) . N4- 3

7M. Dobrosielski, op . cit ., p . 23 . See Survival, Volume 7 1

(No . 5, May 1969), pp . 159-161, for the text .

8 M. Dobrosielski, op . cit ., pp . 22-23 . See also text of the NAT O

communique in The Atlantic Community Quarterly, Volume 7 (No .2, Summer 1969) ,

pp . 294-296, and (No . 4, Winter 1969-1970), pp . 601-604 .

9 Relay from Bonn, 7 November 1969 ; archives of the German Infor -

mation Service, New York City .

10On the Talks between the GDR and the FRG in Erfurt (Dresden : Ver -

lag Zeit im Bild ; Documents on the Policy of the German Democrati c

Republic No . 4, 1970) .

11 See the German-Soviet Treaty in The Atlantic Community Quarterly ,

Volume 9 (No . 1, Spring 1971), pp . 133-136, and the German-Polish Treaty ,

same source, pp . 115-116 . See also The Bulletin (Press and Information

Office of the Government of West Germany), Volume 20 (No . 18, 23 May 1972) .

In general, the West German parliamentary opposition had refrained from

voting on ratification . Importantly, West Germany was quite explicit on th e

point that these treaties do not in any way preclude the peaceful reunifi -

cation of Germany .

12 See the text of the quadripartite agreement on Berlin ; Atlanti c

Community Quarterly, Volume 10 (No . 1, Spring 1972), pp . 103-113 . N4-4

13 M . Dobrosielski, op . cit ., pp . 24-25 ; and, Telex, KB1037AED

11 August 1970, Bonn to the German Information Service in New York City ; in archives of latter .

14 See, for example, P .P . Cherkasov, et al ., op . cit ., pp . 112-114 .

15 M . Dobrosielski, op . cit ., p . 25 . Also, see full text of the

NATO communique in The Atlantic Community Quarterly, Volume 8 (No . 3, Fal l

1970), pp . 426-430 .

16 M . Dobrosielski, op . cit ., pp . 26-27 . See translation of th e full communique in The Atlantic Community Quarterly, Volume 8 (No . 3, Fall

1970), pp . 431-434 ; also, Pravda, 27 June 1970 .

17 M . Dobrosielski, op . cit ., p . 26n .

18 The Bulletin, 30 June 1970 ; archives of the German Informatio n

Service, New York City .

19M . Dobrosielski, op . cit ., p . 27 .

20 M . Dobrosielski, op . cit ., p . 27 . See translation of the Warsaw

Pact Communique in NATO Letter, Volume 19 (No . l-2, January-February 1971) ,

PP . 24-26 .

21 See full text of NATO communique in The Atlantic Communit y

Quarterly, Volume 9 (No . 1, Spring 1971), pp . 103-111 . N4- 5

22 M. Dobrosielski, op . cit ., p . 28 . See full text of the treat y

in The Atlantic Community Quarterly, Volume 9 (No . 1, Spring 1971), pp .

115-116 .

23 New York Times, 26 February 1971, p . 14 .

24 Actually, the MBFR issue was made explicit already in Decembe r

1967 in NATO's "Harmel Repor t " (named for Belgian Foreign Minister Pierr e

Harmel) . However, it was the Nixon-Kissinger years during which this be -

came a prime component of U .S . foreign policy ; see sources in fn . 6, above .

25 New York Times . 15 November 1969 . Indeed, the general NATO emphasis on strategic issues was evident already in the "Harmel Report" o f

late 1967, and the MBFR issue was made an explicit goal by the NATO minis -

terial meeting in Reykjavik in June 1968 . See The Atlantic Communit y

Quarterly, Volume 6 (No . 1, Spring 1968), pp . 114-117, and (No . 3, Fall

1968), pp . 443-444 . The NATO communiques of 1969-1971 all also evidence th e

relationship of strategic issues such as MBFR to the convening of a securit y

conference ; see the aforecited source, Volume 7 (No . 2, Summer 1969), pp .

294-296 ;(No . 4, Winter 1969-1970), pp . 601-604 ; Volume 8 (No . 3, Fall 1970) ,

pp . 426-430 ; Volume 9 (No . 1, Spring 1971), pp . 103-111, (No . 3, Fall 1971) ,

pp . 390-394 ; Volume 10 (No . 1, Spring 1972), pp . 118-124, (No . 3, Fall 1972) ,

pp . 407-410 . In addition, from the Western perspective, the solution of th e

Berlin situation was the second major precondition {after MBFR) for con -

vening a security conference ; see, for example, the State Department repre -

sentative's testimony to Congress in the spring of 1975, in United States

N4- 6

Congress . .. Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, pp . 2-3 .

26 M . Dobrosielski, op . cit ., pp . 28-29 .

27 See full text of agreement in The Atlantic Community Quarterly ,

Volume 10 (No . 1, Spring 1972), pp . 103-113 .

28 New York Times, 19 September 1971 .

29 Hamburg's Die Welt, 4 January 1972 .

30 See text of communique in The Atlantic Community Quarterly ,

Volume 10 (No . 1, Spring 1972), pp . 127-132 .

31 M . Dobrosielski, op.cit., p. 31 .

32 European Community News, 21 November 1972 .

33 M . Dobrosielski, op . cit ., p . 32 .

34 The American passivity in the late 1960s and early 1970 s

probably reflects its early insistence that the CSCE be related to othe r

strategic issues and concrete steps . See Secretary of State Roger s ' com-

ments in Brussels in late 1969 ; New York Times (7 December 1969), p . 1 ;

also, Drew Middleto n ' s reporting in the same newspaper on 19 August 1970 ,

p . 3 . Further, see the background on this issue in Wolfgang Glaiber ,

et al ., op. cit . The U .S . passivity had been also noticed in Easter n

Europe on sources ; for example, see M . Dobrosielski, op . cit ., p . 46 . N4- 7

35 It must be further noted that the American position was perhap s harsher toward the CSCE proposals from the Warsaw Pact countries than tha t of other NATO countries ; see, for example, Secretary of State Roger s ' comments to the Belgo-American Association in Brussels immediately followin g a NATO ministerial meeting, reported in the New York Times (7 December

1969), p . 1 . Also, the same source reports on 19 August 1970, p . 3, that some NATO members (Denmark, Norway, Italy, Holland and Belgium) were mor e receptive to the CSCE initiatives than others (the United States, Grea t

Britain, Greece, Turkey and Portugal) .

36 John B . Genys, " The Joint Baltic-American Committee and th e

European Security Conference , " Journal of Baltic Studies, Volume 9 (No . 3 ,

Fall 1978), p . 246 .

37 J .B . Genys, op . cit ., pp . 252-255, where further references t o the issues are given . A thorough documentation of the Sonnenfeldt affai r may be found in : United States Congress (94th Congress, 2nd Session) ,

House of Representatives, Committee on International Relations, Subcom - mittee on International Security and Scientific Affairs, United State s

National Security Policy vis a vis Eastern Europe (The Sonnenfeldt "Doc - trine " ), Hearings .. . April 12, 1976 (Washington : United States Govern- ment Printing Office, 1976) .

38United States, Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs ,

Foreign Policy Outlines ( " Conference on Security and Cooperation in

Europe"), 1972 . N4- 8

39 The chronology is drawn, again, from M . Dobrosielski, op0 cit .

40See, for example, the actual statements of the diplomats, minis -

ters, heads of state, and others, at Helsinki, 1972-1975 ; Konferenz über

Sicherheit und Zuzammenarbeit in Europa (Bonn : Verlag für International

Politik, 1976) . Journalistic reporting from Helsinki also evidences this .

41 See the texts of the key speeches referenced in the precedin g

footnote . Further, the December 1970 communique of NATO on European secur -

ity talks of the "human environment," referring primarily to a "freer move - ment of people, ideas and information ; " The Atlantic Community Quarterly ,

Volume 7 (No . 4, Winter 1969-1970), pp . 601-604 .

42 See source referenced in fn 40 above . See also Relay from Bonn ,

Volume 4 (#115, 9 July 1973) ; comments of West German Foreign Minister

Walter Scheel reported in Süddeutsche Zeitung (22 January 1973) . Also comments of Italian Ambassador Marco Favale, as cited by Hedrick Smith, New

York Times (10 December 1972), and of French Foreign Minister Mauric e

Schumann, reported in Die Welt (Hamburg, 4 January 1972) . Lastly, join t

Common Market Foreign Minister s ' viewpoint, reported in European Community

News (21 November 1972) . It appears that the smaller European countries , both the NATO members and the neutrals, are the ones who most favore d human rights .

43 Reprinted in New York Times (2 August 1975), p . 9 .

44M . Dobrosielski, op . cit ., p . 53 . N4- 9

45 Ibid ., p . 45 .

46 Ibid ., p . 49 .

47 Most participants saw, in the end, the symbolic significanc e

of the third phase . For example, the State Department's Assistant Secre -

tary for European Affairs, on the eve of the Final Act told Congress : "it

is clear that they [the final accords] will be seen as having importan t

political commitments behind them, since they will be signed by high-leve l

representatives of 35 nations ; " see United States Congress . ... Conferenc e

on Security and Cooperation in Europe, p . 3 . The Central Committee of th e

CPSU, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, and the Council of Ministers o f

the USSR, in a joint statement right after the Final Act was signed, sa w

the CSCE as having "ushered in a new stage in the easing of tension .. ..

it opened up new possibilities for the solution of the central problems o f

our times--the consolidation of peace and security of the peoples ;" A .L .

Adamishin, et al ., op . cit ., p . 23 . Also, A . Sheetikov, Chairman of th e

Soviet Committee for European Security and Co-operation, afterward stated :

"The European Security Conference, which ended in Helsinki on August l ,

1975, was an unprecedented event and was of paramount importance for Europ e

and the whole world . Europe has never known a political conference on suc h

a scale or dealing with questions of such vast importance for all states ; "

D .P . Cherkasov, et al ., op . cit ., p . 12 .

48See full text in United States, Department of State, Publica -

tion 8826, Conference on Security and Co-Operation in Europe . Final Ac t

(Washington : US Government Printing Office, 1975) . N4- 1 0

49 See Soviet statements and pronouncements in A .L . Adamishin , et al ., op . cit ., and P .P . Cherkasov, et al ., op . Cit .

50 See the section on bilateral acts in Part One of A .L . Adamishin , et al ., op . cit .

51 See, for example, RFE-RL, East European Area Audience and Opinio n

Research, Three Measurements of East European Attitudes to the Helsinki Con- ference, 1973-1978 (Munich, July 1979) . See also the comments of Toma s

Venclova, a founding member of the Lithuanian Watch Committee, now in th e

West, in testimony in Washington ; United States Congress (95th Congress ,

1st Session), Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Baske t

Three : Implementation of the Helsinki Accords , Hearings . . . February 23-24 ,

1977, and March 15 & 17, 1977 (Washington : United States Governmen t

Printing Office, 1977), p . 54 .

52 See, for example, the Comments of Congressman Philip M . Cran e as early as on 6 January 1973, Congressional Record, Proceedings and Debate s of the 93rd Congress, lst Session, Volume 119, No . 3 (6 January 1973) .

Interestingly, while the Baltic-American political leadership was cool, i f not hostile, to the U .S . participation in the CSCE, the same was no t necessarily true in the constituency . For example, a poll of the Legion o f

Estonian Liberation (generally World War II veterans) in October 1972, in response to the question, "Do you support the US decision to participate i n the European Security Conference? , " 64% of the members said yes, only 18 % no (the rest had no opinion) ; see Congressional Record, cited above, entry by Samuel S . Stratton .

N4—1 1

53 See full text, United States, State Department, Publication

8826, op . cit .

54This and ensuing citations are from the official English-

language version of the Final Act, as published by the United States ,

State Department, Publication 8826, op . cit .

55 Yuri Kashlev, Helsinki-Belgrade . The Soviet Viewpoin t

(Moscow : Novosti Press Agency Publishing House, 1978), p . 25 .

56 A .L . Adamishin, et al ., op . cit ., p . 11 .

57 G .A . Ponomarev, gen . ed ., op . cit ., pp . 29-30 .

58 See the Soviet works by Y . Kashlev, G .A . Ponomarev, A .L .

Adamishin and P .P . Cherkasov, cited in preceding footnotes .

59 See, for example, the comments of the US Assistant Secretar y

of State for European Affairs to Congress in May 1975, in United State s

Congress Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, pp . 2-23 .

6O lbid ., p . 3 .

61 G .A . Ponomarev, gen . ed ., cit ., pp . 31-32 .

62 Statement by the Chairman of the Soviet Committee for European

Security and Co-operation, after Helsinki, in P .P . Cherkasov, et al .,

op . cit ., pp . 13-14 . N4-1 2

63 See Krystyna Marek, Identity and Continuity of States in Publi c

International Law (Chpt . 8 in Part II), second edition (Geneva : E . Droz ,

1968) ; Boris Meissner, Die Sowjetunion, die Baltischen Staaten und da s

Völkerrecht (Köln: Verlaget für Politik und Wirtschaft, 1956) ; United State s

Congress (83rd Congress, 2nd Session), House of Representatives, Thir d

Interim Report of the Select Committee on Communist Aggression . Balti c

States : a Study of Their Origin and National Development, Their Siezure an d

Incorporation into the U .S .S .R . (Washington : US Government Printing Office ,

1954), reprinted in 1972 by William S . Hein Co ., Buffalo, NY ; Adolf Sprud z

and Armins Rusis, ed ., Res Baltica (Leyden : A.W. Sijthoff, 1968) .

64 See Bill Anderso n ' s column in the Chicago Tribune, 15 Marc h

1975, also 18 March 1975 . Also, New York Times, May 18, 1975 . Also, see

J . Genys, op . cit .

65 The "Kersten Committee" in the early 1950s held lengthy an d

thorough hearings on the incorporation of the Baltic states by the Sovie t

Union in 1940 . Its records of hearings and its "Third Interim Report "

(cited in fn 63 above) are a voluminous study and collection of material s

on the Baltic .

66 This is evidenced by the sharp rise in the number of Congressional

Record entries on the Baltic, and the fact that Baltic activists and organi -

zations figure extensively in the hearings, both in the Senate and House o f

the US Congress, which deal with the CSCE and related topics . The early

catalyst for renewed attention was the "Kudirka affair" (the case of the N4-1 3

Lithuanian seaman whose defection was aborted by the US Coast Guard) i n

1970, followed by massive rioting in Lithuania in 1972, and then the CSC E issues .

67 United States Congress (94th Congress), House of Representatives ,

Committee on International Relations, Subcommittee on International Poli - tical and Military Affairs . Conference on Security and Cooperation in

Europe : Part II , Hearings .. . November 18, 1975 and May 4, 1976 . (Washing - ton : US Government Printing Office, 1976) .

68 See, United States Congress, Conference on Security and Coop- eration in Europe, pp . 25-26, 51 .

69 See Congressional Record, Senate, Wednesday, 5 September 1973 , entry by Senator Buckley .

70 See, for example, the letter from the Assistant Secretary of

State for Congressional Relations to the Chairman of the House Committe e on International Relations dated 11 April 1975 ; United States Congress ...,

Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, p . 11 . Also, see gist :

The Baltic Republics : US Polic y (Bureau of Public Affairs, Department o f

State, July 1979) . For a background on this issue, also see Richar d

Snorf ' s series of articles in Lituanus, Volume 12 (Spring 1966), pp . 33-53 ;

(Winter 1966), pp . 56-75 ; and Volume 14 (Fall 1968), pp . 43-60 . And ,

Lawrence Juda, " United State s ' Nonrecognition of the Soviet Union ' s Annex - ation of the Baltic States : Politics and Law , " Journal of Baltic Studies ,

Volume 6 (No . 4, Winter 1975), pp . 272-290 . Lastly, see the important N4-14 news reports on this topic in the New York Times (18 May 1975), p . 16 ;

(27 July 1975), p . 5 and (2 August 1975), p . 1 . Chapter 5

NOTE S

1 Ginzburg had served two- and five-year terms in 1960-62 an d

1967-72 ; Grigorenko was in special psychiatric " hospital s " from 1964-196 5 and again from 1969-1974 ; Marchenko had served six-, one-, and two-yea r terms in 1960-66, 1968-69, and 1969-71 in prisons and strict regim e camps, March 31, 1975, he was sentenced again to four years' exil e

(biographical information by Radio Liberty Research Division) .

2See " Turchin ob areste Orlova, " Khronika zashchitypravvSSSR

(New York) No . 26 (April-June 1977), pp . 5-6 . Another friend of Orlov's , on whose interview much of the biographical sketch is based, told Y .

Bilinsky that Orlov returned to Moscow already in 1966 . Turchin note s that while Orlov did live in Erevan (Armenia) until 1972, he repeatedl y made trips to Moscow in connection with his scientific work . This ma y partly explain the discrepancy in dates .

3Y . Bilinsky ' s interview with Mrs . Alekseeva, October 12, 1979 .

4 Henceforth the original Ukrainian spelling of his name will b e used, the more so since he has been active in the Ukrainian Helsinki Group

(see below) .

5 Not to be confused with the American Ph .D . degree . A roug h equivalent of the latter is the Soviet kandidat degree, which is inferio r to the doktor .

N5-01 ,

N5- 0 2

6 This sketch is based on biographical information contained in the following printed sources : Borys Lewytzkyj, Politische Opposition in der Sowjetunion 1960-1972 : Analyse und Dokumentation (Munich : Deutsche r

Taschenbuch Verlag, 1973 ; 2nd ed .), pp . 257-260 ; George Saunders, ed .,

Samizdat : Voices of the Soviet Opposition (New York : Monad Press, 1974) , pp . 253-260 ; The Grigorenko Papers : Writings by General P . G . Grigorenko and Documents on His Case (Boulder, Colo . : Westview Press, 1975), pp . 1- 6

(introduction by Edward Crankshaw) ; and Walter Reich, "Grigorenko Gets a

Second Opinion, " N . Y . Times Magazine, May 13, 1979, pp . 18+ . Also o n

Bilinsky ' s interview with the General, March 24, 1979 .

7 See Radio Liberty ' s "Fact Sheet on Public Groups for Furtherin g

the Implementation of the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR, " RL 44/7 8

(February 22, 1978), pp . 1-2 . For more detailed up-to-date informatio n

see U .S . Commission in Security and Cooperation in Europe, Staff of ,

Compiler, Profiles : The Helsinki Monitors (Washington, D .C . : Revise d

December 10, 1979) . Pages unnumbered .

8 See his " On the Activity of the Helsinki Watch Groups in th e

USSR , " in United States Congress, Commission on Security and Cooperatio n

in Europe, Staff, Compiler and Editor, The Right to Know, the Right to Act :

Documents of Helsinki Dissent from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europ e

(Washington, D .C . : May 1978), p . 72 . Henceforth abbreviated Right t o

Know .

9 Ibidem .

10 See "Confronting Critics [box], " Time, July 28, 1975, p . 18 . N5-0 3

11 See New York Times, September 10, 1973, p . l .

12US Congress (95th : 1st Session), Commission on Security an d

Cooperation in Europe, Basket III : Implementation of the Helsink i

Accords : Hearings before the Commission .. . on Implementation of th e

Helsinki Accords, Vol . I, Human Rights (February 23, 1977) (Washington ,

D .C . : USGPO, 1977), p . 31 .

13Bilinsky interview with Mrs . Alekseeva, October 12, 1979 .

14Bilinsky interview with Mrs . Nadia Svitlychny, May 5, 1979 .

15Vladimir Bukovsky, To Build a Castle - My Life as A Dissente r

(New York : Viking, 1979), pp . 436-437 . In the book, the entire epilogu e has been set in-italics, here transposed into Roman script . Admittedly , in the next paragraph Bukovsky makes a disparaging remark about " th e

Helsinki agreements and so on, " but his attack on the UN is the mos t bitter of all .

16See Brezhnev's speech at Helsinki (and Brezhnev's photograph) ,

"Vo imia mira, bezopasnosti i sotrudnichestva , " Pravda, August 1, 1975 , pp . 1-3 and Pravda, August 2, 1975, which on p . 1 shows Brezhnev signing

Final Act and on pp . 2-6 reproduces the full text of the Act, includin g names of signatories and their countries . On the other hand, the New

York Times, August 1, 1975, carried a huge headline across entire page l :

"BEAME ASKS PAY FREEZE IN AUSTERITY PLAN ; 50-cent TRANSIT FAR E ORDERED

FOR SEPT . l ; MAC DEMANDING FURTHER BROAD REFORM S " (Brezhnev ' s speech wa s mentioned less prominently on p . 1, excerpts from his address plus his N5- 0 4 photograph were on p . 2) . N .Y . Times, August 2, 1975, had story on Presi - dent Ford ' s speech on pages 1 + 8 ; text of his speech (minus clea r picture of Ford) was on p . 9 ; the text of the agreement was not " fit t o print . " In the diplomatic community it was well known that Brezhne v had become personally identified with the success at Helsinki (intervie w with American diplomat) .

17 An American diplomat told one of the authors the story of an old peasant woman who went up to a policeman in Minsk saying that sh e wanted to emigrate to be reunited with her family . " Well, old lady , you cannot emigrate just like that, you have to put in the proper application . "" But now it is allowed . See here, young man, " said she pullin g out a newspaper with the text of the Helsinki Final Act . " It does hav e

Comrade Brezhnev ' s signature on it, does it not? "

18For details and documentation see Chapter 7, below .

19 See Jules Witcover, Marathon : Th e Pursuit of the Presidenc y

1972-1976 (New York : Viking, 1977), p . 485 .

20See " Ob obrazovanii Obshchestvennoi Gruppy Sodeistvii a

Vypolneniiu Khel'sinkskikh Soglashenii v SSSR , " of May 12, 1976 , reproduced as document AS 2542 in Samizdat-Archiv e .V ., Sobranie dokumento v samizdata (Munich, 1978), Vol . 30, pp . 3-5 (henceforth source abbreviate d as SDS30) .

21 See "Announcement of the Formation of the Ukrainian Publi c

Group to Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreements in the USS R " in N5-0 5

US Commission on Security and Cooperating in Europe, Reports of Helsink i

Accords Monitors in the Soviet Union : Documents of the Public Groups t o

Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR . A Partial

Compilation, Edited and Prepared by the Staff of the Commission o n

Security and Cooperation in Europe [Vol . l] (Washington, D .C .:

February 24, 1977), p . 95 .

22 See joint declarations " The Rudenko-Tykhy Trial .. . " o f

June 30-July 2, 1977, and "New Repressions and a New Stage in the Huma n

Rights Movement in the USSR , " of August 1977, the latter demanding freedo m

for arrested Helsinki Group members Mykola Rudenko, Oleksa Tykhy, Yur i

0rlov, Aleksander Ginzburg, Anatoly Shcharansky, Myroslav Marynovych ,

Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Merab Kostava, Feliks Serebrov, Viktoras Petkus ; and Antanas Terleckas . See US Congress, Commission on Security an d

Cooperation in Europe, Reports of Helsinki Accord Monitors in the Sovie t

Union . Volume III of the Documents of the Public Group to Promot e

Observance of the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR, A Partial Compilation ,

Edited and Prepared by the Staff of the Commission on Security an d

Cooperation in Europe (Washington : November 7, 1978), pp . 110-129 . Source henceforth abbreviated : Reports Helsinki Monitors, III .

23See " A Pre-Belgrade Summary , " in Reports Helsinki Monitors, III , pp . 97-109, and " To the Belgrade Conference, " in Right to Know . pp . 74-81 .

24 The earliest use of the new title that we are aware of was i n the joint Moscow Group-Ukrainian Group protest against the Rudenko-Tykh y

trial, of June 30-July 2, 1977--see Note 22, above . On the other hand, N5-0 6

the letterhead for Moscow Group document No . 45, of April 10-16, 1978 , was still the old one : Group to Promote the Implementation of th e

Helsinki Accords in the USSR, see SDS30, p . 587 .

25Article 17 of the USSR Constitution of 1936 and Article 7 2

of the USSR Constitution of October 1977 .

26There is, however, a most remarkable anonymous declaration o f

the political prisoners of the Vladimir jail, of August 1, 1976, whic h

calls for holding referenda on national independence in the Soviet Unio n

Republics, under supervision of an International Commission from th e

Signatories of the Helsinki Final Act . The declaration is noteworth y

in two respects : (1) it explicitly refers to the self-determination principle (VIII) of the Declaration of Principles in the Helsinki Fina l

Act, has been dated on the 1st anniversary of Helsinki, and (2) th e

declaration has been adopted on the initiative of ethnic Russian politica l prisoners . See "Zaiavlenie politzakliuchennykh Vladimirskoi tiur'my ,

sdelannoe 1 avgusta 1976 g ., " in SDS30, pp . 595-599 .

27The best two sources on the Orlov trial would appear to b e

documents 50-53 of the Moscow Group : " The Trial of Professor Yuri Orlov "

(May 18, 1978) and " Additional Information on the Orlov Trial " (June 15 ,

1978) . The trials of Anatoly Shcharansky, Aleksandr Ginzburg and Victora s

Petkus are the subject of a brief declaration of the Moscow Group

(Document No . 56, of July 15, 1978) . Those documents are convenientl y available in the CSCE (Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe )

News Release, of September 1979 : Soviet Helsinki Group Documents :

" Imprisoned Helsinki Watch Group Monitors and Other Prisoners of N 5 - 0 7

Conscience in the USSR," A Partial Compilation, Edited and Prepared b y the Staff of the [CSCE] for the International Sukharov Hearings ,

September 26-29, 1979 (pages unnumbered) . See also the extensiv e coverage of those trials in the American media, particularly that o f

Shcharansky ' s trial .

28 See " Statement of Aleksandr Ginzburg, " in US Congress (96t h

Congress : 1st Session) Commission on Security and Cooperation in

Europe [CSCE] Basket III : Implementation of the Helsinki Accords, Hearin g before the [CSCE] .. . on Implementation of the Helsinki Accords, Vol . X ,

Aleksandr Ginzburg on the Human Rights Situation in the USSR, May 11 ,

1979 (Washington : USGPO, 1979), p . 10 .

29See N .Y . Times, April 28, 1979, pp . 1+ for details .

30" Statement of Aleksandr Ginzburg , " loc . cit ., p . 11 .

31N .Y . Times, January 23, 1980, pp . 1+ .

32The following testimony by Ginzburg is both priceless an d significant (loc . cit ., p . 9) :

Ukrainian Group members Levko Lukyanenko and Oleksiy Tykhy were confined to the Mordovian special regimen camp with me . In our camp four others joined us in the Helsinki Group . Balys Gajauskas petitioned the Lithuanian Group to accep t him as a member . Our Group in camp made a similar request t o the Ukrainian Group on behalf of Father Vasily Romanyuk, a political prisoner . In addition to Gajauskas and Romanyuk , political prisoners Eduard Kuznetsov and Bogdan Rebrik joined us . And so, we had a total of seven members . I understand that there is also a Helsinki Group in th e Perm camps, but all I know about that is that Yuri 0rlov , leader of the Moscow Group, is a member . Our Mordovian camp Group prepared three documents . N5- 0 8

33See " Soobshchenie " (in Russian), SDS30, p . 46 . Its AS No . is 2740 .

34 ln the Lithuanian samizdat journal Ausra No . 5 was reprinte d an instruction of the Lithuanian SSR Glavlit based in turn on the USS R

Glavlit instruction of October 13, 1978, banning all of Rudenko's book s from Soviet libraries . On this occasion Rudenko ' s books were listed .

(See Svoboda [Jersey City, N .J .], January 31, 1980, p . 1 .) In the Mosco w

Group Aleksandr Ginzburg and Anatoly Marchenko could be regarded a s writers-publicists .

35" Testimony of Pyotr Vins Before the Commission on Security an d

Cooperation in Europe, " July 19, 1979, p . l .

36Biographical data from Radio Liberty, RL 44/78 (February 22 ,

1978), Fact Sheet on Public Groups for Furthering the Implementation o f the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR (henceforth abbreviated RL 78 Factsheet) , pp . 6-7 . Also see Profiles : The Helsinki Monitors (1979), note 7, above .

37 See Michael Browne, ed ., Ferment in the Ukraine (London :

Macmillan, 1971), pp . 29-93 .

38Mykola Rudenko, Ekonomichni Monolohy (New York : Suchasnist ,

1978), p . 4 6 . N5- 0 9

39" Rossi'i, " in Mykola Rudenko, Poezii (Kiev : Radians'ky i

pys'mennyk, 1949), pp . 97-101 .

40 See Pravda Ukrainy, August 28, 1947, p . 3 .

41 See Leonid Khinkulov (O . I . Bilets ' ky, ed .), Slovny k

ukrains ' ko'i literatury, tom II, chastyna persha : pys'mennyky Radian s ' ko i

Ukrainy (Kiev : Vydavnytstvo Akademii nauk Ukra'ins ' koi RSR, 1948) ,

p . LXIII (on support of Zhdanov) et passim ; biographic note in Mykol a

Rudenko, Viter v oblychchia (Kiev, 1958), pp . 449-450 ; Pisateli Sovetsko i

Ukrainy; Spravochnik (Kiev, 1960), pp . 409-410 ; Ukrains'ki pys'mennyky :

Bio-bibliohrafichnyi slovnyk, Vol . V (Kiev, 1965), pp . 397-402 . Also ,

Marta Tarnawsky, "Rudenko's poetry transcends time and place .. . , "

Svoboda : The Ukrainian Weekly, January 13, 1980, p . 11 (reprinted fro m

World Literature Today) .

42Rudenko, Ekomomichni Monolohy, p . 47 .

43He confided this to his new friend Petro Hryhorenko--se e

the latte r ' s introduction to a collection of Rudenko's samizdat poetry- -

Mykola Rudenko, Prozrinnia (Baltimore, MD : Smoloskyp, 1978), p . XIII .

The earliest poems in the collection are dated 1960 and 1963 . In the

author's preface to the Economic Monologues written in 1976 Rudenk o

said that he had been writing letters to the Central Committee fo r

twelve years (op . cit ., p . 35) .

4 4 Rudenko, Ekonomichni Monolohy, p . 106 n . Emphasis in original . N5- 1 0

45 Rudenko attributes his release in April 1975, which may have made the later establishment of the Ukrainian Helsinki Group possible , to a coincidence : May 8, 1975 was the 30th anniversary of victory ove r

Germany, and it would have been mightily embarrassing to jail a well - known wounded veteran of World War II on the eve of that anniversar y

(Ekonomichni Monolohy, p . 36) .

46 See above, p . 5-20 and Note 37 .

47 See his parents' open letter to Brezhnev, of January 16, 197 9

(AS No . 3554), p . 3, in Materialv samizdata, No . 14/79 .

48 See Dr . Boite r ' s introduction to documents of Soviet A I

Chapter in SDS 30, p . 143 .

49 Bilinsk y ' s interview with Major-General Hryhorenko, March 24 ,

1979 .

50An anonymous Soviet observer was shocked at the vehemenc e with which Soviet Ukrainian officials were denouncing the economi c exploitation of the Ukraine by Russia : if they had not had t o contribute so much to the Union budget the Ukrainians would have, e .g ., solved their housing problem a long time ago . See Politicheski i dnevnik, No . 9, June 1965 . AS No . 1002 .

51 In their " Announcement of the Formation of the Ukrainian

Public Group .. . ," See Note 21, above . Emphasis added .

52Bilinsky's interview with General Hryhorenko, March 24, 1979 . N5- 1 1

53Ukra'ins'kyii visnyk (Ukrainian Herald) . Baltimore, MD :

Smoloskyp, 1971-1975 (Issue 1-2 originally appeared January-May 1970 ;

Issue 3--October 1970 ; Issue 4--January 1971 ; Issue 5--not reprinted ,

missing abroad ; Issue 6--March 1972 ; and Issue 7-8--Spring 1974) .

Three issues have been translated into English : (l) Ukrainian Herald :

Underground Magazine from Ukraine Issue IV (Munich : ABN Press Bureau ,

1972) ; (2) Dissent in Ukraine : The Ukrainian Herald Issue 6 (Baltimore ,

MD : Smoloskyp, 1977) ; and (3) Ethnocide of Ukrainians in the USSR :

The Ukrainian Herald Issue 7-8 : Introduction by Robert Conques t

(Baltimore, MD : Smoloskyp, 1976) . On the Ukrainian dissent in th e

1970 ' s see, among others, Julian Birch, " The Nature and Sources o f

Dissidence in Ukraine, " in Peter J . Potichnyj, ed ., Ukraine in th e

Seventies (Oakville, Ont . : Mosaic Press, 1975), pp . 307-330 ; Bohda n

Bociurkiw, " Soviet Nationalities Policy and Dissent in the Ukraine, "

The World Today, Vol . 30 (May 1974), pp . 214-226 ; Jaroslaw Pelenski ,

" Shelest and His Period in Soviet Ukraine (1963-1972) : A Revival o f

Controlled Ukrainian Autonomism, " in Ukraine in the Seventies, pp .

283-305 ; and Y . Bilinsky, "The Communist Party of Ukraine After 1966, "

ibid ., pp . 239-266 and " Politics, Purge, and Dissent in the Ukraine sinc e

the Fall of Shelest, " in Ihor Kamenetsky, ed ., Nationalism and Huma n

Rights : Processes of Modernization in the USSR (Littleton, Colo .:

Libraries Unlimited, 1977), pp . 168-185 . Less specifically oriente d

toward dissent, but indispensable for background is Roman Szporluk ,

"The Ukraine and the Ukrainians, " in Zev Katz et alii, eds ., Handboo k

of Major Soviet Nationalities (New York: Free Press, 1975), pp . 21-48 .

Equally indispensable for a thorough study of the 197 0 ' s is Grey Hodnett, .

N5-1 2

" Ukrainian Politics and the Purge of Shelest " (103 pp . unpublishe d manuscript, prepared for presentation at annual meeting of the Midwes t

Slavic Conference, Ann Arbor, May 5-7, 1977) . A very challenging, ye t persuasive recent interpretation of Ukrainian dissent in the 1970' s is by Ukrainian-Canadian sociologist Wsevolod W . Isajiw . He sees i t as a reaction of mobile educated Ukrainians, primarily of peasan t stock, to the twin processes of social mobility and urbanization in th e

Ukraine which have favored Russian immigrants . See his " Migratsiia d o mist, suspil'ni zminy i rukh oporu na Ukraini , " in Suchasnist ' (Munich) ,

Vol . 20, No . 1 (January 1980), pp . 75-85, esp . pp . 84-85 (based o n conference paper) .

54 See US Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europ e

(henceforth : US CSCE), comp ., Fact Sheet : Update on the Soviet Helsink i

Movement (Washington, D .C ., Revised December 10, 1979 ; unnumbered pages) .

55See " Manifest Ukrains'koho Pravozakhysnoho Rukhu 1977 , " in

Komitet Hel'sinks'kykh Garantii dlia Ukrainy Vashington (Helsink i

Guarantees for Ukraine Committee), Osyp Zinkewych, comp ., Ukrans'ky i pravozakhysnyi rukh : Dokumenty i materiialy kvivs ' ko`i Ukrains'koi

Hromads'ko'i Hrupy Spryiannia vykonanniu Hel'sinks'kykh Uhod (Ukrainian

Movement for Human Rights and Justice : Collection of Documents of th e

Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsink i

Accords in the Ukrainian SSR and Related Materials) (Baltimore :

Smoloskyp, 1978), pp . 31-47 . Source will be abbreviated UPR .

56See note 55, above, for full citation . Book has 477 pp . Th e

Informational Bulletins are being published by another Ukrainian-American organization . N5- 1 3

57 See his biography in Svoboda (Jersey City, N .J .), December 28 ,

1979, pp . 1 + 4, on p . 4 .

58The author may have in mind the International Covenant o n

Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant o n

Civil and Political Rights, which had been adopted at the UN and opene d for signature December 16, 1966 .

59Yuri Lytvyn, "Pravozakhysnyi rukh na Ukraini, ioho zasady ta perspektyvy, " Suchasnist ', Vol . 19, No . 10 (October 1979), p . 103 .

60 lnterview with Mr . Petro Vins, September 30, 1979 .--Speculatin g on the possible reasons for the non-participation of Jews in th e

Ukrainian Group the authors (not Mr . Vins) assume that some assimilate d

Jews may have disagreed with the Group's sharp protests agains t

Russification . Other Jews simply wanted to emigrate to Israel an d did not want to jeopardize their chances by joining a Ukrainia n nationalist organization . They had lost any hope of changing th e system . Writes Israel Klejner, who had lived in Kiev for 36 year s until he emigrated to Israel in August 1972 : " Thus ended my part i n the tragic anecdote which is called the 'building of Communism .' Thi s spectacle, however, is coming to an end : Russia is descending int o

Fascism, and where the Ukraine is going only Lord knows . " See hi s

Anekdotychna trahediia (An Anecdotal Tragedy) (Munich : Suchasnist' ,

1974), p . 155 . Also exceedingly pessimistic on the future of the Sovie t

Union is Edward (Eduard) Kuznetsov, Prison Diaries (New York : Stein &

Day, 1975), p . 63 . 0n the other hand, other Jews have had good persona l relations with Ukrainian fellow-camp inmates, West Ukrainian nationalists N5-1 4 included, and have developed an understanding for their cause--se e e .g ., Avraam Shifrin, Chetvertvi vymir (The Fourth Dimension) (Munich :

Suchasnist', 1973), pp . 280, 307-309, 258-360 . Ginzburg, Landa ,

Shcharansky and Slepak of the Moscow Helsinki Group also welcome d the establishment of the Ukrainian Group .

61lnterview with General Hryhorenko on March 24, 1979 .

62lnterview with Mr. Petro Vins, September 30, 1979 .

63Documents consulted at Prolog Research Corporation, New York .

They are being published .

640n Rudenko's and Tykhy ' s trial see summary of court proceeding and text of sentence in UPR, pp . 265-342 . See also the join t protests of the Moscow and Ukrainian Groups (Note 22, above) . Th e sources for Soviet attempts to persuade Rudenko to renounce his activit y are (l) the open protest by Rudenk o ' s wife Raisa, of November 1, 1977 , addressed to the Governments of the states attending the Belgrad e

Conference (AS No . 3203 in MS No . 15/78 [April 28, 1978]), Ukrainia n translation in UPR, pp . 363-366 ; (2) Rudenko ' s poem of August 1977 , from the Donetsk jail--see Petro Hryhorenko, "Nezlamni (Do tret'o i richnytsi stvorennia Ukrains'koi Hel'sinks ' koi Hrupy), " Part 2 ,

Svoboda, November 24, 1979, p . 2 .

65The most convenient yet reliable source on individual Grou p members is US CSCE, Profiles : The Helsinki Monitor s (Washington, D .C . :

Revised December 10, 1979), pages unnumbered .

66See Svoboda (Jersey City, N .J .), December 29, 1979, p . 1 . N5-1 5

67Ibid., December 1, 1979, p1.

68US CSCE, Profiles (Rev . December 10, 1979) .

69See his deservedly famous Chornovil Papers, with forewor d by Zbigniew Brzezinski (New York : McGraw-Hill, 1968) . The data in this paragraph are from US CSCE, Profiles (Rev . December 10, 1979) , compared with Radio Liberty data .

70 Svoboda : The Ukrainian Weekly , January 20, 1980, p . l ; an d

Smoloskyp, Vol . 2, No . 6 (Winter 1980), p . 2 of Ukrainian inset .

The father got 3 years of severe regime camp, the son 3 years o f moderate (posylenoho) regimen camp .

71 lbid ., December 30, 1979, p . l . According to Smoloskyp , loc . cit ., the sentencing date was December 19, 1979, and Lytvyn go t

3 years of severe regimen camp .

72 lbid ., January 27, 1980, p . l .

73Meant is apparently Principle VIII on " Equal rights and self - determination of peoples " in Basket I (a), Declaration of Principle s

Guiding Relations between Participating States - Y .B .

74See English translation of petition in Svoboda : The Ukrainia n

Weekly, January 20, 1980, p . 7 .

75lbid ., p . 7 and 13 . Emphasis added .

76Lituanus, Vol . 23 (No . l, 1977), p . 63 .

77lbid ., p . 64 . N5- 1 6

78 Ibid .

79Lituanus, Vol . 25 (No . 2 , 1979) ; pp . 60-63, see also Doc . 5 6 of the Moscow Helsinki Group, which was cosigned by the Lithuanian Group .

80 Ibid ., p . 75 .

81 Lituanus, Vol . 23 (No . 3, 1977), pp . 47-58 .

82Lituanus,Vol . 22 (No . 3, 1976), pp . 76-77 ; Vol . 23 (No . l ,

1977), pp . 68-71 .

83Jonas Zdanys, " Tomas Venclova , " Lituanus, Vol . 25 (No . 3 ,

1979), pp . 5-8 .

84Lituanus, Vol . 22 (No . 3, 1976), pp . 76 .

85Lituanus,Vol . 19 (No . 2, 1973), pp . 68-70 . In 1974 Jurasa s came to the West . See his statement to the 1975 Internationa l

Sakharov Hearing in Copenhagen ; Lituanus, Vol . 23 (2, 1977), Pp . 53-68 .

86 See the overview in V . Stanley Vardys, ed ., Lithuania Under th e

Soviets (New York : Praeger, 1965), and Algirdas Budreckis, "Lithuanian

Resistance, 1940-52, " in Albertas Gerutis, ed ., Lithuania 700 Year s

(New York: Manyland, 1969) .

87Tönu Parming, "Contrasts in Nationalism in the Soviet Baltic . "

Paper given at the 15th annual meeting of the Southern Conference on

Baltic Studies, University of Virginia, 21-23 October 1976 . Also se e

V . Stanley Vardys, The Catholic Church, Dissent and Nationality in Sovie t

Lithuania (Boulder : East European Quarterly, distributed by Columbia N5- 1 7

University Press, 1978) ; and Thomas Remeikis, " Political Development s in Lithuania during the Brezhnev Era, " in George W . Simmonds, ed .,

Nationalism in the USSR and Eastern Europe in the Era of Brezhnev and

Kosygin (Detroit : University of Detroit Press, 1977) .

88 Lituanus, Vol . 23 (No . I, 1977), pp . 64-67 .

89Commission on Security and Cooperation, Congress of th e

United States, Reports of the Helsinki Accord Monitors in the Sovie t

Union, Volume 3 (Washington, D .C ., 1978), p . 159 .

90 Ibid ., p . 165 .

91 Ibid ., p . 169 .

92Lituanus, Vol . 23 (No . 1, 1977), p . 63 .

93Lituanus, Vol . 23 (No . 3, 1977), p . 47 .

94 lbid ., p . 57 . See also Andrei Sakharov letter of 10 Jun e

1979 on Kovalev addressed to Amnesty International and the general public ; copy received at the 1979 Sakharov Hearings in Washington, D .C .

95Reports of the Helsinki Accord Monitors in the Soviet Union ,

Vol . 3, 1978, p . 158 .

96Ibid ., p . 161 ..

97 Ibid ., p . 162 .

98Ibid ., p . 163 . N5- 1 8

99Ibid ., p . 168 .

100Lituanus, Vol . 23 (No . 1, 1977), pp . 68-71 .

101 For example, see Lituanus, Vol . 23 (No . 4, 1977), pp . 54-64 ; and

Basket Three : Implementation of the Helsinki Accords . Hearings befor e

the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 95th Congress ,

1st Session, on the Implementation of the Helsinki Accords, Volume 1 ,

Human Rights, February 23 and 24, 1977 (Washington : US Governmen t

Printing Office, 1977) .

102In 1959 there were 407,886 Russians living in the Georgia n

SSR where they accounted for 10 .1% of the total population . According t o the 1970 population census the corresponding figures were 396,694 or 8 .5% .

See Richard B . Dobson, " Georgia and the Georgians , " in Katz et alii eds . ,

Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities, Table 8 .1 p . 168 . No precise figures have been released from the 1979 census .

103 The Soviet Georgian historian Shota A . Meskhia, e .g ., draw s attention to the establishment of three notable centers of learning i n the 12th century A .D ., " the Gelati, Iqualto and Shio-Mgvime academies i n the Eastern, Central and Western parts of Georgia . " See his An Outlin e of Georgian History (Tbilisi : Tbilisi University Press, 1968), p . 22 .

See also David M . Lang, The Georgians (New York : Praeger, 1966) , passim, esp . Chapter VIII ( " Literature and Learning " ), pp . 152-78 .

104David M . Lang, A Modern History of Soviet Georgia (New York :

Grove Press, 1962), p . 18 . N5- 1 9

105 Ronald Grigor Suny, Soviet Georgia in the Seventies, p . 2

(Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies Occasional Paper No . 64 ,

May 15, 1979, prepared for the conference on the Soviet Caucasu s co-sponsored by the U .S . International Communication Agency, the Kennan

Institute for Advanced Russian Studies, and the Wilson Center) .

106 The percentage of ethnic Georgians in Georgia has increase d from 1939-1970 (from 61 .4% to 66 .8%, the latter the very same percentage the Georgians had in 1926), the percentage of Armenians has fallen, an d so has that of Russians . The absolute number of Russians in Georgia ha s also decreased between 1959-1970, the only such republic in the Sovie t

Union . To a much greater extent than any other nationality, the Georgian s live in their republic (97% in 1970), only 6 .5% intermarried with othe r nationalities in 1969 . 91 .4% of the rural Georgians and 63% of th e urban Georgians were not fluent in Russian, according to 1970 census figures . Ibid ., p . 3 .

107Mark Kipnis, " The Georgian National Movement : Problems an d

Trends, " Crossroads (Jerusalem), Autumn 1978, pp . 197-198 and details on pp . 198-201 . Suny comments on the Abkhazian issue in op . cit ., p . 1 0

(late in 1977, 130 Abkhaz intellectuals protested against the mistreatmen t by Georgian republican authorities ; many Abkhazians demanded secessio n from Georgia and incorporation in the Russian SFSR ; Moscow said n o through Party Secretary Ivan Kapitonov in the spring of 1978) .

108Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Po povodu polemiki v zapadnoi presse o polpzhenii (sic) gruzinskoi tserkvi, pp . 9-10 . Xerox of typescrip t dated January 28, 1976, and signed by Gamsakhurdia with a handwritten N5- 2 0

request that it be published . obtained from reliable source, .

109 This is the figure given in a document by a group of Georgian s

abroad : " Declaration of the Georgian Political Organizations an d

Periodical Publications Abroad, " Paris, March 1977, 2 pp ., on p . 1 .

110 See on this, e .g ., Georgian documents Nos . 3 and 4, i n

Appendix, pp . A-135ff .

111Kipnis, loc . cit ., p . 205 .

112 See a very detailed biography in Nasha strana (Jerusalem [?] ,

Israel), May 18, 1978, p . 4 .

113 See his protest in Nasha strana, May 21, 1978, p . 5 .

114 The more exact date taken from an Amnesty Internationa l

factsheet on Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Merab Kostava, 1978[?] . Documen t

in the files of the US CSCE .

115 See Georgian document No . 1 in the Appendix, p . A- 131 .

116 I t is not known when exactly Gamsakhurdia joined Amnest y

International, but it must have been before September 1975 . He the n

signed two protests as Member of the Writers Union of Georgia an d

Member of AI .

Comité 117 Biographies compiled in Paris, apparently by the "

pour l'application des accords d'Helsinki en Géorgie . " Courtesy o f

US CSCE . N5- 2 1

118 This detail based on samizdat summary of the Gamsakhurdia -

Kostava trial in Tbilisi of May 15-19, 1978, pp . 1 and Note 1 . Hence - forth abbreviated Gamsakhurdia-Kostava Trial . Xerox of 11 pp . typescrip t received from reliable source .

119 See Gamsakhurdia, Po povodu polemiki ... (note 108, above) , pp . 8 and 10 .

120 See the following materials in the Appendix, pp . A-132ff .

" The Study of Georgian History in Georgian Schools , "" Attempts to Russif y the University of Tbilisi, " "Russification of one Department of th e

Academy of Art, "" The Persecution of David Koridze " [who had collecte d incriminating evidence on theft of the treasures of the Patriarchate] , "

Bedeon Tvaltvadze's Fires and Sabotage in Georgia in 1976 , " "The Arres t of N . Samkharadze, " "Information about the Business of the Securit y

Committee . " Not reproduced have been the lengthy pieces alread y available in Russian, "The Methods of Torture in the Georgian Prisons, "

(AS No . 2111) and " The Situation of the Georgian Monuments , " (AS No . 2580) , both by Gamsakhurdia .

121Zviad Gamsakhurdia, "Antipravitel'stvennye protesty v Gruzi i v 1976 godu, " November 17, 1976, p . 5 (Xerox of 5 pp . typescript from reliable source) .

122 See David K . Shipler, " Soviet Dissident's Odyssey : From a Defian t

Georgian Nationalist to a Broken Penitent, " New York Times, July 24, 1978 , p . 2, for those four quotations . N5- 2 2

123 Suite à des accidents respiratoires . See Plainte addressé e

au citoyen Inaouri,president du comité de sureté de l'état auprès d u

conseil des ministres de la R .S .S . de Géorgie (Complaint addressed t o

Citizen Inauri, Head of the KGB of the Council of Ministers of th e

Georgian SSR), September 23, 1975, by Zviad Gamsakhurdia . Cited a s

Gamsakhurdia, Complaint to Inauri . Document from files of the US CSCE .

124 See Communiqué è la presse de l'ecrivain Zviad Gamsakhourdia .I

(Press Release by writer Gamsakhurdia I), September 25, 1975, p . 1 ,

Henceforth cited as Gamsakhurdia, press Release No . 1 .

125 See, in addition to Gamsakhurdia, Press Release No . 1, hi s

à supplementary press release, No . 2 of 0ctober 23, 1975 . (Communiqué

Communiqué la presse de l'ecrivain Zviad Gamsakhourdia . II . [Additif au

du 25 Septembre]) . Latter document from files of US CSCE .

126 Peter Reddaway's letter to the Observer, February 13, 1977 .

Source for the detainment episode is UPI Moscow, June 28, 1976 .

127 David K . Shipler, referring to a long typewritten report o f

December 9, 1975 (which was not available to this writer) which accuse s

the KGB of having threatened his own and his father's life since 1970 .

See "Soviet Dissident ' s Odyssey .. . ," N .Y . Times, July 24, 1978, p . 2 .

128 See on this John Barron, KGB : The Secret Work of Sovie t

Secret Agents (New York : Reader's Digest Press, 1974), p . 8 . On

September 6, 1964, at the Zagorsk Monastery, Horst Schwirkmann had bee n

shot with a nitrogen mustard gas that was eating away his flesh . " N5- 2 3

129 See William Safire, " The Other Gas Crisis , " in N .Y . Times ,

January 28, 1980, P . A-17 .

130 See the communiqué in Khronika tekushchikh sobytii, No . 44

(March 16, 1977) as reproduced in Appendix, p . A-155 .

131 See Zaria Vostoka, April 2, 1977, p . 3 . For an example o f the press attacks see Zaria Vostoka, March 23, 1977 .

132 See Shipler, " Soviet Dissiden t ' s Odyssey .. . ," N .Y . Times ,

July 24, 1978, p . 2 .

133 Reuters from Moscow, January 27, 1978 .

134 Based on preliminary Radio Liberty data . In US CSCE ,

Profiles : The Helsinki Monitor s ., Rtskhiladze was sentenced to two year s of internal exile only . Both sources agree on the date of his trial and the relative leniency of his sentence .

135 "35's , " No . 32 (12 June 1979)--document courtesy of Radi o

Liberty .

136 ln the US CSCE Fact Sheet : Update on the Helsinki Movemen t

(Rev . Dec . 10, 1979) it is stated that the most recent document of th e

Georgian Group was dated September 1977--it was not available to us .

137 Shipler, "Soviet Dissiden t ' s Odyssey .. . ," N .Y . Times ,

July 24, 1978, p . 2 .

138 Suny, op . cit ., p . 7--referring to Shevardnadz e ' s speech in

late February 1973 (Zaria Vostoka, February 28, 1973) . N5- 2 4

139 See " Georgian Writer Speaks out Against Russification, "

Radio Liberty Special Report RL 406/76 or Arkhiv Samizdata (AS) No . 2583 ,

Materialy Samizdata 23/76, July 14, 1976 . See also Suny, op . cit ., pp . 7-8 .

140 The new draft of Article 75 read : "The Georgian SS R ensures the use of the Georgian language in state and social bodies an d in cultural and other institutions and exercises state concern for it s all-round development . " See Zaria Vostoka, March 24, 1978 and KB ,

" The Georgian Language and National Pride Prevail , " Radio Liberty Researc h

RL 81/78, April 18, 1978, also " Demonstration Reported in Capital o f

Soviet Georgia , " RL 80/78, April 16, 1978, and " A Preliminary Evaluatio n of the New Republican Constitutions, " RL 82/78, April 18, 1978--all i n

Radio Liberty Research Bulletin, Vol . 22, No . 16, April 21, 1978 . But see also Ann Sheehy, "The National Languages and the New Constitution s of the Transcaucasian Republics , " RL 98/78, RL Research Bulletin, Vol . 22 ,

No . 19 (May 12, 1978) which is discussed below .

141UPI, Moscow, April 17, 1978 .

142 Reuters, Moscow, April 16, 1978 .

143UPI, Moscow, April 18, 1978 .

144UPI, Moscow, April 16, 1978 .

145 Ibid . Craig Whitney, of the New York Times, in a retrospectiv e article says " some of the demonstrators held up, icon-like portraits o f

Zviad Gamsakhurdia (N .Y . Times, August 21, 1978) . N .B . : Story was file d but not printed in N .Y .T . because of newspaper strike . N5- 2 5

146 E . A . Shevardnadze, First Secretary of the Georgian C P

Central Committee and Chairman of the Georgian SSR Supreme Sovie t

Constitutional Commission, " On the Draft Constitution (Fundamental Law ) of the Georgian SSR and the Results of its Discussion by All the People , "

Zaria Vostoka, April 15, 1978 .

147Kipnis, op . cit . (Note 107, above), p . 200 .

148Account based on copy of 11-page typewritten summary of th e trial in Russian, apparently prepared by a person attending the tria l and supplied through a reliable source . A side issue which has bee n extensively commented in the American press is the Soviet libel actio n against the American correspondents Craig Whitney of the N .Y . Times and

Hal Piper, of the Baltimore Sun . Citing sources close to Gamsakhurdia' s family they suggested that the confession on videotape might have bee n fabricated : there was at least one obvious cut in the presentation .

Gamsakhurdia himself reaffirmed the authenticity of the filme d confession, the reporters were fined a small sum plus substantial cour t costs, and once the Soviet Government had made the point, it treated the m rather well : they were readmitted to the Soviet Union after their summer vacation . See, e .g ., David K . Shipler, " Soviet Judge Rules U .S . Reporter s

Libeled TV and Orders Retraction , " N .Y . Times, July 19, 1978, pp . Al+, hi s article in N .Y . Times, July 24, 1978 (Note 122, above), Craig Whitney ,

"Whitney Takes Personal Look at Soviet Law Suit, " N .Y . Times, August 21 ,

1978 (story filed on that date, but not printed ; paper on strike) .

149 Zaria Vostoka, June 29, 1979 . Emphasis added . N5-2 6

150 See K . Amaglobeli, " Plunderer in a Cassock, " Zaria Vostoka ,

June 14, 1979, and Radio Liberty, Current Abstract and Annotations ,

No . 89 (June 19, 1979), p. 2

151 TASS, Tbilisi, June 29, 1979 .

152 See US CSCE, Profiles : Helsinki Monitor s (Rev . Dec . 10, 1979) ,

Place of exile in P .S . attached to 11 pp . Gamsakhurdia-Kostava Trial , also Khronika tekushchikh sobytii, No . 50 .

153 Irina Orlov, My Meeting with my Husband, Dr . Yuri Orlov , on August 21, 1979, p . 4 (distributed at 3rd International Sakharo v

Hearings, September 26-29, 1979) .

154 Press conference mentioned in Malva Landa, Stepan Zatikyan ,

Akop Stepanyan i Zoven Bagdasaryan prigovoreny k smertnoi kazni p o sfal'sifitsirovannym obvineniiam (February-May 1979), p . 26 . AS No . 367 6

) . Source henceforth abbreviated Landa ,

The UPI wire service carried news of its establishmen t

155 See G . Arakelyan (Pravda correspondent from Erevan), "A klevetnik ne unimaetsia, " Pravda, April 19, 1971, p . 2 .

156 lnterview with Mr . Ambartsum Khlgatyan, September 26, 1979 .

In his testimony to the 3rd International Sakharov Hearings, Khlgatyan gave E . Arutyunyan ' s year of birth as 1926--see Testimony Provided b y

Ambartsum Khlgatyan ON THE ARMENIAN WATCH GROUP : ITS ACTIVITIES ,

MEMBERSHIP AND STATUS TO-DAY, p . 2 . The US CSCE, Profiles (December 10 ,

1979) give E . Arutyan's year of birth as 1929 . N5-2 7

157 Se e Elizabeth C . Scheetz and Julia Wishnevsky, "Nazaryan

Goes to Trial , " RL 270/78, in Radio Liberty Research Bulletin, Vol . 22 ,

No . 48 (December 1, 1978) . See also biographical sketch in US CSC E

Profiles (Dec . 10, 1979) .

158 lnterview with Mr . Khlgatyan, September 26, 1979 .

159AFP (Agence France Presse) wire from Moscow of October 30, 1977 .

160 Biographical information from US CSCE Profiles (Dec . 10, 1979) ,

Landa, Zatikyan . . . , pp . 26ff ., and Anonymous, K protsessu Zatikyana ,

Bagdasaryana, Stepanyana (undated), p . 1 . AS No . 3508 in MS No . 9/79 .

The biography of Sh . A . is not well established : Landa, e .g ., in

Zatikyan.. .,p . 26, gives his year of birth as 1941--according to bot h the Profiles and 1979 Radio Liberty information he was born on July 3 ,

1937 . According to Profiles he is Eduard Arutyunyan's brother which i s strongly disputed by Khlgatyan .

161A tragi-comic account of his experience as a worker has bee n presented to the 3rd International Sakharov Hearings in Washington ,

September 26, 1979 . See "Testimony provided by Ambartsum Khlgatya n

(Former worker and member of the Armenian Helsinki Watch Group), " lithographed . He brought the house down with laughter when he presente d his experience at the hydrolitic plant as a lathe operator .

162 See Ambartsum Khlgatyan, 0tkrytoe obrashcheniekvlastiteliam

Sovetskogo Soiuza, AS No . 3126 in MS No . 5/78 (January 25, 1978) . Thi s biographical sketch is based mainly on the interview with Khlgatya n on September 26, 1979 . N5-2 8

163 UPI, Moscow, April 4, 1977 .

164Vahakn D . Dadrian, " Nationalism in Soviet Armenia--A Cas e

Study of Ethnocentrism , " in George W . Simmonds, ed ., Nationalism in the

USSR and Eastern Europe in the Era of Brezhnev and Kosygin (Detroit :

The University of Detroit Press, 1977), p . 211 .

165 Mary K . Matossian, " Armenia and the Armenians , " in Zev Kat z et alii, Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities, p . 145 .

166 Consultation with Professor Ronald G . Suny, 0ctober 12, 1979 .

167 lnterview with Mr . Khlgatyan, September 26, 1979 .

168 See 1970 census data in Matossian, " Armenia .. . ," pp . 14 7 and 147 n ., 149, Table 7 .1 on p . 150 . See also Garo Chichekian, " Recent

Trends in the Distribution and Ethnic Homogeneity of the Armenians in the U .S .S .R . : A Brief Statistical Survey , " Armenian Review, Vol . XXVIII ,

No . 3-111 (Autumn 1975), pp . 325-331, who concludes that the Armenian s are becoming more a really concentrated, ethnically more homogeneous an d more resistant to linguistic assimilation to Russian . Full figures on the number of ethnic Armenians in the Armenian SSR have not yet bee n released from the 1979 census (as of February 1980) but figures o n

Armenians giving Armenian as native language have : it is 99 .4% or dow n

0 .4% from 1970 figure . On the other hand, the population of Armenian s in the republic keeps growing : it is an estimated 89 .9%, up 1 .3% fro m the 1970 figure . See Ann Sheehy, " Armenians Increase Their Share of th e

Population of the Armenian SSR, " RL 39/80 in Radio Liberty Researc h

Bulletin, Vol . 24, No . 5 (February 1, 1980) . N5-2 9

169 Ann Sheehy in "The National Languages and the New Constitu- tions of the Transcaucasian Republics , " RL 98/78 in RL Research Bulletin ,

Vol . 22, No . 19 (May 12, 1978) reports that two American lawyers who wer e in Tbilisi at the time of the demonstrations were told that simila r demonstrations had taken place in Armenia two weeks before (UPI Moscow ,

April 17, 1978, and The Washington Post, April 18, 1978) . In a lette r to one of the authors Ambartsum Khlgatyan wrote on October 15, 1979 , that there was no street demonstration in Erevan on the language issue .

There had been, however, meetings and discussions of the draft constitution supported by professors and administrators from higher schools i n

Erevan, who were critical of the proposed change in the language clause .

" The march into the street had been preempted by a personal promise o f

First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party o f

Armenia K . S . Demirchyan that he would immediately fly to Moscow and woul d raise that question in the Central Committee . The promise was fulfilled . "

The All-Union Central Committee was also deluged by mountains of letter s and resolutions against the proposed change . The initiators of th e campaign were said to be Georgians .

Basing herself on the fact that the Armenian constitution wa s changed already April 14 (the day of the demonstrations in Tbilisi) an d that the Georgians had been protesting against Russification alread y since 1975, Sheehy argues that "on balance it seems unlikel y " that th e

Georgian demonstration played a role in the decision of the regime t o give in (p . 6) .

It is possible of course that the decision to give in had bee n made in Moscow before April 14, 1978, and that Shevardnadze's appeals to N5-3 0 the patriotic crowds were grand theater, no more . We believe, however , that the more likely scenario was that the Armenian protests vi a

Demirchyan created hesitation in Moscow, but did not decide the issue b y themselves . At the session of the Armenian Supreme Soviet on April 14 ,

1978, the language clause was not debated : Demirchyan and his fellow- speakers went out of their way to avoid the language issue in connectio n with the constitution (Sheehy, p . 6) . The first indication that th e old formula of Armenian being a state language had been restored wa s published in Kommunist on April 15, the day after the Georgian demonstration . In other words, from the published account of the Armenian

Supreme Soviet proceeding we have no positive proof that the change wa s indeed made prior to the Georgian demonstration and we have but a statement in Kommunist of April 15 that it was made the day before . We think that it was made after Shevardnadze notified Demirchyan by telephon e that with Moscow's reluctant permission he was yielding to the Georgia n demonstrators and that the comrades in Moscow felt that it would loo k better if Demirchyan--and the Azerbaidzhanis, too--followed suit . The

Moscow " Central Committe e " (i .e ., the Politburo) may have hesitated but , we think, they did yield only when the Georgian students started marching in Tbilisi .

170 See Matossian, " Armenia ... ," p . 149 .

172- Consultation with Professor Ronald G . Suny, October 12, 1979 .

172 Bruce Nelan, " USSR--Proud Christian Armenia Just Tips Hat to

Moscow, " Washington Star, November 12, 1978 . Incidentally, the number o f churches is strongly disputed in the Keston News Service, No . 48, 3-2-1978, .

N5-3 1 p . 4 : " For 3½ million believers there are three working churches in

Yerevan while according to one unconfirmed report there are only 1 5 churches in the rest of the republic . "

173As quoted in Scheetz and Wishnevsky (Note 157, above), p . 2 .

174 Consultation with Professor Suny, July 27, 1979 .

175 Dadrian, " Nationalism in Soviet Armenia .. . , op . cit . , p . 215 .

176 See the dramatic article by Haig Sarkissian, " An Eyewitnes s

Account : 50th Anniversary of the Turkish Genocide as Observed in Erevan , "

Armenian Review, Vol . 19, No . 4-76 (Winter 1966), pp . 23-28 . See als o

V . N . Dadrian, " Sources and Signs of Armenian Unrest, " Problems o f

Communism, Vol.16, No . 5 (Sept .-Oct . 1967), pp . 70-71 . According to Mis s

Silva Kapoutikian, Armenia's best known poet, the demonstrators o n

April 24, 1965, numbered 100,000 (p . 71) .

177O n Karabagh see : V . N . Dadrian, " Armenian Protest to Moscow , "

Christian Science Monitor, Sept . 25, 1964 ; Raymond H . Anderson, " Armenian s

Ask Moscow for Help, Charging Azerbaidzhan with Bias, " N .Y . Times ,

December 11, 1977 ; Dadrian, " Those audacious Armenians , " Christian Scienc e

Monitor, January 10, 1978 ; Ronald G . Suny, " Historical Perspectives o n the Regions of Karabagh and Nakhichevan, " public lecture, Southfield ,

Michigan, March 17, 1978 .

178 0. the NOP see David Kowalewski, " The Armenian National Unit y

Party : Context and Program, " Armenian Review, Vol . XXXI, No . 4-12 4

(April 1979), pp . 362-370 . A samizdat report on the activity of NOP on

N5-3 2

pp . 364-370, quotations from p . 365 and 366 . See also " Secre t

Political Trials in Soviet Armenia : 'An Unendorsed Communique, '"

Ibid ., No . 3-123 (March 1979), pp . 265-302 which reproduces material s

from the 2nd Airikyan trial of October 1974, at which he was sentence d

to seven years of prison camp and three years of exile .

179 See Testimony Provided [to the 3rd Session of Internationa l

Sakharov Hearings] by Ambartsum Khlgatyan, ON THE ARMENIAN HELSINK I

WATCH GROUP : ITS ACTIVITIES, MEMBERSHIP AND STATUS TODAY, p . 3 .

180 UPI, Moscow, November 15, 1978, November 16, 1978, UPI ,

Moscow, December 1, 1978, and Reuter, Moscow, December 2, 1978 ; Reuter,

December 4, 1978 ; International Herald Tribune, December 5, 1978 :

" Armenian Gets Five Year Term for 'Agitation .'"

181 Landa, Zatikyan . . , p . 11 .

182 Helene Janvier, L'Aurore (Paris), November 9, 1978 . Chapter 6

NOTE S

1As reproduced in A .L . Adamishin, et al ., compilers, From Helsink i

to Belgrade . The Soviet Union and the Implementation of the Final Act o f

the European Conference . Documents andMaterial (Moscow : Progress Publishers ,

1977), pp . 243-244 .

2As pointed out in James Resto n ' s column, New York Times (1 3

August 1975), p . 33, with reference to a Pravda article .

3 For the Soviet viewpoint, see Yuri Kashlev, Helsinki-Belgrade :

The Soviet Viewpoint . Progress of Detente . A Report on the Belgrad e

Meeting (Moscow : Novosti Press Agency Publishing House, 1978) .

4 Y . Kashlev, op . cit ., p . 19 .

6For the United States position see the semiannual report s issued by the Department of State on behalf of the President to the American Com- mission on Security and Cooperation in Europe which deal specifically wit h implementation issues ; for example, the seventh report, dated January 198 0

(Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Publication 9002, Specia l

Report No . 62) . These reports point out many shortcomings, but they als o show significant progress . The Soviet arguments are most forcefully mad e in Y . Kashlev, op . cit ., and A .L . Adamishin, et al ., compilers, FromHelsink i

N6-1

N6- 2

to Belgrade . The Soviet Union and the Implementation of the Final Act o f

the European Conference . Documents and Material (Moscow : Progress Pub-

lishers, 1977) .

7 This is very evident from virtually every Congressional hearin g

on this topic in the United States from 1972 to the present and from th e

many documents of the " Sakharov Hearings " since 1975 .

8Among the best sources in the West on the early formation of th e

Moscow Watch Committee are its founding members now in the West . See, fo r

example, the testimony of Lyudmila Alekseeva in : United States Congres s

(95th Congress, 1st Session), Commission on Security and Cooperation i n

Europe, Basket III : Implementation of the Helsinki Accords, Volume IV ,

Hearings .. . June 3 and 6, 1977 (Washington : US Government Printing Office,

1977), pp . 29-39 .

9Consider here the explicit comments of Congresswoman Millicen t

Fenwick, a member of this delegation, who was the primary advocate of th e

creation of a US Commission and the sponsor of the necessary legislation i n

the House of Representatives, in an interview on 18 September 1979 with on e

of the authors . Also see Fenwick ' s testimony on the bill, in United State s

Congress (94th Congress), House of Representatives, Committee on Inter -

national Relations, Subcommittee on International Political and Militar y

Affairs, Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe : Part II ,

Hearings . . . . November 18, 1975, and May 4, 1976 (Washington : US Governmen t

Printing Office, 1976), pp . 6-10 . N6 - 3

10See Marta Haraskowa and Orest Olhovych, editors, The Inter -

national Sakharov Hearing (Baltimore : Smoloskyp Publishers, 1977) for th e

proceedings of the first hearing in Copenhagen in 1975 . The papers an d

proceedings of the third hearing in Washington in 1979 have not been pub-

lished ; but copies of virtually all printed material distributed there, a s

well as taperecordings of the oral testimony and comments, are in the re -

search archives of the present project .

11 Science, Volume 194 (19 November 1976), editorial entitled " On

Working with the Soviets . "

12 See, for example, the exchange in Science over the advocate d

boycott of the International Cancer Congress in Argentia in October 1978 ; Science ,

21 October 1977, p . 253 ; 3 February 1978, p . 480 ; 21 July 1978, p . 211 ; an d

18 August 1978, p . 572 . Also, the coverage given to the tribal issues i n

Volume 206 (December 1979), p . 1161 .

13 See, as an example, the news items in Science, Volume 19 9

(3 March 1978), pp . 954-955 .

14 Science, Volume 199 (13 January 1978), p . 159, see also Volum e

200 (17 November 1978), p . 731 .

15 Science, Volume 197 (1 July 1977), pp . 40-41 ; Volume 200 (1 2

May 1978), p . 632 . N6- 4

16For example, see Science, Volume 200 (16 June 1978), pp . 1220 -

1222, and (30 June 1978), p . 1466 .

17 Science, Volume 200 (2 June 1978), p . 1026 .

18 See, for example, Science, Volume 201 (4 August 1978), p . 423 ;

(11 August 1978), pp . 423-428 .

19 Science, Volume 201 (4 August 1978), pp . 422-425 .

20 For example, see Science, Volume 201 (25 August 1978), p . 675 ;

Volume 202 (20 October 1978), p . 260 ; (13 October 1978), p . 126-127 ; (2 7

October 1978), p . 372 .

21Science, Volume 201 (29 September 1978), p . 1175 .

22 Science, Volume 203 (16 March 1979), p . 1095 .

23 lbid .

24 See Science, Volume 204 (13 April 1979), p . 124 ; the backgroun d on the Kovalev case appears in the Science issues of 5 November 1976, p . 58 5 and 8 October 1976, p . 133 .

25 Science, Volume 207 (11 Januage 1980), p . 137 .

26The Chronicle of Higher Education (10 March 1980), pp . 17-18 . N6- 5

27Washington Post (26 February 1980), p . 1 . Also, see Th e

Chronicle of Higher Education (3 March 1980), pp . 1, 15 .

28 Science, Volume 207 (8 Feburary 1980), p . 625 ; (15 February

1980), p . 745 ; (29 February 1980), p . 963 ; (7 March 1 .980), pp . 1056-1057 ,

1062-1063 ; (14 March 1980), p . 1186 .

2 Science, Volume 204 (13 April 1979), p . 124 .

30 Science, Volume 207 (14 March 1980), p . 1186 ; The Chronicle o f

Higher Education (10 March 1980), pp . 17-18 .

31 Science, Volume 204 (15 December 1978), p . 1167, and Volume 20 5

(14 September 1979), p . 1083-1084 .

32 Reproduced in Lituanus, Volume 21,(No . 3, Fall 1975), pp . 65-73 .

The issues in dissent in the Baltic at this time are covered in Tönu Parming ,

" Contrasts in Nationalism in the Soviet Baltic " (Paper delivered at th e

15th Annual Southern Conference on Slavic Studies, Univeristy of Virginia ,

October 1976) .

33 See Peter Dornan, "Andrei Sakharov : the Conscience of a Libera l

Scientist, " in Rudolf L . Tökes, ed ., Dissent in the USSR . Politics ,

Ideology, and People (Baltimore : The John Hopkins University Press, 1975 )

for a review of Sakharov ' s development as a dissident . N6 - - 6

34 The reference here is taken from Peter Reddaway, ed ., Uncensore d

Russia . Protest and Dissent in the Soviet Union . The Unofficial Moscow

Journal . A Chronicle of Current Events (New York : American Heritage Press ,

1972), pp . 171-183 . The Baltic document was also referenced in th e

Chronicle of Current Events ; Reddaway gives additional source references i n

Possev and Studies in Comparative Communism for the full text . As note d appropriately by Reddaway, this was not the only early Baltic involvemen t in the Democratic Movement .

35A good English summary on the early Chronicle is available i n

P . Reddaway, op . cit . For related materials see the documents in Georg e

Saunders, ed ., Samizdat . Voices of the Soviet Opposition (New York : Mona d

Press, 1974), R . Tökes ' edited essays, op . cit ., and Abraham Rothberg, Th e

Heirs of Stalin . Dissidence and the Soviet Regime 1953-1970 (Ithaca :

Cornell University Press, 1972) .

36 See V . Stanley Vardys, The Catholic Church, Dissent an d

Nationality in Soviet Lithuania (Boulder, Colo . : East European Quarterl y

Press, distributed by Columbia Univeristy Press, 1978) .

37 See Medvedev ' s books Let History Judge and On Socialis t

Democracy ; and Rein Taagepera, "The Impact of the New Left on Estonia, "

East European Quarterly, Volume 10 (No . 1, 1976), pp . 43-51 ; and " National - ism, Collaborationism, and New-Leftism , " in Tönu Parming and Elmar Järvesoo , eds ., A Case Study of a Soviet Republic : The Estonian SSR (Boulder, Colo . :

Westview Press, 1978) . N6 - 7

38 See P . Reddaway, op . it ., pp . 171-183 .

39 See, as an example, the Lithuanian religious memorandum o f

December 1971-January 1972, reprinted in Lituanus, Volume 20 (No . 4 ,

Winter 1974), pp . 71-72 .

40 See, for example, the essays in George W . Simmonds, ed . ,

Nationalism in the USSR and Eastern Europe in the Era of Brezhnev an d

Kosygin (Detroit : University of Detroit Press, 1977), for material evi- dencing the nationalism and national assertiveness of the 1965-1975 period .

41See the relevant essays on the Baltic and Ukraine in G .

Simmonds, op . cit ., also, T . Parming and E . Järvesoo, eds ., op . cit .,

V .S . Vardys, op . cit ., and the documents in the series The Ukrainia n

Herald [the Ukrainian equivalent of the Moscow Chronicle] issued b y

Smoloskyp Publishers in the West in the 1970s, especially Issue 6 . Dissen t

in Ukraine (Baltimore, 1977) .

42 See, for example, Rein Taagepera, " Nationalism, Collaboration- - ism, and New Leftism, " and Jaan Pennar, "Soviet Nationality Policy and th e

Estonian Communist Elite," both in T . Parming and E . Järvesoo, eds ., op . cit .; and G . Saunders, op . cit ., pp . 427-440 . Indeed, much of the dissent in th e

USSR in general and in the Democratic Movement was not disloyal, ofte n

calling itself neo-Leninist . They were opposed to Stalinism, not " scien-

tific Communism " or socialism . See the material in P . Reddaway, op . cit .,

G . Saunders, op . cit ., and R . Tökes, op . cit . N6- 8

43 See, as an example, the Lithuanian memorandum of the secula r

" National People ' s Front " of mid-1974 ; reproduced in Lituanus, Volume 2 2

(No . 1, Spring 1976), pp . 65-71 . Also, consider the 1972 Estonian memorandum to the United Nations : reprinted in Lituanus, Volume 21 (No . 2, Summe r

1975), pp . 64-75 .

44 See the best background source on this, which is Krystyna Marek ,

Identity and Continuity of States in Public International Law (Chpt . 8 i n

Part II), second edition (Geneva : E . Droz, 1968), and several very impor-

tant essays in Adolf Sprudz and Armins Rusis, ed ., Res Baltica (Leyden :

A .W . Sijthoff, 1968) . In the case of the United States, see the series o f

articles by Richard Snorf in Lituanus, Volume 12 (Spring 1966), pp . 33-53 ;

(Winter 1966), pp . 56-75 ; Volume 14 (Fall 1968), pp . 43-60 ; and Lawrenc e

Juda, "United States' Nonrecognition of the Soviet Unio n ' s Annexation of th e

Baltic States : Politics and Law, " Journal of Baltic Studies, Volume 6

(No . 4, Winter 1975), pp . 272-290 .

45 Reproduced in Lituanus, Volume 21 (No . 3, Fall 1975), pp . 65-73 .

Also the 1972 Estonian memorandum, Lituanus, Volume 21 (No . 2, Summer 1975) ,

pp . 64-75 .

46For example, see the documents in Lituanus, Volume 22 (No . 1 ,

Spring 1976), pp . 65-71 ; Volume 21 (No . 3, Fall 1975), pp . 65-73 ; Teataj a

(Stockholm ; 28 March 1975) . N6- 9

47For example, by Lithuanian believers already in 1972 ; Lituanus ,

Volume 18 (No . 4, Winter 1972), pp . 69-79 . And by Estonian Democrats i n the same year ; Lituanus, Volume 21 (No . 2, Summer 1975), pp . 64-75 .

48For example, the appeal by Lithuanian believers to both SSR an d all-Union organs, respectively, in Vilnius and in Moscow ; see Lituanus ,

Volume 18 (No . 4, Winter 1972), pp . 71-72, and Volume 20 (No . 4, Winte r

1974), pp . 63-64 .

49The Ukrainian, Lithuanian, Georgian and Armenian documents ar e reproduced herein in the documentary appendix . For the documents of th e

Moscow group, we have used the numerous publications compiled by the Unite d

States Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe ; for example :

Documents of Helsinki Dissent from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europ e

(May 1978), Reports of Helsinki-Accord Monitors in the Soviet Union ,

Volume 2 (June 3, 1977) & Volume 3 (November. 7, 1978) ; Soviet Helsink i

Group Documents on Socio-Economic Rights of Soviet Citizens : The Workers '

Question, Freedom of Movement Inside the USSR, and Socialist Legality

(all three volumes dated September 26-29, 1979) .

50The reference here is to the issues addressed by the Democrati c

Movement, individuals such as Sakharov, and Baltic activists already in th e

late 1960s . See G . Saunders, op . cit ., pp . 365-453 ; T . Friedgut, op . cit .,

P . Dornan, op . cit ., and the Baltic references in P . Reddaway, op . cit .

51On this issue, see the documents of the Ukrainian, Lithuanian ,

Armenian and Georgian groups in the appendix . The documents of the Baltic N6- 1 0 dating to earlier 1970s are reviewed in T . Parming, " Contrasts i n

Nationalism .. ., " op . cit .

52 Commentary on this topic has been frequent in the Baltic press .

An undated pamphlet circulated in the 1960s by the Estonian-America n

National Council and the Estonian World Council--Karl Arro ' s Ikestatu d

Eestiga suhtlemisest--is a typical analysis . As late as 1979 the New Yor k

Estonian weekly Vaba Eesti Sona editorially criticized a cultural symposium of the younger generation for showing Soviet Estonian films (2 9

March 1979, p . 2) and participation by Estonian youth in a language-cul-

tural symposium in Tallinn (12 July 1979, p . 2) . The main points of con-

cern are : (1) " brainwashing " of exile youth by Communist propaganda ; (2 )

the tactical problem of group members interacting with " the enemy ; " an d

(3) the Soviets conscious attempt to splinter the exile community throug h

such measures .

53 It is true that in recent years in a number of Western societies ,

specifically, Australia, Canada, the United States and Sweden, there ha s

been a movement toward some cultural pluralism, with the most extensiv e

change having occurred in Sweden, followed by Canada . For a good but brie f

review of assimilationism in America, see Milton M . Gordon, Assimilatio n

in American Life (New York : Oxford University Press, 1964) . It is in-

teresting to note, in the context of the present discussion that people o f

East European background (including Jews) have been the most instrumenta l

in pushing the theoretical part of the shift toward cultural pluralis m

here . America ' s most prominent advocate of cultural pluralism, Horace N6-1 1

Kallen, was Jewish ; Jews and East Europeans were the most important testi- fiers at the Congressional hearings leading to the ethnic heritage studie s bill in the early 1970s ; see United States Congress (92nd Congress, 1s t

Session), Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Subcommittee o n

Education, Education Amendments of 1971, Hearings .. . March 4, 31 ; April 1 ,

20 ; and April 21, 1971 (Washington : United States Government Printin g

Office, 1971) .

54 See Inis L . Claude, Jr ., National Minorities (Cambridge :

Harvard University Press, 1975), for a review of these matters .

55 For brief comments on the Baltic minorities, see Royal Insti- tution of International Affairs, The Baltic States (London : Oxford Uni- versity Press, 1938) . For Estonia in particular see Karl Aun, " On th e

Spirit of the Estonian Minorities Law, " in Jaan Olvet-Jensen, ed .,

Apophoreta Tartuensia (Stockholm : Estonian Scientific Society in Sweden ,

1949), and Aun's "The Cultural Autonomy of National Minorities in Estonia, " in Yearbook of the Estonian Learned Society in America . Volume 1 (1951-1953 )

(New York, 1954) . For broader implications, see Aun ' s "Cultural Autnom y of National and Ethnic Minorities " (Unpublished paper, annual meeting, Con- ference of the Canadian Learned Societies, McGill University, June 1972) .

56 See, for example, the 1936 Constitution, amended in 1973 ; in

Robert J . Osborn . The Evolution of Soviet Politics (Homewood, IL : Dorse y

Press, 1974), pp . 521-540 . N6- 1 2

57 The document is reproduced in C . Saunders, op . cit ., p . 275 .

58 Peter Dornan, " Conscience of a Liberal Scientist, " in R .L .

Tokes, op . cit ., p . 369 . For a more thorough coverage of the Tatar issue , see Alan W . Fisher, The Crimean Tatars (Stanford : Hoover Institutio n

Press, 1978) .

59 See the reference in P . Reddaway, op . cit ., pp . 171-172 .

60For a review of the development in Sakharov ' s position on th e nationality question, see P . Dornan, op . cit ., pp . 369-379 .

61 P . Dornan, op . cit ., p . 371 and note 57 therein, in basi c reference to a 1965 work by Dzyuba .

62 P . Dornan, op . cit ., p . 375 in basic reference to Moro z ' s

" Report from the Beria Reservation " (1967) .

63 Interview conducted by Yaroslav Bilinsky . For some o f

Grigorenk o ' s own general human rights views see the selection of document s he authored or co-authored, reproduced in G . Saunders, op . cit ., and hi s forthcoming memoirs .

64 The essay is Chapter 3 in R . Tokes, ed ., op . cit .

65 Arkhiv samizdata 694, as cited by P . Dornan, R . cit ., p . 376 . N6- 13

66 Congress of the United States, Commission on Security an d

Cooperation in Europe, Reports of Helsinki-Accord Monitors in the Sovie t

Union . Documents of the Public Groups to Promote Observance of th e

Helsinki Agreements in the USSR (Washington, 27 February 1977), pp . 5-14 .

67 Ibid ., pp . 57-60 .

68 Ibid ., pp . 52-56 .

69 See, for example, the mid-1975 memorandum to the CSCE participants ; reproduced in Lituanus, Volume 21 (No . 3, Fall 1975) ; pp . 65-73 .

70 See, for example, the 1974 Lithuanian memorandum ; reproduce d in Lituanus, Volume 22 (No . 1, Spring 1976), pp . 65-71 .

71Cited in the preface to Lesya Jones and Bohdan Yasen, eds .,

The Ukrainian Herald, Issue 6 . Dissent in Ukraine (Baltimore : Smolosky p

Publishers, 1977), p . 6 .

72 See T . Parming, "Contrasts in Nationalism .. ., " op . cit .

73 See the full text in Lituanus, Volume 21 (No . 3, Fall 1975) , pp . 65-73 .

74Among the most interesting work in this area would be that o f a recent conference at Columbia University (sponsored by its Program o n

Soviet Nationality Problems) on Russian nationalism . See also the brie f reviews of this subject by Dina R . Spechler, "Russia and the Russians, "

N6-1 4

in Zev Katz ., ed ., Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities (New York : Fre t

Press, 1975), and S . Enders Wimbush, " The Great Russians and the Sovie t

State : The Dilemmas of Ethnic Dominance, " in Jeremy R . Azrael, ed .,

Soviet Nationality Policies and Practices (New York : Praeger, 1978) .

75 See Frederic T . Harned, " Latvia and the Latvians, " in Ze v

Katz, ed ., op . cit . ; also, Juris Dreifelds, "Latvian National Demands an d

Group Consciousness Since 1959, " in George W . Simonds, ed ., 2E. cit .

76Reprinted in G . Saunders, op . cit ., pp . 427-440 .

77 See some references to this in J . Pennar, op . cit .

78 See V .S . Vardys, op . cit . For a discussion of the divergenc e

of this issue in the three Baltic SSRs, see Tönu Parming, " Roots o f

Nationality Differences , " in Edward Allworth, ed ., Nationality Group Sur-

vival in Multi-Ethnic States . Shifting Support Patterns in the Sovie t

Baltic Region (New York : Praeger, 1977) .

79United States Congress, Commision on Security and Cooperation i n

Europe, Reports of Helsinki-Accords Monitors in the Soviet Union (2 4

February 1977), p . 3 .

80 lnterview with Congresswoman Millicent Fenwick, 18 Septembe r

1979, by Tönu Parming . Interestingly, the third Sakharov Hearings, i n

Washington, D .C . in September 1979, which were held under the "indirec t

sponsorship" of the US Commission (several of its members served as co -

chairs of the Hearings), did not have Soviet nationality questions on its N6-1 5 agenda, in spite of the fact that Sakharov himself, the Moscow huma n rightists and the Watch Committee there all devoted much attention to it .

Indeed, nationality issues had been a major part of the agenda at the firs t

Sakharov Hearings in Copenhagen in 1975 . Sakharov's close associate , himself a leading Soviet human rightist, Pyotr Grigorenko, now in th e

United States, protested this and raised the issue in an unschedule d address at the Washington forum . See the full text in Svoboda . Th e

Ukrainian Weekly (7 October 1979), p . 7 .

81 See, for example, gist :" Human Rights : the Disappeared"

(December 1979 ; Bureau of Public Affairs, Department of State) and

Department of State Current Policy publication No . 119, Human Rights i n

Africa (January 1980) .

N ;-0 1

Chapter 7

N 0 T ES

1 US Congress (96th Congress 1st Session), US Commission o n

Security and Cooperation in Europe [henceforth : US CSCE], Basket Three :

Implementation of the Helsinki Accords, Hearing Before the CSCE . . . o n

Implementation of the Helsinki Accords, Volume X : Aleksandr Ginzburg o n

the Human Rights Situation in the U .S .S .R ., May 11, 1979 (Washington, D .C . :

GPO, 1979), p . 10 ; emphasis added .

2See US Congress (95th - 2nd Session) US CSCE, The Belgrad e

Followup Meeting to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Euro pe :

A Report and Appraisal, Transmitted to the Committee on Internationa l

Relations, U .S . House of Representatives, by the CSCE, May 17, 197 8

(Washington, D .C . : GPO, 1978), p . L . Source henceforth abbreviate d

US CSCE, Belgrade Meeting Rapt . See also US Congress (94th - 1st and 2n d

sessions), House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee o n

International Political and Military Affairs, Conference on Security an d

Cooperation in Europe, Part 2 (Hearings, Nov . 18, 1975, and May 4, 1976) ,

p . 6 . LatterPart 2. source abbreviated CSCE Hearings

3Biographical data from 1979 Official Congressional Director.

(96ch Congress - 1st Session) (Washington, D .C . : US GPO, 1979), p . 54 .

4Information primarily derived from ibid ., . 113 .

J The formal arguments may be gleaned from :he State Departmen t

letter January 1 9, 1976, in CSCEHearings Part 2, pp . 4-5 . N7-0 2

6 See ibid .

' US Congress (94th - 2nd Session), Calendar No . 716, Senate ,

Report 94-756, p . 3 .

8 See US Congress (94th - 1st Session), House Internationa l

Relations Committee, Subcommittee on International Political and Militar y

Affairs, Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, [Part I] ,

(Hearing, May 6, 1975) .

9 1979 Official Congressional Directory, p . 41 .

10The Honorable Dante B . Fascell, Letter to Y . Bilinsky o f

October 30, 1979, p . 1 ; quoted with permission .

11 See loc . cit . (Note 5, above), p . 9 .

12 See above, p . 7-4 and Note 7-5 .

13 This sketch is based on the printed documentary sources cite d

in Notes 2 (2nd reference) and 7 . See also "Helsinki Agreement, " i n

1976 Congressional Quarterly Almanac, pp . 266-267 and 62-H and 63-H . I t

is also mainly based on the following interviews : The Hon . Millicen t

Fenwick with T . Pal ling, September 18, 1979 ; The Hon . Dante B . Fascel l

with Y . Bilinsky, September 19, 1979 ; written replies by Mr . Fascell t o

Y . Bilinsky ' s follow-up questions, October 30, 1979 .

14 Main source is 1976 Congressional Quarterly almanac, pp . 718 ,

720, 722-23 .

N7-0 3

15" . . [S]ponsors of the bill [S2679] charged that the Sovie t

Union and the Communist countries of Eastern Europe had continued t o

follow policies ' which are completely inconsistent with the principle s

set forth at Helsinki .' The Soviet Union, for example, refused to allo w

Andrei Sakharov to travel to Oslo, Norway, to receive his Nobel Peac e

Prize in 1975 . " 1976 Congressional Quarterly Almanac, p . 266 .

16 See above, Chapter 5, pp . 5-1 and 5-7 ff .

17 As reproduced in US Congress, US Senate and US House o f

Representatives, Committee on Foreign Relations and Committee on Inter -

national Relations, Legislation on Foreign Relations through 1976, Vol .

(Joint Committee Print, February 1977), pp . 560, 561 . References t o

US Code have been transferred into main text, emphasis has been added .

18 The Commission published three major and several minor reports ,

many volumes of hearings, and five volumes of documents, a handbook o f

biographies of members of Soviet Helsinki Groups . Here is, in essence ,

the Commission's published output arranged by categories .

REPORTS, Major : (1) US Congress (95th - 1st Session), US CSCE ,

Implementation of the Final Act of the Conference on Securi ty and Coopera-

tion in Europe : Findings and Recommendations Two Years After Helsinki .

Report transmitted to the Committee on International Relations, U .S .

House of Representatives by the CSCE, September 23, 1977 (Washington :

GPO, 1977), 194 pp . Henceforth cited as US CSCE, Report Two Years Afte r

Helsinki . An apparently preliminary version of this report addressed t o

Congress was made August 1, 1977 . Two sup plements have been published to

N7- 0 4

18 (Continued )

that latter version, August 1, 1977, and October 25, 1977, containin g

information on the implementation of the human contacts provisions o f

the Final Act . (2) US Congress (95th - 2nd Session), US CSCE, Th e

Belgrade Followup Meeting to the Conference on Security and Cooperatio n

in Europe : A Report and Appraisal . Transmitted to the Committee o n

International Relations, US House of Representatives by the CSCE, May 17 ,

1978 (Washington : GPO, 1978) . 105 pp . Source henceforth abbreviate d

US CSCE, Belgrade Report . (3) US Congress (96th - 1st Session), US CSCE ,

Fulfilling Our Primises : The United States and the Helsinki Final Act .

A Status Report . Compiled and Edited by the Staff of the CSCE . (Washington ,

D .C ., November 1979) . 382 pp . Henceforth cited as US CSCE, US and

Helsinki Final Act .

REPORTS, OTHER : (1) US Congress (95th - 1st Session), US CSCE ,

Report of the Study Mission to Europe to the Commission on Security an d

Cooperation in Europe . Report submitted to the Committee on Internationa l

Relations, [US House of Representatives], February 11, 1977 (Washington :

GPO, 1977) . 72 pp . (2) US CSCE, On Leaving the Soviet Union : Two

Surveys Compared . A Statustical Analysis of the Patterns and Procedure s

in Soviet Emigration . Washington, D .C ., May 1, 1978 . 15 pp .

(3) US CSCE, Activities Report, 95th Congress . Washington, D .C ., October 11 ,

1978 . 34 pp .

VOLUMES OF HEARINGS : (1) US Congress (95th - 1st Session), US CSCE ,

Hearings before the [US] CSCE. . on Basket II - Helsinki Final Act :

East West Economic Cooperation, January 13 and 14, 1977 (Washington, D .C . :

N7- 0 5

18 (Continued )

GPO, 1977) . 143 pp . Note : the publisher for the printed hearings i s

always the same, viz ., US Government Printing Office - it will hencefort h

be omitted . (2) Exceedingly valuable series of Hearings entitle d

Basket III : Implementation of the Helsinki Accords . General serie s

title will not be repeated here, only the descriptive subtitles, bu t

designation of Congress will always be given . (a) US Congress (95th -

1st Session), US CSCE . Vol . I : Human Rights, February 23 and 24, 1977 ;

Human Contacts : Family Reunification and Binational Marriages, March 1 5

and 17, 1977, 233 pp . (b) US Congress (95th - 1st Session), US CSCE .

Vol . II : Religious Liberty and Minority Rights in the Soviet Union ,

April 27 and 28, 1977 ; Helsinki Compliance in Eastern Europe, May 9, 1977 .

439 pp . (c) US Congress (95th - 1st Session), US CSCE . Vol . III :

Information Flow, and Cultural and Educational Exchanges, May 19, 24 an d

25, 1977 . 193 pp . (d) US Congress (95th - 1st Session), US CSC E

Vol . IV : Soviet Helsinki Watch Reports on Repression, June 3, 1977 ;

U .S . Policy and the Belgrade Conference, June 6, 1977 [testimony by U S

Secretary of State Cyrus R . Vance and others] . 104 pp . (e) U S

Congress (95th - 2nd Session), US CSCE . Vol . V : The Right to Citizen -

ship in the Soviet Union, May 4, 1978 . 32 pp . (f) US Congress (95th -

2nd Session), US CSCE . Vol . VI : Soviet Law and the Helsinki Monitors ,

June 6, 1978 . 156 pp . Includes US CSCE Staff analysis of June 6, 1978 ,

" Soviet Law and the Helsinki Monitors, " pp . 115-144 . (g) US Congres s

(95th - 2nd Session), US CSCE . Vol . VII : Repercussions of the Trial s

of the Helsinki Monitors in the USSR [Shcharansky, Ginzburg, Orlov] ,

July 11, 1978 . 112 pp . (h) US Congress (96th - 1st Session), US CSCE .

N7- 0 6

18 (Continued )

Vol . VIII : U .S . Compliance : Human Rights, April 3 and 4, 1979 . 498 pp .

(i) US Congress (96th - 1st Session), US CSCE . Vol . IX : U .S . Vis a

Policies, April 5, 1979 . 179 pp . (j) US Congress (96th - 1st Session )

US CSCE . Vol . X : Aleksandr Ginzburg on the Human Rights Situatio n

in the U .S .S .R ., May 11, 1979 . 21 pp . (k) US Congress (96th - 1s t

Session), US CSCE . Vol . XI : Pastor Georgi Vins on the Persecution o f

Reformed Baptists in the U .S .S .R ., June 7, 1979 ; On Human Rights Violation s

in Ukraine, July 19, 1979 . 150 pp .

DOCUMENTS COLLECTIONS, MAJOR : (1) US CSCE, title of series :

Reports of Helsinki Accord Monitors in the Soviet Union, Documents of th e

Public Groups to Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR ,

A Partial Compilation, Edited and Prepared by the Staff of the Commissio n

and Security and Cooperation in Europe : (a) Vol . I, February 24, 1977 .

123 pp . (b) Vol . II, June 3, 1977 . 80 pp . (c) Vol . III ,

November 7, 1978 . 183 pp . (2) US CSCE, The Right to Know, the Righ t

to Act : Documents of Helsinki Dissent from the Soviet Union and Easter n

Europe . Compiled and Edited by the Staff of the CSCE . May, 1978 . 127 pp .

(3) [US CSCE], The Belgrade CSCE Meeting : Review of Implementation an d

Consideration of New Proposals . Preliminary Report . U .S . Delegatio n

Statements Oct . 6 to Dec . 22, 1977 . N .d . 136 pp . Henceforth cited a s

Belgrade US Delegation Statements .

DOCUMENTS, OTHER: (1) US CSCE, Profiles: The Helsinki Monitors:

(a) June 6, 1978 . (b) Rev . Dec . 10, 1979 . Pp . not numbered .

(2) Fact Sheet : The Soviet Helsinki Monitoring Groups (a) In form of

N7-0 7

18 (Continued )

CSCE News Release, May 11, 1979 . 7 pp . (b) CSCE News Release ,

Prepared by the Staff of the CSCE for The International Sakharov Hearing s

[ISH], Dirksen Senate Office Building, Room 1202, Washington, D .C .,

September 26-29, 1979 . Pp . unnumbered . (3) CSCE, Fact Sheet : Updat e

on the Soviet Helsinki Movement . Compiled and Prepared by the Staff o f

the CSCE . Washington, D . C . ; rev . December 10, 1979 . Pp . unnumbered .

(4) CSCE . Fact Sheet : Update on the 33 Imprisoned and Exiled Members ..

Rev . Dec . 10, 1979 . Pp . unnumbered . (5) CSCE, Series Soviet Helsinki

Group Documents, A Partial Compilation, Edited and Prepared by the Staf f

of the CSCE for ISH .. . September 26-29, 1979, issued as CSCE New s

Release [consists of selected documents issued by Moscow Group t o

Promote the Implementation of the Helsinki Accords, some new, som e

reprinted, pp . not numbered] : (a) Imprisoned Helsinki Watch Group

Monitors and Other Prisoners of Conscience in the USSR . (b) Freedom

of Movement Inside the USSR . (c) Socio-economic Rights of Sovie t

Citizens : The Workers ` Question .

19 See US CSCE, US and Helsinki Final Act (see note 18, above ,

under REPORTS, MAJOR), p . 3 .

20Loc . cit . (see note 10, above) .

2 21Ibid .

22See US CSCE, Belgrade Report (see note 18, above, unde r

REPORTS, MAJOR), p . vii . N 7 -08

23 See US Congress (95th - 1st Session), USCE, Basket III :

Implementation of the Helsinki Accords, Hearings, Vol . I, pp . 19-39 .

(See also note 18, above, under VOLUMES OF HEARINGS) .

24 US CSCE, Belgrade Report, p . 2 .

25 lbid ., p . 13 .

26President Carter signed the two Covenants October 5, 1977 , some two months after the CSCE filed its preliminary report on the Fina l

Act and a day after the opening of the Belgrade Conference (US and Helsink i

Final Act, p . 172) . In November 1979 they were before the Senate Foreign

Relations Committee, which had scheduled public hearings on them fo r mid-November 1979 (ibid ., p . 173) .

27For instance, December 6, 1978, President Carter sent a memorandum to 22 federal Departments and Agencies, including the Presiden t of the National Academy of Sciences and the Chairmen of the Nationa l

Endowment for the Arts, the National Endowment for the Humanities , and the National Science Foundation . The two most important operativ e sentences were : " This Administration attaches the greatest significanc e to achieving full implementation of the Final Act of the Conference o n

Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) . . . I request that yo u designate an official at the Assistant Secretary or the Deputy Assistan t

Secretary level to serve as CSCE contact [with the Department of Stat e and the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe] . " See U S

Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Sixth Semiannual Report

N7-0 9

by the President to the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europ e

on the Implementation of the Helsinki Final Act, December 1, 1978 -

May 31, 1979, July 1979 ( " Special Report No . 54 " ), p . 22 .

28See note 18, above, under DOCUMENTS, OTHER, 2(b) and 5(a-c) .

29US CSCE, US and Helsinki Final Act, p . 2 .

30Ibid.

31CSCE News Release, November 8, 1979 : " Helsinki Commissio n

Releases Report on U .S . Compliance with Helsinki Final Act . "

32US CSCE, US and Helsinki Final Act, p . 311 . The quotation i s

actually one by a US private civil rights organization, but it i s

implicitly accepted by the Commission .

33 See its " An Initial Survey of the Status of Human Right s

Compliance by the United States Government under the Helsinki Agreements , "

of April 4, 1979, in US Congress (96th - 1st Session), US CSCE, Basket III :

Implementation of the Helsinki Accords, Hearings Vol . VIII, pp . 391-444 ,

quotation on p . 391 . See also panel on said Committee, ibid ., pp . 348-389 .

On p . 390 are listed the " Contributing Organizations " to the Committe e

and " Other Affiliated Groups . "

34See Dusko Doder, " Helsinki Watch Unit Set To Monitor U .S . on

Rights, " Washington Post, March 18, 1979, p . A20 .

35 See " Statement of Robert L . Bernstein, Chairman, Helsinki Watc h

Committee, " Basket III . ., Hearings Vol . VIII (see note 33, above), p . 56 . N7- 1 0

36 See Doder, loc . cit . (note 34, above) .

37 See, e .g ., " U .S . Helsinki Watch Committee scores Sovie t violations of human rights , " The Ukrainian Weekly (Svoboda), December 16 ,

1979, p . 3 and " U .S . Helsinki Watch Committee deplores banishment o f

Sakharov, " ibid ., February 3, 1980, p . 3 .

38 See " Yuzyk calls for 'loud diplomacy' in dealing with USSR , " ibid ., March 11, 1979, p . 3 .

39 See Yuri Kashlev, Helsinki-Belgrade : The Soviet Viewpoint ;

Progress or Détente ; A Report on the Belgrade Meeting (Moscow : Novost i

Press Agency Publishing House, 1978), p . 21 .

40"Assambleia NATO zainiala rishuche stanovyshche v oboroni pra v liudyny, pryiniavshy propozytsii Sen . P . Yuzyka , " Svoboda (Jersey City ,

N .J .), October 8, 1977, p . 1 .

41Marta Harasowska and Orest Olhovych, eds ., The Internationa l

Sakharov Hearing [of 1975] : Human Rights in the U .S .S .R . (Baltimore ,

Md . : Smoloskyp Publishers, 1977) . 335 pp . See the testimony by micro - biologist Dr . Andrew Zwarun, " On the Oppression of the Ukrainian People, " pp . 231-248, also Jonas Jurashas on Lithuania (pp . 212-224), Dr . (o f

cybernetics) Edward Oganessyan on Armenia (pp . 225-229), Mrs . Ingrida Levit s on Latvia (pp . 249-256), Mrs . Reiza Palatnik on Soviet Jews (pp . 257-269) ,

Mr . David Klassen on Volga Germans (pp . 271-274), Mr . Andrei Grigorenk o

on Crimean Tatars (pp . 275-283), Mrs . Mahfuse Cesur on Crimean Tatars N7- 1 1

(pp . 285-290), and Mr . Simas Kudirka, the Lithuanian sailor, on hi s aborted attempt to escape from a Soviet vessel off Nantucket (pp . 291-295) .

42The hearings took place September 26-29, 1979, in the Dirkse n

Senate Office Building, Room 1202, one of the most spacious hearing room s available . Courtesy of Ms . Ludmilla Thorne, Executive Director, Inter - national Sakharov Hearings, Third Session - U .S .A ., we and our research assistant Ms . Quinn were invited to attend all sessions, to help ourselve s

to all the press releases and to make a taped record of the proceedings .

43See the biographical notes to the Ukrainian documents in th e

Appendix, below, pp . A-09 ff .

44See, e .g ., their pamphlet The Abuse of Psychiatry in the USSR :

Soviet Dissenters in Psychiatric Prisons (New York : Committee for th e

Defense of Soviet Political Prisoners, 1976), 28 pp .

45See " Follow-up to the Conference , " Art . 2(b), in Department o f

State Bulletin, Vol . LXXIII, No . 1888 (September 1, 1975), p . 349 .

46 See US CSCE, Belgrade Report, p . 1 (see note 18, above, unde r

REPORTS, MAJOR, for full citation) . Also " Press Relations , " in Belgrad e

US Delegation Statements, p . 133 (see note 18 above, under DOCUMENT S

COLLECTIONS, MAJOR) .

47US CSCE, Belgrade Report, p . 5 .

48 See " Text of Concluding Document of the Belgrade Meeting 197 7

of Representatives of the Participating States of the Conference on N7- 1 2

Security and Cooperation in Europe, Held on the Basis of the Provision s of the Final Act Relating to the Followup to the Conference, March 8 ,

1978, " ibid ., p . 74 . Or see " Concluding Document, " Department of Stat e

Bulletin, Vol . 78, No . 2013 (April 1978), p . 44 ; emphasis added .

49US CSCE, Belgrade Report, p. 60. Emphasis added .

50 See Chapter 5, pp . 5-11, 5-26, and 5-59, above .

51The last is an interim report of February 27, 1977, "Za tr i mesiatsa do Belgrade , " in Sobranie Dokumentov Samizdata, Vol . 30 or SDS 3 0 pp . 15-20 ; English translation in US CSCE, Reports of the Helsink i

Accord Monitors in the Soviet Union, Vol . II, June 3, 1977, pp . 72-7 5

(see note 18, above, under DOCUMENT COLLECTIONS, MAJOR) .

52 Ibid ., (Reports .. . ), p . 49 .

53 Document No . 24 (November 4, 1977) : " To the Participants o f

the Belgrade Meeting on Security and Cooperation in Europe : Discrimina-

tion Against the Crimean Tatars Continues " and Document No . 27 (December 25 ,

1977) : " To The Belgrade Conference : On the Pre-Trial Detention o f

Orlov, Ginzburg and Shcharansky " English transl . in US CSCE, Reports o f

the Helsinki Accord Monitors in the Soviet Union, Vol . III, November 7 ,

1978, pp . 11-22 and 25-26 .

54 See "Itogovyi dokument Gruppy Sodeistviia Vypolnenii u

Khel'sinkskikh soglashenii k Soveshchaniiu v Belgrade (Summary Report o f

the Group to Promote the Helsinki Accords [in the USSR] to the Belgrade

N7- 1 3

Meeting)," undated, but in early May 1977, AS No . 2904, in SDS 30, Part 3 ,

pp . 31-36, quotation on p . 33 .

55 See Gruppa Sodeistviia Vypolneniiu Khel ' sinkskikh Soglasheni i

v SSSR, No . [26], " 21 " noiabria 1977 g ., " Belgradskomu Soveshchaniiu p o

proverke vypolneniia soglasheniia v Khel ' sinki, " AS No . 3138, in

Materialy samizdata [MS] , 12/78 (March 17, 1978), 9 pp ., esp . pp . 3, 6 ff .

See also reference to document in N .Y . Times, November 19, 1977, p . 3 .

56 See "Zaiavlenie o soveshchanii v Belgrade , " SDS 30, pp . 37-38 ;

Engl . translation in US CSCE, Reports of Helsinki Monitors in the Sovie t

Union, Vol . III (see also note 18, above, under DOCUMENT COLLECTIONS ,

MAJOR), p . 40 .

57US CSCE, ibid., p. 49. (Equally for quotation) .

58See Appendix, below, pp . A-39 to A-43 .

59lbid ., pp . A-47 to A-55 .

60lbid ., pp . A-56 to A-58, quotation on p . A-57 .

61lbid ., pp . A-76 to A-80 .

62 lbid ., pp . A-101 to A-107 .

63lbid ., pp . A-108 to A-113 .

64On the latter see Armenian documents Nos . 8-12, ibid ., pp . A-183 .

to A-205, and Chapter 5, above, pp . 5-70, 5-79 .

65 See Appendix, below, pp . A-167 to A-172 .

66 lbid ., pp . A-17 .3 to A-174 . N7- 1 4

67 See SDS 30, pp . 627-638 (AS No . 3170), exact date not given .

68Ibid ., pp . 639-643 (AS No . 3108), dated autumn 1977 .

69" Zek " = zakliuchennyi means prisoner .

70"Obrashchenie politzakliuchennykh 36 zony k sovetsko i

delegatsii v Belgrade," AS No . 3128, SDS 30, pp . 357-58 . Document i s

not dated .

71" V Presidium Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR ot Z/k Kovaleva Zaiavlenie , "

AS No . 3129, ibid ., p . 359 .

72 " V Komitet Prav Cheloveka . Zaiavlenie politzakliuchennyk h

Pot'minskikh lagerei," AS No . 3244, ibid ., p . 360 .

73Their tactic would be as follows : " For them, the Belgrad e meeting ideally would be a kind of international ' show and tel l ' in whic h

each participating state would offer its own record of compliance an d

describe the positive steps it had taken to implement the Final Act .

Criticism of Eastern performance was to be rejected as interference i n

internal affairs . " See US CSCE, Belgrade Report (see note 18, above ,

under REPORTS MAJOR), p . 16 .

74Kashlev, op . cit . (note 39, above), pp . 28-29 . See als o

A . L . Adamishin, et alii, compilers, From Helsinki to Belgrade : Th e

Soviet Union and the Implementation of the Final Act of the Europea n

Conference . Documents and Materials . Moscow : Progress Publishers, 1977 . N7- 1 5

75 See on this below, in the subchapter on mass media .

76See this chapter, above, p . 34 .

77US CSCE, Belgrade Report, p . 19 . Emphasis added .

78 In Russian reprinted in SDS 30, pp . 693-694 . The prisoner s named by Sakharov were : Sergei Kovalev, Fr . Vasyl Romaniuk, Mustaf a

Dzhemilev, Ivan Svitlychny ; Semen F . Gluzman, MD ; Prof . Petr Ruban ;

Mikhail Stern, MD ; Yury Fedorov, Mikhail Makarenko, Oleksander Serhiienko ,

Igor Ogurtsov, Ievgeni Proniuk, Maria Sesenova, Pastor Georgi Vins ,

Valentyn Moroz, Vasyl Fedorenko, Gabriel G . Superfin .

79Text, minus salutation and ending, from Christopher S . Wren ,

" Sakharov Receives Carter Letter Affirming Commitment on Rights, "

N .Y . Times, Feb . 18, 1977, p . 3 . Salutation and ending retranslated fro m

Russian text in SDS 30, p . 694 .

80"Giscard Speaks Out , " Newsweek, July 25, 1977, p . 45-46 ;

emphasis added in last answer .

81" Giscard : Oil is the Issue , " Newsweek, July 2, 1979, p . 32 ,

3rd and fourth questions in left column .

82Robert Legvold, " Finlandization and Franco-Soviet Relations, "

in George Ginsburgs and Alvin Z . Rubinstein, eds ., Soviet Foreign Polic y

Toward Western Europe (New York : Praeger, 1978), pp . 91 ff . N7- 1 6

83Angela Stent Yergin, " Soviet West-German Relations :

Finlandization or Normalization?, " ibid ., pp . 123-124 .

84 J . E . S . Fawcett, "The Belgrade Conference : Recycled Paper?, "

Millenium : Journal of International Studies , Vol . 7, No . 1 (Spring 1978) , pp . 55 ff .

85 Ibid ., p . 59 .

86 See Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, "Human Rights : A Resor t

to Quieter Diplomacy, " Washington Post, October 17, 1977, A-23 .

87Evans & Novak, " Russi a ' s Belgrade Setback , " Washington Post ,

November 10, 1977, p . A-23 .

88Ibid . See also earlier article by Michael Dobbs, "Goldber g and Aides Differ on Tactics at Belgrade, " Washington Post, October 17 ,

1977, p . A-10, in which it is brought out that the initial inclinatio n

of the West European allies was to set " practical, if modest, objective s

of winning a few concessions of principle out of the Soviet Union tha t would be reflected in a final statement . "

89Evans & Novak, loc . cit . (note 86, above) .

90Belgrade US Delegation Statements, pp . 19-20 (see note 18, above ,

under DOCUMENT COLLECTIONS, MAJOR) . The US CSCE had recommended i n

August-September 1977 that highest priority be given to establishin g

at the 1977 Belgrade Conference the precedent "that sovereign states ca n

soberly discuss each other ' s compliance with a code of domestic conduct

N7- 1 7

all have agreed--as a principle of their mutual relations--to respect . "

The Commission further recommended that the discussion be " thorough ,

straightforward and nonpolemical . " See US CSCE, Report Two Years after

Helsinki, p . 8 (see note 18, above, under REPORTS, MAJOR) .

91Belgrade US Delegation Statements, p . 87 .

9LUS CSCE, Belgrade Report, p . 23 .

93Ibid ., p . 60 .

94The jubilantly self-congratutory comments by Evans and Novak ,

"Soviet Self-Torture over Human Rights . . . Day after day [Soviet chie f

delegate] Vorontsov has to sit there before all Europe and look ridiculous , "

Washington Post, October 7, 1977, p . A-19, now look somewhat premature .

95US CSCE Belgrade Report, p . 83 . Ibid ., pp . 96-98 is a full lis t

of the US Delegation members . Ambassador Goldberg was Chairman of th e

Delegation, Representative Dante B . Fascell and Senator Claiborne Pel l

were Vice Chairmen of the Delegation, as was Ambassador Lawrence Eagleburger ,

of the Department of State, etc .

96Evans & Novak report opposition to Goldberg's appointment o n

the part of " middle-level US diplomats " in "Human Rights : A Resort to

Quieter Diplomacy, " Washington Post, October 17, 1977, p . A-23 . On

continuing friction see Michael Dobbs, loc . cit . (note 87, above) .

97Evans & Novak, " Russi a ' s Belgrade Setback , " Washington Post ,

November 10, 1977, p . A-23 . N7- 1 8

98 Seven such reports have been submitted by the end o f

November 1979 .

99Loc . cit . (see note 10, above), p . 2 .

100"A Belgrade Balance Sheet, " N .Y . Times, January 24, 1978 , p . A-30 .

101Dante B . Fascell, " Did Human Rights Survive Belgrade ?"

Foreign Policy, Number 31 (Summer 1978), pp . 115, 118 .

102 Se e N .Y . Times, August 7, 1977, p . A-7, column 1, ibid . ,

August 18, 1977, p . A-4, col . 3 .

103 Gayle Durham Hollander, "Political Communication and Dissen t

in the Soviet Union, " in Rudolf L . Tokes, ed ., Dissent in the USSR .

pp . 259-260 .

104 See Chapter 5, above, pp . 5-65 ff, and especially footnote 148 .

105 Whitney's story was published in the N .Y . Times, May 25, 1978 ,

under the headline " Friends of a Soviet Dissident Say His TV Confessio n

was Fabricated . "

106 Craig Whitney, "Whitney Takes Personal Look at Soviet La w

Suit, " Filed story obtained from reliable source .

107 Ibid .

108US Congress (96th - 1st Session), US CSCE, Basket III : Imple-

mentation of the Helsinki Accords, Hearings, Vol . VIII (U .S . Compliance : Human Rights, April 3 and 4, 1979), p . 57 .

109 See Special to the New York Times, "Emigrés from Sovie t

Report on Ordeals, " N .Y . Times, September 30, 1979, Section 1, p . 7 and Robert G . Kaiser, " Soviet Dissidents Tell Stories of Life in th e

Motherland, " Washington Post, September 30, 1979, p . A-5 . Chapter 8

NOTE S

1 There was an earlier American awareness of this issue, but in a very different vein . Namely, many of the organizations listed on earlie r security clearance forms of the Federal government as subversive--eithe r because they were ultra rightist or Communist--were in fact ethnicall y based organizations . They were seen as agents of foreign governments .

Importantly, we are here talking about the ethnic groups as their own agents , and not at all subversive in nature .

2 For brief but good reviews of all of the ethnic groups in question, see the entries in the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Group s

(Cambridge : Harvard University Press ; in press, due 1980) . Th e Oceania

Publications ' "ethnic chronology seines " volumes of the 1970s are also useful for quick reference .

3Regretably, there are no good data on this . The number of Eas t

Europeans in West Europe in 1945 cannot be ascertained until the files o f

the notorious forced repartriation of refugees to the USSR are made public .

4 According to official data, about 11,000 Estonians, 38,00 0

Latvians and 26,000 Lithuanians had entered the United States by 1951 a s

displaced persons . The number of Ukrainians is unknown because no country -

category of " Ukraine " exists in the tabulations ; Ukrainians would be shown

under Poland and the USSR, but mixed with other groups from these countries ,

N8-1 N8- 2

for example, Poles, Jews and Russians . United States Displaced Person s

Commission, Memo to America : The DP Story . The Final Report of the Unite d

States Displaced Persons Commission (Washington : US Government Printin g

Office, 1952), p . 376 . But these are probably underestimates because the y

show people by country of origin (based generally on birth), and not eth-

nicity per se . See the following source to illustrate the sizable statis-

tical error which ensues from this method of ethnic bookkeeping : Tönu

Parming, " Country of Origin as an Indicator of Ethnicty : A Critica l

Evaluation of American Ethnic Statistics Based on Immigration from Estoni a "

(Paper presented at the Fifth Conference on Baltic Studies in Scandinavia ,

Hässelby Castle, Stockholm, June 1979) . Also, thousands came to the Unite d

States after the DP-legislation had ended in 1952 .

5Jaan Pennar, et al ., editors, The Estonians in America : 1627 -

1975 (Dobbs Ferry, N .Y . : Oceana Publications, 1975), p . 14-15 .

6 lbic ., p . 16 .

7 See United States Displaced Persons Commission, op . cit ., for

relevant data .

8For an example of the intensity of such contacts across th e

Canadian-United States border alone, see the composite volume : Alfre d

Kurlents, ed .-in-chief, Eestlased Kanadas (Toronto : Kanada Eestlast e

Ajaloo Komisjon, 1975) . N8- 3

9 See Algirdas Budreckis, " Liberation Attempts from Abroad , " in

Albertas Gerutis, ed ., Lithuania 700 Years (New York : Many land Books ,

1969), pp . 410-411 . Also, Voitlev Eesti, the 1952-1955 publication o f the Committee for a Free Estonia, and various miscellaneous ACEN an d

Committee for a Free Estonia materials in the project ' s research files .

1 0For some early history of the JBAC, see John B . Genys, " Th e

Joint Baltic American Committee and the European Security Conference, "

Journal of Baltic Studies, Volume 9 (No . 3, Fall 1978), pp . 245-258 .

11 See Algirdas Budreckis, op . cit ., pp . 420-421 . Also, news - letters and correspondence with the group, in the project ' s research files .

12 A . Budreckis, op . cit ., pp . 422-423 . BATUN 1966-1976 (New York :

Baltic Appeal to the United Nations, 1976), p . 9 .

13 J . Pennar, op . cit ., p . 70 ; correspondence and discussions wit h leaders, various organizational materials in the project ' s research files .

14 Materials in the project ' s research files .

15United States Congress (96th Congress, 1st Session), Commisio n on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Basket Three : Implementation of th e

Helsinki Accords, Volume VIII (United States Compliance ; Human Rights) ,

Hearings .. . 3-4 April 1979 (Washington : US Government Printing Office ,

1979), p . 57 . N8- 4

16 BATUN 1966-1976, op . cit . pp . 33-34 .

17 Protocols and agendas of activity of the Estonian-America n

National Council, in the project's research archives .

18 See for example the working notes - "Esimehe töölaualt" - of the Estonian-American National Council dated 18 December 1972 . Als o

three proposals for recommended courses of action by the Council in regard to the CSCE all date to late 1972 : 4 October 1972 (Jüri Poska, Swe - den), 13 November 1972 (Leonhard Vahter, head of the Committee for a

Free Estonia), and 20 November 1972 (Tönu Parming, a member of th e

Council) . Materials in the project ' s research files .

19Program materials in the project's research files .

20 See J . Genys, 22 .. cit ., p . 246 .

21 See for example, the memoranda of Poska, Vahter and Farming , referenced in footnote 18 .

22 Pamphlets : We Demand Freedom for Estonia . Memoranda Pre-

sented to the Delegations at the Paris Conference, 1946 ; Appeal of the

Representatives of the Baltic Nations to the General Assembly of th e

United Nations (24 November 1947, New York) ;Aleksander Kaelas, Human

Rights and Genocide in the Baltic States . A Statement Submitted to N8- 5 the Delegations to the United Nations General Assembly, September 195 0

(Stockholm : Estonian Information Centre, 1950) .

23 See the impact of all of this in Australia in comparison :

Edgars Dunsdorfs, The Baltic Dilemma . The Case of the De Jure Recognition by Australia of the Incorporation of the Baltic States into the Sovie t

Union (New York : Robert Speller & Sons, 1975) . Prime Minister Whitlam' s fall from office was in part caused by the furor over his decision , which was later reversed by his successor .

24 See J . Genys, op. cit., pp. 249-255. Also, Bill Anderson' s columns in the Chicago Tribune (15 March 1975, 18 March 1975) .

25 Press release of the Swedish group, Eesti Rahvusnoukogu (ERN) , dated 23 October 1972 and ethnic press news clippings file on this topic ; project research file . We are talking here of the Estonian problems between this group and the Ülemaailmne Eesti Kesknoukogu (Estonian Worl d

Council) in New York, which was a founder of the Baltic World Council .

Some elements in Sweden work with the Council, but some in North Americ a with the Swedish group .

26 See J . Genys, op cit ., for a review of this .

27Of the three Baltic groups only the Estonians have a government in exile, but it is not fully "accredited" even by the Estonian community in the West, nor acknowledged by the diplomatic missions still in N8- 6 existence . The government factually was formed in Estonia in 1944 an d has a legal claim to its status by continuity from the pre-Soviet period .

It was formed by the last legitimate prewar Prime Minister .

28 See, for example, the 1974 memoranda of the Estonian Govern- ment in Exile, published as Estonian Appeals to the United Nations . Re - marks on the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in

Europe (Stockholm, 1977) ; Estonian World Council, Memorandum to the Euro- pean Security and Cooperation Conference Regarding the Status of Estoni a

(New York, [1974]) ; Endel Krepp, Security and Non-Agression . Balti c

States and U .S .S .R . Treaties of Non-Aggression (Stockholm : Estonian In- formation Centre, 1973) ; Baltic Committee in Scandinavia, The Balti c

States 1940-1972 . Documentary Background and Survey of Development s

Presented to the European Security and Co-Operation Conference (Stockholm :

Baltic Committee in Scandinavia, 1972) .

29 BATUN 1966-1976, op . cit ., pp . 12-19, 36-47 .

30 See J . Genys, op . cit ., pp . 247-248 . Congressional Record ,

Senate (Wednesday, 5 September 1973), entry by Senator Buckley .

31 J . Genys, 1R . cit ., pp . 248-249 .

32 Ibid, p . 248 .

33 Teataja (19 April 1975), p . 2 . N8- 7

34 Teataja (3 September 1977), p . 5 .

35 BATUN 1966-1976, op . cit ., pp . 42-47 .

38 J . Genys, op . cit ., p . 249 .

3 7 Teataja, (20 June 1975), p . 1 .

38 J . Genys, op. cit ., pp . 249-252 . See also Bill Anderson ' s columns in the Chicago Tribue (15 March 1975 ; 18 March 1975) ; also article s in New York Times (6 April 1975, 20 April 1975) ; Teataja (19 April 1975) .

39 BATUN 1966-1976, op . cit ., pp . 36-37 .

40See, for example, United States Congress (94th Congress, 1s t

Session), House of Representatives, Committee on International Relations ,

Subcommittee on International Political and Military Affairs, Conferenc e on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Hearing .. .6 May 1975 (US Governmen t

Printing Office, 1975) . Also, J . Genys, op : cit ., pp . 250-251 .

41 J . Genys, op) . cit ., pp . 251-252 .

42Text in United States Department of State, News Release o n the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (25 July 1975) .

43BATUN 1966-1976, op . cit ., pp . 48-49 ; J . Genys, op . cit ., pp . 252- N8- 8

254 .

44See J . Genys, op . cit ., pp . 255-256, for the texts .

45 Copy of actual resolution in the projec t ' s research file .

46 As noted earlier, the Balts had raised human rights issue s already in Paris in 1946 and at the United Nations when it first met i n

New York . Also, these matters were frequently the subjects of inquir y by the Assembly of Captive European Nations (ACEN) in New York - see it s

10 December 1963 pamphlet, Denial of Human Rights in Eastern Europe, 1 5

Years after the Adoption of the Universal Declaration, for an example .

The change was nevertheless both qualitative and quantitative . The 1970 s produced actual documents from organized groups and individuals in th e

Baltic, as opposed to emigre analysis of trends, which were further legi- timized because they were also reported in Moscow's Chronicle of Curren t

Events or came directly into the hands of Western journalists in the USSR .

47 For example, see Teataja (19 February 1977), p . 4 ; (15 Apri l

1978), p . 1 .

48See BATUN/UBA Information Service News Release no . 313 (1 3

June 1976) .

49 Ibid ., p . 1 ; also BATUN/UBA News Relaase no . 311 (20 Marc h

1976), pp . 2-5, and Teataja (17 April 1976), p . 1 . N8- 9 50 Teataja (7 April 1979), p . 5 ; also BATUN/UBA News Release no .

318 (12 March 1977), pp . 1-3 .

51 BATUN/UBA News Release no . 316 (12 December 1976), pp . 1-5 ; also New York Times (25,27 November 1976) .

52 See, for example, United States Congress (91st Congress, 1s t

Session), Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Basket Three :

Implementation of the Helsinki Accords, Volume II, Hearings . .. .April 2 7 and 28, 1977, and May 9, 1977 (Washington : U .S . Government Printing Office , 1977) .

53 BATUN/UBA News Release no . 319 (18 June 1977) ; ethnic pres s coverage and rally materials in the project's research file ; also, Teataj a

(15 October 1977), p . 3, Washington Post (25 September 1977), Washington Star (25 September 1977) .

54 BATUN/UBA News Release no . 320 (11 November 1977), pp . 3-5 .

Also Teataja (3 November 1977), p . 1 .

55 See, for example, the Washington Post (6 October 1977), New

York Times (11 October 1977), Toronto's Globe and Mail (6 October 1977) .

56 Teataja (6 May 1977), p . 1 ; (12 June 1977), p . 1 ; (9 Jul y

1977), p . 3 ; and various samples of the materials in the project's researc h file . N8-1 0 57 Teataj a (3 December 1977), pp . 6-7 ; (12 May 1979), p . 12 ;

(1 November 1977), p . 5 ; (21 May 1977), p . 2 ; (7 January 1978), p . 1 .

58 Teataja (24 February 1979), p . 10 ; (21 May 1977), p . 1 ;

(6 December 1975), p . 1 .

59 Teataja (9 April 1977), p . 2 ; (27 January 1979), p . 2 .

60 Teatai a (24 July 1976), p . 4 .

61Teataja

a (20 June 1975), p . 3 ; (7 July 1979), p . 8 .

62 Teataja (27 March 1976), p . 6 ; (28 October 1978), p . 5 ;,

(4 March 1978), p . 1 ; (10 March 1978), p . 1 ; (8 March 1980), p . 1 .

63 See, for example, Teataja (27 March 1976), p . 1 ; (3 Decem- ber 1977), p . 12 ; (17 September 1977), p . 1 ; (18 March 1978), p . 2 ;

(25 November 1978), p . 9 ; (28 October 1978), p . 3 ; (14 October 1978) , pp . 11-12 ; (7 July 1978), p . 11 .

64Teataja (9 July 1977), p . 2 ; (3 September 1977), p . 1 ; also, personal interview with Tönu Parming, June 1979, in Stockholm .

65 Recent examples may be found in Teataja (20 December 1975) , p . 12 ; (28 February 1976), p . 6 ; (2 September 1978), p . 1 ; (26 May 1979) , p . 5 ; (23 June 1979), p . 4 . N8-1 1

66 Teataja (7 July 1979), pp . 3-6 .

67 Teataja (15 November 1975), p . 1 ; (20 December 1975), p . 12 .

68 Teataja (19 February 1977), p . 6 .

69 Teataja (22 June 1978), pp . 1, 12 .

70 Teataja (20 December 1975), p . 3 ; (13 November 1976), p . 1 ;

(29 May 1976), p . 4 ; (30 October 1976), p . 1 ; (12 June 1977), p . 7 ; ( 2

September 1978), p . 3 ; (28 October 1978), pp . 4, 8 ; (27 May 1978), p . 1 ;

(4 February 1978), p . 1 ; (24 February 1978), p . 3 ; (11 September 1979), p . 5 .

71 Teataja (10 November 1979), p . 1 ; (18 August 1979), p . 1 ;

(17 September 1979), p . 2 .

72Teataja a (28 October 1978), p . 3; (19 November 1977), p. ;1

(16 October 1976), p . 1 .

73 Joseph Ehret, The Forgotten Balts (Chicago : Lithuanian Ameri - can Community, 1974) .

74 BATUN/UBA News Release no . 320 (11 November 1977), pp . 1-3 .

75 BATUN/UBA News Release no . 322 (9 April 1978), p . 1 . N8-1 2

76Teataja (11 September 1979), p . 1 ; BATUN/UBA News Release no .

330/331 (11 November 1979), pp . 1-2 ; full text reprinted by Lithuanian

Catholic Religious Aid in Brooklyn NY; copy in the project's research file . N8- 1 3

77See, e .g ., draft copy of " Violations of the Final Act and Arrest s of and Repressions Against Watchers of the Helsinki Accords in Ukraine : A

Memorandum Submitted to the US Government by UCCA, New York, N .Y ., 1977 , p . 1 . Henceforth cited as UCCA, Helsinki Violations .

78Mostly from sketch in Walter Dushnyck, Ukrainians in the Fre e

World (Jersey City, N .J . : Ukrainian National Association, 1967 ; Publishe d

on the Occasion of the First World Congress of Free Ukrainians), pp . 11-12 .

79 lbid ., passim .

80 See Konhres Amerykans'kykh Ukrantsiv, Vashyngton, D .K . ,

24-ho travnia 1940 : Politychna Platforma - Rezoliutsil - Zvit z narad ,

[UCCA] n .d ., inside cover . Henceforth cited as UCCA, Konhres 1940 .

81 Dushnyck, Ukrainians in the FreeWorld, p . 12 .

8 2 From Resolution II ; Resolution IV in UCCA, Konhres 1940, pp . 3,4 .

83 See the brochure UCCA, Three Decades of UCCA : 1940-197 0

(New York : UCCA, 1970), pp . 1-2 .

84 The Congressional joint resolution of July 17, 1959, on a

Captive Nations Week (S .J . Res . 111, M .J . Res . 454,459) is reproduce d

in UCCA, Twenty Years of Devotion to Freedom : Survey of Purposes an d

Activities of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America on the 20t h

Anniversary of its Existence (New York : UCCA, 1960), pp . 93-94 . Th e

captive nations named were : "Poland, Hungary, Lithuania, Ukraine, Czecho-

slovakia, Latvia, Estonia, White Ruthenia, Rumania, East Germany, Bulgaria , N8- 1 4 mainland China, Armenia, Azerbaidzhan, Georgia, North Korea, Albania ,

Idel-Ural, Tibet, Cossackia, Turkestan, North Vietnam, and others "

(p . 93) . The 1959 Presidential Proclamation is ibid ., p . 48 . But se e also the excellent article by Dr . James S . Tashjian, "' Self-Determinatio n ' in American Foreign Policy : The United States and the Captive Nation s of the U .S .S .R ., " Armenian Review, Vol . 16, No . 2 (62) (May 1963) , pp . 37-48 .

85 For Public Law 86-749 see ibid ., p . 28 ; Senator Javits ' s statement on p . 66 (see also Congressional Record of August 31, 1960) .

86 In this respect the following actions by the UCCA or it s constituent organizations should be mentioned . (1) A very well drafted and documented memorandum in 1968, viz ., UCCA, Violation and Destruction of Human Rights in Ukraine : Memorandum to the International Conferenc e on Human Rights, April 22 to May 13, 1968, Teheran, Iran . It singles ou t

Ukrainian political prisoners Sviatoslav Y . Karavansky, Yuri Shukhevych ,

Mykhail Soroka, Katherine Zarytska, Odarka Husiak, and Halyna Didyk .

Of those, Karavansky was finally released together with his wife, Nin a

Strokata-Karavansky, a member of the Ukrainian Helsinki Group, in

November 1979, with the major support of Amnesty International in London .

(2) When President Nixon went to his first Moscow summit, the Conferenc e of Ukrainian Youth and Student Organizations of the UCCA presented him with a petition asking, among other things, to intercede with the Sovie t government " on behalf of Ukrainian intellectuals who were arrested i n

January and February of [1972] " --see Conference of Ukrainian Youth and

N8- 1 5

(Continued )

Student Organizations of the UCCA, Petition to the Honorable Richard M .

Nixon, President of the United States of America, Relative to his forth -

coming trip to the USSR, May 13, 1972, p . 3 . June 27, 1974, the Executiv e

Board of the UCCA sent President Nixon a telegram c/o US Embassy in

Moscow urging him "to intercede with the Soviet government for immediat e

release of Valentyn Moroz and Leonid Plyushch on purely humanitarian an d

compassionate ground . " We have been unofficially informed that the Nationa l

Security Council under President Carter and Dr . Brzezinski chose t o

negotiate for the release of Moroz because of the numerous efforts o f

the Ukrainian-American community . Plyushch had been released in earl y

1976, perhaps primarily because of the backing of professional mathematica l

societies in France and here and the intervention by the French an d

Italian Communist Parties . (3) The 11th Congress of Ukrainians in USA ,

in October 1972 passed resolution no . 6 calling on the Executive of th e

UCCA to make efforts to have Valentyn Moroz nominated for the Nobel Peac e

Prize . See Rezoliutsii Odynnatsiatoho Kongresu Ukraintsiv Ameryky ..

p . 4 (separate brochure) . (4) In its very thorough and well-documente d

memorandum to The Hon . Daniel P . Moynihan, then Chief of US Mission t o

the UN, of November 21, 1975, the UCCA pointed out violations of human

rights by the Soviet Union such as the continued detention of Danylo Shumuk ,

S . Karavansky, Y . Shukhevych, V . Moroz, L . Plyushch, Doria Husak ,

Halyna Didyk, Iryna Stasiv-Kalynets, Stephania Shabatura, Nina Strokata-

Karavansky and Iryna Senyk . (Incidentally, Senyk, Shabatura, Shukhevych ,

and Shumuk joined the Ukrainian Helsinki Group in 1979) . The 1975

N8-1 6 (Continued )

Memorandum is interesting in that it effectively quotes the defense o f

Ukrainian political prisoners by Academician Sakharov from his My Countr y

and the World (1975) . Not immediately related to the human rights -

prisoner issues are two memoranda : " Memorandum on the Prospect of Anothe r

Summit Conference Submitted to President Dwight D . Eisenhower by th e

Conference of Americans of Central and East European Descent togethe r

with the American Conference for the Liberation of the Non-Russian Nation s

of the U .S .S .R ., " of April 30, 1958 ; and UCCA, Soviet Russian Genocid e

in Ukraine : 40th Anniversary of the Man Made Famine : Memorandum to The

Hon . Dr . Kurt Waldheim, Secretary General of the UN," of May 1973, 8 pp .

Ms . Mazurkevich ' s Committee has been successively renamed the Human

Rights for Ukraine Moroz Committee, is now known as Human Rights fo r

Ukraine Committee (after Moroz's release) .

87 See UCCA, Twenty Years of Devotion to Freedom, pp . 33-89, passim .

8 8 Tashjian, loc . cit . (note 84, above), pp . 46-47 . For text o f

speech see Svoboda, Ukrainian Weekly, Oct . 20, 1962 .

89 Interview with Professor Lev E . Dobriansky, President of UCCA ,

October 5, 1979 .

90 See " Resoliutsii Dvanatsiatoho Kongresu Ukraintsiv Ameryky , "

reprint from Svoboda, December 16-22, 1976, supplied by UCCA . See also

Lev E . Dobriansky, President of UCCA, " Quadrennial Report " (Nov . 1 ,

1972 to Sept . 1, 1976), in UCCA, Twelfth Congress of Ukrainians in USA ,

October 8, 9 and 10, 1976 (n .d .), pp . 12-36 . N8-1 7

91 UCCA, Violation and Destruction of Human Rights in Ukrain e

(as cited above, note 86, item 1), pp . 4-5 .

92 lbid ., p . 7 .

93 Ibid ., p . 8 .

94 See US CSCE, Basket III : Implementation of the Helsinki Accords ,

Hearings Vol . II (Washington, D .C . : GPO, 1977), p . 143 ; emphasis added .

95 Dr . Dobriansky ' s testimony ibid ., p . 134, expanded upon in hi s interview of October 5, 1979 .

96 1976 Congressional Quarterly Almanac, p . 930 .

97 For instance, Svoboda, Ukrainian Weekly, July 3, 1977, p . 2 .

98 As cited in note 77, above .

99See on this Chapter 5, above, p . 5-40 .

100 Svoboda, The Ukrainian Weekly, January 20, 1980, pp . 7, 13 , quotation on p . 13 .

101 It was published simultaneously in Kultura and in Kontinent ,

the latter edited by Maksimov, in May 1977 . Reprinted in Conference o f

Free Byelorussians, Estonian World Council, The Lithuanian World Community ,

The World Congress of Free Ukrainians, and the World Federation of Fre e

Latvians, To the UN General Assembly : A Resolution with Appended Document s

Concerning the Decolonization of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic s

(Toronto-New York, 1978), pp . 130-131 .

N 8 -1 8

102 Petr Grigorenko (Petro Hryhorenko), "K voprosu o gosudarstvenno i

nezavisimosti i vzaimotnosheniiakh mezhdu narodami SSSR , " Kontinent, No . 2 2

(1980), pp . 226-227 .

103" UCCA National Council holds year-end meeting , " Svoboda ,

Ukrainian Weekly, February 3, 1980, p . 3 .

104 See Svoboda editorial, "Narid maie pravo znaty (People have a

right to know ) " and " Ponovne stverdzhennia pryntsypiv polityky UKKA

(Reconfirmation .. . )," in Svoboda, February 2, 1980, p . 2 .

105 Editorial, "U spravi spirnykh postanov Kraiovoi Rady UKKKA

(Concerning the disputed resolutions of the UCCA National Council )

[pro-Hryhorenko] , " Narodna Volia (Scranton, PA), January 24, 1980 ,

reprinted in Svoboda, Feb . 2, 1980, p . 2 . N8-1 9

106 See BATUN 1966-1976, op . cit ., for a full review of thi s through 1976 .

107 BATUN/UBA News Release no . 323 (29 May 1978), p . 8 .

108 This was done by looking at data on the relevant district s and states in : CQ Census Analysis : Congressional Districts of the Unite d

States (Washington : Congressional Quarterly Service, 1964), and Congres- sional Districts in the 1970s, second edition (Washington : Congressiona l

Quarterly, 1974) .

109 Teataja (11 November 1976), p . 2 .

110See, for example, the text of his very sympathetic speec h on the occasion of Baltic Friendship Day, observed at the Estonian Com - munity Center at Prairie View, Illinois, in September 1977 ; Dol e ' s news release dated 4 September 1977, in the project's research file .

111 Undated public memorandum of the Estonian-American Nationa l

Council dating to about 1972, in the projec t ' s research file ; BATUN/UB A

News Release no . 314 (5 September 1976), p . 1 ; BATUN 1966-1976, op. cit .,

p . 13 . Chapter 9

NOTE S

1In the grant proposal as it has been accepted by the Nationa l

Council for Soviet and East European Research, pp . 5-6 .

2 See Chapter 5, above, p . 5-13 .

3 See last paragraph on p . A-37 .

4 See Chapter 3, above, p . 3-22 .

5 The hopak is a famous Cossack dance, the borshch a tasty cabbag e

soup with red beets .

6Bruce Nelan, " Proud Christian Armenia Just Tips Hat to Moscow , "

Washington Star, November 11, 1978 .

/ See Appendix, p . A-37 .

8See Appendix, pp . A-65 ff .

9lbid ., pp . A-72 ff .

10lbid ., p . A-68 .

11lnterview with Mr. Petro Vins, September 30, 1979 .

12See Chapter 5, above, pp . 5-44 ff .

13 Appendix, pp . A-163 to A-182 .

14 lbid ., pp . A-156 to A-157 .

N9-01 N9- 0 2

15"Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe : Final Act , " in Department of State Bulletin, Vol . LXXIII, No . 1888 (September 1, 1975) , p . 325 .

16 Ibid .

17 Harold S . Russell, "The Helsinki Declaration : Brobdingnag o r

Lilliput? , " American Journal of International Law, Vol . 70 (1976), pp . 268-269 .

18 lbid ., p . 269 .

19Ibid ., pp . 269-270 . Second from last quotation in paragraph i s from article, last from Principle VIII .

20The idea has been taken from Marshall D . Shulman's Beyond the Col d

War (New Haven : Yale University Press, 1966), p . 88 . Attention should agai n be drawn to Richard Pipes's brilliant and realistic article "Why th e

Soviet Union Thinks It Could Fight and Win a Nuclear War," Commentary ,

Vol . 64, No . 1 (July 1977), pp . 21-34 .

21" Giscard Speaks Out, " Newsweek, July 25, 1977, p . 46 .

22A counter-argument implicitly backing Giscard d'Estaing has bee n

offered by Professor Stephen Cohen, of Princeton . Professor Cohen see s

the Soviet leadership split into reformers, conservatives and reactionarie s

or neo-Stalinists . According to Professor Cohen, this country ought t o

encourage and cooperate with the reformers and their possible allies fro m

among the Party hierarchy, not the political dissidents . Professor Cohe n

does not, however, name any of the Party reformers, except semi-dissident N9- 0 3

Roy Medvedev . Our judgment is that, as attractive as it sounds, it is a difficult game that has been tried and found wanting by 1980 . In Sovie t foreign policy somehow the " reformers " do not seem to rise to the top ever , and meanwhile we help finance the military might of the conservatives .

See US Congress (95th - 1st Session), House of Representatives, Committe e on International Relations, Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle Eas t

Hearings on The Soviet Union : Internal Dynamics of Foreign Policy ,

Present and Future, September 27-October 28, 1977 (Washington, D .C . : GPO ,

1978), pp . 196-239 . See also the testimony of Pr . Robert Conquest, pp . 189-196 , and the exchange of views between the two scholars, pp . 240 ff .

24 See "Zaiavlenie redaktsii svobodnogo moskovskogo zhurnala 'Poiski', " of September 4, 1979, Materialysamizdata [MS] No . 40/79 (November 12, 1979) ,

AS No . 3764 .

25" Ivasiuk Volodmir , " n .d .,no place, MS, No . 45/79 (December 24 ,

1979), 2 pp . AS No . 3800 .

26"The Soviet Political Elite and Internal Developments in the USSR , " in William E . Griffith, ed ., The Soviet Empire : Expansion and Detente .

Critical Choices for Americans, Vol . IX (Lexington, Mass . : Lexington Books ,

1976), p . 50 .

27" Generations and Politics in the USSR , " Problems of Communism ,

Vol . XXIV, No . 5 (September-October 1975), pp . 20-31, quotation on p . 26 .

His aphoristic definition of apoliticality is also very good : "Fo r citizens in a polity of the Soviet type, the costs of engaging in N9- 0 4 unsponsored political activity are high, and they are clear--harassment , loss of job, imprisonment--while the potential benefits are few an d doubtful . The cost benefit calculus is thus much clearer in the Eas t than in the West, and it is one that leads many citizens of Soviet-typ e policies to prefer a safe apoliticality [not making any choices of their own ] to risky political activism, " (p . 24) .

. . 29 p ., Ibid 28

29Bialer, loc . cit ., p . 50 .

30Ibid ., p . 45 . For Brezinski's view see his " Politica l

Implications of Soviet Nationality Problems , " in Edward Allworth, ed . ,

Soviet Nationality Problems (New York : Columbia University Press, 1971) , pp . 76-77 .

31 Connor, loc . cit ., p . 31 ; Bialer refers to " external shock , " loc . cit ., p . 50 .

32 See Boris Rabbot, "A Letter to Brezhnev , " N .Y . Times Magazine ,

November 6, 1977, p . 60 .

33See Ann Sheehy, " The Tashkent Conference and its Draft Recommenda - tions on the Teaching of Russian, " in Radio Liberty Research, RL 232/7 9

(August 1, 1979) to which have been appended the 20 pp . of official

"recommendations . " See also Roman Solchanyk, " Russian, Russian, Everywhere , "

N .Y . Times, October 11, 1979, p . A27 (Op . Ed . Page) . N9- 0 5

34Aslan Rustamov, " Zaiavlenie , " of March 29, 1979, in MS 19/7 9

(AS No . 3604) . He did refer to the Moscow Helsinki Group .

35Valery Chalidze, " How Important Is Soviet Dissent , " Commentary ,

June 1977, p . 61 .

36lbid ., p . 57 .

37Frederick C . Barghoorn, Detente and the Democratic Movement i n

the USSR (New York : The Free Press, 1976), p . 155 .

38Tönu Parming has raised this point in connection with th e

Baltic in his paper 'legitimation in Contemporary National Assertivenes s

in the Soviet Baltic, " given at AAASS Annual Meeting, New Haven, CT ,

October 1979 .

39 The issue of secession appears to have been discussed in th e

Estonian Communist Party itself . See Rein Taagepera, "Estonia : Uppity

Satellite, " Nation, May 7, 1973, pp . 585-588 .

40 See Department of State Bulletin, loc . cit . (note 15), p . 325 .

A p p e n dix I :

L I S T S ; D O C U M E N T S

OF UKRAINIAN GROU P

A-0 1 LISTS OF MEMBERS 0F SOVIET HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEE S

(as of December 1979 )

(a) Moscow Group to Promote the Implementatio n

Accords1 of the Helsinki

*1. ALEKSEEVA, Lyudmila 2 (now in USA )

*2. BONNER, Elen a

*3. GINZBURG, Aleksander (now in USA )

*4. GRIGORENKO, Pyotr [HRYHORENKO, Petro] (now in USA )

5. KALISTRATOVA, Sofi a

6. KOVALEV, Ivan

*7. LANDA, Malva

*8. MARCHENKO, Anatoly

9. MEIMAN, Naum

10. MNIUKH, Yuri (now in USA )

11. NEKIPELOV, Victo r

*12 . ORLOV, Yuri (Group Leader )

13. OSIPOVA, Tatiana (wife of Ivan KOVALEV )

14. RUBIN, Vitali (now in Israel )

*15 . SHCHARANSKY, Anatol y

16. SLEPAK, Vladimi r

17. YARYM-AGAEV, Yuri

A- 0 2 (b) Ukrainian Group 3

*1 . BERDNYK, Oles 2

2 . CHORNOVIL, Viacheslav

*3 . HRYHORENKO, Petro (now in USA )

4 . KALYNYCHENKO, Vital i

*5 . KANDYBA, Ivan

6. KRASIVSKY, Zynovi i

7. LESIV, Yarosla v

*8 . LUKIANENKO, Levk o

9. LYTVYN, Yur i

10. MALYNKOVYCH, Volodymyr (now in Austria )

MARYNOVYCH,*11. Myroslav

*12. MATUSEVYCH, Mykol a

*13. MESHKO, Oksan a

14. POPOVYCH, Oksana

15. REBRYK, Bohda n

16. ROMANIUK, Father, Vasyl

17. ROZUMNYI, Petr o

*18 . RUDENKO, Mykola (Group Leader )

19. SENYK, Iryn a

20. SHABATURA, Stefani a

21. SHUKHEVYCH, Yur i

22. SHUMUK, Danyl o

23. SICHKO, Petro (father )

24. SICHKO, Vasyl (son )

25. SOKULSKY, Ivan (b) Ukrainian Group (continued )

26 . STRILTSIV, Vasy l

*27 . STROKATA-KARAVANSKY, Nina (now in USA) 2

28 . STUS, Vasy l

*29 . TYKHY, Oleksi i

30 . VINS, Petro (now in USA )

*1 . FINKELSHTEIN, Eitan2

2 . GAJAUSKAS, Baly s

*3 . GARUCKAS, Father Karolis (deceased )

4. JUREVICIUS, Mecislova s

5. LAURINAVICIUS, Father Bronius

*6. LUKAUSKAITE-POSKIENE, On a

*7. PETKUS, Viktora s

8 . STATKEVICIUS, Algirda s

*9 . VENCLOVA, Tomas (now in USA )

(d) Georgian Group 4

*1. BEZHAUSHVILI, Beglar

*2. DZHANELIDZE, Teimura z

*3. GAMSAKHURDIA, Zvia d

*4. GOLDSHTEIN, Grigory (brothers) *5. GOLDSHTEIN, Isa i

*6. KOSTAVA, Merab

*7. RSTKHILADZE, Viktor A-0 5

(e) Armenian Group5

*1 . ARUTYUNYAN, Eduard 2

2. ARUTYUNYAN, Shagen

3. AVAGYAN, Sirvar k

4. KHLGATYAN, Ambartsum

*5 . NAZARYAN, Rober t

6 . OGANYAN, Rafe l

NOTES :

1 This list does not include two founding members of the Mosco w Group, viz ., *BERNSHTAM, Mikhail, and *KORCHAK, Aleksander . The RL Factsheet (1978)--please see Bibliographic Note, below, for full cita - tions--notes that Korchak has become inactive as member sinc e approximately mid-1977 and that Bernshtam emigrated September 29, 197 6 (nothing is said about his being inactive, however) . We have followe d the listing in US CSCE Factsheet (Dec . 1979) .

2 A11 founding members have been marked with an asterisk (*) . This means that they joined the Moscow Group May 12, 1976, the Ukrainia n Group--November 9, 1976, the Lithuanian Group--November 25, 1976 ; the Georgian Group--January 1977 (the US CSCE Factsheet of Dec . 1979 an d RL Factsheet (1978), p . 4, give a more precise date of January 14, 1977) , and the Armenian Group--April 1, 1977 .

3 Some sources (e .g ., the Appeal of the Human Rights Commissio n of the World Congress of Free Ukrainians, see Svoboda [Jersey City , N .J .], January 15, 1980, pp . 1+) give two additional members of th e Ukrainian Group, viz ., HORBAL', Mykola, and OVSIIENKO, Vasyl '. RL Factsheet (1978) gives a third additional member GEIKO (or, really , HEIKO), Olha, the wife of Mykola MATUSEVYCH . She is said to have joine d the Group May 14, 1977 . On balance, it would appear that none of th e three should be considered to be a member now . On the other hand, al l of the three have been very close to the Ukrainian Helsinki Grou p (e .g ., in his testimony before the US CSCE on July 19, 1979, Mr . Petr o Vins identified Ovsiienko as a " corresponding member") . We accept on this issue the judgment of the US CSCE--see their Factsheet of Dec . 1979 . Svoboda, Feb . 22, 1980, pp . 2-3, carried an undated declaration b y Mrs . Nadiia SVITLYCHNY that she had formally joined the Ukrainia n Helsinki Group after having been invited to do so by Rudenko and Berdny k at the end of January 1977 . Most likely Mrs . Svitlychny joined afte r December 1979--hence her name is not included in list above . On the other hand, she has always been close to the Group . A-06

4To establish the exact membership of the nearly destroye d Georgian Group is exceedingly difficult . For instance, th e RL Factsheet (1978) questions whether Kostava was ever a member o f the Group--we have it on good oral authority that he was . The US CSC E also lists him as member . The US CSCE (Factsheet of Dec . 1979) als o lists Mrs . Valentina PAILODZE as a member--here we would be inclined t o be more conservative and to exclude her, as does the RL Factsheet (1978) . This is not to deny that Mrs . Pailodze has been very close to th e Georgian Group .

5Third founding member of the Armenian Group, viz ., *OSYAN , Samvel is no longer active in the Group having withdrawn under government pressure . But he has not attacked the Group either . The US CSC E Factsheet (Dec . 1979) lists Shagen Arutyunyan and Ambartsum Khlgatyan a s two additional founding members . There does not appear to be sufficien t evidence for that .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : The founding members of the Group can be foun d among the signatories of the initial, charter documents (though th e Georgian Group has not issued such a document, to the best of our knowledge--in the Georgian case we have to rely on the Khronika tekushchik h sobytii [see Georgian document No . 9, below]) . Following the othe r members of the Groups from 1976 or 1977 on becomes a little tricky . We have carefully examined and used the following sources : (1) Radi o Liberty Research, RL 44/78 (February 22, 1978) : Factsheet on Publi c Groups for Furthering the Implementation of the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR, 7 pp . (abbreviated RL Factsheet [1978]), of which a new editio n is in preparation ; (2) US Congress Commission on Security and Cooperatio n in Europe (henceforth : US CSCE), Fact Sheet : The Soviet Helsinki Monitoring Groups, published as News Release, May 11, 1979 ; (3) US CSCE , Factsheet : Update on the Soviet Helsinki Movement ... (Revised December 1979), abbreviated US CSCE Factsheet (December 1979) ; (4 ) US CSCE Profiles : The Helsinki Monitors (Rev . December 10, 1979) ; als o (5) US CSCE, Fact Sheet : Update on the 33 Imprisoned and Exiled Member s of the Soviet Helsinki Groups (Rev . Dec . 10, 1979) .

LIST OF NUMBERED DOCUMENTS OF THE MOSCOW

GROUP T0 PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATION 0F TH E

HELSINKI ACCORDS THAT BEAR ON THE SOVIE T

NATIONALITY QUESTION

No . Subject of Document Date AS 1

1 . The case of Mustafa Dzhemilev, a Crimean Tatar May 18, '76 259 1

9 . The fate of Jews in village of Ilinki Oct . 12, '76 276 0

10 . Repression of the Crimean Tatars Nov . 10, '76 283 0

12 . Ukrainian refugees Dec . 2, '76 283 4

15 . Dismissal of seven students from Vilnius school Dec . 8, '76 289 5

18 . The situation of the Meskhetians Jan . 14, '77 295 2

19 . Disruption of Moscow seminar on Jewish culture Jan . 10, '77 295 3

22 . The right of ethnic Germans to emigrate Apr-May '77 -- 2

24 . The discrimination against Crimean Tatar s continues Nov . 4, '77 - -

28 . In defense of Petr Vins, Ukrainian Group member Dec . 31, '77 --

31 . In defense of Levko Lukianenko, Ukrainia n Group member Feb . 2, '78 320 8

40 . 0n the case of A . Shcharansky Mar . 15,'78 --

41 . Deprivation of P . Grigorenko's citizenship Mar . 15, '78 --

43 . Discrimination against M . Dzhemilev upon his release Apr . 6, '78 332 7

59 . Trial of Levko Lukianenko, member of the Ukrainian Group Aug . 20, '78 --

60 . Discrimination against Crimean Tatars continues Sep . 2, '7 83 --

79 . Persecution of the Helsinki Groups Jan . 25, '78 --

82 . Flagrant violations of human freedoms and rights in the Ukraine, Moscow, Leningrad , and Tashkent Mar . 15, '78 --

A- 0 7

A-0 8

84 . On the condition of Petr Vins who is makin g efforts to emigrate to Canada Apr . 14, '79 --

93 . Freedom to all imprisoned members of the Helsinki Groups! Jun . 11, '79 --

99 . Repressions on ideological grounds fro m August 1978 to August 1979 (main emphasi s on repression in the Ukraine) Aug . '79

NOTES :

1Samizdat archives number .

2 Said number not available at time when original list wa s compiled in 1978 .

3Document not received by Mrs . Alekseeva in US as o f November 1979 .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Titles Nos . 1-43 extracted from masterlist of 5 1 items in Dr . Albert Boiter ' s introduction--See Samisdat-Archiv e . V ., Sobranie dokumentov samizdata, tom 30 : Khel'sinkskii samizdat iz SSS R (Munich : Samizdat Archive Association, 1978), p . 2 . Titles nos . 59-9 9 from letter by Mrs . Lyudmila Alekseeva, representative of Moscow Group i n the West, of November 7, 1979 . English translations of some document s may be found in publications of the US Commission on Security and Cooper- ation in Europe (US CSCE), as follows : Documents nos . 1, 9, 10, and 1 2 --See Reports of Helsinki Accord Monitors in the Soviet Union [Vol . I ] (February 24, 1977), pp . 57-60, 91-93, 52-56, and 68-72 . Document s 15, 18 and 19--see Reports of Helsinki-Accord Monitors in the Sovie t Union, Vol . II .. . (June 3, 1977), pp . 32-41 . Documents Nos . 10 and 18 have also been reproduced in English in US CSCE, The Right t o Act : Documents of Helsinki Dissent from the Soviet Union and Easter n Europe (May 1978), pp . 81-87 . For English translations of Documents nos . 24, 31, 40, 41, and 43 see US CSCE, Reports of Helsinki Accord Monitor s in the Soviet Union, Vol . III . . . (November 7, 1978), pp . 11-22 , 27-28, 50, 51, and 53-55 .

DOCUMENTS OF THE UKRAINIAN

HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTE E

1 . D E C L A R A T I O N

of th e

Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementatio n

of the Helsinki Accords *

Everyone has the right to freedom o f opinion and expression ; this right include s freedom to hold opinions without interferenc e and to seek, receive and impart informatio n and ideas through any media and regardless o f frontiers .

Universal Declaration of Human Rights , Article 19 .

We, Ukrainians, live in Europe, which in the first half of th e twentieth century has been twice ravaged by horrible wars . These war s covered with blood the Ukrainian land as they did the lands of othe r European countries . And that is why we consider as illegal the fact tha t Ukraine, a full member of the UN, was not represented by its own delegatio n at the Helsinki Conference on European Security and Cooperation .

Nevertheless, we take into consideration that according to th e treaty of December 27, 1922, forming the Soviet Union, all internationa l agreements, signed by the Government of the Soviet Union, are operativ e also on the territory of Ukraine . It follows, therefore, that th e Declaration of Human Rights as well as the Declaration of Principles, o n which the signatory nations of the Helsinki Conference are to base thei r relations, are in effect also in Ukraine .

*Please refer to BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE at end of text .

A- 0 9 A-1 0

Experience has shown that the implementation of the Helsinki Accord s (especially the humanitarian sections) cannot be guaranteed without th e participation of the broad community of citizens (shyrokoi hromads'kosti) of the signatory nations . For this reason, on November 9, 1976, we formed th e Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsinki Accords . Since the humanitarian articles of the Final Act of the Conference o n European Security and Cooperation are based wholly on the Universal Declara - tion of Human Rights, the Ukrainian Public Group has set for itself th e following objectives :

1. To acquaint wide circles of the Ukrainian public with th e Declaration of Human Rights ; To demand to have thi s international legal document become the basis of relation s between the Individual and the State (Derzhavoiu) ;

2. Convinced that peace among nations cannot be guarantee d without free contacts between people and the free exchang e of information and ideas, to actively promote the implementation of the humanitarian articles of the Final Act o f the Conference Security and Cooperation in Europe ;

3. To demand to have Ukraine, a sovereign European nation an d member of the UN, represented by its own delegation at al l international conferences at which the conclusions about th e implementation of the Helsinki Accords are discussed ;

4. In order to promote the free flow of information and ideas, t o demand the accreditation in Ukraine of foreign press correspondents, the formation of independent news agencies, an d the like .

The Group regards as its prime objective informing the signator y nations and the world public about violations in Ukraine of the Universa l Declaration of Human Rights and the humanitarian articles accepted by th e Helsinki Conference . To this end, our Group to Promote [The Implementatio n of the Helsinki Accords] :

a. Accepts written complaints about violations of Human Rights and does everything necessary (use neobkhidne) to bring them to th e attention of the governments that signed the Helsinki Accord s and also the world community .

b. Compiles this information on the state of legality in Ukrain e and, in [full] accordance with Article 19 of the Universa l Declaration of Human Rights, disseminates this informatio n without regard for national boundaries ;

c. Studies actual instances (fakty) of violations of Human Right s with respect to Ukrainians living in other republics in order to give wide publicity to those facts .

A-1 1

In its activity the Group is guided not by political but only by humanitarian and legal considerations . We realize that the long establishe d governmental bureaucracy, which continues to grow, can take countermeasure s against our legitimate aspirations . But we also fully understand that th e bureaucratic interpretation of Human Rights does not exhaust the [full ] meaning of international legal agreements, signed by the Government of th e U .S .S .R . We accept these documents in their widest interpretation, withou t bureaucratic distortions or arbitrary cuts by officials or official agencies . We are fully convinced that only through such an understanding of th e Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Helsinki Accords can a rea l relaxation of international tensions be achieved . It is to this great en d that the humanitarian and legal activities of our Group shall be dedicated .

The Members of the Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementa- tion of the Helsinki Accords : ...... Name Signature Addres s ......

Oles' BERDNYK Kiev-159, bul'var Lykhachova 8-b, kv . 16 .

Petro HRYHORENK O Moskva, G-21, Komsomolsky prospekt , [Pyotr Grigorenko ] No . 14, kv . 96 . tel . 246-27-37 .

Ivan KANDYBA Lvivska obl ., s . Pustomyty, vul . Shevchenka, 176, tel . 33913 .

Levko LUKIANENK O Chernihiv, vul . Rokosovskoho, No . 41-b , kv . 41 .

Oksana MESHKO Kiev, 86, vul . Verbolozna, 16 .

Mykola MATUSEVYC H Kiev, vul . Lenin 43, kv . 2, tel . 241 148 .

Myroslav MARYNOVYC H Kievska obl ., Vasylkivsky r-n , s . Kalynivka, tel . 246100 .

Mykola RUDENKO (Group leader ) Kiev, 84, Koncha-Zaspa, 1, kv . 8 , tel . 614-853 .

Nina STROKATA

Oleksiy TYKHY Donetska obl ., Kostiantynivsky r-n ., khutir Izhevka .

November 9, 1976 The signed copy is retained by th e

Group to Promot e

12/5/76 /signed/ Mykola Rudenko A- 1 2

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Ukrainian original by th e Helsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Committee, P . O . Box 32397 , Washington, DC 20007 . Ukrainian original, which is kept in th e Committee's archives, is a carbon copy of a typescript, 2 pp ., 29 .0 x 20 .5 centimeters . On top of p . 1 it bears the hand-printe d notation in Russian SShA . Ukrainskaia Gruppa Sodeistviia Khel'sinsk . sogl . Doktoru Andr . Zvorunu, meaning " USA . Ukrainian Group for th e Promotion of the Helsinki Accords . To Dr . Andrew Zwarun . " Thi s notation has been omitted from the text above . The second notation at the end of the document has been reproduced . The Committee' s translation has omitted the telephone numbers of the signatories- - they have been restored from the original text and put in italics .

The text above has been checked for accuracy by Y . Bilinsky . Where it deviates from the Committee's text italicized English word s have been used . In some cases the original Ukrainian words have bee n inserted in parentheses, also italicized .

The Declaration has been widely published . The Helsink i Guarantees for Ukraine Committee lithographed the Declaration and the Memorandum No . 1 (undated, 20 pp .) . The Declaration was included by photographic means in Commission on Security and Cooperation i n Europe, Congress of the United States, Washington, D .C . 20515 , Reports of Helsinki--Accord Monitors in the Soviet Union : Document s of the Public Groups to Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreement s in the USSR : A Partial Compilation, Edited and Prepared by the Staf f of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (February 24 , 1977) [Vol . I], pp . 96-98 . The Committee has also published th e Declaration in a bilingual letterpress edition : The Ukrainian Publi c Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsinki Accords, Kiev , Ukraine, Declaration and Memorandum No . 1 (Translated and Edited b y " Smolosky p " Information Service for the Helsinki Guarantees for Ukrain e Committee, Washington, D .C . ; Published for the Ukraine National Association by " Svoboda" Press [1977 ; 31 pp . ; henceforth referred to as Bilingual Declaration/Memorandum #1] . It is from the latter editio n that the Ukrainian text of the Declaration was reproduced under numbe r AS 2839 in Arkhiv Samizdata, Sobranie dokumentov samizdata, tom 30 : Khel'sinkskii samizdat iz SSSR (Munich : Samizdat Archive Ass'n, 1978) , pp . 41-43 ; its English translation is taken substantially from th e lithographed typewritten brochure, see ibid . pp . 43-45 . The Munic h publication will henceforth be referred to as SDS 30 .

Finally, the Declaration has been reprinted in Ukrainian, wit h the signatories' telephone numbers restored in Komitet He l ' sinks'kykh Garantii dlia Ukrainy Vashington, Osyp Zinkevych, comp ., Ukrains k ky i pravozakhysnyi rukh : Dokumenty i materiialy kyivs'koi Ukrans'k o Hrupy Spryiannia vykonannia Hel'sinks'kykh Uhod (Baltimore, Md .: Smoloskyp Publishers, 1978), pp . 11-14 . (The author and title ar e translated as follows : Helsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Committee, A- 1 3

Osyp Zinkevych, comp ., Ukrainian Movement for Human Rights and Justice : Collection o f Documents of the Ukrainian Public Group t o Promote the Implementation of the Helsinki Accords in the Ukrainia n S .S .R . and Related Materials) . Henceforth this important sourc e will be referred to as UPR .

2 . UKRAINIAN PUBLIC GROUP TO PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATIO N

OF THE HELSINKI ACCORD S

MEMORANDUM NO . 1

The Effects of the European Conferenc e

on the Development of Legal Consciousness in Ukraine

1 . The Formation of the Ukrainian Group .

The evolution of the movement for Human Rights in the Soviet Unio n led to the formation on May 12, 1976, of the Group to Promote the Imple- mentation of the Helsinki Accords in the USSR . Yuriy F . Orlov, a corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences of the Armenian SSR, was elected leader o f the Group . At first Orlov was summoned by the KGB and warned that hi s efforts to organize the Group were provocative and could be considere d anti-Soviet . The wide support of the Group, however, on the part of the world community (svitovoi hromads'kosti) forced the KGB to refrain from repressive measures against the Group's members, and within a few months , the Moscow Group accomplished much in promoting the implementation of th e humanitarian articles of the Final Act of the Conference on Security an d Cooperation in Europe . Today, the Group's activities are winning suppor t even among the Communist parties of the West .

Although the Government organs [i .e ., the secret police - Y .B .] so far have not stopped their repressive measures against civil rights activists , these measures are clearly losing their effect . Government officials ar e forced to conclude that prisons and concentration camps not only do no t strengthen their position, they weaken it . In fact, they weaken it mor e than would the unhindered activity of dissidents, if such were indeed possible .

But then, excessive optimism is as dangerous today as underestimating the democratic forces and their effect on the state apparatus . One thing can be said with complete certainty : the struggle for Human Rights will no t cease until these Rights become the daily norm of public life .

In these circumstances, the Ukrainian Public Group to Promote th e Implementation of the Helsinki Accords was formed on November 9, 1976 . It includes the following members :

OLES BERDNYK Prisoner of the Beria concentration camps (1949-1956) ; science-fiction writer, prominent in Ukraine and abroad ; author of close to 30 books, some translated into English , German, Portugese and other languages ; expelled from th e

A-14

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Writers' Union of Ukraine in 1972 for deviating from Socialist Realism ; currently earns his livelihood fro m physical labor .

PETRO HRYHORENKO Former major-general and department head at the [Frunze ] [Pyotr Grigorenko] Military Academy ; for his legal aid to the Crimea n Tatars, who seek to return to their homelands, he wa s stripped of his rank and placed for over 5 years in a special psychiatric hospital ; released, he immediatel y renewed his active struggle for Human Rights ; autho r of numerous scientific articles and books . He is the representative in Moscow for the Ukrainian Group .

IVAN KANDYBA Lawyer ; one of the authors of the program of th e Ukrainian Workers' and Peasant s ' Union ; although th e Union was never formed, he was sentenced to 15 years ' imprisonment, which he served in full ; now lives unde r surveillance in Lviv Oblast ; deprived of the right t o work in his profession, lives in extreme hardship .

LEVKO LUKIANENKO Lawyer; one of the authors of the programe for th Ukrainian Workers' and Peasants ' Union ; at firs t sentenced to be shot, but later he and his co-author , I . Kandyba, received 15 years' imprisonment ; served his sentence in full ; lives under surveillance in Chernihiv , where he works as an electrician ; known abroad for hi s numerous appeals in defense of the rights of Sovie t political prisoners .

OKSANA MESHKO Prisoner of the Beria concentration camps (1947-1956) ; mother of Oleksander Serhiyenko, now a political prisone r in Vladimir Prison ; active in the Human Rights movemen t in Ukraine ; listeners of foreign radio broadcasts kno w her for her fervent appeals on behalf of her son in whic h she raises the most acute problems of today .

MYKOLA MATUSEVYCH Historian ; born 1946 ; denied the fight to complete hi s education when dismissed from the university for hi s convictions ; once jailed for 15 days for Christma s caroling ; dismissed from work several times for supportin g political prisoners ; lives from odd jobs .

MYROSLAV MARYNOVYCH Electronics engineer ; born 1949 ; does not work in hi s profession ; for his independent thinking and friendshi p with dissidents, he was thrice dismissed from his job ; presently editor for the Tekhnika publishing house .

MYKOLA RUDENKO Prominent Ukrainian poet and writer ; author of over 2 0 books ; was a political officer (politruk) of a platoo n during the siege of Leningrad ; was severely wounded an d is now a disabled war veteran ; expelled from the Communist

A-1 6

Party of the Soviet Union and the Writers ' Union o f Ukraine for his philosophical and economic works ; unti l recently, worked as a watchman ; member of Amnest y International and head of the Ukrainian Public Group .

NINA STROKATA Microbiologist ; wife of the well-known Ukrainia n political prisoner, Sviatoslav Karavansky ; sentenced to 4 years' imprisonment for defending her husband ; presently lives under surveillance in Kaluga Oblast ; forbidden to work in her profession .

OLEKSII TYKHY Teacher ; from 1957 to 1964 he was in prison and concen - tration camps for his political views ; barred from hi s profession, he works as a fireman and common laborer ; interested in problems of education ; in June 1976 hi s home was illegally searched ; he was detained for 2 day s and brutally mistreated .

Immediately after its formation, the Group was the victim of a viciou s act . On the night of November 9, 1976, the home of the Group's leader , Mykola Rudenko, was devastated . Someone threw bricks through the windows . For several minutes the building shook from the hits . At first neighbor s thought there was an earthquake . Following the attack, eight sharp bric k fragments, ranging from one-half to one-fifth of a brick, were found amids t the broken glass in M . Rudenko's apartment . A member of the Group, Oksan a Meshko, was injured by one of the fragments . The police, summoned to th e scene, refused to file a report ; but a week later, police official s confiscated the brick fragments, explaining that they would be examined fo r possible fingerprints . Needless to say, the matter was dropped ; they only wanted to dispose of the evidence .

If you take into account that M . Rudenko lives in the woods wher e Soviet V .I .P .'s (nomenklaturni osoby) hunt boar and elk, it becomes clea r that the destruction of the apartment was a rather transparent warning . Only the support of world opinion can protect the Group from merciles s reprisals .

2 . Common Violations of Human Rights .

From the first years of Stalinist dictatorship, Ukraine became th e scene of genocide and ethnocide . To show that we are not merely exaggerating , let us review the definition of genocide . Here it is :

GENOCIDE - one of the most heinous crimes against humanity , consisting of the destruction of national, ethnic, racial o r religious populations . . . especially, the deliberate creation o f living conditions that lead to the total or partial physica l destruction of any population group . 1

1Ukrainian Soviet Encyclopedia, Volume 3, page 186 . A-1 7

That is the definition of genocide in the Ukrainian Soviet Encyclopedia . The authors of the article, however, do not cite examples of genocide- - examples for which they would not have to search very far .

In 1933, the Ukrainian people (narod), which for centuries had no t known famine, lost over 6 million persons, dead by starvation . This famine , which affected the entire people, was artificially created by the Government . Wheat was confiscated to the last grain . Even ovens and tool sheds wer e destroyed in the search for grain . If we add the millions of " kulaks " who were deported with their families to Siberia, where they died, then we tota l more than 10 million Ukrainians who in the short span of some 3 year s (1930-1933) were destroyed with premeditation . That was one-quarter of the Ukrainian population . Then there was 1937, when hundreds of thousands o f Ukrainian prisoners were shot . Later, there would be the war with Germany , which would destroy 7 to 8 million more Ukrainian citizens . And after this , another war was to begin : the destruction of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army , which took up arms against Hitler and would not put them down at Stalin ' s command . Along with the insurgents, innocent people were also killed . Hundreds of thousands of minors, women and the elderly went to concentratio n camps only because some insurgent drank a cup of milk or ate a crust o f bread in their home . Some " insurgent s " turned out to be Chekists in disguise . The prison term was uniform : 25 years . Later, more years would be added . Few of these martyrs have returned to their homeland .

If one looks at the last half-century of our history, it becomes clea r why our native language is not heard today on the streets of Ukrainian cities . Here is what the Ukrainian political prisoner M . Masiutko wrote from a concentration camp in 1967, that is, at a time when we were expecting tha t the barbed wire would be coming down forever :

If a traveler somehow, despite all the categorica l prohibitions, were to succeed in entering a camp for politica l prisoners in Mordovia, of which there are as many as 6, h e would be extraordinarily astonished . Here, thousands o f kilometers from Ukraine, he would hear at every step th e Ukrainian language in all its present dialects . The travele r would naturally ask, " What is going on in Ukraine? Disturbances ? Insurrections? How do you explain such a large percentage o f Ukrainians among political prisoners, a percentage that reache s 60 and even 70 per cent ?" If this traveler were to visit Ukrain e soon after this, he would immediately see that there are n o insurrections nor disturbances in Ukraine . But then a new question would arise : "Why is the Ukrainian language so rar e in the cities of Ukraine, but so prevalent in the camps fo r political prisoners? "

Where can we find the source of these horrors that have befallen the Ukrainian people? In our opinion, the answer lies in the fact that over th e course of three decades of Stalinist dictatorship, Human Rights, which wer e proclaimed in the Declaration of the Rights of Workers and Exploited Masse s and in the Declaration of Rights of the Peoples of Russia, were ultimatel y reduced to naught . As a result of the bureaucratic destruction of th e principles contained in the Declaration of the Formation of the USSR, the A-1 8 national rights of Ukraine as a member of the Soviet Union ceased to b e a reality of public life .

In the 1960's Ukraine suffered another calamity . The most talente d members of the young Ukrainian intelligentsia were thrown into prisons an d concentration camps . These intellectuals had grown up under Soviet rule . They had been taught to believe Lenin's every word, and they believed . They ended up in concentration camps and special psychiatric hospital s because of this belief .

Here, the national question is paramount . For decades, the Ukrainian had it pounded into his head that for him there was no national questio n whatsoever that only the accursed enemies of Soviet rule could contemplat e the separation of Ukraine from Russia . Even the very thought--nay, eve n if the thought had passed inadvertently--appeared to be so terrible tha t it had to be immediately banished from one ' s head . And God forbid tha t someone should mention it to a friend, or even on e ' s brother . A worse crime has never existed during the entire 1000-year history of Ukraine .

Then, behold, a young person begins to learn Soviet law and unexpectedl y discovers that such yearnings cannot be considered a crime at all ; they ar e legal under the Soviet Constitution . Neither does the Criminal Code of th e Ukrainian SSR say that agitation for the separation of Ukraine from Russi a is a criminal offense . The Code (Article 62) speaks of something else : "Agitation or propaganda conducted with the intent of undermining o r weakening Soviet rule . " Such agitation is punishable by imprisonment o f from 6 months to 7 years .

But the separation of a republic from the Soviet Union does no t necessarily have to weaken Soviet rule . On the contrary, this governmen t could find greater support among the populace--the republic remains a sovie t one [in its structure], but is completely independent . In this case, ther e is absolutely no agitation against Soviet rule . Or if there is, then i t should be noted that such " agitation " is also present in the Treaty o f December 27, 1922, by which the USSR was formed :

The union is based on the principle of voluntariness an d equality of the republics, with the right of each republic t o freely leave the Union . 2

We could cite dozens of quotes from Lenin, which show that it i s precisely in this voluntariness that one should interpret the spiritua l and political nature of the Soviet Union .

As a matter of law, it cannot be inferred that a young person wh o dreams of the separation of Ukraine from the USSR, yearns simultaneously t o weaken Soviet rule . Let us, therefore, assert that even the restructurin g of the economy on the basis of " capitalism which exists alongside communis m" (NEP) was just another form of Soviet rule--a truly Leninist form for tha t matter .

2 Lenin, V . I ., Collected Works, Volume 45, page 360 . A-1 9

In spite of this, Levko Lukianenko was sentenced to be shot, hi s sentence later commuted to 15 years' imprisonment . Levko Lukianenko certainly did not intend to eliminate Soviet rule in Ukraine ; he simply wanted the Ukrainian people to realize their constitutional right . Wit h this as their goal, the young lawyers L . Lukianenko and I . Kandyba, who sincerely believed in the Soviet Law they had learned so conscientiously , prepared a relatively moderate draft of a Program of the Ukrainian Workers ' and Peasants' Union . That was all they did, nothing more . The Union itself , naturally, was never formed .

But then, when several persons sit around a table, discussing somethin g serious, that, according to the standards of the KGB, already constitutes a n " organization . " In this case Article 64 of the Criminal Code of th e Ukrainian SSR permits the application of all articles of the section entitle d " Especially Dangerous Crimes Against the Stat e"--Articles 56-63 . High treason is also listed here (Article 56) and it is punishable by death . That was th e justification for the death sentence for one of the authors of the Program .

Actually, there was no legal basis for sentencing L . Lukianenko an d I . Kandyba . There was none because they never agitated against Soviet rule , and only such agitation can be considered a crime . And it is totall y incomprehensible how they could receive punishment that the Code prescribe s for high treason .

Here it should be noted that according to Article 19 of the Universa l Declaration of Human Rights even anti-Soviet agitation (if non-violent) i s not a crime but merely an expression of personal convictions . Can a nation be considered civilized if it ratifies international agreements that guarantee the highest of Human Rights and then passes internal laws tha t nullify these rights ?

But then, the issue in Ukraine is not anti-Soviet agitation . None o f the members of the young intelligentsia who were arrested in the 196 0 ' s and 1970's called for the destruction of Soviet rule ; most did not even dream of the constitutionally allowed separation of Ukraine from Russia . Th e issue was the far too widespread Russification, thinly disguised a s " internationalism . " The motivating force of this movement was I . Dzyuba , who later, after almost a year in KGB prisons, repudiated his own convictions . But they were not disavowed by V . Moroz, V . Chornovil, V . Stus, O. Serhiienko , I . Svitlychny, Y . Sverstiuk, and many others . Prisons, dungeons, concentratio n camps, special psychiatric hospitals, strict KGB surveillance and a half - starving existence are the harsh rewards for their ardent belief in th e sanctity of the spirit and the letter of the Soviet Constitution .

It is Power that sits in judgment and not Law . And Power alway s interprets the laws to suit its needs . What is Soviet in nature is calle d anti-Soviet, including the Treaty on the Formation of the USSR and the Sovie t Constitution .

What is it that gives even the illusory justification (since it is no t Soviet Law) for such trials? We often hear that the Constitution of the USSR A-2 0 should not be interpreted literally because of Article 126 , 3 which establishe s that the leadership nucleus of our society is to be the Communist Party . Th e Party issues its decisions and resolutions and it is they and not some othe r documents, that explain how we are to interpret this or that problem . If , for instance, a Party resolution is issued to combat nationalism, then nationalism should, of course, be considered an anti-Soviet activity . Efforts to instill in one's compatriots a love for the Ukrainian languag e and national culture are then considered anti-Soviet and are made punishabl e by 10-12 years of imprisonment .

The legal contradictions are convincingly exposed by Ukrainia n political prisoner Hryhorii Prykhodko in his letter of November 17, 1975 , to the Fourth Session of the Ninth Convocation of the Supreme Soviet o f the USSR .

Externally, the Soviet Union is the most enthusiastic supporte r of the Declaration of Human Rights, while inside the USSR citizen s are still so disenfranchised that they would not even dare t o demand those rights ; furthermore, the Declaration has never even been printed in Ukrainian . Externally, the Soviet Union speaks out against colonialism and for the right of national self-determination, while inside th e USSR, it smothers every effort of non-Russian nations towar d separation from Russia and independence . . . In fact, the action s of the Soviet Government contradict the very laws of the USSR .

They are in contradiction because these laws are always interpreted no t as they are written but as the Party leadership demands . In fact, a law in the USSR is a trap for the naive--it provokes but does not protect fro m arbitrary application .

Even if it is accepted, however, that the Party must comprise th e leadership nucleus of society, it does not automatically follow that an y other form of thinking other than the Party's is unconstitutional . Th e Constitution gives Soviet citizens freedom of speech, freedom of press , freedom to assemble and demonstrate . The leadership does not have th e right to interpret these democratic articles of the Constitution for it s own benefit ; its role is limited to ensuring that these democratic freedom s are real and not just formal declarations . If it acts otherwise, then it s activities are unconstitutional and not those of citizens who struggle t o attain those democratic freedoms . The Constitution is above the will o f the Government because, theoretically, and historically, the subject of La w is not the Party nor the Government, but the Individual .

The bureaucracy seeks to liquidate this 1000-year-old legal norm . That is why, in practice, the situation again arises about which th e Ukrainian Soviet Encyclopedia writes, " He (the serf-Ukrainian Group) wa s the object and not the subject of Law . " 4

3This obviously refers to the 1936 Constitution . In the new 1977 Constitutio n the Party is similarly described in Article 6 .-Y .B .

4Ukrainian Soviet Encyclopedia, Volume 2, page 447 (Ukrainian Public Group) . A- 2 1

3 . The Savageness of the Sentence s

In 1972 massive arrests began in Ukraine . Arrested were scores o f young people who sympathized with I . Dzyuba, whose book, Internationalis m or Russification?, became popular in " samvydav . "

Vasyl Lisovy, a Ph .D . (kandydat) in Philosophy, never voiced hi s support for the " Generation of the 60's, " as the young people began to b e called . He was absorbed in his scholarly work . But when Lisovy heard of th e arrests of I . Dzyuba, I . Svitlychny, Ie . Sverstiuk, V . Stus, 0 . Serhiienk o and others, his conscience would let him remain silent no longer . Lisovy clearly saw that neither universal laws or Soviet Law could justify thes e arrests . They were, in essence, illegal and unconstitutional, and, as such , anti-Soviet . Believing in the sanctity of the Soviet Constitution, th e Communist Vasyl Lisovy wrote to the Party and Government leadership, citin g the illegality of the arrests . Toward the end of his letter he wrote something like that : if these people were criminals, then he was also a criminal , because he shared their views . Socratic consistency then led him to th e conclusion that he too should be arrested and tried along with them. Naturally , in writing these words, Lisovy did not actually believe that he would b e arrested .

But the soulless machine of the KGB immediately went to work . V . Lisovy's " reques t " was granted with extreme generosity . He was sentence d to 7 years' imprisonment and 3 years' exile .

For what? No one other than government officials and judges had rea d his letter . The question arises : Are these people so uncertain of their Soviet convictions that they should decide immediately to protect themselve s from Lisovy's " agitation " ?

Another example . Sviatoslav Karavansky and Hryhorii Prokopovych neve r concealed their nationalism ; it forms the basis of their beliefs . It i s known that V . I . Lenin insisted on differentiating between the nationalism of subjugated nations and the nationalism of subjugating nations . Lenin did not condemn nationalism of a subjugated nation, but justified it morall y and politically, especially if it was not aggressive, but legally defensiv e in character . Nonetheless, S . Karavansky and H . Prokopovych and hundreds o f other Ukrainian nationalists who peacefully demanded Ukrainian independenc e were sentenced after the war to 25 years' imprisonment because of thei r convictions . Later, under Khrushchev, some were released for several years . But as soon as the Khrushchev thaw ended, they were again thrown int o concentration camps for the same thing--for their convictions .

In a year or year and a half from now, S . Karavansky will complete hi s term of imprisonment, which now totals close to 30 years . We are compelle d to ask : Will the KGB lengthen his sentence by another 10-15 years ? S . Karavansky does not conceal the fact that he has not renounced hi s nationalist convictions--they have only been strengthened and hardened . He is also well aware that under Soviet Law these convictions and thei r propagation are not crimes . A- 2 2

The scheme by which the KGB operates in taking the [nonviolent ] legally oriented (pravozakhysnyi) nationalism of subjugated nations, a phenomenon Lenin found completely natural and politically justified, and transforming it into a " serious crime against the state , " is well illustrate d by the case of V . Marchenko . A philologist and linguist, he was simultaneousl y indicted for Ukrainian and Azerbaidzhanian nationalism . This combination b y itself is enough to understand that no real nationalism is involved here .

At the trial, the Azerbaidzhanian nationalism was dropped (Article 63 , Criminal Code, Azerbaidzhanian SSR), only the charge of Ukrainian nationalis m was retained .

The court (we quote the decision of the court) " determined that from the end of 1965 to 1973, Marchenko, V . V ., residing in Kiev, under th e influence of nationalist convictions, which resulted from reading illega l anti-Soviet literature, listening to hostile broadcasts of Western radi o stations and misinterpreting isolated issues of the nationalities polic y of the Soviet State, with the intention of undermining and weakening Soviet rule ... "

We quote no further, for it is abundantly clear that these simple , normal acts, the natural expressions of public life, in no way fall unde r any of the articles of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR, not t o mention international conventions . But to force the Criminal Code to wor k for the KGB, the following formula is arbitrarily invoked : " with the intention of undermining and weakening Soviet rule .. . " By applying this formula where it just will not fit, a talented linguist's love for th e Ukrainian and Azerbaidzhanian languages was construed as a " serious crim e against the state . "

On the basis of these obviously demagogic charges, V . Marchenko wa s sentenced to 6 years' imprisonment in a severe-regime corrective labo r camp and 2 years in exile .

On September 19, 1974, Vasyl Fedorenko illegally crossed the border a t the train station at Chop . The Czechoslovakian border guards arrested hi m and turned him over to Soviet authorities . In March of 1975, on the basi s of Article 56 (treason, desertion to the enemy) and Article 52 of th e Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR, the Uzhhorod Oblast court sentenced hi m to 15 years' imprisonment, 5 years of which were to be served in Vladimi r Prison .

If we are to adhere to normal logic, then it follows from this inhuma n sentence that the Czechoslovakian Socialist Republic is an enemy of th e USSR . How else could V . Fedorenko have been charged with "desertion t o the enemy " ?

The point is that V . Fedorenko had earlier served a sentence for hi s nationalistic beliefs . That is why he was tried under Article 56 and no t Article 75 (crossing the border without a valid passport or permit) whic h is punishable by 1 to 3 years' imprisonment . They were not even ashamed t o call Czechoslovakia an enemy state . But then, perhaps that is what the KGB A- 23 thinks of Czechoslovakia .

In his final statement to the court, V . Fedorenko said :

Citizen judges : Is the independence of my thoughts so dangerou s to your order? Can it be that my ideas, and only they, force yo u to try me on such an unbelievable charge as treason and to issu e this brutal sentence ? Soon you will be celebrating the 30th anniversary of Victory . Then you feared neither cannon nor tanks--that was an army! No w you fear my convictions . .. Only where the government does not fear its people and tell s them the truth about its achievements as well as its failures ca n freedom and democracy exist . . . a state whose government hides th e truth from its people can be neither democratic nor free .

V. Fedorenko, in protest against this savage arbitrariness, announce d an indefinite hunger strike . Existing on the brink of death, he ha s continued his protest for many months now .

We could cite dozens of examples where Ukrainian nationalism, real o r imagined, leads to inhuman sentences . This clearly shows that it is no t Soviet authority that conducts the trials (for Soviet laws do not permi t trials for nationalism protective of legal rights), but fanatical Great - Russian chauvinists . Power, not Law, sits in judgment .

4 . After the Helsinki Conferenc e

When the European Conference was being prepared, a rumor began t o circulate among the Ukrainian community (hromads'kosti) : there would soo n be an amnesty . Children, now of school age, would be able to embrace thei r emaciated fathers, whom they had never seen as free men .

But these hopes turned out hollow . The Helsinki Accords, just as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, ended up between the propagand a millstones, from where emerges the same old grist : bombastic proclamation s that have nothing in common with reality .

We will say nothing about free contacts among people of variou s countries and continents . That is a luxury about which Ukrainians may no t even dream . The main issue is that government agencies, which conside r themselves Soviet, should adhere to their own laws .

Our Group could cite many examples of prison authorities forcing Ukrainian political prisoners and their families to speak only in Russia n during visitation . No doubt this is explained by practical considerations : they want to monitor the conversation . But when you analyze it, thi s administrative measure takes on symbolic meaning : for the sake of th e jailers' convenience, one is forced to renounce his greatest spiritua l treasure—his native language . A- 2 4

Or, take for example, Article 6 of the Corrective Labor Code of th e Ukrainian SSR, which states :

Persons sentenced to prison for the first time, who prior to their arrest lived or were sentenced within the Ukrainian SSR , are to serve their sentence, as a rule, within the Ukrainian SSR .

A perfectly natural question arises : How did those tens of thousand s of Ukrainians end up in Mordovian camps, where, according to the testimony of M . Masyutko, they comprise close to 70 per cent of all prisoners? Ha s the situation changed totally, perhaps, since the Helsinki Conference ? The group has abundant evidence that no changes for the better have occurre d in this area .

Article 6 of the Corrective Labor Code of the Ukrainian SS R recognizes exceptional cases, when, "for the sake of a more efficien t rehabilitation" of Ukrainian prisoners it is permissible to send them t o other republics . It is unclear what educational principles are involve d here . One thing is known : in the past half century, more Ukrainians hav e died in Mordovia than Mordovians were born .

Our Group does not have at its disposal all of the information abou t Ukrainian political prisoners . We only have individual reports that we were able to gather . We list some of them :

Men's Zones in Mordovi a

Especially severe regime

(431120, Mordovian ASSR , Zubovo-Polianskii raion, Sosnovka , ust . ZhKh 385/1-6 )

LENGTH OF DATE O F NAME AND DATE 0F YEAR OF TERM IN CAMP [EXPECTED ] PATRONYMIC BIRTH PROFESSION ARREST & EXIL E 5 RELEASE HEL', Ivan 1936 Student- 1972 10 + 5 1/12/8 7 Andriiovych Historian

MOROZ, Valentyn 4/15/36 Historian 1970 9 + 5, of 6/1/84 6 Iakovych which 6 in priso n OSADCHY, Mykhailo 1936 Writer 1972 7 + 3 1/12/8 2 Hryhorovyc h KARAVANSKY, 1920 Poet- 1965 25 + 10 197 8 Sviatoslav Publicist (2nd Iosypovych time)

5In the original, the columns have been arranged as follows : 1. Name and Patronymi c 2. Length of Term in Camp and Exile

A- 2 5

NAME AND DATE 0 F YEAR OF LENGTH OF DATE O F PATRONYMIC BIRTH PROFESSION ARREST TERM IN CAMP [EXPECTED ] & EXILE RELEASE SHUMUK, Danyl o 1914 Write r 1972 10 + 5 1/12/8 7 Lavrentiiovych (3rd time) KURCHYK, Mykol a 1927 Locksmit h 28 1978 Iakovych

MURZHENKO , 1971 15 1986 0leksi i REBRYK, Bohdan 7 193 8 1970 7 + 3 1984

ROMANYUK, Vasyl ' Pries t 1972 10 1982 Omelianovych SHYNKARUK , Poe t 1970 12 1982 Trokhym (2nd time ) YEVHRAFOV

3. Date of [Expected] Releas e 4. Date of Birt h 5. Profession 6. Year of Arres t

This rearrangement in the translation makes for a more logical and smoothe r presentation but may rob the impact of the heavy sentences somewhat .-Y .B .

6 April 27, 1979 Valentyn I . Moroz, together with Soviet dissidents Aleksand r Ginzburg, Mark Dymshits, Eduard S . Kuznetsov and Rev . Georgii P . Vins, wer e released by the Soviet Government in exchange for two convicted Sovie t spies held in the United States (Valdik A . Enger and Rudolf P . Chernyayev ) -Y . B

7 In the original, figures in this row have been added in Europea n handwriting-Y .B .

A- 2 6

Strict regime

(Mordovian ASSR , Ten'hushivsky raion, s . Barashevo, ust . ZhKh 385/3-5 )

LENGTH 0F DATE O F NAME AND DATE OF YEAR OF TERM IN CAMP [EXPECTED ] PATRONYMIC BIRTH PROFESSION ARREST & EXILE RELEAS E CHORNOVIL, 1937 Journalist 1972 6 + 5 1/12/8 3 Vyacheslav (2nd Maksymovych time) 8 STUS, Vasyl 1936 Poet 1972 5 + 3 1/12/8 0 Semenovyc h

(Mordovian ASSR , st . Pot'ma, village of Lisne, ust . ZhKh 385/19 )

ZHURAKIVSKY, 1921 1953 2 5 197 8 Mykhailo KRAVTSOV, Iho r Engineer 1972 5 197 7 Ivanovych SEMENYUK, Roman 1927 1949 28 197 7

Women's Zones in Mordovi a

(431200, Mordovian ASSR, Ten'hushivsky raion, s . Barashevo , ust . ZhKh 385/3-4 )

KALYNETS, Iryna 1940 Poet 1972 6 + 3 1/12/8 1 Onufriivn a POPOVYCH, Oksana 1925 1973 8 + 5 198 6 Zenonivna SENYK, Iryna 1926 Nurse 1972 6 + 5 11/17/8 3 Mykhailivn a SHABATURA, 1938 Artist- 1972 5 + 3 1/12/8 0 Stefania Gobelin Mykhailivna 9 weave r

Not in original, added by Y .B .

9 In the original, another entry follows, which has been crossed ou t by hand-Y .B .

A- 2 7

Camps in the Perm Oblas t

(618810, Perm Oblast, st . Vsesviatska, VS 389/35 )

LENGTH 0F DATE OF NAME AND DATE OF YEAR OF TERM IN CAMP [EXPECTED ] PATRONYMIC BIRTH PROFESSION ARREST & EXIL E RELEAS E KALYNETS', Iho r 1940 Poet 1972 6 + 3 198 1 Myronovych KOVALENKO, Ivan 1914? Philologist 1972 5 1/12/7 7 Iukhymovych MARCHENKO , 1948? Philologist Jun e 6 + 2 198 1 Valery V . 1973 PRONYUK, Ievhen 193? Philosopher 1972 7 + 5 198 4 Vasyliovych SVITLYCHNY, Iva n 1929 Philologist 1972 7 + 5 198 4 Oleksiiovych SYMYCH, Myron 1917 1967 15 198 2 (2nd time ) BESARAB, Dmytro 1953 25 197 8 VERKHOLIAK, Dmytro 1955 25 198 0 SHULIAK, Oleksa 1953 25 197 8 PIDHORODETS'KY , 1954 28 198 2 Vasyl ' PRYSHLIAK, Ievhen 1952 25 197 7 MAMCHUR, Stepan 1956 25 198 1 KVETS'KO, Dmytro 1967 15 + 5 198 7 MOTRIUK, Mykol a 2/20/49 4 Mykolaiovych SHOVKOVY, Ivan 7/7/50 Engineer 5 Vasyl'ovych DEMYDIV, Dmytr o 11/3/48 5 Illich MARMUS, Volodymy r 1949 6 + 5 V . MARMUS, Mykol a 1947 5 + 3 Vasyl ' ovych

(Perm Oblast, Chusovsky r-n, S . Kuchyno, VS 389/37 )

SVERSTYUK, Ievhe n 1928 Writer 1972 7 + 5 1984 Oleksandrovych

A-2 8 O (Perm Oblast, Chusovsky r-n, VS 389/36) LENGTH OF DATE O F NAME AND DATE OF YEAR OF TERM IN CAMP [EXPECTED ] PATRONYMIC BIRTH PROFESSION ARREST & EXILE RELEAS E

BERNYCHUK, 1939 1970 12 198 2 Anatoli i HRYN'KIV, Dmytro 6/11/48 Poet 1973 7 + 5 198 5 Dmytrovyc h CHUPRII, Roman 7/1/48 4 Vasyl'ovyc h RIZNYKIV, Oleksa 1938 Poet 1971 5 1/2 197 7 Serhiiovyc h HYRCHAK, Hryhorii 1930 Artist 1952 25 197 7 Andriievyc h

HUTSALO, Iurii 1928 25 197 7 STROTSYN', Pavlo 1928 1958 25 198 3 SYN'KIV, 1954 1973 4 + 3 198 0 Volodymyr Iosafatovyc h

KYSELYK, Vasyl' 1927 1953 25 197 8

HLYVA, Volodymyr 1949 28 197 7 PALIICHUK, Dmytro 1928 2 5

KULAK, Onufrii 1928 1 5 IANKEVYCH, Stepan 1928 2 5 FEDIUK, Vasyl' 1925 1 5

(618801, Perm Oblast, Chusovsky r-n, village of Polovynka, VS 389/37 )

LISOVY, Vasyl' 1937 Philosopher 1972 7 + 3 198 2 Semenovych10

Vladimir Priso n (600020, Vladimir-20, ust . OD-I/st .-2 ) ANTONIUK, Zinovi i 1943 Chemica l 1/12/72 7 + 3 198 2 Pavlovych engineer BONDAR, Mykol a 11/21/39 Philosopher 11/7/71 7 + 3 1981 Vasyl'ovych

10In the original, another entry follows, which has been crossed ou t by hand-Y .B . A- 2 9

LENGTH OF DATE OF NAME AND DATE OF YEAR OF TERM IN CAMP [EXPECTED ] PATRONYMIC BIRTH PROFESSION ARREST & EXILE RELEAS E HAIDUK, Roman 5 + 3 Vasyl'ovych ZDOROVY , 1/1/38 Ph .D . in 1973 7 + ? Anatoli i technica l Kuz'movych sciences ROKYTS'KY , 1930 Publicist 1/12/72 5 + ? Volodymy r Iulianovych PRYKHOD'KO , 1935 Electronic s 5 + ? Hryhori i engineer Andriiovych POPADIUK , Student a t Zoreslav Lviv Volodymyrovych Universit y SERHIIENKO , 6/26/32 Artist - 1/13/72 7 + 3 198 2 Oleksande r restorer Fedorovych SAPELIAK, Stepan 2/26/52 Student 5 + 3 Ievstafiiovych TURYK, Andri i 10/14/27 1958 25 198 3 Markovych BUDULAK- SHARYHYN , 4/22/26 9/20/68 10 197 8 Mykol a 0leksandrovych PEDAN, Leoni d SHUKHEVYCH , 3/28/31 Publicist 197 3 10 198 3 Iuri i (2nd 11 Romanovych time) F] )ORENKO , 3/30/28 11/16/75 15 1990 Vasyl ' Petrovych

11 Not in original, added by Y .B .

A-3 0

In Exil e

NAME AND PATRONYMIC ADDRES S

HORBAL ' , Mykol a Tomsk Oblast, s . Porabel, SU-6, vahon 16 . Andriiovyc h

HANDZIUK, Volodymy r 636400, Tomsk Oblast, Chainsky r-n , s . Pidhorne, Lermontova 34/4 .

KAMPOV, Pavl o 636842, Tomsk Oblast, Pervomaisky r-n , Fedorovyc h s . Komsomolske, prov . Poshtovy 3, kv . 2

KOTS, Mykol a Tomsk Oblast, s . Hehul ' det, vul . Pushkina 48, kv . 2 .

KRAVETS', Andri i 636500, Tomsk Oblast, Verkh n ' oket s ' ky r-n , p/v Bilii Yar, selyshche Poludenovka .

PROKOPOVYCH, Hryhorii Krasnoiarsky Krai, s . Kurahino , Hryhorovyc h vul . Molodizhna 3-6 .

HUBKA, Iva n 663120, Irasnoiarsky Krai, Pyrovsk , Mykolaiovych vul . Koreneva 47 .

The Group ' s goal is to continue to collect information abou t Ukrainian political prisoners . The information at hand, however, i s quite sufficient to conclude that the " exception " mentioned in Article 6 of the Corrective Labor Code of the Ukrainian SSR has become the norm . None of the above-mentioned political prisoners is serving his judicia l sentence in his homeland . For writing poems that were never made public , the talented poets Ihor Kalynets and his wife Iryna have been banished fro m Ukraine to the snows of Mordovia for nine years, to be subjected to KG B re-education "in the spirit of an honest attitude toward wor k " (Article 1 , Corrective Labor Code of the Ukrainian SSR) . Where else but in the USSR 1 2 and China are poets thus " re-educated " ?

On the other hand, Ukraine is well supplied with psychiatri c hospitals .

By a decision of the Kiev Oblast Court, in September 1972 Vasyl ' RUBAN was placed in the Dnipropetrovsk special psychiatric hospital for a manuscript which had been confiscated from him, one with the expressive title "Ukraine--Communist and Independent . " This topic has already been discussed in previous sections . For Ukrainian political prisoners, thi s manner of thinking is typical .

12 In the original, there follows a paragraph of four sentence s which have been crossed out by hand .-Y .B . A- 3 1

Anatolii LUPYNIS was placed in a psychiatric hospital without an y judicial proceedings . In 1971, he was taken for a " little therapy . " They took him and "forgo t" to release him . Lupynis had been imprisoned fro m 1957 to 1967 ; he took part in a strike in the Mordovian Camp 385/7 . Fo r this he was placed in Vladimir Prison . He maintained an 8-month-long hunge r strike, which left him an invalid . He was bound to a bed in a camp hospita l for approximately two years until rehabilitated in 1957 (sic) . His famil y and friends assume that Lupynis is kept in a psychiatric hospital fo r reading poetry by the Taras Shevchenko monument on May 22, 1971 .

Boris KOVHAR was thrown into the Dnipropetrovsk special psychiatri c hospital for refusing to work for the KGB . Our Group has at its disposa l conclusive evidence to prove this .

Mykola PLAKHOTNIUK, a physician, was kept in the Dnipropetrovs k special psychiatric hospital from January 12, 1972, to August 1976, whe n he was transferred to a similar hospital in Kazan .

Below we list individual incidents of serious violations of Human Rights that have occurred in the last few months .

Mykhaylo KOVTUNENKO, a Kiev physician, was arrested in September 197 6 for refusing to work for the KGB . As with Kovhar, the Group has seriou s evidence to prove this . He was accused of Bribery, as in the noted cas e of the physician M. Shtern of Vinnytsia .

Recent information indicates that M . Kovtunenko was transferred without trial to a psychiatric hospital in Kiev . Should world opinion remain silent, he too will be "forgotten , " as were Kovhar and Lupynis .

On November 2, 1976, IOSYP TERELIA was thrown into the psychiatri c hospital in Vinnytsia . Terelia has spent 14 of the 33 years of his lif e in camps, prisons and special psychiatric hospitals for his religious an d nationalistic convictions . Freed in April 1976, he was pronounce d perfectly healthy and even subject to military service . In fact, he had become an invalid ; during torture in prison his spine had been injured . He worked as a cabinetmaker in a district (raion) hospital . From ther e he was taken by ambulance to an insane asylum .

I . Terelia is a promising poet . He was never given the opportunit y to study, but nobody could suppress the emotions he expresses in his poems . For his uncompromising national and religious feelings, expressed in larg e part in his poetry, Terelia has sacrificed almost half his life in camps , Vladimir Prison and special psychiatric hospitals . From the Vinnytsi a psychiatric hospital Terelia writes :

Today, on the 10th, I received my first injection, though I did not request it at all . But when people want to do "good " for their neighbor, they sometimes permit themselves th e impermissible (that is, the amoral, the unconscionable) . The reaction has started bubbling--how wonderful ; there is much acid . A- 32

The room holds almost 40 variously sick persons . I wa s placed among the violent, with a few alcoholics with high fever tossed in, who scream every night as if cut u p (nedorizani--literally not yet cut to death-Y .B .) . Outdoo r exercise is not permitted--fresh air is forbidden! The sam e goes for any contacts, even the orderlies are warned not t o speak to me . "No exchanges . "13 The food is horrendous , almost like the prison swill, and there are days when yo u wonder where you are .

The KGB, it appears, as early as a month before the [Witches' ] Sabbath had planned to have me killed by someone else ' s hand . As far as I am concerned, Psychiatry and the Police are like siblings, serving the almost legendary KGB in order to sho w their better side, lest, Heaven forbid, they get a "mark . " With this in mind Police Captain Tymoshchuk summoned me and began to blackmail me, threatening me with jail fo r " parasitism, " for not working, although he knew very well tha t I had a job and that I have a job now . 1 4

Among the gross violations of Human Rights, which have not abate d since Helsinki, are the "camp trials " --a method borrowed from Beria' s version of jurisprudence . The " trial " is held without witnesses, withou t counsel and often without a representative of the local authorities, wh o should supervise . A typical "troika " from Stalinist times! With the ai d of such " troikas , " the camp administration maintains its zone in fear an d submission and transfers the more active prisoners, who demand the statu s of political prisoners, to the harsh treatment in Vladimir Prison . Tha t is how they pacified Zone 36 by transferring Krasniak, Vudka, Serhiienk o and others to prison . Of the 14 Ukrainian political prisoners in Vladimir , 12 were sent there by " camp courts, " most of them for 3 years .

Finally, a summation is in order . It is far from encouraging . Mor e than a year has gone by since the Helsinki Conference, and it has no t brought the Ukrainian people any improvement . New prisons are being buil t and the budgets of the KGB continue to grow . Today, every establishmen t has its own KGB curator . Monitoring of telephone conversations, of privat e mail, microphones in ceilings, "hooligan " muggings of Human Right s activists that have been planned in advance--all of these have become a matter of daily life . And there is no one to complain to .

True, there are fewer politically motivated arrests than in 1972, bu t all those considered "unreliable " lose their professional positions . Th e ranks of guards, engine stokers and common laborers are filled by writers , lawyers and philologists . Psychiatric hospitals are still being used a s

13Nikakikh predvizhenii in the original, i .e ., in Russian-Y .B .

140n November 30, Y . Terelia was released from the psychiatric hospita l (Ukrainian Public Group) . A-3 3

institutions for " re-educating " those who think differently . Fals e accusations, such as bribe taking, are made in order to hide politica l motives . Refusal to cooperate with the KGB, that is, to be an informer , brings sadistic, vicious reprisals, while informers are rewarded with automatic promotions .

All aspects of life today are controlled by the KGB, from th e employee's bed on top of which stick out microphones (often even unconcealed!) , to the writer's study . For example, Mykola Rudenko summoned the KGB t o remove microphones from his ceiling . Later, the KGB decided to place an informer by Rudenko, choosing Dr . Mykhailo Kovtunenko for this ignominiou s role . When Kovtunenko refused, he was immediately arrested for " acceptin g bribes . "

Another example : After an illegal search, former political prisone r Oleksii Tykhy was arrested on suspicion of robbing a store . A guard then began to beat him. When Tykhy protested to KGB Lt . Col . V . O . Melnikov, the latter responded with brutal obscenities and shouted, " And who do you thin k you are? "

Actually, this detention was necessary for the KGB to confiscat e Tykhy's manuscripts . In two days, he was released, but his manuscript s were not returned .

In the meantime, former political prisoners are returning unbroken , hardened, and determined to continue the struggle for Human Rights . It i s enough to examine the membership of our Group to be convinced of that . This is a new, strange social phenomenon, for which the authorities are no t prepared . It appears that prisons, camps, and psychiatric hospitals canno t serve as dams against a movement in defense of justice . On the contrary , they temper cadres of unyielding fighters for freedom . And the KGB can n o longer make sure that political prisoners will never return .

If world opinion does not lessen its moral support, if the Wester n news media focus more attention to the struggle for Human Rights in th e USSR, then the coming decade will bring great democratic changes in ou r country .

Since the overthrow of feudalism, the individual has become an activ e element in the formulation of government policy ; in other words, a Subjec t of the Law . This means that if there is a single individual that does no t think as does the rest of society, the law must protect this individual ' s convictions . Otherwise the Aristotles, Copernicuses, Einsteins and Marxe s would never see the light of day : they would always be thrown int o psychiatric hospitals and concentration camps .

There is but one Civilization--this is clearly seen from the Cosmos . The Sun's ray knows no earthly boundaries . Man is formed from the rays o f the Sun ; he is a child of the Sun . Who has the right to restrain hi s thought, which flies into Infinity? For the sake of life on Earth, for th e sake of our grandchildren and their children, we say : Enough! And our cal l is echoed in the Declaration of Human Rights and the Helsinki Accords , which were ratified also by the Soviet Government . A- 3 4 OLES' BERDNYK 1 5 PETRO HRYHORENKO (Pyotr Grigorenko]

IVAN KANDYBA

LEVKO LUKIANENKO

OKSANA MESHK O

MYKOLA MATUSEVYCH

MYROSLAV MARYNOVYC H

MYKOLA RUDENKO (Group Leader )

NINA STROKATA

0LEKSIY TYKHY

November-December 1976

A signed copy is retained by the Group .

12/6/76 /signed/ Mykola Rudenko 1 6

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Ukrainian original by the Helsink i Guarantees for Ukraine Committee, P . 0 . Box 32397, Washington, DC 20007 . Ukrainian original, which is kept in the Committee's archives, is tw o carbon copies of the typescript, 18 pp ., 29 .0 cm X 20 .6 cm . Handwritten notation at the end is in ballpoint .

The text above has been checked and slightly modified by Y . Bilinsky , as explained in the preceding bibliographic note .

Memorandum No . 1 has been widely published . See bibl . note above . It will be found in the U .S . Helsinki Commission ' s Reports of Helsinki - Accord Monitors in the Soviet Union .. . (February 24, 1977) (Vol . I] , pp . 99-118 . Also in Bilingual Declaration/Memorandum #1, pp . 9-24 . It ha s been omitted from SDS 30 . It has been reprinted in UPR, pp . 63-97 (see esp . facsimile of first page on p . 69 and of last page on p . 70) .

15 Russian version of name, which is better known in the West, added b y first translator .-Y .B .

16 Handwritten in original .-Y .B . A- 3 5

3 . OPEN LETTER

Concerning the Participation of the Ukraine in the Belgrad e Conference and the Establishment of the Ukrainian Group t o Promote [the Implementation of the Helsinki Accords ]

TO : [All] Men of Good Wil l

[FROM :] Mykola Rudenk o Kiev 84, Koncha-Zasp a No . 1, Apt . 8, Tel . 61486 3

My voice is not loud, nor is that of my people . To-day in th e streets of the Ukrainian capital [Kiev--Y .B .] the Ukrainian language i s heard seldom . For the most part it is also not to be found in th e colleges1 and schools . We are told that this is as it should be, fo r allegedly " a new people has emerged " --the Soviet People . And for som e reason this " new people " shall not speak Lithuanian, Bielorussian, o r Ukrainian . We are being insistently persuaded (vmovliaiut') that th e Soviet language is Russian, and Russian only! And if you do not agre e with this, you will be sent to jail or to a psychiatric hospital .

After the October Revolution the peoples of the former Russia n Empire concluded a voluntary union . Lenin wrote at that time :

.. . We, the Council of People's Commissars, recognize th e Ukrainian republic, her right to complete separation from Russia or to the conclusion of a treaty with the Russia n republic (Lenin, Full Collected Works, Vol . 36, p . 143) 2

December 27, 1922, that treaty was signed . It read, among other things :

As the basis for the union there should be laid th e principles of the voluntariness and of the equalit y of the republics . (V . I . Lenin, Full Collected Works , Vol . 36, p . 360) . 3

1 The literal but misleading translation of v instytutakh woul d have been in institutes . - Y .B .

2 See "Manifest k ukrainskomu narodu s ul'timativnym y trebovaniiami k Ukrainskoi Rad e" (Manifesto to the Ukrainian Peopl e with an Ultimatum to the Ukrainian Rada--in Russian), in V . I . Lenin , Polnoe sobranie sochinenii (Moscow : State Publishers of Politica l Literature, 1962 ; 5th edition), Vol . 35, p . 143 . - Y .B .

3 Could not be located in 5th Russian edition of Lenin's Works . Rudenko may have used Ukrainian language edition of Lenin, or else ther e is a mistake in the citation .- Y .B . A- 3 6

When that treaty was being affirmed with signatures, I was two years old, and Lev Lukianenko had not yet come into this world--he wa s born when Stalin began the collectivization . To-day, having served hi s [full] sentence of fifteen years' imprisonment, Lukianenko has returne d to his native city of Chernyhiv, where he is living under surveillance . Soon there should end the thirteen year s ' prison sentence of Sviatoslav Karavansky , 4 who was born the same year as I . Valentyn Moroz , 5 however , Viacheslav Chornovil, Vasyl' Lisovy, Oleksander Serhiienko, and hundred s of others are still being worn out (moriat'sia) in prisons, concentratio n camps, and psychiatric hospitals . What for? Only for having believe d that we were voluntary allies . Our language is as much a Soviet languag e as is Russian . And if this not be so, then the concept of " Soviet " becomes an unnatural and unacceptable one ...

Before the war I served in an NKVD division which guarded th e Government . During the war I was the political officer of a platoon i n Leningrad, which was then under siege . I have always believed and con - tinue to believe in the sincerity of Russians . But I do not trus t Russian chauvinists--it is they who turned the solemn (sviashchennyi ) Treaty of the Ukraine with Russia into a worthless scrap of paper .

In the United Nations the Ukraine is represented as a sovereig n state . But August 1, 1976 [sic] in Helsinki there were assembled th e heads of governments to sign the most important document of our era--th e Final Act of the Treaty of Security and Cooperation in Europe . Did anybody of them recall that at the Conference there was not represented one o f the great European states--the long-suffering Ukraine? Most probably , the world has long become convinced that the membership of the Ukrain e in the UN is a Stalinist tactical ploy, which the new rulers of Russi a have inherited . Because in the West our multinational country is stil l being called Russia . And this [firmly] rooted tradition is water on th e mill of Russian chauvinists .

In order to somehow change this injustice crying to heaven , November 9, 1976, there has been established in Kiev the Ukrainian Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsinki Accords . It has been joined by the well-known Ukrainian writer Oles' Berdnyk, the juris t Levko Lukianenko, who has returned from imprisonment, the microbiologis t Nina Strokata, and the mother of the prisoner of conscience Oleksande r Serhiienko, Oksana Meshko . She, like Berdnyk, had been a prisoner o f

4 Sviatoslav Kravansky and his wife Nina Strokata Karavansky wer e allowed to emigrate November 30, 1979 . December 11, 1979, they settle d in the United States . See Svoboda-The Ukrainian Weekly, December 16 , 1979, pp . 1, 2 . - Y .B .

5 April 27, 1979, Valentyn Moroz, together with four other Sovie t dissidents, was exchanged against two convicted Soviet spies . - Y .B . A- 3 7

Beria's camps . (The jurist Ivan Kandyba, who had served sixteen year s in labor camps and who heard about the establishment of the Group o n the radio, has expressed his wish to join it as a member--M .R .) .

At the request of Ukrainians who shared his ideas (ukrains'kyk h odnodumtsiv) General Petro Hryhorenko consented to act as our Group' s representative in Moscow . All the world knows about his long incarcera - tion in special psychiatric hospitals . From among the Group's member s only I have not had this bitter experience--I have only been dismisse d from the Party and the Writer's Union . This has, of course, deprived m e of any possibility to have my works printed, but in our conditions suc h a penalty is considered a light one .

But somebody suddenly decided to amend my fate--immediately upon the creation of the Group during the night of November 10, bricks starte d flying through the windows of my apartment . They were sharp-edged an d heavy--and had been designed to hit me in the head . But it so happene d that I was out that night . One of the bricks wounded Oksana Meshko, th e mother of a prisoner in Vladimir jail . Neighbors told me [later] tha t for several minutes the house was shaking from all that rumbling . The y thought that an earthquake had struck . The militia have not caught anybody , of course, and refused to write a report . The militia officer said tha t no great significance should be attached to this " petty occurrence " (nevelykii podii) for " nobody had been killed . " The cat was out of th e bag (Tak os' skazav) .

I live on the outskirts of the city, in a forest with hardly a soul nearby . V .I .P .'s come here to hunt boars . I have not the slightes t desire that something should happen, which would merit the attention o f the Kievan militia, from their point of view . It is for that reason tha t I am appealing to all men of good will : Support us with your good word !

Our Group has no political aims whatsoever . Our objective is a n exclusively humanitarian one : to promote the implementation of the Helsinki Accords in the field of human rights . But we cannot bypass th e nationality question : the majority of the Ukrainian political prisoner s have been sentenced for alleged or real nationalism . It is precisel y this Ukrainian nationalism that the regime, which considers itself Soviet , is most afraid of !

In the communiques on the establishment of our Group there ha s appeared somewhere [the statement] that we are a " branch " ("viddilom " ) of the Moscow Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsinki Accords . This is incorrect . Our relations are based on friendship and cooperation , not on subordination . The saddest thing is that Ukrainians and Russian s are really fraternal peoples . But our good-neighborly relations ar e being undercut by [Russian] great power chauvinism . Insofar as th e latter is being looked down upon with unconcealed disdain in dissiden t circles, we are courageously establishing ties of friendship with th e Moscow democrats . A-3 8

From under the thick ice of the fettered human spirit, there i s timidly pushing up his head another child of Freedom . Whether he wil l be barbarically destroyed or whether he will survive depends on you , men of good will .

Mykola Rudenk o

November 14, 197 6

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Ukrainian by Y . Bilinsky . Ukrainia n original has been reprinted in UPR, pp . 15-17 . Checked by Y .B . agains t carbon copy of typescript in Russian, which is kept in the archives o f the Prolog Research Corporation, New York City . Russian version differ s from Ukrainian version in two respects : Reference to the jurist Iva n Kandyba, in 6th paragraph in Ukrainian text, is not integrated in mai n text in Russian version, but placed at bottom of page . Secondly, th e Russian version includes at the end of the letter a snapshot with th e following caption : "Photograph made by the Author : 'Stones instead of Bread .' Bricks gathered in my apartment after the night pogrom o f November 10, 1976 . Signed M . Rudenko . " 4 . UKRAINIAN PUBLIC GROUP TO PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATIO N

OF THE HELSINKI ACCORD S

MEMORANDUM NO . 2

Concerning the Participation of Ukrain e

in the Belgrade Conference, 197 7

In several months, leading statesmen from the thirty-fiv e countries which participated in the historic Conference in Helsinki wil l gather in Belgrade .

At the Belgrade Conference will be represented countries whos e populations are two to three times less than were Ukraine's losses i n the last world war and even those whom the war had passed by . Such wid e representation, of course, can only be heartening . But will long-sufferin g Ukraine, which has made innumerable sacrifices in the name of peace amon g nations, be represented ?

The Helsinki Conference was dedicated precisely to this problem , the problem of peace and security in Europe . How could it have happene d that a highly developed European country, with a population of fift y million and territory which surpasses that of any Western European state , was not invited to the forum of nations in Helsinki ?

Why didn't any of the participants of the Helsinki Conferenc e notice her absence? Is not Ukraine a member of the UN, with all the right s due her as such? Was it not over her land, from the upper Dniester to th e lower reaches of the Donets, that fascist tanks rolled ?

It would be easy to ask many more rhetorical questions . But to us , members of the Ukrainian Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsink i Accords, it is obvious why this happened . We will attempt to clarify thi s misunderstanding with complete frankness . And, of necessity, not withou t a feeling of bitterness .

Western diplomats, if not from podia, then in lobbies during international conferences, continue to call the Soviet Union by the ancien t "Russia . " This is not happenstance . The historical fact that the Russia n Empire disintegrated long ago and in its place was created a voluntar y Union of sovereign states was neither mentally assimilated nor psycho - logically fixed either in the West or in the Soviet Union itself . Traditio n took precedence over law .

A-39 A-4 0

From an administrative-juristic standpoint, the Soviet Union shoul d be compared not to the United States, as is sometimes done, but to a Unite d Europe . It is precisely here that equal, allied states strive to unit e their efforts . Precisely here is created an all-European Parliament which , through its prerogatives, reminds one of the all-Union government in it s original form . But a United Europe was never a single empire--while th e Soviet Union was created in place of the Russian Empire which existed fo r several centuries . This is why that which was formed after October wa s burdened with all the horrors of the past .

Each of the Union republics, in accordance with the Constitutio n of the USSR, is as sovereign as any state that belongs to the European Commonwealth, which one can indeed call a Union .

However, the imperialistic past of Russia hangs like a black shado w over the allied peoples, not allowing them to speak of their constitutiona l rights . That is why the personality cult, which in its worse form reproduced czarist authoritarianism, is substituted with another cult ; from podi a the word "Union " goes forth, but is understood as " Russia . " And that thi s has continued for six full decades is in no small measure the responsibilit y of Western leaders, for whom it was just as difficult to break away fro m age-old traditions as it was for the peoples of the Russian Empire .

In the meantime, the real sovereignty of the allied states, for th e sake of which rivers of blood have been spilled, is being steadily transforme d into a convention of protocol . And in recent years, chauvinisticall y inclined officials of the Russian Federation, whom no one ever punished fo r their militant chauvinism, contemptuously disregard even this pitifu l convention . Today, for example, while these lines are being written, a senior investigator of the procuracy of the city of Moscow, someone name d Tikhonov, is digging among papers confiscated on his orders from five members of the Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementation of th e Helsinki Accords . It had not even dawned on him to turn to the procurato r for the city of Kiev . He arbitrarily signed the orders for searches o f citizens of the Ukrainian SSR, just as this was done in the czarist empire , where no republics existed . Also, S . Kovalev was convicted in Lithuani a on the basis of the Code of Procedures of the RSFSR . The uncontrolled KG B still sends hundreds of Ukrainian political prisoners to Mordovia and th e Urals (that is, onto the territory of neighboring states) . And this i s considered normal . This is how it is with the laws of the republics--they are simply ignored .

It should be noted that Marxism as the official ideology of th e Soviet Union loses some of its allure with each passing year . What shoul d take its place? Over here, they never stop repeating : patriotism, love o f the homeland . As a result, today, just as during the years of the Grea t Patriotic War, that which is Russian is constantly being pushed to th e forefront, though under the label " of the Fatherland . " However, a citizen of the USSR has the right to say : an Armenian has his Fatherland and a Russian his . Do Union obligations really demand the renunciation o f republic citizenship? Does a Ukrainian really not have the right t o consider Ukraine his Fatherland? Which laws deny him this natural right? A-4 1

Such laws did exist in czarist Russia ; there are none such in th e USSR . Instead, the USSR has the KGB, an organization of war (voiennaia ) which opposes sacred human rights with brute strength . According to th e norms of the KGB, patriotism can only be Russian or " all-Soviet , " whic h in practice also means Russian . The vice-president of the Academy o f Sciences of the USSR, P . N . Fedoseyev, even created an " all-Soviet " language, one which, of course, is not a new form of Esperanto, but th e same old Russian .

Russia is glorified in hundreds of poems and songs, something which , as Russian culture in general, we, of course, treat with respect . But i f you try to express your love for Ukraine in the same images, Mordovian camp s or special psychiatric hospitals await you . Do the popular masses of Russi a know this? 0f course they do not .

Thus, for example, in the ardent, deeply patriotic work of V . Moroz , A Chronicle of Resistance, for which he was arrested, there is not even a reference to armed resistance . The theme deals with the inhabitants of th e village of Kosmach who, in preserving their native traditions, oppos e spiritual standardization and the standardization of their everyday lives , i .e ., pseudoculture . Nothing more! Nevertheless, this proved to be enoug h to have V . Moroz thrown into the worst of prisons--the Vladimir--for si x years . After this prison, eight years of concentration camps and Siberia n exile remain . But he had sung the praises of things of the fatherland , something that Soviet writers call for these days . But these things o f the fatherland he saw not just anywhere, but in Ukraine . In this alon e does his " crime " lie .

Here is another example . A native talent, the artist-encruste r P . Ruban, created a highly artistic work, an encrusted model of a book ou t of wood, as a gift to the American people on the occasion of the Bicentennia l of the USA . On the cover was the Statue of Liberty and the captio n " 200 years . " The work was stolen out of the workshop and the artis t sentenced, on the basis of artifically fabricated charges, to eight year s in strict-regime camps, and five years' exile, with confiscation of property . They imputed to him the pilferage of materials at the furniture factor y where he worked . The charges, however, were constructed cynically an d without any evidence . And all this happened just a half year before the conference in Belgrade . This inhuman verdict clearly shows what it i s that the unbridled chauvinists seek from the Helsinki Accords . The tactic s are simple : it is alright to sign any international document whatsoever , but at home, as they say, "we will put things in order ourselves . "

Dozens, if not hundreds, of such examples can be cited . In truth , there is no more bitter fate than to be born a Ukrainian .

There is no doubt in this : in a civilized state such things canno t go on for too long . Such experiments can be conducted only with confused , illiterate people, and there are less and less of them in the USSR . Thi s is why we are convinced that in the end law will triumph over an imperialisti c tradition . For, in its legal foundations, the USSR is, after all, stil l an empire . A-4 2

Yes, we are aware that Western government officials have a basi s for treating with skepticism the issue that has been raised by the Ukrainia n Group : will Ukraine be represented at the Conference in Belgrade o r will it not? And yet we still turn to the countries which participate d in the Helsinki Conference with this appeal : demand the participation o f Ukraine at all conferences on security in Europe! Security in Europ e cannot become a reality if a nation of fifty million, which has suffere d through countless misfortunes during two world wars, is artificially kep t from participating in European affairs .

The forms of Union relationships are not eternal ; they change wit h time . New generations will come, generations which will read in th e agreement of December 27, 1922, on the basis of which the USSR was created , that which is written there, and not that which is being dictated by th e KGB . Then the conditional will become the unconditional, that which has been declared in form will be transformed into state and national reality .

The citizenry of the world can do very much to hasten this day . Only then will the nations of Eastern Europe achieve full independence , only then will Western Europe sigh in relief ; the threat of a new worl d war will have disappeared forever . If only this would come to b e understood!

Members of the Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementation of th e Helsinki Accords :

0 . Berdnyk

I . Kandyb a

L. Lukianenko

0 . Meshko

M. Rudenko (head of Group )

N. Strokat a

0 . Tykh y

January 20, 197 7

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Handwritten copy (ballpoint) in Russian, on 5 pp . o f white paper, 29 .5 x 21 centimeters, consulted in archives of Smolosky p Publishers . English translation made by Helsinki Guarantees for Ukrain e Committee was checked against that Russian original and the litera l Ukrainian translation in UPR, pp . 99-102 . A- 4 3

This memorandum, which reached the West relatively late, was firs t published in English translation by the Helsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Committee (P . 0 . Box 32397, Washington, D . C . 20007) as a lithographe d pamphlet : Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementation of th e Helsinki Accords, Kiev, Ukrainian SSR, MEMORANDUM NO . 2 and MEMORANDUM NO . 1 8 (no date) . It has been reprinted in Commission on Security and Cooperatio n in Europe, Congress of the United States, Washington, D . C . 20515, Report s of Helsinki Accord Monitors in the Soviet Union . Volume Three of th e Documents of the Public Group to Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agree- ments in the USSR : A Partial Compilation, Edited and Prepared by the Staf f of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe . November 7, 1978 . Pages 130-133 . 5 . UKRAINIAN PUBLIC GROUP TO PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATION

0F THE HELSINKI ACCORD S

MEMORANDUM NO . 4 1

On New Repressions in Ukraine Against Member s

of the Helsinki Group

On February 5, 1977, the organs of the KGB and the procuracies o f Kiev, Donetsk, and Moscow regions again conducted searches of the apartment s of the members of the Ukrainian Public Group . In the apartment of th e leader of the Group Mykola Rudenko, his literary archives, 90 percent o f which had been purloined during the previous search, this time were stolen in their entirety . In addition, Rudenko's wife Raisa, his son Iurii, an d a member of the Group, the writer 0 . [Oles] Berdnyk, were subjected t o personal searches (without the presentation of a warrant) . Those performing the search conducted themselves roughly ; obviously, they were employees o f the organs [of the KGB] . After the search the leader of this " action , " the deputy procurator of Donetsk Region, Noskov, took Rudenko away withou t answering his wife's questions as to the grounds on which he was being held . For three days the Kiev procuracy did not answer Raisa Rudenko's question s about the fate of her husband ; finally, on the fourth day she was informed that he was in investigation solitary confinement cell No . 1 in Donets k Region .

Not a search, but a real pogrom was conducted in the apartment o f 0 . Meshko, a member of the Group . Investigating officer Pankov of the Kie v procuracy, the warrant issued at the request of the Moscow procuracy, broke a window like a bandit and climbed into the apartment . He took everything that was either handwritten or typed (as he put it, "all the trash " ) . 2

After Oksana Meshko refused to submit to a personal search, demandin g a warrant for that, the investigating officer twisted her arms and, with th e help of two women, searched her roughly . 3

1Memorandum No . 3 has not yet reached the West as of November 1979 : it had been confiscated during the searches of February, 1977 . - Y .B .

2 Russian original has another sentence which has been struck ou t by hand . - Y .B .

3" Searched he r " is preceded in Russian original by several word s struck out by hand . - Y .B .

A-44 A- 45

Searches were also conducted in the apartments of M. [Myroslav ] Marynovych and M . [Mykola] Matusevych, both members of the Public Group , as well as in the apartments of their parents and relatives in Kiev , Vasylko, and Drohobych . Those performing the searches conducted themselve s roughly, not even granting the necessities to small children--a walk, rest , food .

All these searches and the violence were conducted supposedly i n connection with the " case of O . [Oleksii] Tykhy , " a member of the Publi c Group living in the Donbas . The essence of the " case " on the basis o f which 0 . Tykhy was arrested has not been disclosed .

One thing is clear : the arrest of the leader of the Group , M. Rudenko, and a member, O . Tykhy, as well as the searches in the apart - ments of the other members, are but the beginnings of a whirlwind o f regression, which the KGB is preparing to direct against the Public Group s in the USSR .

(Note : On February 8 of this year, the physician M . Kovtunenko , who had refused to act as the KGB's informer on M . Rudenko, was sentence d to one and a half year's imprisonment . The regional court punished hi m for [taking] " bribes " --three and a half rubles, a can of coffee, etc . It is obvious that this case had been fabricated .)

A lot depends on world public opinion : will this ominous wav e subside, will the repressive organs return those arrested back to thei r homes, will they allow the legal monitoring of the implementation of th e Helsinki Accords?! Or will the spirit of Helsinki--the Spirit o f Cooperation and Friendship, of Trust among peoples--be laid to res t beneath the crags of ruthless despotism and lawlessness? !

Members of the Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementatio n of the Helsinki Accords : L. Lukianenko 4 0 . Berdnyk 5 P . Hryhorenko 0 . Meshko M. Marynovych M . Matusevych N. Strokat a I . Kandyba 6 February 9, 197 7 The signed copy is kept in the Group's archive s

[signed] O . Berdnyk 7

4 Printed by hand in original . - Y .B .

5 Handwritten signature on top of typewritten name in original . - Y .B .

6 Printed by hand in original . - Y . B .

7 Handwritten in original . - Y .B . A- 46

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : The original that reached the West is in Russian . Y . Bilinsky has consulted a xerox copy kept in archives of Prolog Researc h Corporation : it is interesting in that it includes handwritten correc- tions and notes, including an authenticating notation by 0 . Berdnyk, th e acting head of the group . The English translation which underlies thi s text is that of Helsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Committee (P . 0 . Bo x 32397, Washington, D . C . 20007), was published originally in its litho - graphed pamphlet DOCUMENTS OF THE UKRAINIAN PUBLIC GROUP TO PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE HELSINKI ACCORDS, Kiev, Ukraine : Memorandum No . 4 , .. . No . 5, . . . No . 6, . . . No . 7 (with supplement), .. . No . 8 , .. . No . 9, Open Letter to Congress, Open Letter to Shcherbytsky (n o date), pp . 1-2 (Source henceforth abbreviated Docs . Ukr . Public Group : Memoranda 4-9,etc .) . English translation has been reprinted in Unite d States Congress (95th Congress : 1st Session), Basket III : Implementatio n of the Helsinki Accords : Hearings Before the Commission on Security an d Cooperation in Europe, 95th Congress, 1st Session, on Implementation o f the Helsinki Accords, Volume IV : Soviet Helsinki Watch, Reports on Repression June 3, 1977 ; U . S . Policy and Belgrade Conference June 6 , 1977 (Washington : U . S . G .P .O ., 1977), pp . 69-70 . (Source hencefort h abbreviated Basket III Hearings, Vol . IV) . Ukrainian translation i n UPR, pp . 103-104 . 6 . UKRAINIAN PUBLIC GROUP TO PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATIO N

OF THE HELSINKI ACCORD S

TO THE COUNTRIES PARTICIPATING IN THE BELGRADE CONFERENC E

IN THE SUMMER OF 1977 :

MEMORANDUM NO . 5

U K R A I N E O F T H E S U M M E R O F 1 9 7 7

Introductio n

The historic will of a people inevitably manifests itself in one o r another form, revelation or action . As a mountain stream searches out crevices in order to carve out a channel for itself, so does the dynami c essence of a people find spokesmen for itself--spokesmen who are son s of its spirit--in order to give to other fraternal peoples a sign o f its will .

The Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementation of th e Helsinki Accords is one such sign . 1

The bureaucratic structure of the Soviet Union reacted to th e appearance of the Group to Promote with great pain and hostility . Durin g the three months it has been in existence the security organs [KGB ] conducted several brutal, harsh and savage searches in each of its members ' apartments, confiscating almost all of the Group's literary, epistolar y and philosophical archives, its documents, a number of books which had n o relationship to the case, etc . Finally, on February 5, 1977, the head o f the Group, the poet Mykola Rudenko, and a Group member, teacher Oleksi i Tykhy, were arrested, with no charges whatsoever being filed against them .

What is it that the initiators of the above-mentioned lawlessnes s and arbitrariness are so terrified of? What terrifying things do they se e in people who openly state their convictions, while inviting the rulin g circles of their own country and other states to a creative, evolutionar y dialogue?

1 Unless specifically indicated the emphasis is in the original . - Y .B .

A-47 A-4 8

The courage and openness with which the Group has come forward prove that its members are not enemies of the Soviets, nor to the revolutionar y ideals of a New World, nor to the humane ideals of Socialism and Communism .

What need was there for the searches and arrests, when all of th e Group's documents were released to the world for the purpose of makin g them public ?

We are not building an underground--this proves that we do no t intend to overthrow the Soviet system .

We are not afraid of discussion--this proves that we are sure o f our convictions .

We are ready to have our ideas either approved or rejected in a n all-national referendum--and this proves that we would joyfully accep t the will of the nation .

[But] is the bureaucratic structure--which has at its disposal a n apparatus of repression, censorship, obedient servants and the fear sow n in the Stalin era and undispelled to this day--ready for these things ?

We are few, but we contend that with us is the will of Evolution . That is why again and again, patiently, in friendship and with hope, we appeal to the ruling circles of the land : Cease the repressions agains t honest people who think differently than do dogmatists and the orthodox ! Such people are the hope of the future! Such people can be counted on in threatening times : they will not betray . Why should they be feared , those who speak the truth while risking their lives, health and persona l happiness? On the contrary, they should be invited to take part i n constructive discussions and action .

A normal governmental structure should be interested in ou r opposition, for forces that criticize are a sign and certification of th e existence of shortcomings and, therefore, of the opportunity to bette r the situation .

0n the other hand, "approval by the entire peopl e " at " elections , " congresses, and meetings is not joy, but misfortune and a terrifying sign , for it all attests that the spirit of the people is dying .

A nation's monolithic quality is manifested not through bureaucrati c resolutions and decisions, but through the freedom and unfettered nature o f the spiritual and intellectual life of the people .

Such freedom should be aspired to rather than have its comin g obstructed with arrests and repressions .

We declare, sincerely and courageously, that we have no fear of a new wave of persecution, for Truth is on our side . A- 4 9

All people die, but some die as nobodies, cowards and traitors, an d some as true sons of their Mother, their Nation . We prefer to die the wa y the glorious knights of the Zaporozhian Sich died, the way Tara s [Shevchenko], Lesia Ukrainka and the Stonecutter [Ivan Franko] died , having carried out Ukraine's will, as it had made itself known withi n their hearts .

And now the voice of Mother Ukraine thunders in our hearts . I n doing her bidding we offer to [other] Fraternal Peoples our credo, ou r hopes, our confidence that Light will conquer Darkness, that the era o f enmity, fragmentation, and hostility will come to an end and the Sun o f Freedom will rise over the Earth .

Listen to the Message (slovo) of Ukraine of the year 1977 .

1 . Statehoo d

All of the historical cataclysms that the Ukrainian people live d through during the past few centuries were born of the idea of Statehood . The Will of a Nation aspires to nonsubordination, to sovereignty, to the building of its own independent life ; at the same time, neighborin g imperialistic predators do everything in their power not to allow suc h sovereignty, but to preserve the nation chosen as victim in the form o f raw material--as a source of food, of spiritual force, of energy, o f everything else .

This is what happened to Ukraine . Though possessed of an enormous reservoir of love of freedom, wisdom, creativity, of rare riches of th e earth and the spirit, in a critical moment she was unable to hold on t o her statehood and became a colony of a cruel, merciless empire, whos e will was diametrically opposed to the will of Ukraine .

Russia violated all the fraternal treaties and trampled underfoo t the Word spoken at [the Treaty of] Pereiaslav . A people whose love o f freedom Europe had enthused over became serfs, slaves, bondservants t o alien ravagers . Hryhorii Petrovsky, speaking in the Duma, provided a n excellent characterization of autocracy's criminal activity in Ukraine- - degradation of cultural and spiritual life, merciless exploitation o f natural resources, unceasing genocide .

This is why the Ukrainian people so joyously supported the Revolution and the proclamation of the Ukrainian Republic .

The more outstanding ideas of the Ukrainian revolutionaries, as well as Lenin's ideas on the nationality question, however, were never put int o practice . In the following years the chauvinistic spirit of autocracy coul d not be defeated and " the spirit of Catherine and Pete r" found its still mor e terrible embodiment in Stalin ' s notorious activity . A- 5 0

Millions tortured to death, millions executed, millions dead o f starvation--all of this has been known to everyone for a long time . Some - times it even seems strange why Ukraine still exists on geographical maps , why a Ukrainian word can still be heard now and then . And the stranges t thing of all is that Ukraine is a member of the United Nations and i s therefore considered a sovereign state .

We will not be playing blindman ' s buff : this statehood of ours i s nothing but a paper mirage . And the time has come to dot all the " i ' s, " to end the incessant and insidious game with our sovereignty, as well a s with the sovereignty of all the other Union republics .

The will of history is such that every nation (even the smallest ) stepped onto the field of history as the one-for-all-time Son of His Mothe r within the One Brotherhood of Mankind .

We deeply respect the culture, the spirituality, the ideals of th e Russian people . But why should Moscow be making the decisions for us a t international forums (for example, the Helsinki or Belgrade forums) as t o these or other problems, obligations, etc .?! Why should Ukrain e ' s cultural , creative, scientific, agricultural, and international problems be define d and planned in the capital of the neighboring (even if allied) state ?

We are not naive simpletons . We understand that at work here is that very same spirit of imperialism and chauvinism, about which our Bar d [Taras Shevchenko] wrote with such clarity and anger :

It was he, [Peter] the First, who crucifie d Our Ukraine , And [Catherine] the Second finished of f The widow-orphan ... Executioners, executioners and cannibals ...

You can't say it better than that! And present-day revolutionaries , communists, romantics and builders of the New World of Love and Brotherhoo d should carefully read through the manuscripts of the past, so as not t o wander among the abstractions of farfetched schemes but instead to gir d themselves in the impregnable armor of the testaments of the Spirit o f the People .

We are not ones to be caught in a netting of criminal fabrications , unless the satraps of the bureaucratic citadel simply crush us withou t resorting to any kind of " legality . "

Simply, sincerely and with conviction we announce several thoroughl y thought-out positions on the subject of statehood (that of neighborin g peoples as well as of our own) :

--Not the Individual [exists] for the State, but the State for th e Individual . That is why any and all social transformations should receiv e the Nation's approbation through a popular referendum . All those " voice s of the peopl e" that have been organized in the press will be discarded ont o the trash heap of history . A-5 1

--We are not raising the issue of Ukraine's " separation . " We don ' t have anyone to separate from? The planet is one . Mankind is one . Fraternal peoples are our neighbors . From whom should we separate? O n the contrary, we raise the issue of joining, the joining of Ukraine , Russia, Georgia, Latvia and other fraternal nations to the One Spirit o f Mankind .

--We are for an Association whose name is the Union of Sovie t Socialist Republics, and which will in time be transformed into a Brotherhood of Free Peoples of the Earth . But every nation should be a free agent within this association and independent in its creative spirit . Only under this condition will vanish those deformations that distor t relations among peoples and sow discord and suspicion . In short, a peopl e should be masters of their land, their tradition, their creative inheritance , their futurological aspirations, 2 their will to build a better life fo r all, for everyone .

--Therefore, the most radical demand of the spirit of the Ukrainia n Nation, for itself and for fraternal peoples, is full sovereignty o f creative manifestation in all areas of spiritual and economic life . Nothin g on earth can prevent the embodiment of the idea into visible forms o f historical reality, for this is the will of evolution . 3

Exactly how the social transformations, the strengthening of the sovereignty of this nation or another will be manifested is difficult t o foresee and it should not be planned . A nation--a sleeping giant-- has in its heart many surprises for its enemies and skeptics .

But one thing is clear : no great action of historical importanc e will ever be realized without a free, thinking and fearless individual . That is why special attention is due the Individual, his spirit and hi s rights .

2 . Man . His Rights .

A miserable (khimerna) situation : we have a Constitution that i s not altogether bad, our country signed the Universal Declaration of Huma n Rights and the Helsinki Accords, and in all these documents are endles s repetitions about Human Rights, about all that Man can do and has a right t o and this and that, etc . But when it comes to reality, then all of thes e rights and opportunities turn not only into mirages but into cruel blows . By demanding that which is declared in official documents, a man doom s himself to endless tortures . Himself and his closest ...

2 Their futurological aspirations is not found in Ukrainian versio n as printed in UPR, p . 23 .

3 For this is the will of EVOLUTION not found in UPR, p . 24 . A-5 2

A terrifying paradox, one which needs to be explained .

Without a doubt, the gist of the matter is that rights ar e declared by the bureaucratic structure, they are, so to speak, bein g decided [by being posted] on a wall, rather than flowing out of man' s legal consciousness .

We shall cite a very simple example .

Freedom of speech, freedom of expression, freedom of emigratio n and immigration, and so on ...

In declaring these rights, the government structure didn't tel l Man anything new, but blasphemously only interprets for him that which ha s characterized (bulo prytamanno) every thinking being down through th e centuries, and not only Man, but every living thing . And whereas spon- taneous Man consulted only himself, the "God within him , " whether to ac t one way or another, now he must request permission for freedom of speec h or action from some bookworm, from some bureaucratic soul . And bureaucrats , it's clear, will always find a plethora of paragraphs and pseudolega l loopholes (hachkiv) in order to forbid Man to realize his will .

As example [can serve] the present situation .

If you wish to leave, you're an enemy of the State . But the Stat e is formed by my voluntary agreement with others ; it follows, then, tha t I can create a State and also dissolve it . And if others wish to retai n it, this does not give them the right to keep me a prisoner of their will , for they themselves turn into jailers and slaves .

If you think differently, you're an enemy of the State .

Does the State have some imperative idea which should guide al l thinking?

An idea is lightning! How can it be brought into line with a canon ? Whoever says that he thinks as the State demands, does not think at all , for to ape (povtoriuvaty po-mavp " iachomu) someone else's thoughts--eve n though they be brilliant--is to become a parrot, a phonograph record .

The essence of all these ideas is that we must, without fail, retur n Man to his status as the Subject of Law, which is attested to in Article 6 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and act according to the will of the Subject, and not according to a paragraph of a statute create d to obscure the rights, rather than to fulfill them .

4Emphasis under obscure and fulfill them added by Y .B . A-5 3

Therefore, all declarations in the constitution, international legal documents, and the like, concerning Human Rights, should not be viewed as th e right of a bureaucrat to allow me this or that, but as the Right of Man t o turn to sword of Law on the bureaucrats when one or another of them does no t allow the legal expression of the will of the Subject . (We, of course, ar e not speaking here of those impingements by the Subject upon others, upon thei r rights, that are clearly criminal . )

Concretely, we demand :

--Freedom to leave one's homeland and to return , --Freedom to disseminate one's ideas and to get acquainted with th e ideas of others , --Freedom to form creative, artistic, philosophical and scientifi c associations and to dissolve them , --Freedom to take part in the formulation of the consciousness o f the people and in the affairs of state . --Freedom to work toward the complete unification of the Spirit o f Man, based on Brotherhood, Love and Reason .

Man is a wondrous Flower of Evolution . His mission--to unite a worl d fragmented since creation into a Magic Wreath of Beauty and Harmony . In th e way of the realization of this idea stands the spirit of militarism, of present - day imperialism, of chauvinism . In these menacing times, when the ecological , demographic, energetic and economic balance of the Planet has been catastroph- ically disturbed, we cannot do without the amicable, selfless, sincere action s of all peoples and individuals . Governmental structures which do not understand or which do not wan t to understand the horror of the situation, or which, though understanding , criminally ignore it--such structures are enemies of Evolution, and, as such , of all of Mankind . Therefore, the violation of the right of nations to self-determination , to a sovereign spiritual life, as well as the violations of the Human Right t o sovereign self-expression, are violations of cosmic law . A governmental structure which is guilty of such violations is an enemy of all of Mankind an d falls under the merciless verdict of history--to be erased from the Ston e Tables of the Future and [covered with] eternal shame and damnation . We are puzzled by the calm and indifference with which government leader s of certain countries react to repressions in countries which signed the Helsink i Accords . It is clear that mockery of Human Rights is a routine occurrence fo r all states, but such indifference should not have a place in the 20th century , 5 for we are on the threshold of the Cosmic Birth . Even one cruel, vandalic ac t against any single Individual could be decisive on God's Cosmic Judgement Day !

Can it be that anyone would find it pleasant to become renowned as a modern inquisitor and tyrant? Would it not be more pleasant and mor e

5 The rest of the words in the paragraph not in UPR, p . 26 . - Y .B . A-5 4

humane to open the prison doors, eliminate censorship, disperse the informers and provocateurs, dispel the fear that has enveloped the soul of the people and prevents them from spreading their shoulders to ful l width 6 and rushing forward toward evolutionary renewal? !

Ukraine of the Year 1977 Proposes :

-- That all political prisoners be freed and all corresponding articles in the Criminal Codes of the [Soviet] Union and the Republic s eliminated .

-- That the borders of the country be opened to allow [people] t o leave and to enter .

-- That broad channels (richyshcha) be opened for the free flow o f information--scientific, artistic, literary, personal and any other kind that does not infringe upon Human Rights .

-- That censorship, as an institution that is a relic of feudalism , be eliminated for all time, with the transfer of the right to publisher s to withhold all military and pornographic publications from books an d other markets .

-- That capital punishment be eliminated, as a manifestation o f the criminality of governmental structures . The State cannot give birth to life, it does not have the right to take it away .

-- That the very idea of killing be condemned at the level of the United Nations, thus branding all states and persons that desire to furthe r their designs through killing (wars) as enemies of Mankind who have n o right to enter into a Common Future .

-- That all armies (except internal security forces) be eliminate d within the next few years and an All-Planetary Brotherhood of Peoples b e created, based on the United Nations .

-- That economic, ecological, demographic and cosmological problems be resolved through common effort .

It is time to awaken from the bureaucratic somnolence, to realiz e that the problem of one human being is the problem of all of Mankind, an d in all our actions to start from this base, common to all .

Ukraine of the Year 1977 is filled with the most sincere aspirations , desires and wishes and sends to the brotherly peoples at the Belgrade Forum its Greeting and Love !

6 The rest of the words in the paragraph not in UPR, p . 27 . - Y .B . A- 5 5

Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsinki Accord s

Oles Berdnyk Petro Hryhorenk o Oksana Meshko Levko Lukiunenk o Ivan Kandyb a Nina Strokat a Mykola Matusevych Myroslav Marynovyc h

February 15, 197 7

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : The original that reached the West is in Ukrainian . English translation by Helsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Committee, published originally in Docs . Ukr . Public Group, Memoranda 4-9, etc ., pp . 3-10 , reprinted in Basket III Hearings, Vol . IV, pp . 70-74 (see Bibl . Note t o Memorandum 4 for full citation) . Bilinsky has compared it to the Ukrainia n text as published in UPR, pp . 19-28, and slightly modified the firs t English translation . 7 . UKRAINIAN PUBLIC GROUP TO PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATIO N

OF THE HELSINKI ACCORD S

MEMORANDUM NO . 6

Concerning the So-Called " Internal Affairs "

of a Stat e

In response to the arrests of the leaders and members of th e Ukrainian and Moscow Public Groups, the sea of World Conscience ha s stirred . Today it is no longer possible to oppress with impunity th e champions of Law in any country, for on the horizon of History Nurember g looms to this day, menacingly warning all kinds of tyrants .

Having usurped the constitutional prerogatives, the bureaucrati c structure of the USSR attempts to save its unlawful privileged positio n by labelling all international protests against arbitrariness as " inter - ference into the internal affairs " of the Soviet state .

If one were to accept this jurisdictional thesis as the basis fo r international activity, then this would grant present-day tyrants o f the East and West the right to suppress with no hindrance freedom o f thought and action, thus bringing to a stop Mankin d ' s progression towar d a World of Justice .

The legal person (pravovoi lichnost ' iu) (Subject of Law) in th e internal life of a State is Man . The legal person (Subject of Law) i n international relations is the State . This is well known . But if a State , in its internal life, tramples on the interests and rights of its citizens , such a country, in legal terms, is bankrupt, and cannot be trusted in th e least, for in its laws it declares one thing, but in practice does something totally different .

Masquerading behind the fiction of "internal affairs of the state , " the repressive organs of our country imprison creative and thinkin g individuals, fighters for Law and independently minded cultural workers , plunder literary and scientific archives, destroy the works of writer s who are not to their liking, completely control correspondence, depriv e " disobedient " individuals of their jobs, install electronic surveillanc e

A-56 A- 5 7

devices in apartments and offices, persecute these and other people wit h the help of provocateurs, agents and informers, fabricate " criminal case s " against dissenters (inakomysliashchikh), do not give the persecuted an opportunity to emigrate to another country, etc . This entire bouquet o f lawlessness, this total disregard for the Universal Declaration of Huma n Rights and the Helsinki Accords, is hidden behind the formula of non- interference into " internal affairs " .. .

Of course, for the old Stalinists, who (because the task o f censuring the personality cult was not brought to conclusion) stil l abound in the judicial-investigative organs and in the KGB and who ar e accustomed to working in the dark of night and in total secrecy from the Soviet and world public, aspirations to act in the spirit of the Helsinki Accords and to make public facts about violations of Human Rights constitut e interference into their internal affairs . However, pre-trial investigation , solitary confinement cells, prisons, concentration camps--these are no t the internal affair of the KGB or the MVD, they are the affair of al l Soviet peoples, the affair of all of Mankind . If the Soviet peoples ar e not indifferent to the fate of Chilean patriots and if mass rallies o f workers in the USSR in their support are not interference into th e internal affairs of Chile, then, by the same token, mass rallies of citizen s of Western countries in support of Soviet and, particularly, Ukrainian fighters for the realization of the Helsinki Agreements do not constitut e interference into the internal affairs of the USSR .

Indeed, international solidarity in defense of Justice is the mos t beautiful symbol of our era! It is the harbinger of a New World of Lov e and of a Single Spirit of Mankind, which is being born in the social upheavals of the 20th century !

Nations of the World, nations of the Belgrade Forum! We appeal t o you--demand an answer from the usurpers of the Law, wherever they ma y appear! Arbitrariness and lawlessness cannot be permitted to rage on Eart h just before the dawning of a World of Unity! The struggle for Human Right s is not the internal affair of this or that state, it is THE INTERNAL AFFAI R OF A UNITED MANKIND !

Freedom to the courageous Fighters for Law !

Ukrainians1 Public Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsink i Accord

February 21, 1977 Oles Berdnyk 2 Petro Hryhorenk o 0ksana Meshko Mykola Matusevych Myroslav Marynovych Ivan Kandyb a Levko Lukianenko Nina Strokat a

The signed original is in the Archives of the Group .

1.All capitals in the original . - Y.B.

2A11 last names capitalized in original . - Y .B . A- 5 8

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : The original that reached the West is in Russian . A xerox copy was consulted in archives of the Prolog Research Corporation , New York City . English translation by Helsinki Guarantees for Ukrain e Committee in Docs . Ukr . Public Group, Memoranda 4-9, etc ., pp . 11-12 , reprinted in Basket III Hearings, Vol . IV, pp . 74-75 (see Bibl . Note to Memorandum 4 for full citation) . Translation slightly modified afte r comparison with original . Ukrainian translation in UPR, pp . 105-107 . 8 . UKRAINIAN PUBLIC GROUP TO PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATIO N

OF THE HELSINKI ACCORD S

MEMORANDUM NO . 7

The Ukrainian Group to Promot e

[the Implementation of the Helsinki Accords] :

The First Four Month s

0n March 9, 1977, the Ukrainian Group to Promote (the Implementation of the Helsinki Accords] marked the first four months of its existence . In our Declaration and Memorandum No . 1 we announced the basic principles of our activity and defined our mission as a movement in defense of law , directed at correcting bureaucratic and other distortions and abuses, whic h are unavoidable in a society with an immature democracy or a dictatorship .

Human Rights encompasses the widest spectrum of thought, feeling s and actions . Therefore, we indicated that in giving priority to th e humanitarian aspects of the Helsinki Accords, the Group would also not e violations of rights in the social, economic and national spheres of th e life of the Ukrainian people .

In our Declaration we stated that it is an absolute necessit y (neobkhidnist) that Ukraine participate in all conferences of Europea n countries as a sovereign nation, a member of the United Nations . There i s no rational alternative to this . (Incidentally, it must be noted tha t other European Republics of the USSR find themselves in a similar position : Bielorussia, Moldavia, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and, most of all, th e largest of the Republics, the Russian Federation . They too have never bee n represented at European conferences by separate delegations . In addition to this, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Moldavia and Russia, as well as th e Asian Republics of the Union--Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaidzhan, Turkmenistan , Kazakhstan, Kirghizia and Tadzhikistan--are not even members of the UN . Actually, it is a startling fact that one of the largest nations in th e world, the Russian nation, is not a member of the UN, along with the othe r above-mentioned nations . Although we point this out only in passing, i t is a bitter fact, which supports the conclusion that the problem of right s and mutual relations of the Republics of the USSR is totally unresolved . )

A-59 A- 6 0

We have also declared it our aim to struggle to increase consciousnes s of Law among broad masses of the Ukrainian people, in the hope that by th e joint efforts of fighters for Law and World Opinion we would succeed i n overcoming the opposition of the bureaucratic structure and the various repressive organs in the area of violations of the Law .

In Memorandum No . 1 we have outlined the wide-scale violations o f Law in our Republic, which have continued to the present day despite th e exposure of the crimes of the " epoch " of Stalin and Beria . We have trie d to bring to the attention of the world community the fact that the sharpes t edge of the repressions and terror that the punitive organs can bring to bear has been turned against the people who defend spiritual sovereignt y in the various spheres of national and creative life . This constitutes a scandalous violation of the Constitutions of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR , the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Helsinki Accords and othe r international pacts ratified by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR .

We have presented a list of several scores of prisoners of conscienc e (in actuality there are thousands of them!)--honest, selfless, courageou s workers in the fields of culture, science, religion, who languish in prison s and [labor] camps on the territory of neighboring Republics, somethin g unheard-of in the practice of international law .

But before we could publish our documents, the procuracy of the City of Moscow, in cooperation with the Ukrainian KGB, pounced on us : during the night of December 23-24, 1976, they conducted searches in the apartment s of Group members M . Rudenko (Kiev), 0 . Berdnyk (Kiev), L . Lukianenk o (Chernihiv), O . Tykhy (Donbas) and I . Kandyba (Lviv) . During these searche s all of the Group's documents were confiscated, as were literary archive s and correspondence . At the same time, pornographic material and weapon s were planted in the apartments, which compelled us to predict in a writte n protest to the Procurator of the USSR that some kind of provocation wa s being planned against the members of the Group ; this has been confirme d later .

In our letter, addressed to the world community--to PEN Inter - national, to Western Communist Parties, etc .--we voiced our concern tha t the fierce attack on the Ukrainian Group to Promote [the Implementatio n of the Helsinki Accords]--dead-of-night searches, threats, surveillance- - even when taken separately from other facts, is proof of the complet e disregard by the bureaucratic structure of the USSR of those commitment s which our country accepted in signing the Helsinki Accords . Thi s indisputable fact strengthened our resolve to continue our activity .

In Memorandum No . 2 we have again pointed out the necessity o f Ukraine's participation in the Belgrade Conference in 1977 as a sovereign European state .

In Memorandum No . 3 we illustrated the violations of the freedom o f conscience in our Republic, using as an example the tragic fate of th e Christian and Catholic, Y . Terelia, who has spent half his life in [labor ] camps and psychiatric hospitals, and is now wandering from place to plac e in search of somewhere to stay and a job, always under the never-sleepin g eye of the KGB . A- 6 2

Group to Promote with complaints about flagrant violations of the Law wit h respect to them . Thus, not only the activity of the Group, but even contact with it is considered a crime !

In a lightning blow, the wife of a political prisoner V . Lisovy, Vira , and Nadia Svitlychna were fired from their jobs, and thus deprived of al l means of subsistence, merely for their acquaintance with members of the Group . N . Svitlychna has also been threatened with arrest because she has not ye t registered at a place of residence after being released from a [labor] cam p (this, although she has been repeatedly denied her legal right to do so) .

In its Memorandums Nos . 4, 5 and 6, in letters to the countries tha t will participate in the Belgrade Forum-77, to PEN International, to th e leadership of the USSR, etc ., the Group to Promote [the Implementation o f the Helsinki Accords] has called the attention of the world community t o the complete lack of any guarantees in defense of Law in Ukraine, whic h proves that the bureaucratic structure of the USSR and the organs o f internal security have usurped the constitutional prerogatives of the Sovie t of Deputies of Workers, and because of this, the Fundamental Law of th e State [the Constitution], and all the more so the international agreement s on Human Rights are not being implemented .

What will happen now? Will the movement in defense of Law b e destroyed with the tacit approval of the signatories of the Helsink i Accords, accompanied only by the sorrowful shaking of heads? Or will th e Belgrade Conference-77 call on those that violate laws and rights to answer ?

We do not consider that world public opinion should painfully reac t to every single violation of rights in our country--every nation has plent y of its own troubles, similar to ours . Such a reaction would be senseles s and even dangerous to the movement in defense of Law, for it would make thi s movement dependent on unknown forces and influences, and would tear it from its own roots, from the evolutionary development of the consciousness of La w in one's own nation . The guarantee must be established here and the right s by demanding the unswerving implementation of the laws of the Ukrainian SS R and the USSR .

This is why we are firmly committed to the continuation of our uneven struggle to the end, in the sincere belief that the national will, soone r or later, will confirm the Rule of Law in all spheres of thought, creative pursuit and action .

Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsinki Accord s

Oles Berdnyk Petro Hryhorenk o Oksana Meshko Levko Lukyanenk o Myroslav Marynovyc h Mykola Matusevyc h Nina Strokat a

March 15, 1977 A- 6 3

SUPPLEMENT TO MEMORANDUM NO . 7

As we have already reported, on February 5, 1977, organs of the KGB , in addition to arresting M . Rudenko and 0 . Tykhy, conducted searches i n the homes of many members of the Group to Promote and their relatives .

In the apartment of M . Rudenko (Kiev) the literary and scientifi c archives were completely devastated . The KGB confiscated a volume o f poetry, consisting of some 50,000 verses, the manuscripts of a scienc e fiction novel, philosophical works on economy, cosmogony, etc . M . Rudenk o ' s wife, his son Iurii, and writer 0 . Berdnyk, a member of the Group, wer e subjected to personal searches . O . Berdnyk's literary archives were als o almost completely confiscated .

In the apartment of Group member O . Meshko the KGB conducted no t so much a search as a rout . Investigator Pankov (of the Kiev procuracy ) entered the premises like a true bandit--he broke in through a window . All books and things were turned upside down, letters and manuscripts wer e confiscated wholesale without writing down their contents . "All the trash , " as Pankov expressed himself . A body search of 0 . Meshko was conducted forcibly : the investigator held her arms while two women searched her .

A search was conducted at the apartment of Group member Nin a Strokata, who lives in exile in Tarusa (the RSFSR) .

In Drohobych, a search was conducted in the apartment of M . Marynovych' s mother, L . I . Marynovych . The warrant was issued separately in the name s of Marynovych and Matusevych, who live elsewhere and were only visiting . The action was conducted during the night . When Matusevych and Marynovyc h protested against a body search, they were taken to the headquarters o f the militia, where the search was made . A record of the proceedings , however, was denied them . Agents of the organs [KGB] acted as witnesses .

A search was conducted in the apartment of Matusevych's siste r Tamila (Kiev), who had been arrested in Vasylkiv and brought to Kiev . Letters, documents, the book The Sword of Arey, a camera and a photoenlarge r were confiscated . The home of Matusevych's mother, Anastasiia Fedorivna (i n Vasylkiv), was searched . She was arrested at the school where she teaches . At the time of the search her 8-year-old grandson was not allowed to go fo r a walk . 0n that same day a search was conducted at the home of Marynovyc h ' s wife Raisa Serhilvna Serhiichuk (village of Kalynivka, Vasylkiv district) . During the search she was not allowed to feed her 9-year-old daugher, an d the daughter was not allowed to go for a walk .

A search was conducted at the apartment of Matusevych's wife, Olh a Dmytrivna, in "connection with the case of 0 . Tykhy . " She and a guest , Y . Badzio, were bodily searched .

The dacha of the Matusevych family was searched (village o f Shevchenko, Vasylkiv district) in the presence of Matusevych ' s father , Ivan Petrovych, who had been brought there from his apartment in Vasylkiv . A- 6 4

A search was conducted in the home of Matusevych's wife's parents , Heyko and Sushan (Kiev) . The mother, Anna Ivanivna Sushan, fainted, an d as a result, the search was conducted without the presentation of a warran t and without a record of the proceedings .

During the searches, hundreds of objects were confiscated--books , manuscripts, notebooks, letters, etc . In all cases there were flagran t violations of procedural law .

Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsinki Accord s

March 10, 197 7

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : The original that reached the West is in Russian . English translation by Helsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Committee i n Docs . Ukr . Public Group, Memoranda 4-9, etc ., pp . 13-18, reprinted i n Basket III Hearings, Vol . IV, pp . 75-78 (see Bibl . Note to Memorandum 4 for full citations) . Translation slightly modified after compariso n with literal Ukrainian translation in UPR, pp . 109-115 . 9 . UKRAINIAN PUBLIC GROUP T0 PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATIO N

OF THE HELSINKI ACCORD S

MEMORANDUM NO . 8

On the Persecution of V . Lisova, Wife of a Political Prisone r

The name of V . [Vasyl] Lisovy--philosopher, courageous champio n of Law--is known to the world public . He is suffering in the [labor] camp s of Perm Region for having selflessly defended his countrymen sentenced fo r their beliefs .

Here we would like to draw the attention of the Washington-base d Helsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Committee and the participating countrie s of the Helsinki Conference to the miserable and helpless situation o f the wife of this political prisoner, Vira Lisova, and her two children . For many years she was unemployed and led a begga r ' s existence . Finally , she received temporary work . But still she had no peace : collaborator s of the KGB regularly broke into her apartment, terrorizing her psychologically , threatening and frightening her children .

After her letters to the French Communist Party and other organi - zations in defense of her husband, the organs of the KGB became rabi d (osatanily) . On March 4 of this year she was ordered by phone to come t o the Ukrainian KGB in Kiev for a conversation . She refused . That same da y a messenger brought to her a notice summoning her to appear on March 5 a s a witness, not, however, before an examining magistrate, but directly to the Ukrainian KGB . She refused, in view of the fact that the summons , from a legal standpoint, was groundless .

0n March 9, while she was at work, an operative (operupovnovazhenyi ) of the Ukrainian KGB, who refused to give his name, called her into th e office of the deputy director of the Institute for the Organization o f Labor and Modernization of Industry . He ordered the administration official s to leave and proceeded with character assassination .

Here are some gems of his expressions : "You are an indecen t (neporiadochnaia) woman! You take part in nationalist activities, jus t like your husband!' You pass information abroad . " (This was a referenc e to a letter to Georges Marchais [leader of the French Communist Party] . ) " You were at the sendoff for Amalrik . You kept contact with Rudenko . You reproduced copies of your husband's 'Open Letter .' You receiv e packages and help from nationalist sources . If you have the conscienc e

1Sentence not contained in text in UPR, p . 118 . Is in Russian original, however . A-65 A- 6 6

of a Soviet person, give them up! "

V . Lisova answered that if the packages were from hostile sources , the KGB could prohibit their delivery . The collaborator of the Ukrainian KGB replied that they have no such power, but that she herself was obliged to do so .

"You bitterly hate the KGB and the Soviet government . You live in a hostile environment . We fight for you . We will be reporting to th e procurator . We can imprison you, but we feel sorry for you . "

V . Lisova walked out of the office in a terrible state . Afte r taking medication, she visited the procurator of the Republic who oversee s the KGB, where she wrote a statement about all this . The procurato r promised to pass on her statement to the KGB for " review . " At home V . Lisova fell seriously ill . Emergency aid personnel diagnosed a pre-heart failure state . Rest and treatment were prescribed .

The following day--more calls from the KGB and promises t o continue the " conversatio n " after her recovery . The personnel offic e of the Institute informed her that she was fired and that same da y brought to her home her job registration book .

Thus, V . Lisova--mother of two children, a sick and unprotecte d woman--finds herself without work, without any means of subsistence, an d under the Damoclean sword of the KGB . The tyrannical ugly despo t (derzhimorda) and complete lawlessness exult triumphant . When V . Lisov a promised to address a complaint to V . Fedorchuk, chairman of the Ukrainia n KGB, she received the cynical reply : " Be sure to write also to Andropov! "

We will stop right here! These facts are sufficient to illustrat e the revelry of lawlessness in Ukraine .

Ukraine Public Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsinki Accord s

March 11, 1977 0 . Berdny k 0 . Meshko L . Lukyanenko I . Kandyb a N . Strokat a P . Hryhorenko 2

2Added in printed handwriting . A- 6 7

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE: The original that reached the West is in Russian . Xerox copy consulted in archives of Prolog Research Corporation . Englis h translation by Helsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Committee in Docs . Ukr . Public Group, Memoranda 4-9, etc ., pp . 19-20 ; reprinted in Basket II I Hearings, Vol . IV, p . 79 . Translation slightly modified . Ukrainian translation in UPR, pp . 117-119 .

10 . UKRAINIAN PUBLIC GROUP T0 PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATIO N

OF THE HELSINKI ACCORD S

MEMORANDUM NO . 9

To the Procurator of Ukraine :

0n the Gross Violations of Law in the Investigative " Case " of M . Rudenko

The Procuracy of Ukraine sanctioned the arrest of the poe t M . Rudenko, the leader of the Group to Promote (Helsinki) in Ukraine . According to Article 116 of the UPK [Code of Criminal Procedures] of th e Ukrainian SSR, an investigation must be conducted where the suspect o r the majority of the witnesses reside, or where the crime took place . Taking into account all the points specified in the UPK, the investigatio n should be conducted in Kiev .

Why has procedural Law been violated? Of what concern is the forma - tion of the Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementation of th e Helsinki Accords to the Donetsk KGB Administration and to its senio r investigator, Nagovitsyn, who is in charge of the investigation and wh o summons scores of people to Donetsk from Kiev, Chernihiv, Lviv and so on ?

It seems that we see here juridical abuse on the part of the organ s of repression, which are preparing a reprisal against the poet in secrec y from the public of Ukraine . Inasmuch as the subject of discussion is th e movement in defense of the law in the Republic, our Group demands adherenc e to all procedural norms and an open trial . We feel that the Ukrainian KG B in Donetsk has no right to summon witnesses in a case involving the Group , since the nucleus of the Group is in Kiev . We ask you to point out this gross violation of the law to the security organs .

March 18, 1977 Oles Berdnyk , Member of the Ukrainian Publi c Group to Promote the Imple- mentation of the Helsink i Accord s

/signed/ Oles Berdnyk

A- 6 8 A- 6 9

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : The original that reached the West is in Russian . Literal Ukrainian translation in UPR, pp . 121-122 . English translation by Helsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Committee in Docs . Ukr . Public Group , Memoranda 4-9, etc ., p . 21 ; reprinted in Basket III Hearings, Vol . IV , p . 80 . 11 . TO : THE PRESIDIUM OF THE SUPREME SOVIET OF THE USSR, MOSCOW THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, WASHINGTON .

Copy : The Helsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Committee in Washington , Dr . A . Zwaru n

A N O P E N L E T T ER

Honored Legislators of the USSR and the USA !

In signing the Helsinki Accords, the two most powerful countrie s on Earth gave their Solemn Word that they would cooperate in the cause o f safeguarding Peace, Security and Human Rights . People with a honed sens e of legality in different parts of the world received the Accords as a kindred cause and began to form groups to promote the implementation o f these agreements . Such a group appeared also in Ukraine, a group whic h in its declaration pointed to instances of violations of the Law in ou r Republic . But even before the declaration had a chance to be heard in the world, blows rained upon the Group--numerous searches, persecution , threats, and, on February 5, 1977, the arrests of the head of the Group , the poet Mykola Rudenko, and a Group member, teacher Oleksii Tykhy .

They were arrested with no warrant being issued, with no indicatio n of the substance of the crime . For weeks now they have held Mykola Rudenk o in a Donetsk dungeon, without informing his family and friends about th e reasons for his arrest and forbidding his wife to send him even the mos t indispensable things .

An ominous precedent! All the standards of Law violated completely ! The organs of repression have returned to the practices of Beria ' s time , the practices that have been accursed by the people . What Helsinki Accord s is it possible to speak of when a prominent poet and thinker and the autho r of the Economic Monologues, in which he reveals for mankind a new under - standing of the interdependence of Man and the Cosmos, when such a selfles s human being has been brutally tossed into a dungeon, as in the darkes t periods of the Inquisition? !

In this can be clearly traced the purposeful actions of the anti - evolutionary forces, which strive to destroy the efforts of the government s of the USSR, the US and the other signatories of the Helsinki Accords , aimed at safeguarding peace and securing Human Rights . It is imperative that the criminal acts of persecution against fighters for Law b e resolutely investigated .

Putting forth my demand for such an investigation, by right o f friendship and brotherhood that have been practiced in Ukraine since ancien t times, I declare a hunger strike as a sign of protest against the arrest o f Mykola Rudenko and other fighters for Law .

A- 7 0 A- 7 1

The hunger strike will last until either Mykola Rudenko is released , or competent organs announce in the press what he was arrested for and wha t they plan to do with him .

I will begin the hunger strike March 3, 1977 . I ask the Helsink i Guarantees Committee in Washington to support me . I ask other fighter s for Law and all honest people in the World to join with me at leas t symbolically by demanding the release of Mykola Rudenko and other fighter s for Law .

March 1, 1977 Writer OLES BERDNYK Kiev Member, Ukrainian Public Group To Promote the Implementatio n of the Helsinki Accord s

/signed/

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : The original that reached the West is in Ukrainian . English translation by Helsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Committee , published originally in Does . Ukr . Public Group, Memoranda 4-9, etc ., pp . 22-23 ; reprinted in Basket III Hearings, Vol . IV, pp . 80-81 (se e Bibl . Note to Memorandum 4 for full citation) . Bilinsky has compare d it to the Ukrainian text as published in UPR, pp . 205-206 .

12 . UKRAINIAN PUBLIC GROUP TO PROMOTE TH E

IMPLEMENTATION OF THE HELSINKI ACCORD S

MEMORANDUM NO . 11 1

TO : The Governments of the Signatory Countries of the Helsink i Conference, Soviet and International Public Organization s

[FROM :] Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementation of th e Helsinki Accord s

[RE :] The Fate of Nadiia Svitlychny

May 18, 1976, there returned after four years' imprisonment in th e Mordovian camps the well-known activist Nadiia Oleksi'ivna Svitlychny . She had been sentenced for having been so bold as to criticize her ow n government, which she had helped to elect ; for considering as he r inalienable (nedotorkanym) right to have convictions of her own ; and fo r not wanting to believe that, as of now, to that right there was [attached ] a corresponding duty to imprisonment for "anti-Soviet activities " (Article 62 of the Ukrainian SSR Criminal Code) .

Nadiia Svitlychny served out her sentence for a crime which sh e had not committed . She has served the full sentence, and according to al l the world's laws she has the right to be treated (vvazhatysia) as a full - fledged member of society . Soviet laws are even called upon to rehabilitat e the punished offender to a normal life as soon as possible . What new crime s has Nadiia Svitlychny committed that those laws do not apply to her? Ho w dangerous is she to the Soviet government so that after four years' detainment in strict regime labor camps she is suffering even more horribl e psychological tortures [today]? That those are really tortures we ar e going to prove [here] .

1 . After her release N . Svitlychny was directed in writing to g o where she had lived before her imprisonment and where she had had a residence permit, viz ., the Kiev apartment of her brother Iva n Oleksiiovych Svitlychny and his wife Leonida Stepanivna Svitlychny . At the present time [he] is serving a sentence according to the very same article of th e Ukrainian SSR Criminal Code . June 15, 1976 [Nadiia Svitlychny] was issue d

1 Memorandum No . 10 has not reached the West as of November , 1979 . - Y .B .

A- 7 2 A- 7 3 a passport, i .e ., she became a full-fledged citizen of the Ukrainian SSR . But when she put in an application for permission to reside in the city o f Kiev she was turned down . The cause that was given was lack of residentia l space (the apartment in which four persons had lived before imprisonmen t has an area of 28 .4 square meters) . This refusal is in contradictio n with the USSR Council of Ministers ' decision of August 28, 1974 " On th e System of Passports, " which decision had not been cancelled . An excerpt from the above-mentioned document follows :

Some Rules Concerning the Issuance of Residence Permits to Citizen s

1 . Be it decreed that in cities and in villages of an urban typ e the following persons are issued residence permits regardles s of the size of living space :...

(a) Persons who have been freed after having served thei r penalty in the form of deprivation of freedom, exile , expulsion .. . [may occupy] that living space which i s occupied by members of their families or parents wit h whom they had lived before sentencing .

(Sotsialisticheskaia zakonnost' , No . 12, 1974, p . 70 )

Here is an incomplete list of offices to which N . Svitlychny presented he r complaints : the passport [section ? -- word unclear, Y .B .] of Kiev City , the Directorate of Interior Affairs of Kiev City, the USSR Ministry o f Interior Affairs, the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, the Part y Central Committee, the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committe e L . I . Brezhnev, the District (raion) Procuracy, the Procuracy of Kie v City . The reply to her complaints [always] was the same : " Permit is t o be denied in connection with lack of residence space . "

Finally, the very same conclusion was reached by the Kiev Cit y Commission on Issuing Residence Permits, the decision of which, accordin g to law, is not subject to the jurisdiction (nahliadovi) of the Procuracy . The Secretary of the Municipal Council, who at the same time headed th e above-mentioned Commission, a Mr . Zahrebsky, explained in a conversation : "Your sister-in-law, Leonida Svitlychny, can remarry, and in that cas e there would be friction between you and her probable (imovirnym?--wor d does not seem to make sense - Y .B .) husband . We cannot contribute t o such incidents . " This sentence has the force of law, whereas the decisio n of the USSR Council of Ministers, as Zahrebsky and his like have prove d successfully, carries weight only as another opus in the realm of Sovie t phantasy .

2 . Since December 8, 1976, after being unemployed for seve n months, N . Svitlychny has been working as a janitor and gardener o f Kindergarten No . 164, though she has a university degree in philosophy . March 16 [1977] she was dismissed from her job because of the lack of a residence permit, and the directress of the kindergarten was fined fift y rubles . Thus Nadiia Svitlychny, a full-fledged citizen of the USSR was A- 7 4 de facto deprived of the right to work, which she is guaranteed by th e Constitutions of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR .

3. The seven-year-old son of Nadiia Svitlychny, Iarema Svitlychn y lives with his mother and he, too, does not have a residence permit . I n May 1972 after the arrest of Nadiia Svitlychny he was forcibly taken to a children ' s home, of which none of his relatives were notified for te n whole days . The Commission on Child Care of the District Executiv e Committee decided not to entrust the education of the then two-year-ol d Iarema to his grandmother because of her advanced age and the smallnes s of her pension--20 karbovantsi (or rubles--Y .B .)- a month . Against Nadii a Svitlychny ' s will, i .e ., acting illegally, [the Commission] gave the righ t of child care to her sister, who lives in the city of Voroshilovgrad . A t that time Iarema was deprived of his residence permit, which, too, is a violation of the law, for he was not serving a court sentence with hi s mother .

As Iarema Svitlychny is not legally registered [in Kiev], he ha s been deprived not only of his right to education, but also of his righ t to medical care . His mother Nadiia Svitlychny was refused a certificat e of care in the district hospital which by law guarantees payment [fo r medical care], she was given only an official paper (dovidku) withou t right for payment . Furthermore, having evidently forgotten her Hippocrati c oath, the directress of the hospital ' s [pediatric] section told her rather coarsely : " I give you a paper for three days . Don't count on any more . " They also refused to issue a certificate or paper to Leonid a Svitlychny that would have enabled her to continue to care for the chil d of her sister-in-law .

4. In September 1976 the police authorities 2 raised the questio n of Svitlychny's malicious evasion of her obligation to obtain a residenc e permit, which according to Article 196 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR is punishable by deprivation of freedom for up to two years . It is not possible to regard those actions of the authorities as anythin g but a cynical and sadistic mockery of a human being, because all o f Svitlychny's efforts after her release from labor camp had been precisel y aimed at obtaining a residence permit .

The above-mentioned Article of the Ukrainian SSR Criminal Cod e requires two official notices by the police and a meeting of th e Commission, which in turn brings the matter to court . The first notic e was given to Nadiia Svitlychny in the beginning of October 1976 . Th e second--in December of the same year . Moreover, Leonida Svitlychny pai d a fine for illegally harboring Nadiia Svitlychny, without a residenc e permit . The Commission ' s session took place March 16, 1977, and it s results are not yet known . But it is [already] quite evident that unde r the conditions of a meticulously well-thought-out campaign of terror, tha t has been planned down to the smallest details, sooner or later th e

2 In the Soviet Union the ordinary police are called " militia . " A literal translation would have been misleading, however .--Y .B . A- 7 5

Commission and, after it, the court will render their shameful verdict . We neither want nor can we remain silent witnesses of this .

From all the aforesaid it follows :

The Governments of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR [not only] d o not have the power to observe the laws which they themselves have estab - lished and also the decisions of their official representatives, bu t they themselves refuse to abide by them .

The Government of the USSR is flagrantly violating the [Universal ] Declaration of Human Rights and specific provisions of the humanitaria n section of the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference, both of whic h documents have been signed by it .

We demand that the Governments of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR urgently reestablish legality in the matter of issuing a residence permi t for Citizen Nadiia Svitlychny and in helping her to find work commensurat e with her profession and her education .

If the Governments of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR be powerles s to reestablish legality we demand from the Supreme Soviet of the USSR to decide the question of the emigration of Citizen Nadiia Svitlychn y as soon as possible .

We call on the Governments of the States that participated in th e Helsinki Conference to demand from the USSR Government an explanation a s to why it has flagrantly violated the Final Act of this Conference .

We call on Soviet and international organization, on all hones t people in the USSR and abroad to rally to the defense of a victim o f administrative arbitrariness--Nadiia Svitlychny . 3

Oles Berdny k Ivan Kandyb a Petro Hryborenko Levko Lukianenko Myroslav Marynovyc h Mykola Matusevyc h Nina Strokatov a Kiev, March 20, 197 7

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Original in Ukrainian consulted at the Prolog Research Corporation, New York, Text deciphered by Staff of Prolog, compared wit h original by Bilinsky . Translated by the latter . Ukrainian original printed in UPR, pp . 123-126 .

3 A11 those efforts were eventually crowned with success : after a brie f stay in Rome, Mrs . Svitlychny and her two sons (she had had another child) arrive d in the US November 8, 1978 . January 15, 1980 Mrs . Svitlychny ' s husband Pavl o Stokotelny arrived in Rome en route to the United States . See Svoboda, January 26 , 1980, pp . 1 + 3 . 13 . UKRAINIAN PUBLIC GROUP T0 PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATIO N

OF THE HELSINKI ACCORD S

MEMORANDUM NO . 1 8

To the Belgrade Conference of 35 Countries :

On Discrimination Against Ukrainian s

In the Area of the Right to Emigrate [from the USSR ]

The question of emigration from the USSR has always been a sensitiv e one for the leadership of the CPSU [Communist Party of the Soviet Union] . They have portrayed the Bolshevik Revolution to all the world as that even t toward which the working classes of all countries of the world have strive n since ancient times and which finally had its realization in what was onc e the Russian Empire .

According to their claims, the Bolshevik Revolution--for the firs t time in the history of mankind--brought to life the brightest ideas of th e philosophers, economists and social reformers of yesterday and destroye d an evil that went back to time immemorial--the exploitation of man by man- - destroyed social antagonisms, ensured the highest possible rate of economi c development, created the conditions for the all-around development of th e individual, and so on and so forth . In a word, the revolution created o n our sinful Earth that which until then had existed only in dreams .

Inasmuch as the Bolsheviks saw themselves as the ideological heir s of the Communist Manifesto, the Paris Commune and the First International , they viewed their victory and their order as the model for all other countries of the world and--in accordance with the idea of proletaria n internationalism--yearned to bestow this fortune upon others . To thi s end, immediately after the revolution they turned to a systematic , persistent and ever-widening campaign of glorifying their actions aime d at restructuring all aspects of social and family life and the Soviet order . Communist parties were formed in dozens of developed countries which helpe d to create in their countries the myth of the ideal nature of Soviet society . And the fact that people did not emigrate from the Soviet Union served t o support the idea of the unblemished perfection (bezukoriznennosti) of the Soviet order .

A-76 A- 7 7

Indeed, no one flees from paradise . People leave from wher e things are bad . " Emigration, " according to the dictionary of foreig n words, "is 1) a mass migration from one country to another, caused b y various reasons (economic, political, religious and others) ; an unavoidabl e companion of an exploitative society "1 (State Publishing House of Politica l Literature, Kiev, 1955) .

Because the Soviet Union is not an exploitative society, emigratio n is not characteristic of it .

There is also no reason for emigration for nationality reason s (natsional'nym motivam), because the nationality question has been decide d in the most just manner once and for abl .

This is how matters looked from the words of communist propaganda . And so that living witnesses would not refute it, the borders were seale d tight .

For half a century the West listened to odes to the great achieve - ments of the free Soviet peoples and citizens, while within the Sovie t Union brave fugitives, caught in border traps and on barbed wire fences , went silently into the GULAG " archipelago " for 10-15 years .

The situation changed in the 70 ' s . As a result of a widening o f international contacts, it became impossible to secretly lock people awa y in prisons . In dictionaries there appeared a definition of the wor d "emigration " as " the departure to another country for permanent o r temporary residence " (Political Dictionary, Kiev, 1976), a definitio n which no longer contradicts the right, declared in international lega l acts, of a citizen to freely leave his country and return to it again .

The present leadership no longer labels as treason a person' s desire to emigrate and no longer puts people on trial for merely expressing such wishes, but it does employ many means to lessen emigration an d to destroy the inclination towards emigration . In addition, we discern a different approach on the part of the government to three differen t categories of citizens who are potential emigrants--Jews, Russian dissident s and non-Russian freethinkers (inakomisliashchim) .

For Jews who have expressed the wish to go to their histori c homeland the government creates a great many various unpleasant experience s and sometimes completely unbearable living conditions, but in the end let s the stubborn ones go ; it expels the " incorrigibl e " Russian dissidents fro m the Soviet Union and puts non-Russian dissidents behind bars .

The Soviet state signed the Universal Declaration of Human Right s and the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference . Both of these celebrate d documents declare the right of citizens to emigrate, regardless of nationality , but the leadership of the USSR takes a plainly varying approach to appli- cations for emigration, basing it on nationality .

1 Emphasis in original .--Y .B . A- 7 8

We are outraged that the government transforms the natura l yearnings of Jews for the homeland of their ancestors into an ordeal of difficult, testing experiences . We are outraged that it attempts t o depict to Soviet citizens the banishment of Russian dissidents from th e Soviet Union as the expulsion of unworthy persons . But we are most outrage d by the discrimination on the basis of nationality designation (natsional'nom u priznaku), which is manifested in the total deprival of the right o f non-Russian freethinkers (inakomisliashchikh) to emigrate from the Sovie t Union .

Not taking up the question of discrimination against us Ukrainian s in other areas of life, we point out that in the area of emigration thi s discrimination is manifested in that so far not one Ukrainian freethinke r (inakomisliashchii) has received permission to emigrate for permanen t residence abroad.2 Even in those cases where an individual has complete d a sentence for an attempt to leave the Soviet Union and, followin g release, continues to seek to leave, the government does not give him that possibility . Here are a few examples .

Vitaly Vasylovych Kalynychenko tried to cross illegally the Soviet - Finnish border . He was captured and sentenced to ten year s ' deprivation o f freedom . While imprisoned he consistently and officially declared hi s intention to leave the USSR after completing his term . Released in the spring of 1976, he immediately renewed his efforts--he renounced his Sovie t citizenship, wrote appeals, conducted a hunger strike from October 17 t o October 26--but everything was in vain, so far has not received permission to leave .

Ievhen Hrytsiak and the prominent Ukrainian writer Oles Berdny k have actively sought permission to leave for close to four years now .

Also demanding permission to leave--so far, with no success--ar e Nadiia Svitlychna, Nina Strokatova, Volodymyr Zatvarsky, Ivan Kandyba , Levko Lukianenko, Vadyn Stochitel, Hrihorii Prokopovych, Pavlo Kampov , Vasyl Ovsiienko, Mykhailo Lutsyk, Iosyp Terelia .

The unlawful refusal by the government to allow the opportunity o f going abroad has pushed many onto the road of illegal border crossings ; Ukrainians Apolonii Bernichuk, Oleksa Murzhenko and Vasyl Fedorenko ar e now doing time in prison for this .

2 Not quite true when written, perhaps, but certainly no longe r applicable in early 1980 . The following Ukrainian dissidents or free - thinkers were allowed to emigrate : Leonid Plyusheh with wife and childre n (January 1976) ; Petro Hryhorenko (Grigorenko) in November 1977, albei t on a temporary visa ; he was deprived of his USSR citizenship in Februar y 1978 ; Mrs . Nadiia Svitlychny, with her children, but without her husban d in November 1978 ; Valentyn Moroz with wife and children in April 197 9 (in exchange for Soviet spies, however, i .e ., under extraordinary circumstances) ; and Sviatoslav Karavansky and Nina Strokata Karavansky i n November 1979 ; Dr . Malynkovych in December 1979 and Mr . Pavlo Stokotelny , Mrs . Svitlychny's husband in January 1980 .--Y .B . A- 7 9

Iurii Dzyuba is now serving a four-year sentence of imprisonmen t for seeking to leave the USSR for religious reasons .

Human Because of gross violations of the Universal Declaration o f Rights in the USSR and the creation of such difficult living condition s for freethinkers that make impossible even minimal productive activity- - community, national, literary, religious or in other public areas--a numbe r of Ukrainian political prisoners, while incarcerated, declared their intention to emigrate following the completion of their terms of imprisonment . Iurii Romanovych Shukhevych, Andrii Markovych Turyk, Dmytr o Verkhovliak, Oleksander Fedorovyck Serhiienko, Ivan Oleksiiovych Svitlychny , Vasyl Omelianovych Romaniuk, Dmytro Basarab, Ivan Shovkovy, Hrihorii Herchak, Volodymyr Vasylyovych Vasylyk, Zinovii Mykhaylovych Krasivsky .

Consider : after the arrest of three members of the Moscow Publi c Group--Orlov, Ginzburg, Shcharansky--and two of the Ukrainian [Group}- - Rudenko and Tykhy--two more members of the Group--Matusevych and Marynovych- - were arrested in Ukraine .

Then they sentence Ukrainians Rudenko and Tykhy to 12 and 15 years ' imprisonment, respectively, sentence Barladianu and arrest Terelia, bu t send Moscow Group members V . Turchyn and T . Khodorovych, and an activis t of the movement in defense of rights, K . Liubarsky, off to emigrate .

Furthermore, they arrest the Ukrainian Sniehiryov but propose t o Moscow resident Podrabinek that he leave the USSR .

Twelve and fifteen years of imprisonment and emigration--obviousl y these are totally different punishments . This enormous difference is a function of the peculiarities of the movement in defense of rights i n Russia on the one hand and in Ukraine on the other . In Russia it i s directed against illegal restrictions of the democratic rights of citizens . In Ukraine it has the same goals plus our national problems . This plus i s what makes the Ukrainian movement in defense of rights--exactly like tha t in the Baltic and the Caucasus--so especially dangerous in the eyes of th e powerful ruling bureaucrats with the chauvinist Great-Russian depositions (zakvaski), because it threatens to destroy the old propagandistic myth about the most just resolution of all nationality problems (for all futur e time!) and to begin anew the discussion over it by a new generation o f Ukrainians and under new historical conditions .

Because the " sovereign " Ukrainian SSR has not established diplomati c relations even with the major European countries and the Ministry of Foreig n Affairs of the Ukrainian SSR does not conduct normal business abroad, th e emigration of some (neskolkikh) Ukrainian freethinkers would promote the familiarization of Western society with Ukrainian problems . The governmen t of the USSR knows this and, as we can see, does not wish to allow suc h familiarization . But inasmuch as the highest criterion of goodness an d justice for people of European civilization is not the well-being of th e state but of each individual, we demand that in the resolution of a conflic t between the state and the individual preference be given to the good of th e individual and not the state . We believe, therefore, that no consideration s of a propagandistic (prestige-oriented) order can provide satisfactor y justification for the forced detention of an individual within a state . A- 8 0

Peace in Europe cannot be built on lies and the secret designs o f the rulers of individual countries . Peace cannot be built on th e oppression of peoples, for such a peace does not mean happiness for th e oppressed and disenfranchised and they will strive to destroy it .

A strong and lasting peace is possible only with a just approac h to the individual, including respect for his right to emigrate . The latter can serve as a means of resolving a conflict between society and the individual where the individual cannot reconcile himself with the existin g order and society does not want to change to satisfy the individual ' s demands . Society has the right to remain as it is, but the individua l likewise has his own right to his own outlook on life or the right t o broaden his Weltanschauung . A situation in which an individual i s forbidden either to disseminate his ideas or to leave the country is th e height of injustice, for it completely deprives the person of his or he r individuality and sentences him or her to spiritual death . Sadly, man y Ukrainian freethinkers have found themselves in suchba predicament . Thi s is what forced us to appeal to the Belgrade Conference reviewing th e implementation of the Helsinki Accords with the request that it discus s the issue of discrimination against Ukrainians with respect to the righ t to emigrate, in order to promote its just resolution by the governmen t of the USSR .

Members of the Group :

0 . Berdnyk

I . Kandyb a

V . Kalynychenk o

L . Lukianenk o

0 . Meshko

V . Striltsiv

N . Strokatov a

Kiev, December, 1977 8

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : English translation by Helsinki Guarantees for Ukrain e Committee (P . 0 . Box 32397, Washington, D .C . 20007), original published in lithographed pamphlet Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementatio n of the Helsinki Accords, Kiev, Ukrainian SSR, Memorandum No . 2 and Memorandum No . 18 . This translation has been compared to Russian original and somewha t corrected . Russian original kept by Smoloskyp Publishers consists of carbo n copy on 5 pages of tissue paper, 28 .7 x 20 .5 cm . Ukrainian translation i n UPR, pp . 127-132 . English translation has been reprinted in The Right t o Know, the Right to Act : Documents of Helsinki Dissent from the Sovie t Union and Eastern Europe, Compiled and Edited by the Staff of the Commissio n on Security and Cooperation in Europe (Washington, D .C ., May, 1978) , pp . 91-96 . AppendixII :

D O C U M E N T S

OF LITHUANIAN GROUP

A- 8 1 DOCUMENTS OF THE LITHUANIAN PUBLI C

GROUP TO PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATION O F

THE HELSINKI AGREEMENT S

Announcement of Formation and Statemen t

We, Tomas Venclova, Father Karolis Garuckas, On oskiene, Viktoras Petkus, Eitan Finkelshtein, announcea Lukauskaite-P the formation of a Lithuanian Group to Promote Implementation of the Helsinki Agreements i n the USSR . The aim of the Group is to promote the observation and fulfillment of the humanitarian articles of the Final Act of the Conference o n Security and Cooperation in Europe . The Group intends to concentrate o n those articles which relate to human rights and basic freedoms, includin g freedom of thought, conscience, religion and belief, and also contac t between people (the reunification of families, meetings with relatives , residence in other countries, etc .) .

We are prepared to accept statements from individuals, groups , and organization on matters relating to violations of the (humanitarian ) articles of the Final Act on the territory of Lithuania, relating t o Lithuania or specifically to Lithuanian problems .

We hope, that the participant states of the Helsinki Conferenc e will consider that the contemporary status of Lithuania was establishe d as a result of the entrance of Soviet troops onto her territory on June 15 , 1940, and will pay special attention to the observance of humanitaria n rights in Lithuania .

Vilniu s November 25, 197 6

October. 19, 1976 in the city of Vilnius, were arrested two of it s residents -- Jonas Matulionis (born in 1933) and Vladas Lapienis (born i n 1906) -- on charges of the dissemination and printing of religious and s o called libelous literature .

On the same day, Jonas Matulionis' apartment was searched . Durin g the search, several copies of the typewritten journal The Chronicle of th e Catholic Church in Lithuania was confiscated .

A- 8 2 A- 8 3

The Lithuanian Public Group to Promote Implementation of th e Helsinki Agreements announces that the arrests of J . Natulionis and Vlada s Lapienis are a violation of Principle VII of the first part of the Fina l Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe .

Tomas Venclova , 38-60 Pozelos, Vilnius . Father Karolis Garuckas, Pries t of the village of Ceikiniai, Ignalin a rayon . Ona Lukauskaite-Poskiene, 32-37 Kleinerio, Siauliai . Viktoras Pctkus , 16-44 Garelio, Vilnius . Eita.n Finkelshtein , 21 Liepos, 10---10, Vilnius .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : The formation of the Lithuanian Group was actuall y announced in the Moscow apartment of Yuri Orlov, not in Vilnius . Orlov was th e leader of the Moscow Group founded earlier that year . The document here Volume 23 (No . 1, Spring 1977), pp . 64-65 It has is reproduced from Lituanus, no t been checked against an original . The same document also appears in the U .S . Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Reports of Helsinki-Accor d Monitors in the Soviet Union, Documents ofthe Public Groups to Promote Ob- servance of the Helsinki Agr eements in the USSR (Washington : mimeographed Com- mission report, 24 February 1977), p . 120 . At least one source, SOS 30, 6 4 suggests that this founding document was issued jointly by the Moseow an d Lithuanian groups, signed also by Lyudmila Alekseeva and Yuri Orlov .

A- 84

DOCUMENT NO . 1 : ON THE SITUATIO N

OF TWO LITHUANIAN CATHOLIC BISHOP S

Two Catholic bishops in Lithuania -- Julijonas Steponavicius an d Vincentas Sladkevicius -- for a long time have been removed from pastora l duties and are in exile .

Both were ordained as bishops in complete accordance with Catholi c rites for which Vatican approval was obtained .

The appointment of J . Steponavicius was approved by the Counci l on Religious Affairs uncle": the Council of Ministers of the USSR, and fo r six years he fulfilled his pastoral duties both as administrator and a s bishop of Vilnius . In 1961, Rugienis, who was in charge of religiou s matters for the Council of Ministers of the Lithuanian SSR, announced t o Bishop Steponavicius orally that the Soviet authorities no longer wishe d him to serve as bishop and that he was instructed to leave Vilnius fo r Zagare -- a small settlement in another diocese . Bishop Steponaviciu s refused to obey this illegal order, but they forced him to move to Zagar e by taking away his passport and refusing to give him a . residence permi t for Vilnius .

Since then fifteen years have passed, but Bishop Steponaviciu s continues to live in Zagare and to work as a pastoral assistant --- (he i s a pensioner who is helped by the local dean and he does not receive a pension .) The duties of the Vilnius Archdiocese are fulfilled by a priest wh o has been " temporaril y" named by the Soviet authorities, Ceslovas Krivaitis , who has not been ordained as bishop .

After Bishop Steponavicius turned to the Soviet authorities i n 1972, rejecting his illegal and wholly unjustified exile, he was called i n by Tumenas, the man in charge of religious affairs for the Council o f Ministers of the Lithuanian SSR, who told him that his situation has no t changed in the slightest because he had " not reformed . " In 1975, 6 5 priests (out of 100) in the diocese signed a collective letter to th e Soviet authorities calling them to turn their attention to the unbearabl e situation of Bishop Steponavicius which is in blatant contradiction wit h the spirit and letter of the Helsinki Agreements, and asking them to return him to the conduct of his duties . They never received an answer to their letter, and Bishop Steponavicius remains, as before, at Zagare .

Bishop V . Sladkevicius, who received the bishop's stole fro m Bishop Teofilis Matulionis in 1958, for all practical purposes was no t allowed to assume his pastoral duties in the Diocese of Kaisiadorys whic h had been given to him by the Vatican, since in 1959 he was sent, in a A- 8 5

manner similar to Bishop Steponavicius, to the little village o f Nemunelio Radviliskis which is located in another diocese . Until now onl y his place of exile has changed-- now he lives in the little village of Pabirze , where be also works as a parish assistant . His appeals to the Sovie t authorities also remain unanswered since he has several times refused sug- gestions for " sincere cooperation " with the organs of the KGB .

The Diocese of Kaisiadorys, as well as Archdiocese of Vilnius , for the last 17 years have been "temporarily " ruled by priests, appointe d by the Soviet authorities, who do not have the bishop's stole . Tumenas , the man in charge of religious affairs under the Council of Ministers o f the Lithuanian SSR, explained to Bishop Sladkevicius that his situatio n cannot change until he adopts a common language with the Soviet authorities , but they can ' t find a reason to put him on trial .

The forced. detention of the Bishops Steponavicius and Sladkeviciu s in exile without legal basis of any kind, and their prolonged separatio n from their pastoral duties are a contradi tion of points I, III, VIII o f the Declaration, the principles of which must direct (the actions) of th e participant states of the Helsinki Conference .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Reproduced from Lituanus, Volume 23 (No . l, Spring 1977) , pp . 65-67 . Not checked against an original . Also appears in the U .S . Commis- sion on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Re ports of Helsinki,--Accord Monitor s in the Soviet Union . Documents of_ the Public Groups to Promote Observance o f the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR (Washington : mimeographed Commission re - port, 24 February 1977), p . 121 . A- 86

DOCUMENT NO . 2 : SOVIET DECREE ON THE STATU S

OF RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION S

On July 28, 1976, after the Helsinki Conference, the Presidium o f the Supreme Soviet of the Lithuanian SSR approved (the decree) " The Statu s of Religious Organizations . "

Since the majority of the articles of this Decree are aimed a t diminishing the freedom to practice religion and at repression of a norma l religious life, which is in obvious contradiction to the Final Act of th e Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, we consider it essentia l to bring this to the attention of the governments of the participatin g states of the Conference and to the notice of world opinion . *

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE :Reproduced— from Lituanus, Volume 23 (No . 1, Spring 1977) , p . 67 . Not checked against an original . Lituanus omits the text of the decre e referred to in the document ; the asterisked footnote below is by the editor o f Lituanus . The document appears in U .S . Commission on Security and Cooperatio n in Europe, Reports of Helsinki--Accord Monitors in the Soviet Union . Documents of the Public Groups to Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreements in th e USSR (Washington : mimeographed Commission report, 24 February 1977), pp . 1 .22 - 123 ; this source also translates in paraphrased form parts of the reference d decree . The original appendix to the document is reported to be nine page s in length . The decree in question, post--dating the Helsinki Final Act, place s greater restriction on religion than had existed before .

Appended here is the Russian-language text of the decree . It is omitte d here because the text is essentially the same as of the RSFSR decree , English translation of which is available from Radio Liberty Research, 155 / 75, March 31, 1976 .]

A- 8 7

IN DEFENSE OF MART NIKLU S

DOCUMENT NO . 3

Twelve Lithuanians came to us requesting that we intercede o n behalf of the Estonian, Mart Niklus, since they knew him to be an hones t and decent man . They said he was a fine friend who visited Lithuani a many times a year and who feels a deep attachment to their country .

A member of our Group found Mart Niklus in Tartu Republic Hospita l recovering from an almost two-month long hunger strike that he had under - gone while incarcerated in Tallinn Prison . He had been informed that th e case against him was being closed .

Niklus had been forcibly arrested on September 30, 1976, despit e the fact that the procurator had not authorized the arrest -- there ha d only been a warrant for the search of Niklus' apartment, but the searc h warrant itself was illegal since it lacked the required official signatures . The apartment was searched in Niklus ' absence . Niklus was take n to the police station and frisked ; then be was released . On October. 8 , Niklus was arrested again and imprisoned . In protest, he tore up hi s internal passport, renounced his Soviet citizenship, and declared a hunge r strike . Procuracy officials tried to convince his mother and father t o sign a written statement to the effect that their son was mentally ill , advising his parents that it would be in Mart's best interest for them t o do so . But the old people refused to put their signatures to a fals e statement . On November 11, Niklus was arraigned . Initially, he wa s accused of theft, then the charge was changed to inflicting minor bodil y harm on a militia employee .

Previously, Mart Niklus had been tried for political reasons an d was condemned to serve out a term in the Mordovian camps .

Sources : 1. "Mart Niklus accuses .. ." (in Russian ) 2. " Mart Niklus accuses . .. " (in Estonian )

December 23, 1976 Members of the Lithuanian Group t o Vilnius Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR :

O . Karolis Garuska s Eitan Finkelshtei n Ona Lukauskaite-Poskien e Viktoras Petku s Tomas Venclova A-8 7 a

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES TO DOCUMENTS No . 3-12 . These are reproduced from U .S . Commission on Security and Cooperation in. Europe, Reports of Helsinki Accord Monitors in the SovietUnion, Volume Three of the Documents of the Public Group to Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreements in ,theUSSR_ (Washington : mimeographed Commission report, 7 November 1978), pp . 158-169 . Not compared to originals .

A- 8 8

THE JURGUTIS AND ANVOLDAITE-BELAPETRAVICHIEN E

FAMILY REUNIFICATION CASE S

DOCUMENT NO . 4

Mrs . Marija Jurgutis and her daughter, Daina (Vilnius, Zhirmun u 75--100), have been denied permission to emigrate and join their . husband an d father, Aloyzas Jurgutis, who lives in Chicago, Illinois .

The Jurgutis have been forced to undergo two searches and hav e been interrogated several times -- the daughter was first subjected t o questioning at the tender age of eleven years (June 1976) . The Sovie t authorities have denied the Jurgutis ' request to emigrate three time s (March 1975, April 21, 1976, and December. 24, 1976) .

West German citizen Adolf Anvold ' s (FRG, Castrof-Ranchel , Bozhangenerstr . 89) daughter Valya Anvoldaite-Belapetravichiene and he r husband Steponas Belapetravichius (Klaipeda, Taikos 13--60) are denied per - mission to emigrate to the Federal Republic of Germany for the purpose o f family reunification . To that end, the daughter twice appealed to th e Soviet authorities, but without success ; the appeals the father has mad e have also been for naught .

The Soviet authorities ' refusal to grant exit visas to th e Jurgutis and Belapetravichius families directly violates Helsinki Final Ac t provisions on family reunification .

Sources : 1. A statemen t 2. A statement (in Russian ) 3. A declaration to "World Public. Opinion " (in Russian with appendix )

February 25, 1977 Members of the Lithuanian Group to Vilnius Promote Observance of the Helsink i Agreements in the USSR :

O . Karolis Garucka s Eitan Finkelshtei .n Ona Lukauskaite-Poskjen e Viktoras Petku s Tomas Venclova

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THE ARREST OF HENRIKAS JASKUNA S

DOCUMENT NO . 5

On December. 22, 1976, Henrikas Jaskunas' apartment (Ionava, ul . XXX-letiya, 25-18) was searched " with the object of finding and confiscating literature of an anti-Soviet nature in addition to other documents an d materials that could he relevant to the case " (excerpted from the text o f the warrant and the official record of the search) . Following the search , Jaskunas was arrested .

We hereby inform the signatory governments of the Final Act of th e Helsinki Agreement of the arrest of Henrikas Jaskunas and enclose for thei r information all the evidentiary materials that were used to incriminat e Jaskunas (copies of materials confiscated by the KGB during the search) . As far as we know, the materials found in Jasjunas ' apartment had not been disseminated .

Sources : 1 . A statemen t 2 . The official record of the searc h 3 . Manifesto of the Union of Independent Peoples (in Russian ) 4 . Open Letter ; #1 (in Russian ) 5 . " Unity is the Best Weapo n " (in Russian ) 6 . " The Voice of the People" (in Russian ) 7 . " End the Occupation " (in Russian ) 8 . " Monopolistic Capitalism Soviet-Style " (in Russian )

February 28, 1977 Members of the Lithuanian Group to Vilnius Promote Observance of the Helsink i Agreements in the USSR :

O . Karolis Garucka s Eitan Finkelshtein Ona Lukauskaite-Poskien e Viktoras Petku s Tomas Venclov a

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0N DISCRIMINATION AGAINST THE VOLGA GERMANS IN THE USS R

DOCUMENT NO . 6

During the Second World War, Stalin committed one of the mos t heinous crimes of the century -- he deported entire ethnic populations fro m their native territories and repopulated their lands with new arrivals fro m different places . This was the fate of the Crimean Tatars, the Volga Ger- mans, the Kalmyks, the Ingush, the Chechens, the Kabardin Balkars, an d others . Twenty--four years have passed since the death of Stalin, ve t forty-nine Volga German families from the Radviliskis Region of Lithuani a came to us with documentation showing that the Volga Germans are stil l being treated like second-class citizens ; countless obstacles are put i n their way when they attempt to obtain residency permits or find employment . Initially, the Volga Germans appealed to the authorities in Moscow an d Vilnius for help, but they had no hope of redress . For this reason, the y declare that they will renounce their Soviet citizenship and will demand t o emigrate to their historical homeland, the Federal Republic of Germany, i f discrimination against them as a national minority does not cease .

Discriminatory treatment of the Volga Germans is in direct con- travention of the 1965 Directive lifting restrictions on Germans living o n Soviet territory, of the USSR Constitution itself, and of the Universa l Declaration on Civil and Political Rights, to which the Soviet Union i s signatory .

The Lithuanian Helsinki Group declares that the continued persecution of the Volga Germans violates both the letter and the spirit of th e Helsinki Agreement .

Sources : 1. Statement with 47 signatures (in Russian ) 2. Statement with 49 signatures (in Russian )

March 19, 1977 Members of the Lithuanian Group t o Vilnius Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR :

0 . Karolis Garucka s Eitan Finkelshtei n Ona Lukauskaite-Poskien e Viktoras Petku s Tomas Venclova

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ON ERIK UDAM AND KGB ATTEMPTS TO ENLIST HIM AS A ' DISSIDENT '

DOCUMENT NO . 7

We have been approached by Erik Udam, an Estonian, born in 1938, an d residing in Tallinn . An electrical engineer who speaks Lithuanian, Molo k has twice won the Estonian wrestling championship . He was arrested twic e and has spent five years in Soviet prisons and camps as a political . prisoner .

A listening device was installed in the wall of his communal apartment . When Udam removed it, the KGB agents in Tallinn became angry . It was the n that Udam met Albert Molok, a KGB agent whom he had known from the time o f his first arrest in 1956 and who had since been made a major .

On April 4, 11, and 14 of this year, Albert Molok suggested that Eri k Udam form a dissident committee in Estonia . Thereupon, the major would establish contacts between the committee and American diplomats accredited i n Moscow . Major Molok offered one half million rubles for this purpose . Erik Udam replied that he might try to form such a committee, but only wit h Finnish contacts . Major Molok said the KGB was not interested in Finns , but only in Americans and offered Udam 250,000 rubles for initial expenses . When Udam refused, the KGB major asked him to recommend someone who woul d agree to organize such a committee . During their conversations, Molok claimed the credit tor the unsuccess- ful journey of the English journalist David Satter* (London's Financia l Times) to the Baltic countries during February of this year .

Sources : 1. Eriko Udamo pöördumine (in Estonian ) 2. Eriko Udamo pöördumine Läänemeremade rehvaste poole (in Estonian )

May 26, 1977 Lithuanian Helsinki Group :

Tomas Venclov a Father Karolis Garucka s Ona Lukauskaite-Poskien e Viktoras Petku s Eitan Finkelshtei n * (In February 1977, Satter's briefcase was stolen in a Riga-Tallin train . Among other papers, his case had contained a notebook with Udam ' s address written on it--Ed .) A- 92

PERSECUTION OF THE VASILEV FAMILY ,

RUSSIAN PENTECOSTALS LIVING IN VILNIUS, LITHUANI A

DOCUMENT NO . 8

Viktor Vasilev and his family, residing in Vilnius, Architektu St . ,#224, Apt . 8, have appealed to the U .S . and " to all the Christian countries , to all the Christian-Evangelical missions, to all Christian association s for aid . "

The family belongs to the Christian Pentecostal community, therefore , the Soviet administration " wages a ceaseless truggle against us, not be - cause we are evil people, but only because we are profound believers , Pentecostals . " This group has been kept outside the pale of the law for a long time . Some individuals and families are experiencing illegal reprisals even today .

During Viktor Vasilev's army service in the city of Termez (1959 - 1960), Sharonov, captain of the special service, gave him orders to renounce God in writing, because otherwise he would be barred from entering a military institute . The Captain said the institute preferred to produc e five bad engineers than one good one who is a believer .

Nina Vasileva, Vasile v ' s wife, was constantly persecuted by the KGB i n Alma Ata .

For the past three years, Vasilev has been living in Vilnius, but th e Soviet administration has not forgotten him . Bukashiev, prosecutor of th e Spalia region in the city of Vilnius, branded the head of the family a n anti-Soviet individual . At Vilnius secondary school 36, their children , Valentin and Timofey, were being forced to join the Little Octobrists . When they refused, the school principal suggested that they find a schoo l without a Little Octobrist organization .* Finally, Viktor Vasilev received a court order to move out into the street . Despite his 24-year wor k record and the praise and distinction he has earned in his places of employment, he still has not earned a government-approved apartment . KG B people started spreading various fabrications and rumors about the family .

Vasilev wrote appeals to Brezhnev, Podgorny, Kosygin and Rudenko - - all to no avail .

* (AU. schools in the Soviet Union have this organization--Ed .)

A-9 3 Therefore, he and his wife have asked the Soviet administration t o give their family permission to leave the USSR . They base their reques t on :

1. The Declaration of Human Rights ;

2. The International Act on Civil and Political Rights ; an d

3. The Helsinki Agreements .

They have also appealed for aid to the Christians of the world .

Sources : 1. Statement (in Russian ) 2. Statement about the emigration from the USSR (in Russian )

June 2, 1977 Lithuanian Helsinki Group :

Tomas Venclov a Father Karolis Carucka s On a Lukauskaite-Poskiene Viktoras Petku s Eitan Finkelshtein

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ON THE SITUATION OF LITHUANIAN FORMER POLITICAL PRISONER S

DOCUMENT NO . 9

Some political prisoners who have returned to Lithuania are facing a difficult situation . An entire complex system of discrimination has bee n created against the prisoners who have served their terms . Having acquainted ourselves with the documentation and statements, we have established the following :

1. Some of the political prisoners released from Soviet prisons and . camps have been so far categorically denied the right to return to thei r homeland, Lithuania (Vytautas Slapsinskas returned in 1977 after a 25-yea r term), although they have not been punished with deportation or with othe r restrictions of civil rights (Stepas Bubulas, Kostas Buknys, Antana s Deksnys, Alfonsas Gaidys, Algirdas Gasiunas, Robertas Indrikas, Antana s Jankauskas, Jonas Karalius, Leonas Lebeda, Kostas Laksas, Juozas Mikailionis, Aleksas Mosteika, Petras Paltarokas, Povilas Peciulaitis, Vytauta s Petrusiatis, Albinas Rasytinis, Vincas Saliokas, Vytautas Slapsinskas, Jona s Sarkanas, Vladas Vaitiekunas, et al). They are exiled without a trial, only by administrative order .

2. Some of the returnees refuse to obey the order ( " order " - becaus e jurists maintain that such a law does not exist, and therefore they canno t defend these people ' s rights) and refuse to leave Lithuania . Such individuals must arm themselves with patience, cool nerves, perseverance, an d strong will . In some cases, the administration, having tried variou s penalties and trials, finally allows them to register officially . In othe r cases, permission to register is refused . They do not deport the stubbor n individual, they simply adjust themselves to the accomplished fact . That i s what happened on April 20th of this year to arrested Balys Gajauskas, wh o had lived in Kaunas for four years without having been duly registered . Povilas Pepiulaitis was allowed to register in Kaunas, then his registratio n was cancelled and he was showered with monetary fines for not being registered . On May 20, 1975, he was sentenced to one year in a strict regim e camp . After he had served his term, the authorities again refused to hav e him registered in Lithuania or outside its limits ...

3. Sometimes, after permission has been granted for residence i n Lithuania, the administration changes its mind after a prolonged time , annuls the registration, and the person is expelled from Lithuania (Leona s Lebeda, Kostas Laksas, Povilas Peciulaitis, and others) ; Kazys Katkus, fo r instance, had his registration annulled in Plunge in 1975 after havin g lived there for ten years upon his return from camp .

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4. The Soviet administration sometimes likes to play cat-and-mouse . Juozas Tribusauskas, for instance, returned to his native Panevezys an d lived there for several years, but was then expelled from Lithuania . H e took up residence in Latvia and a few years later was again allowed to re - turn to Panevezys .

5. These individuals, deported without trial and without any definit e term, do not know when they can return home . Everything depends on th e whims of the administration since one cannot say that nobody is allowed t o return . For example, the priests Petras Jasas, Antanas Mitrikas, Kazimiera s Vaicionis, Kasimieras Vasiliauskas, and others were kept in Latvia for ove r ten years ; later they were allowed to return to their native country . Thus , exiled people do not know when they will be able to return to Lithuania .

6. Similarly, people who have never been sentenced have been deporte d nevertheless . Thus, the Apostolic administrators of the archdiocese o f Vilnius and of the diocese of Kaisiadorys, Bishops Julijonas Steponaviciu s and Vincentas Sladkevicius remain in exile for almost twenty years . It i s true they were exiled to the border areas of Lithuania, not outside it s limits . Archbishop Teofilis Matulionis and Bishop Pranciskus Ramanauska s died in such exile after having been released from prisons and camps .

7. Those exiled are usually fathers and heads of families . The en - tire family moves to the place of exile . There, the problem of findin g schools that teach Lithuanian is very important . At one time, the Lith- uanian deportees in Siberia were forbidden to have Lithuanian schools, al - though they did not lack qualified teachers who were also exiles . For th e same reasons, all the efforts of Lithuanians in East Prussia (now th e Kaliningrad area) to establish Lithuanian schools for their children col - lapsed .

In this manner the Soviet administration of Lithuania disregards th e international obligations of the USSR, because it exiles both former political prisoners and citizens who have not been tried at all, wherever , whenever, and for whatever term it wishes to, and the deportee's famil y ends up in exile together with him .

Sources : 1. Statemen t 2. Applicatio n 3. Reply to USSR Ministers' Counci l 4. Statement (in Russian ) 5. Certificate No . 049912 (in Russian ) 6. Certificate No . 045589 (in Russian ) 7. Certificate No . 0942.25 (in Russian ) 8. Certificate of Form No . 15 (in Russian ) 9. Check of Form No . 20 (in Russian)

June 14, 1977 Lithuanian Helsinki Group :

Tomas Venclov a Fath Karolis Garucka s Ona Lukauskaite-Poskien e Viktoras Petku s Eitan Finkelshtein

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ON THE ARREST OF BALYS GAJAUSKA S

DOCUMENT NO . 1 0

On April 20, 1977, Balys Gajauskas was summoned to the Vilnius KGB an d arrested . He had been living in Kaunas, and on May 4th it would have bee n four years since his return from the Mordovian camps . He was not officiall y registered in Lithuania, but he refused to leave . For this refusal , Gajauskas became involved with various institutions and a court .

Previously, Balys Gajauskas had been charged under Article 58 and wa s sentenced to 25 years of imprisonment on May 3, 1948, He completed his en - tire term in prisons and camps . On his return, he was often interrogated ; his apartment was searched on December 23, 1974 and on February 7, 1977 . The purpose of the last search was spelled out in the search warrant : T o sieze " objects and documents that may serve as significant evidence to the case ." Also ransacked were Leonardas Staviskis' and Ona Grigaliuniene' s apartments in search of materials that might compromise Gajauskas .

0n May 22, 1977, Birute Pasilien e ' s apartment in Giruliai, Klaipeda wa s searched . The search warrant indicated that the search was to find materia l on Balys Gajauskas' case . During the search of Pasiliene's apartment , Khronika #43, a manuscript Projektas (Project), and two typewriters (Lith- uanian and Russian) were confiscated by the authorities .

The only surviving member of Gajauska s ' family is his ill 73-year--ol d mother . At the time of Gajauskas ' arrest she was undergoing an operation i n the hospital . Two weeks after his arrest, she was informed in writing tha t her son had been arrested and that he was charged with Article 68 (part two ) of the Lithuanian Penal Code . Thus, he faces a possible loss of freedo m from three to ten years, and one to five years of exile . Leonardas Staviski s and Ona Grigaliuniene were called to the KGB as witnesses in Balys Gajauska s ' case .

Sources : 1. Statement-Appeal by Birute Pasilien e 2. Description of the search of Birute Pasiliene's apartment June 16, 1977 Lithuanian Helsinki Group :

Tomas Venclov a Father Karolis Garucka s Ona Lukauskaite-Poskien e Viktoras Petku s Eitan Finkelshtein

A- 99

ON THE PERSECUTION OF ENN TART O

DOCUMENT NO . 1 1

Enn Tarto, Estonian, born on September 25, 1938, residing in the cit y of Tartu, has written to us .

Enn Tarto was arrested in 1956 and in 1962 . He spent nine years in Soviet prisons and camps as a political prisoner . Upon his return, th e KGB did not leave him in peace, and repeatedly subjected him to interrogations . He was dismissed from an institution of higher learning and wa s interrogated about his contacts with Naraliya Gorbanevskaya .

This year, there were four attempts to set fire to the building wher e he lives (Tartu, Anne Street No . 20) . Recalling that recently severa l dissidents in Moscow were victims of fires, we have decided to publish th e letter of Enn Tarto as a document .

Source : Enn Tarto, " Leedu Helsinki grupile avaldus "

June 26, 1977 Lithuanian Helsinki Group :

Tomas Venclov a Father Karolis Garucka s Ona Lukauskaite-Poskien e Viktoras Petku s Eitan Finkelshtein

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ON THE PSYCHIATRIC IMPRISONMENT OF ALGIRDAS ZIPR E

DOCUMENT NO . 1 2

A cry has reached us . It is the heart-breaking voice of a human bein g from the so-called psychiatric hospitals which are really prisons . Thi s cry was first heard by Jonas Volungevicius (resident of Vilnius), Birut e Pasiliene (resident of Klaipeda), Romualdas Ragaitis (resident of Vilnius ) and Jadvyga Petkeviciene (resident of Siauliai) who sent it to us .

It is the voice of political prisoner Algirdas Zipre who, in 1958 ha d been sentenced to 25 years of imprisonment under Article 58 although a decree had been already passed according to which maximum punishment coul d not exceed 15 years . The condemned man appealed to various Soviet agencie s to have the error rectified . As a result, on October 13, 1973, this healthy , strong, and principled individual was thrown into what prisoners call th e " psikhushka " (psychiatric prison-hospital--Ed .) in Mordovia, Barashev cam p 385/3-12 .

The conditions there are worse than in prison : a hermetically close d window, strict isolation from the outside world, no walks, and prisoners ar e beaten and forcibly injected with some pseudo-medicine . Algirdas Zipre suffered severe beatings on October 20, 1973 and February 7, 1975 . He wa s twice transferred to the Serbsky Institute in Moscow (September 29, 1974 an d February 28, 1977) and was held in Moscow ' s Butyrky Prison . Recently he wa s moved to an unknown destination .

May his appeal reach the ears and heart of every decent human being !

Sources_ : 1. Statement of Jonas Volungevicius, Birute Pasiliene, Romualdas Ragaiti s and Jadvyga Petkeviciene . 2. Letter by Algirdas Zipre, " Buk sveikas!" (Greetings ' ), a cop y

July 1, 1977 Lithuanian Helsinki Group :

Tomas Venclov a Father Karolis Garucka s Ona Lukauskaite-Poskien e Viktoras Petku s Eitan Finkelshtein

A- 101

TO : THE BELGRADE MEETING TO REVIEW THE COMPLIANC E

WITH THE HELSINKI ACCORDS OF 197 8

STATEMENT

ON THE SITUATION OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURC H

AND OF OTHER BELIEVERS IN LITHUANI A

In the Soviet Union, the struggle against religion is an integral par t of Communist Party policy . " Freedom of conscience" is understood here in a unique way . In his pamphlet, Soviet Laws on Religious Cults (Vilnius, 1963) , A . Veshchikov describes freedom of conscience as follows : " We understan d freedom of conscience as the ultimate liberation of all men from religiou s superstition (p . 10) . The same idea is also expressed by J . Anicas and J . Rimaitis in their brochure, Soviet Laws on Religious Cults and Freedom o f Conscience (Vilnius, 1970) :

" Genuine freedom of conscience is possible only when .. . all availabl e scientific, cultural and ideological means are used to help man liberat e himself from the influence of an anti-scientific religious view of th e world . As long as the believers have not shed religious superstition , freedom of conscience is impossible ." (p . 54 )

Such an understanding and interpretation of freedom of conscience i s self-contradictory . Freedom cannot exist where there is compulsion, restriction, and struggle . Simultaneously, this interpretation also contradicts international obligations undertaken by the Soviet Union : the Uni- versal Declaration of Human Rights, the Helsinki Final Act, the Interna- tional Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, and the Inter - national Covenant on Civil and Political Rights .

As a member of the United Nations, the Soviet Union has assumed th e obligation to honor and respect human rights and fundamental freedoms, bu t it has not changed its stand toward religion within its own state . Not onl y did the old laws remain valid, but on July 28, 1976, already after th e Helsinki Accords, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of Lithuania confirme d the Regulations Governing Religious Associations, 53 articles in all, a fac t on which we have reported in our Document No . 2, 1976 . Once more we dra w attention to the fact that these regulations are based exclusively on variou s Soviet decrees and regulations created prior to the Helsinki Accords and

A-10 2

which discriminate against the believers . Specifically, anti-religious propaganda is allowed, but religious propaganda is outlawed ; only the performance of religious cults is permitted, etc .

Article 26 of the International, Covenant on Civil and Politica l Rights states :

" All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without an y discrimination to equal protection of the law . In this respect the law shall prohibit any discrimination and guarantee to all persons equal an d effective protection against discrimination on any ground such as race , colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national o r social origin, property, birth or other status . "

International agreements on basic human rights and freedoms state tha t they take precedence over the internal laws of states . Since the Sovie t Union recognizes this principle, it should amend Article 124 of the USS R Constitution and Article 96 of the Constitution of the Lithuanian SSR , which state : " The Church has been separated from the state and the stat e from the church . The freedom of performance of religious cults and th e freedom of anti-religious propaganda are granted to all citizens . "

The word "separate" as used by the state organs has more than on e meaning . When it is applied to the Church, it is understood in the sens e that the Church has no right to intervene in the state ' s internal affair s -- that is, the Church cannot indicate which persons should be elected t o the country ' s Supreme Soviet or its presidium : who should be chairmen o f the raion executive committees ; who should be named professors or lecturer s at the universities ; etc . But when the term ' separate " is applied to th e state, it has an entirely opposite meaning : the organs of the Sovie t government decide which bishops are not allowed to perform their dutie s (Bishops Steponavicius and Slatkevicius) and which young people cannot en - roll in the Theological Seminary (those refused admission are still harassed : M . Petravicius, A . Ciuras, et al .) . They even decide which priest s may be invited to religious festivals, and which ones may not (A . Kleina , K . Garuckas, V . Cerniauskas, etc .) . The state authorities have told th e Rev . Bronius Laurinavicius that, " without our knowledge " a priest canno t even hammer a nail into a church wall . The atheists themselves acknowledge that the word " separate " has a double meaning . J . Anicus and J . Raimaitis: write

"In the literature that discusses the question of the separation o f church and state, the two are sometimes presented as parties of equal significance, e .g ., ' The state organs do not interfere in the activity of th e church ; church in its turn does not mingle in the affairs of the state .' This interpretation is doubtlessly incorrect . The sovereignty of the Sovie t state gives it the right to regulate various areas of social life . Th e church, in spite of its specific character ; cannot be an exception . "

If one thinks logically, the separation of the Church from the stat e should mean that it is entirely free, independent from the state, and run s its own affairs . however, judging by common practice and various laws and A- 103 regulations issued by the civilian administration, it would appear that th e church has not been separated from the state, but rather is strictly con - trolled by the state administration . When the Soviet press writes abou t the Church-state relations, it frequently asserts that the Soviet state an d its government organs do not interfere in the internal affairs of the Church , i .e ., in its canonical and dogmatic activity . Actual experience, however , shows something entirely different : the state disregards the canons of th e church law and determines what is permitted the Chruch and what is not . This is acknowledged by the atheists themselves . A . Veshchikov writes :

" Soviet laws forbid the centers of the clergy to issue any regulation s and rules to the faithful . The clergyis also forbidden to guide or eve n to base itself on previous religious laws ." (p . 20 )

Article 13 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cul- tural Rights states :

" The states Party to the present Covenant undertake to have respect fo r the liberty of parents and, when applicable, legal guardians, to choose fo r their children schools other than those established by the public authorities which conform to such minimum educational standards as may be laid down or approved by the State and to ensure the religious and moral education o f their children in conformity with their own convictions . "

The same principle is repeated in Article 18 of the International Co- venant on Civil and Political Rights and is emphasized by the Universa l Declaration of Human . Rights : " Parents have a prior right to choose th e kind of education that shall be given to their children . " (Article 26 )

Article 56 of the Fundamentals of People's Education in the USSR an d the Union. Republics admits theorietically :

"If regulations established by an international treaty or an international agreement of which the USSR is a party, differ from those promul- gated by the educational. laws of the USSR and its Union republics, then th e regulations of the international treaty or the international agreement ar e applied . " But the practice is different .

In the Soviet Union, where school has been separated from the Church , the entire educational apparatus is in the hands of the state and there ar e. no other schools except those of the state . The goals and the tasks o f those schools are determined by the Fundamentals of Legislation of People' s Education in the USSR and the Union Republics, which demand "lay educatio n without religion . (Article 12), " permeation of teaching and education wit h the spirit of Marxist--Leninist ideas, socialist internationalism, Sovie t patriotism, and Communist views " (Articles 19, 31, 36, 41), and state tha t " Parents and persons who represent them must educate children in the spiri t of high Communist morality " (Article 57) ; " education in the family must b e organically harmonized with the educational activity of schools, pre-school s and extracurricular institutions, and social organizations" (Article 57) .

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The practical application of the above-mentioned articles of th e Fundamentals is described by P . Misutis, Deputy Chairman of the Council fo r the Coordination of the Republic ' s Atheistic Propaganda, in his book , Improvement of Ideological Activity (Vilnius, 1974) :

" The Fifth Plenary Meeting of the Central Committee of the Lithuania n Communist Party (1963) emphasized that scientific-atheistic propaganda is a general party matter . (p . 197 )

The differentiation of atheistic activity has recently improved .... Atheistic education in schools is also being identified . The main task o f the formation of the materialistic world-view is transferred to the class - room process, but without relinquishing the atheistic groups and clubs whos e activity in some schools even goes beyond the school limits . It is very important to improve the atheistic education of parents who are still believers , which is exactly what the collectives of many schools are trying to do .

There are important tasks in the education of the young and of university students . . . . The Departments of Atheism and Philological History i n Vilnius V . Kapsukas State University, is accomplishing a lot in this respec t and is playing an increasing role in. the coordination and organization o f scientific. atheistic activity of university students throughout the entire republic ... . Therefore, it is very important to improve work with them , as with the young in general . Those youth who are still religions believers' must be taken away from the influence of the church . " (p . 202 )

Such are the goals of all schools . Perhaps, then, the children of th e believers and the religious youth can be taught religion privately ?

Lenin's decree of January 25, 1918, " On the Separation of the Church from the State and of the school from the Church " allows for private religious instruction (Article 9), while Article 43 of the Penal Code of th e Lithuanian SSR forbids it . The violation of this (43rd) Article is described as follows :

" Organization and systematic performance of religious instruction fo r minors, in violation. of the rules established by law . The violation of th e rules established by the law refers to religious instruction of minors in any form (e .g ., organizing religious organizations and any kind of schools , clubs, groups ; holding regular meetings of children on questions of religious instruction ; religious instruction performed by parents not only wit h their own children but also with children of other believers) . The exception here is religious instruction performed by the parents themselves . " (Commentary to the LSSR Penal Code, Vilnius, 1974, p . 226) .

The same idea is expressed in Articles 17 and 18 of the Regulations o n Religious Associations . Thus, Lenin ' s decrees do not harmonize with con - temporary state laws .

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states in Article 18 :

A-10 5

"Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion ; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom , either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance . "

The freedom to practice a religion is assured by the USSR and LSSR constitutions, yet the believers in Lithuania do not have this freedom . A . Veschikov openly acknowledges that religious associations " have strictl y limited functions, according to Soviet law . " (p . 31) . J . Anicas and J . Rimaitis repeat the same : " Religious communities are formed for the practice of a religion only . " (p . 38 )

The term " freedom to practice a religion " encompasses not only th e holding of religious services or the participation in them,_but_ everythin g that is closely linked to thereligious ritual . To practice the rituals o f the Catholic Church, one needs priests, liturgical vessels, hymnals, shee t music, rosaries, organs and similar things .

The Catholics of Lithuania receive as many new priests as the civil authorities, who determine how many will study at the Theological Seminary , allow . The bishops and administrators of Lithuania cannot offer the Sacra- ment of Confirmation without the permission of the organs of the atheis t government . The activity of priests is limited to the homes of members o f the parish in which they service, and to the church of the parish where th e priest works (Article 19, Regulations Governing Religious Associations) . Solemn processions to the cemetery on All Soul ' s Day are prohibited an d priests punished for leading such processions (e .g ., the Revs . Alfonsas Svarinskas, Jonas Survila, and others) . In many places, administration o f the Last Rites to hospital patients is obstructed, and priests are forbidde n to visit the faitbful, even if they have asked for a priest (e .g ., the Rev . K . Garuckas and others) .

After the Second Vatican Meeting, the faithful of almost the entire world perform services in their native language . Lithuanians, however, mus t still use Latin, because it is impossible to print missals and other necessary books in the Lithuanian language . As for the manufacturing of religious vessels and organs, Lithuanians can only dream about it . According t o the regulations governing religious associations, religious centers, th e curiae, religious communities and parishes in Lithuania, are not considere d judicial entities and, therefore, do not have the corresponding rights . By the same token, they cannot establish their own regulations, cannot ow n property, are not subject to law and obligations, cannot conclude contracts , cannot be named beneficiaries in a last will and testament, and cannot participate in courts and arbitration proceedings . Article 22 of the above - mentioned regulation states :

" The property indispensable for the performance of the religion, bot h that which has been transferred, according to the contracts, for the use o f the believers who form a religious community, and that which has been acquired or donated to them for religious purposes, belongs to the state . " Even the " insurance compensation for a burnt (damaged) house of prayer, i s transferred to the appropriate executive committee of the Council of Workin g Peopl e ' s Deputies, which has the authority over these buildings . " (Article 29)

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Most Lithuanian Catholics, especially members of the intelligentsi a -- teachers, etc . -- cannot participate in religious rituals for they wil l be dismissed from work as a result .

During the years of Stalin ' s rule, Lithuanians, deported to distan t areas of Russia, used to make rosary beads from bread, string them on a thread, and pray . Today we see in many hands not those bread rosaries, bu t crude rosaries made in hiding, prayerbooks and hymnals copied by hand . Quite a few have gone to prison for secretly printing prayerbooks, e .g ., P . Petronis, J . Grazys, et al . The apartments of the believers are adorne d by photographs of no esthetic value, or metal images of the Crucifix, forge d or cast secretly .

Can all this be called freedom to practice religion ?

The freedom of anti-religious propaganda means that each Soviet citizen has the right to freely express his atheistic convictions and proclai m them orally and in the press . This right is assured by Article 124 of th e USSR Constitution and Article 96 of the Constitution of the Lithuanian SSR . The freedom of anti-religious propaganda in the Soviet Union means a struggl e against religion. and is actually a duty . It is one of the platforms of th e Communist Party . A . Veshchikov writes :

" The materials of the XXII Congress of the Communist Party of th e Soviet Union provide guidance on how atheistic activity should be furthe r developed . The Congress made an in-depth analysis of the question of over - coming religious traces . " (p . 29 )

The Constitution does not grant the freedom to religious propaganda t o their citizens who are religious believers, and thus makes them unequa l vis-a-vis the atheists in the eyes of the law, and discriminates against them . As a result, Catholics in Soviet Lithuania do not have any religious news - papers, or magazines, Catholic books, or even a catechism, while at the sam e time bookstores are inundated with atheistic books . Newspapers and magazine s are flowing over with atheistic articles, trying to " dethrone " the Catholi c Church, but the Catholics cannot reply to them, because they do not hav e their own press . Therefore, the Catholics of Lithuania cannot take advantag e of those rights and freedoms that are enshrined in international agreement s that the Soviet Union has committed itself to honor and to put into practice .

Therefore, we address ourselves to the Belgrade Conference, whose tas k is to monitor the observance of the agreements, signed in Helsinki in 1975 . We ask you to help us see to it that the international accords which hav e been adopted do not remain on paper only, but are concretely applied, an d that :

1 . The term " freedom of conscienc e " be understood and interpreted i n the same manner as it is understood by the people of the entire world ;

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2. The people have the right not only to anti-religious but also t o religious propaganda ;

3. The (religious) believers be granted the rights of meeting, pres s and expression ;

4. Those articles of the fundamentals of legislation on education that restrict the freedom of religion and conscience be abolished ; and

5. That all those who have contributed to the universal respect an d observance of human rights and fundamental freedom (N . Sadunaite, P . Plumpa , P . Petronis, S . Zukauskas, J . Grazys, and others) be released from prison s and camps .

June 19, 1977 Lithuanian Helsinki Group :

Rev . Karolis Garuckas Eitan. Finkelshtein Ona Lukauskaite-Poskien e Viktoras Petku s Tomas Venclova

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE Reproduced from U.S. Commission Security and Cooperatio n in Europe, Reports of _Helsinki Accord Monitors in the Soviet Union, Volume Thre e of the Documents ofthe Public Group to Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agree- ments in the USSR (Washington : mimeographed Commission report, 7 Novembe r 1978), pp . 170-176 . Not compared to an original .

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USSR-Lithuania Vilnius, July 17, 197 7

STATEMENT TO THE BELGRADE CONFERENC E

ON THE PRESENT SITUATION IN LITHUANI A

The present status quo in Lithuania is the result of an ultimatum , submitted at 11 :00 PM on June 14, 1940, in Moscow, by Molotov, the Chairma n of the Council of the People ' s Commisars of the Soviet Union and Commisa r of Foreign Affairs, to Urbsys, Lithuanian Minister of Foreign Affairs . Th e army of the Soviet Union, on these grounds, crossed the frontier of Lith- uania already on the following day, June 15, at 2 :00 PM, and occupied th e main Lithuanian cities . . .

Molotov ' s deputy, Dekanozov, was dispatched to Lithuania and tried t o standardize the country ' s life in accordance with the Soviet pattern . Th e results were terrible : not only were all the political parties closed down , the private press liquidated, social organizations oppressed but, beyon d that, over forty thousand people were imprisoned or deported to Siberia , sparing nobody, neither infants nor old people .

It is no wonder, then, that at the outbreak of the German-Soviet war , the four largest Lithuanian political parties tried to restore Lithuania n state sovereignty -- but the Nazis swiftly paralyzed their efforts .

When in 1944 the Red Army once more entered Lithuania, as early a s November 11th a special bureau, attached to the Central Committee of th e Communist (Bolshevik) party was formed in Moscow under the leadership o f Suslov . In the following year alone, more than four thousand employee s were purged from various agencies in Lithuania . By April 1947, 1350 mor e people were discharged because, in April 1945, 6116 officials who could no t speak Lithuanian were sent to Lithuania . According to KGB Colonel Mikhailov , who was stationed in Vilnius, fifty thousand Lithuanians perished wit h weapons in their hands, three times more were sent to prisons and camp s where the casualties were as high as in the forests -- and how many wer e deported to Siberia !

After Stalin ' s death, some of the deportees were allowed to return, an d some of the political prisoners were released from camps . But, alas, to thi s very day, many are not allowed to return to Lithuania, their fatherland, an d are kept in indefinite exile without trial . We publish at least some o f their names :

Stepas Bubulas, Kostas Buknys, Antanas Deksnys, Alfonsas Gaidys , Algirdas Gasiunas, Robertas Indrikas, Antanas Jankauskas, Jonas Karalius , Leonas Lebeda, Kostas Leksas, Juozas Mikailionis, Aleksas Mosteika, Petra s Paltarokas, Povilas Peciulaitis, Vytautas Petrusaitis, Albinas Rasytinis , Vincas Saliokas, Vytautas Slapsinskas, Jonas Sarkunas, Benius Trakimas , Vladas Vaitiekunas, et al . A- 109

The situation of the Lithuanian language is difficult . Five times a s many Russians are living in Lithuania today as before World War II, especially in Vilnius and Klaipeda . Therefore, in some offices it is impossible to make oneself understood in Lithuanian, for instance, in the Vilniu s railway station, in some post offices, on the street with the policemen on duty, etc . In Latvia, where on the eve of the war there were eightee n [Lithuanian] schools, all have been closed .[* ]

Many lands, recognized as part of Lithuania by the peace treaty betwee n Lithuania and the Soviet Union signed on July 12, 1920, today are under th e Belorussian administration . Lithuanians are autochthonous in those lands . They have no Lithuanian schools, while in Apsas and Vydziai the churche s have been closed ; the church of Pelesa, built by Lithuanians after Worl d War I, has been transformed into a warehouse, its towers have been razed , while Rector Vienazindis was imprisoned in 1950 . Consequently, Lithuanian s in Belorussia have no schools, no churches, and Lithuanian priests are no t allowed to take up residence there .

The census data indicates that the number of Russians and of Poles in Lithuania is about equal, but various advertisements, slogans posters , booklets, etc . in Vilnius are only in two languages -- Lithuanian an d Russian . There is a Russian dramatic theatre in Vilnius, Russian-languag e groups are understudied in Lithuanian establishments of higher education , while the Polish language is allowed only in the Vilnius Pedagogical In- stitute .

The smaller national minorities are faring even worse . During the war , the Jews suffered more than any other inhabitants in Lithuania . Prior t o World War Two, they had 122 primary schools, three grammar schools, and 1 4 high schools . At present, the Jews do not have a single school, or a pres s of their own, although, according to the 1970 census data there were 16,00 0 of them in Vilnius alone and 4,000 in Kaunas .

Twenty-four thousand declared themselves as Belorussians in Vilnius , but they do not have their own school, and Belorussian religious service s were also abolished in churches in the postwar years . When private school s were forbidden after the war, the Karaites suffered a special loss, becaus e the Kenese (Karaite place of worship--Ed .) of Trakai had a parochial schoo l attached to it ; the Tatars also suffered a wrong with the closing of thei r mosques and schools .

The Lithuanians in Latvia are told, if they want to study in Lithuanian , they must go to Lithuania, but the Russians are not told that their childre n should go to Russia to learn Russian . The Ministry of Education has specified that the curriculum of the senior class in Lithuanian high schools contain only four weekly hours of the Lithuanian language and five hours of th e Russian language . The same Ministry manages to demand and obtain a fluency in Russian from all Lithuanian graduates, but the same Ministry is helples s to make the same Russian graduates learn at least a little Lithuanian .

The publishing houses have gone even further : in some Lithuanian books , Russian texts are now being printed without a Lithuanian translation . A-11 0

Various administrative officials and the press have begun talking about th e bilingualism of Lithuanians -- the Lithuanians are alleged to like Lenin' s language . But what is to be done if in Lithuania itself it is impossibl e to communicate in Lithuanian ?

In schools, the history of Lithuania and the world are taught in a special manner -- it is not a history of states, or nations, or kings, o r dukes, but the history of economic relationships and of the so-calle d " class struggle," elucidated by the party line . Therefore, not a singl e textbook of Lithuanian or world history, or any publication on the subjec t published prior to 1940, is allowed into the schools . Not only those, bu t all books published prior to the above-mentioned events have been remove d from all school libraries, and most of them have been destroyed . An exception has been made only for certain institutes of higher learning and scientific institutions, where such publications have been placed in the so-calle d special funds, which are accessible only by special permission .

It is especially strange that even certain books by individuals wh o occupied various important posts after the events of June 1940, and published prior to those events, have also ended up in the special fund, e .g ., the book SSSR -- musu akimis (USSR Through Our Eyes) by Justas Paleckis wh o for three decades was in name the country ' s top administrative official . Even such classics of Lithuanian literature as Algimantas by Vincas Pietaris , and others have ended up among the forbidden books .

The history of Lithuanian literature has been arranged in such a wa y that several writers who had retreated to the USSR during the war years ar e being recognized as great Lithuanian classics, while there is either silenc e about the mass of Lithuanian writers who had fled to the West, or some ar e mentioned only after their death . The writers who have returned from th e camps or from Siberia also have a difficult time .

To this very day, KGB agents keep seizing prewar books or periodicals , whenever they are engaged in a house search . Where are they deposited ? Only the KGB could answer this question .

The Soviet press explains the matter as follows : " It was necessary t o re-evaluate the cultural heritage of the Lithuanian nation from the Marxist - Leninist point of view : by taking over its democratic and socialist tendencies, to criticize the bourgeois-nationalist conceptions, especially i n the areas of history, literature and other social sciences . It was als o necessary to broadly propagate scientific atheism, a helper in the struggl e against the religious views disseminated by the church . " (Algirdas Rakunas , Klasiu kova Lietuvoje 1940-1951 metais -- The Class Struggle in Lithuania , 1940-1951, Vilnius, 1976, p . 178) .

The propagation of so-called scientific atheism continues today, an d the means to propagate it have not improved . Let the official press spea k for itself :

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" When we were healing the war-inflicted wounds, developing education , culture, improving health care, there was an unusual space shortage in ou r republic . Therefore, it was completely natural for the local governmen t organs to use the nationalized spacious rectory buildings for these vitall y important matters . " (Article by J . Anicas, in Uz socializmo sukurim a Lietuvoje - For the Creation of Socialism in Lithuania, Vilnius, 1969 , p . 306) We would like to add that not only rectories, but also parish halls , their libraries, and even the buildings housing church servants were use d for that purpose . Many libraries were destroyed in this manner, e .g, th e Marian library in Marijampole (now Kapsukas), which contained over 50,00 0 books . One might add that the old archives of the dioceses were seized b y force for the same purposes .

The Soviet press continues as follows : " The use of selected forme r cult buildings, most for culture, education and health care, in the proces s of improving social services for the population, was a profoundly human e affair, and the substantial majority of the working people gave its suppor t to it " (Ibid ., p . 306) . Let us express our doubts that the " substantia l majority of the working people " did approve, for instance, the transforma- tion for a decade of the St . Casimir Church in Vilnius, built in 1604, int o a warehouse for alcoholic beverages .

And is not the period of the "healing of the wounds " and of " postwa r humanism " lasting a bit too long? Perhaps it is time to begin to return t o the communities of religious believers at least their surviving possessions ? After all, three-quarters of the churches in Vilnius, including the Cathedral - Basilica itself, remain closed .

Much is written, and spoken about caring for architectural and artisti c monuments . The Church of the Sisters of the Visitation in Vilnius (built i n 1729) also bears the inscription that it is an architectural monument, hu t that did not prevent the destruction of its interior in 1965 and its trans - formation into a prison . That status also did not prevent the removal o f the bells on September 8, 1966, from the All Saints Church (built in 1620 , also in Vilnius) after it had been closed . A two story chapel in Antakalnis , Vilnius, erected 300 years ago, was destroyed in the same year, although i t was in nobody's way -- even today the site remains empty and the trees tha t used to surround the chapel are still there . And only a couple of year s ago, the popularly venerated Hill of Crosses near Siauliai was devastate d again .

This sad list could be continued endlessly . Let us also add that al l Catholic monasteries in Lithuania remain closed, while of the former, fou r theological seminaries only one is allowed to continue . Even that seminar y could take in only five new seminarians three years ago, while the averag e mortality of priests per annum is four times as high . The Jews and Tatar s of Lithuania, meanwhile, have been left without any clergy .

The Constitution of the USSR guarantees to atheists the right to anti - religious propaganda, yet believers are only allowed to worship, and not t o engage in religious propaganda . How, then, is the equality of all citizen s to be understood? Because the freedom to worship so far remains limited to

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the paper of the Constitution -- believers are not allowed to celebrat e even their major holidays, which is part of the concept of religiou s worship .

Religious believers continue to be fired from their jobs for celebrating their holidays . When children stay away from school on such holidays, their parents are summoned to appear and receive a scolding . Tele- vision and radio are permeated with atheism, and meanwhile both these organizations are maintained with the money of the believers, too .

The believers of all religious denominations in Lithuania are withou t their own press . And if that were not enough, not only the laity but eve n the clergy are forbidden to teach prayers to the children, although such teaching is their direct duty and an inseparable component of the very concept of the cult . Priests who dared to do that have been incarcerated, imprisoned in camps, or otherwise punished . Here are several victims of th e last decade : the Revs . AntanasAleksandravicius (Slavikai), Prospera s Bubnys (Girkalnis),JakubauskasAlbinas Deltuva (Veisejai), Antana s (Pociuneliai), Antanas Seskevicius (Dubingiai), Juozas Zdebskis (Gudelia i and Prienai) . Therefore, the equality of believers and non-believers exist s on paper only .

There is one more painful wound . Our entire older generation in Lith- uania remembers how, before the war, one could freely purchase in Lithuani a such Soviet Russian dailies as Izvestia or Pravda, while at the Mokslas book - store in Kaunas (under the patronage of the Soviet embassy) and later in a similar bookstore in Vilnius, one could purchase the writings of Marx , Engels, Lenin and Stalin in Russian .

We do not even dare to dream that we shall live to see the day when th e central dailies of Paris, London and New York would be freely sold here . But we do not forget for an instant that a considerable portion of our nation , especially its intellectuals, have emigrated or retreated to the West . Ther e they have created a sizeable press, a prolific literature ; they have published a huge Lithuanian Encyclopedia .

Yet all the efforts to have the above-mentioned press reach us, too , have been in vain . Whenever a few samples of those publications reach ou r libraries, they are kept there behind nine locks, or again are availabl e only with a speical permit . Meanwhile, Communist literature published i n Lithuania reaches the West without any obstruction . Our officials regar d us as small children and strictly determine what we are, and are not t o read .

In our statement, we have touched upon only a portion of the instance s where the agreement signed on August 1, 1975, in Helsinki has been violated . We could also submit materials on how the reunion of families and a serie s of other questions are being evaded . The purpose of this memorandum is t o draw the attention of the states-signatories of the Helsinki agreements t o the fact that no agreement in the world is valid if it is observed only b y . a single party who has signed it .

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(Signed by Lithuanian Public Grou p members Rev . Karolis Garuckas, Eitha n Finkelshtein, Ona Lukauskaite-Poskien e and for Viktoras Petkus -- imprisone d since April, 1977 -- and Tomas Venclov a -- allowed to leave for the U .S . in January, 1977, and subsequentl y stripped of his Soviet citizenship . )

USSR-Lithuania Vilnius, July 17, 197 7

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Reproduced from U .S . Commission . on Security and Cooperation in Europe, The Right to Know, the Righ t toAct . _ Documents of Helsinki Dis sen t from the Soviet_Union and Eastern_ _ Europe_ (Washington : mimeographed Commissio n report, May 1978), pp . 96-102 . Not checked against an original .

[*] The source used here refers to prewar Latvian schools in Latvia ; th e reference undoubtedly should be to Lithuanian schools in prewar Latvia .

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Vilnius, April 30, 197 7

STATEMENT OF EITHAN FINKELSHTEIN ,

MEMBER OF THE LITHUANIAN SOCIAL GROUP

TO SUPPORT THE OBSERVANCE OF HELSINKI AGREEMENT S

On April 27, 1977, I was summoned to the KGB department at the Minis- ters ' Council of the Lithuanian SSR, where Major Rimkus, head of the interrogation section, in the presence of an official of the central apparatu s of the KGB at the USSR Ministers ' Council, accused me of collecting an d transmitting to foreign intelligence centers and anti-Soviet propogand a organs slanderous fabrications and information, blackening the Soviet socia l and state system . He had in mind my activity in the Lithuanian Publi c Group to Promote the Observance of the Helsinki Agreement, as well as th e publication of my articles and statements in the foreign press, and broad - casts of them by the foreign radio, including Radio Liberty .

I was officially warned that if I don ' t immediately cease such activity, I will be taken to court according to the appropriate paragraphs o f the Penal Code .

All this compels me to make the following statement :

My activity in the Lithuanian Helsinki Group consists mainly of advisin g citizens on questions of emigration, as well as explaining their rights an d related possibilities in connection with the Helsinki Agreements . Wheneve r the Helsinki Agreements are violated in the case of some citizens, I try , together with the other members of the group, to help them in their strivin g for justice and attempt to convince the governmental authorities to redres s such violations .

My appeals and statements -- individual or collective -- deal mainl y with the demand to free prisoners of conscience, with protests against th e use of trials to persecute people because of their political convictions o r because of their desire to emigrate, and with the defense of the right t o emigration . In addition, I have signed appeals and statements, protestin g against the violations of human rights and against acts of terrorism an d radicalism in the countries where they occur .

My articles published in the foreign press deal with the problems o f emigration to Israel, the situation and the specific problems of the Jew s in the USSR, as well as with life in Lithuania today . In my articles, I

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have expressed my own views only and did not intend at all to distor t reality or to slander the Soviet Union, its people, or its political system .

My entire social activity is far from being inimical to the USSR, it s people, or individual citizens . I never had any contacts of any kind wit h foreign intelligence agencies and have not transmitted any information t o them .

As for the warning I have received from the KGB, I consider it a n attempt to intimidate me and to force me to renounce my social activity , linked with the struggle for human rights and with the Helsinki Movement .

E . Finkelshtei n Physicis t

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE : Reproduced from U .S . Commission on Security and Cooper- ation in Europe, TheRight to Know, the Right to Act . Documents of Helsink i Dissent from the Soviet Union and Eastern_Europe (Washington : mimeographe d Commission report, May 1978), pp . 102-103 . Not compared to an original .

END NOTE : The Lithuanian Group has produced additional sequential documents , from no . 13 onward, during 1977-1979, but these were not available to us at th e time our compilation stopped . What follows are three important related documents, statements, testimony and opinion of Tomas Venclova, a founding membe r of the Lithuanian Group, who is now in the United States .

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LETTER FROM TOMAS VENCLOVA

THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE LITHUANIAN COMMUNIST PARTY

This letter should not surprise you very much . I am a writer, a translator, a researcher in literature . I have labored extensively in all thos e areas . I think that I have served my fatherland and . my nation rather wel l and that I have done enough work to earn the bread I have eaten during m y lifetime . Nevertheless, I have accomplished much less than I was capabl e of, but the fault is not mine .

My father, Antanas Venclova, was a convinced communist, I have respected him and I continue respecting him as a human being . It was fro m him, among others, that I have learned to be loyal to my principles . Bu t as I observed life and took part in it, I formed in my youthful days al - ready an ideological system that was different from that of my father . My later experience merely served to confirm it . This was not a secret to my father or to anybody else .

The Communist ideology is alien to me and, in my view, is largel y false . Its absolute reign has brought much misfortune to our land . Th e informational barriers and repressions imposed on those who think differently are pushing (our) society into stagnation and the entire country int o regression . This imperils not culture alone . In the long run, this ma y also become dangerous to the state whose strengthening by such methods i s intended . There is nothing I can change here . I could not do it even i f I had as much power as you do . What I can and must do is to convey to yo u my opinion on those matters . And that is already something .

I have formed these views a long time ago and independently . For many years I have not written or uttered a single word contradicting these views . I take a serious view of the Communist ideology and therefore I refuse t o repeat its formulas in a mechanical or hypocritical manner, By refusing t o echo them I can only invite discrimination, which I have experienced i n large amounts during my life .

I am barred from any more extensive and public literary, scholarly an d cultural activity . In the Soviet Union everyone who is engaged in humanities, and not only in humanities, must keep constantly proving his loyalt y to the reigning ideology in order to be able to work, This is easy fo r time-servers and careerists . It is not difficult for people who are sincerely convinced about the rightness of Marxism (although some of them might

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regard it as an irksome and humiliating procedure) . I find it impossible .

Unfortunately, I do not know how to write for the ' desk drawer .' I seek contacts with the audiences and I will seek them under any circumstances . I would not be able and would not like to do any other work tha n in the fields of literature and culture . Yet the opportunities for cultural activity are becoming narrower for me with every passing year, and my very existence in this land is becoming meaningless and fraught with doubts .

All I have written here applies to my wife as well, She is also activ e in cultural work as a theatre director .

Please allow me, on the basis of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and of the current laws, to go abroad with my family . The exampl e of my friend Jonas Jurasas and of my other friends indicates that this i s not impossible . Since my wife is Jewish, we could also go to Israel . Thi s decision is final . I also ask you not to resort to any discriminatio n against those members of my family whose views differ from mine and who remain in Lithuania .

11 May 1975 Tomas Venclov a

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE : Reproduced from Lituanus, Volume 22 (No . 3, Fall 1976) , pp . 76-77 . Not checked against the original, but confirmed by Venclova .

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STATEMENT OF TOMAS VENCLOV A

TO THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND

COOPERATION IN EUROP E

WASHINGTON, D .C ., FEBRUARY 24, 197 7

The announcement of the formation of the Lithuanian Group to Promot e Implementation of the Helsinki Agreements was made on November 25, 1976 an d shortly thereafter was announced at a press-conference held in Yuri Orlo v ' s apartment in Moscow . At the present time, the Group consists of 5 peopl e who have all signed the Announcement . We are people of various ages an d backgrounds, with differing opinions and, finally, different ethnic back - grounds --- four Lithuanians and one Jew .

We are united in one respect : a desire to achieve in a legal and ope n manner observation of the humanitarian articles of the Helsinki Agreemen t which in Lithuania are violated not less, and sometimes even more often , than in other republics included in the USSR . Respect for the signe d Agreement and for human rights, in our view is an absolutely essential condition for the health of the international situation and of the interna l atmosphere in the country . Although we are only a voluntary association o f people who think in a similar fashion, we have grounds to believe that ou r opinion is shared by many other people in Lithuania who for one reason o r another cannot express it openly .

Now, I -- one of the five members of the group -- have the opportunit y to be in the West . I engaged in the struggle for the right to leave th e USSR long before the formation of the Group . After its formation, all of a sudden this right became a reality . My departure is temporary in nature . I was given a Soviet passport which is valid for five years, and in Lith- uania I have left my family behind . It is understood that I continue to b e a member of the Group, and I intend to represent its interests in the West . In this I see my human and civic duty . Everything which I am prepared t o say in the West I would have said -- and have already said --- in Lithuania .

According to information which I now have, one of the members of th e Lithuanian Group, the seventy-five-year-old Ona Lukauskaite-Poskiene, o n January 11, 1977, was warned in the procurator ' s office of the city o f Siauliai about her activities . Attempts to frighten her continued fo r about 3 hours . Since the members of the Moscow and Ukrainian groups hav e undergone repression, it is very probable that this will be done in Lith- uania also . I ask that international public opinion pay close attention

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to the fates of these four members of our Group : Ona Lukauskaite-Poskiene , Father Karolis Garuckas, Viktoras Petkus and Eitan Finkelshtein . I als o would like to express my protest about the arrests of our friends in Mosco w and in the Ukraine .

At first, the Helsinki Agreement evoked a certain pessimism in Lith- uania since it seemed that it would only confirm the European status quo , and that the humanitarian articles would be, even under the best circumstances, no more than good intentions . In connection with this, we decide d to document those cases in which the humanitarian articles of the Agreemen t are violated and to bring them to the attention of world opinion . Now w e feel that such documentation and information may often help specific peopl e and may also serve the cause of human rights and broader freedoms in Easter n Europe, including Lithuania . Therefore, the Helsinki Agreement now evoke s in us considerably more optimism, especially if Western governments wil l show interest and a strictly principled approach to the defense of human rights . In this sense we expect much from the conference at Belgrade .

Our Group has published two documents and one announcement about a n arrest in Lithuania of two people who were accused of so called anti-Sovie t activities . As a supplement to these documents, I would like to tell abou t some other instances known to our Group and about some trends in our work .

First of all, I must say that many people in Lithuania are brought t o trial for expression of their views and at present are imprisoned, usuall y outside Lithuania . This is a very serious violation of human rights . I am now unable to name all of them . I will mention only Nijole Sadunaite who is now in camp and Sergei Kovalev whose trial is known to all the world an d which took place already after the signing of the Helsinki Agreements .

The poet and architect, Mindaugas Tomonis, openly expressed his dis- agreement with offically accepted views in the USSR : he refused to restor e a monument to the Soviet army and then turned to the Central Committee o f the Lithuanian Communist Party, demanding greater freedom and observance o f human rights . After this he was subjected to treatment in a psychiatri c hospital . On November 5, 1975, upon leaving the hospital, he died unde r the wheels of a train in mysterious circumstances .

Other people have been subjected to forcible treatment in psychiatri c hospitals . For example, a resident of the city of Panevezys, Pukhlyakov , turned to our Group and said he had been forcibly treated only because h e had written complaints about abuses by the local authorities .

In many cases, people who do not agree with the official way of thinking are subjected to other types of persecution . One of these is known t o us as " the case of the boys . " In 1976, Vytautas Bogusis and four of hi s friends were expelled from the last class of high school for being intereste d in religion, Lithuanian history, and Russian dissidents . They were expelle d by order of the school director who took his orders from the KGB . They wer e expelled in a flash without a vote of the faculty and in their absence . Now these boys are in a difficult situation and are being pressured by the organ s of the KGB . A—12 0

Many other instances are known of pressuring priests who fulfill thei r pastoral obligations . The priest of the village of Paberze, Stanislova s Dobrovolskis, known for the independence of his sermons, at the end of 197 6 was called in by the KGB in Vilnius, where he was threatened with bein g transferred to a distant parish . The priest of the village of Vidukle , Alfonsas Saurinskas, in 1976 was sentenced and fined because he organize d religious processions which supposedly blocked street traffic, although Vidukle is a small village with hardly any street traffic .

Not only the rights of Catholics are infringed upon, but also those o f other religious communities . The authorities directly explain to peopl e what they can and cannot do in the synagogue ; for example, it is forbidde n to commemorate those who died in the Arab/Israeli War . Members of religious sects are subjected to particular persecution . A resident of Vilnius , Vasilev, a Christian pentecostal, came to our group saying that administrative persecutions had driven him to decide to emigrate from the Soviet Union .

Emigration from Lithuania in the context of reunification of familie s or human contacts is also extremely difficult . I will mention an instanc e with Kestutis Jokubynas . This linguist, who is a polyglot, spent seventee n years in camps ; he has already for a long time unsuccessfully struggled fo r the right to emigrate to Canada where his brother lives . Many instance s are known of members of religious sects, whether they be Lithuanians, Jew s or other inhabitants of Lithuania, receiving refusals -- without any motive s -- to their appeals for visits to relatives abroad . Sometimes this refusa l is accompanied by expressions of ridicule .

At least several thousand Lithuanians who, after the Second World Wa r participated in the partisan resistance against Soviet authority and serve d sentences in camps, cannot settle even in their own country, since th e militia refuses to give them residence permits for Lithuania . Many of them are forced to live in Latvia close to the borders of Lithuania . Even if on e assumes the point of view of the authorities and considers that these peopl e at one time violated the law, they are being punished twice for the sam e crime . Such limitation of the freedom of movement is a serious violation o f the Declaration of the Rights of Man, and the spirit and letter of Helsinki . The rights of Lithuanians who are living beyond the borders of Lithuania - - in Latvia, Belorussia, the Kaliningrad districts of the RFSFR, Siberia, an d also, for example, in Moscow -- are being infringed in that they do not have Lithuanian schools there or any possibility for cultural activities . In many of these places Lithuanians live in compact groups, and organization s or at least schools would be possible for them and extremely desireable . Lithuanian schools existed before the War on the territory of present da y Belorussia, Latvia, etc .

All this I can already say today, although our group was formed quit e recently . I hope that I can, in the future, be informative about possibl e violations of the Helsinki Agreement in Lithuania or in connection wit h Lithuania or specifically Lithuanian problems . A-120 a

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE : Reproduced from Lituanus, Volume 23 (No . 1, Spring 1977) , pp . 68-71 . Also : U .S . Congress (95th Congress, 1st Session), Commission o n Security and Cooperation in Europe, Basket Three : Implementation of the Helsink i Accords Volume 1, Hearings .. . February 23 and 24, 1977 (Wasington : U .S . Govern- ment Printing Office, 1977), pp . 53-57 .

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TOMAS VENCLOVA :

COLLOQUIUM WITH A DISSIDENT POE T

The closing session of the symposium featured a question - period in which the main speaker was Tomas VENCLOVA, Lithuan- ian dissident poet recently arrived from behind the iron cur- tain and presently acting as guest lecturer at the Universit y of California, Berkeley . To introduce him, a brief presentation by Joseph Brodsky, reprinted in that day ' s Capita l Times (Madison), was read . In it, Brodsky makes the following statement about Venclova : the best poet living on th e territory of which Lithuania is a small part ." Venclov a opened the discussion with some preliminary remarks :

My answers to questions about the situation of Lithuanian poetry an d poets will not always be. accurate . In respect to the Lithuanian literatur e that is being written today in that country I have been an absolute out- sider and sometimes do not really know what is going on . To begin. with, I should like to say a few words -- actually, to continue the discussion tha t has just taken place and has interested me greatly .

One day in Lithuania we were talking -- a Lithuanian . literary figur e whose name I would rather not mention and I --- on a topic very similar t o this one . We were saying that although we both were agnostics rather tha n believers, we could nevertheless imagine a situation in which Cod woul d call us to the Last Judgement at which not only people but also nations an d their literatures would be pronounced upon . Well, the Lithuanians woul d arrive and say : " Here we are, we are Lithuanians, we have survived, g o ahead and judge us now ." To which God would answer : " All right, so you have survived, so you have come, so what? The ancient Sumerians, for in - stance, did not survive, but they have accomplishments to show which mak e them more alive than you are today . " This, of course, is not a ver situation. There is, however, a counter-argument of a sorty pleasant e to b found : if you want to achieve something, you ought to survive for som e time at least . Unfortunately, the historical situation in Eastern Europ e is such that this question is very timely indeed . Perhaps not as painfull y timely as some tend to present it here, but timely nonetheless . Here i n the West, speaking to audiences of Lithuanians, I have often had to fac e questions about Russification . To this I can . state the following : th e whole situation reminds of an episode in the famous novel by Julij Daniel , Moscow is Speaking . For those who are not familiar with it --- I do recommend reading it, it has been translated into English -- I shall briefl y summarize its plot . The novel is rather short, and deals with the follow- . ing : from time to time, a new campaign is started in the Soviet Union . A s it begins, it is advertised on the radio : a campaign like the one A-12 2 for growing corn, or similar campaigns in the past . So the radio announces : " In connection with the fact that the consciousness of the Soviet people ha s risen considerably, one day a year everybody will be permitted to kill any - one he wishes . The Government is confident that only those will be kille d who should . " Several months of preparatory time is allowed . Then the da y is announced on which anyone may kill anybody . There are terrifying rumors , but the really interesting fact is that practically nobody dies . Som e killings occur in the Caucasus ; even there fewer than expected . In th e Baltic countries, on the other hand, the campaign is botched up so badl y that the government has to be criticized, and some officials are even re - moved from their posts .

One could say that the situation with regard to the campaigns of Rus - sification is similar : they are announced, talked about, and as a rul e pass without hardly being noticed, at least in Lithuania . As far as I know , in Estonia the situation is somewhat worse, and much worse in Latvia . It does seem, for the time being, that the survival of the Baltic nations fo r a considerably long historical period can he more or less assured . Never- theless, under such circumstances, nationalism does arise—nationalism whic h was so strongly criticized here a while ago . While in Lithuania, I hav e often made a statement which has been . heartily condemned by my friends ---- a t least by some of them - : that after Communism, nationalism is doctrine number two which I cannot condone . Considering the present condition of th e Baltic states, it is, however, more justifiable than in other situations . Without any doubt, it is more excusable and understandable in these countrie s than in Finland or even Hungary . This forced kind of nationalism generates , as a logical consequence, another phenomenon which was touched upon in th e preceding discussion : the inclination to evaluate too highly one's own reture and general cultural heritage . Unfortunately, I myself have alread. lit-e y been hurt by this tendency . You have just heard an excerpt from the presentation Joseph Brodsky -- whom I may call a good friend -- made of me i n the New York Review of Books, where my activity as a literary figure is with - out doubt evaluated too highly . Although Joseph Brodsky is not a Lithuanian , he certainly has a certain amount of Lithuanian. patriotism . I have alread y discussed this article with Brodsky, and I have forgiven him for it onl y because he knew that I was in a . critical situation and that such publicit y would be a great help in getting me out of Lithuania and might save me . H e made some other mistakes : I never translated Yeats, for instance . I am no t and have never been the chairman of the Lithuanian Helsinki Group . Th e Lithuanian Helsinki Group emphasized upon its foundation that it would no t have a chairman . It consists of five members only, all with equal rights . Four of them still remain in Lithuania .

After this brief introduction, I am ready to answer questions .

Question : I should like you to comment on the type of censorship which a writer must face, in Lithuania, to get a manuscript published . He submit s his manuscript to the publisher, and it goes then to the censor . How doe s this operate?

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Answer : This is a very complex question . The apparatus of censorship is one of the most secret spheres of the Soviet system . As many Soviet writers hav e pointed out on several occasions, the first -- and most important -- facet is the built-in censorship apparatus that each writer carries within himself . This is the first censor you must pass : the most exacting, the most complex , There are very few writers who have ceased to heed its admonitions . If they have succeeded in eliminating it from inside themselves, as a rule from tha t moment on they only publish in the samizda t or in the West. . As far as I know, this applies only to some Russian authors, one Estonian poet -- Uk u Masing ---, and none in Lithuania . Of course, times change, and one can hop e that the situation may improve . After this first censor, the author must face the editor : the edito r of a. journal, or the chief editor of a publishing house, who, according t o the post he occupies, is a functionary of the state and of the Communis t party . Also he has the duty of effecting some preliminary screening befor e passing the work on to the official censorship representatives . Here, muc h depends on the personality of that editor . As many of you must know, an editor like Tvardowskl in Russia managed for quite a while to direct a periodical which was almost independent . Such cases are very rare . There have been a few such. editors also in. Lithuania --- I prefer not to mentio n their names --, but as a rule they are very soon removed and replaced b y true party functionaries who do not have anything to do with literature . This tendency is actually prevalent, to my knowledge, in all the journals and magazines published in the Soviet Union . As a rule, these are no t edited by writers any . more . I should . like to tell you about a personal rather anecdotal experienc e with one of the editors . Once I translated e few short stories by Borge s and took them to the chief editor of a literary magazine . The first question the editor put forth to me was : "Doesn ' t that Borges by any chanc e have an anti-Soviet tendency?" To which I answered : "Well, it is not s o much that he would be an enemy of the Soviet system ; he just does not lik e the solar system . " This was enough. to make. the editor turn suspicious . He proceeded : " I must check him out to make cure he is not black-listed any place . " My immediate reaction was : "Where are those black lists kept? I should like to have a look at them myself so that the next time I may kno w who might and might not be translated . " The editor replied that he himsel f did not know exactly where these lists were ; he must find out about them b y round-about ways, he said, which he is not prepared for the moment to ex - plain, since all this is rather intricate . All ended with only two of th e four translations being published . Why two, and why those particular two , I have no idea . Given the present situation, even. that was a rather as- tonishing event : as far as I know, there is not: a line of Borges printed i n Russian .

Let us continue . After passing the first two stages, the real censorship starts : the so-called GlavLit . : an organization the functions an d authority of which are not clearly defined nor known to anybody, and whos e decisions cannot be appealed . It must be said that lately GlavLit inter- venes rather seldom, because the two previous censors --- the author and th e editor -- do a pretty good job nowadays . After the approval from GlavLit

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has been obtained, and after the work has gone to the press, it can still b e e stopped or condemned to confiscation by the last official authority : th e Central Committee . This happens seldom now, although such occurrences wer e more frequent in the past . After this post-censorship there might, however , still be a post-post-censorship a few years hence . If the author become s known in the meantime as a dissident, or a sympathizer with the dissidents , or if a change occurs in the party line or in the political conjuncture , even through no fault of the particular author, either all of his works, o r those which no longer comply with the official party line may be remove d from general ciruclation in the libraries and transferred to the SpecFond : special holdings . SpecFond is the very last stage of censorship . Usually , whoever is put in there will never, as in Dante ' s Inferno, leave it . Th e system of the SpecFond has its own hierarchy : there are many degrees in it . At times, especially in Khrushchev ' s days, voices could be heard claimin g that the SpecFond should be liberalized . I must say, however, that I a m not aware of any liberalization whatsoever that might have taken place . A s you see, the system is very complex, and functions rather well . If the Soviet Government would put as much effort and imagination into its tech- nological and economic systems, most likely Soviet Russia ' s situation woul d be more advanced than it is at present .

Question : How significant is it for a writer to be or not to be a member o f the Writers ' Union, and of the Communist party ?

Answer : This is also a rather complex situation . If the writer has not. ye t been admitted to the Writer s ' Union, his works can be published, and his, a n a writer ' s, fate may not be very different from that. of a member . I personally never have been a member of the Writers ' Union . At one point I di d solicit to join it . It is expected that a person who has written and published several literary texts will join it . There are, of course, als o party functionaries in the Writers ' Union who have published no literar y texts . Thecurriculum procedure is as follows : the author sends in. hi s vitae, a list of his publications, and the recommendation from three members of the Writers ' Union . Up to that time I had had not much difficult y in publishing my translations and even my own poems or critical studies , and I was functioning in the literary life pretty much as most of the members of the Union . After submitting the application the situation changed . My case was discussed, and as I learned, one of the very famous Lithuania n Soviet writers -- who shall also remain nameless -- vetoed the admissio n for the following reason : " This candidate does not comply with the firs t paragraph of the by-laws of the Writers ' Union . " This first paragraph , about whose existence I did not really know clearly, stipulates that a writer must, through his works, contribute to building the Communist society . To this objection, one of the members who had recommended me answered tha t I was asking to be admitted chiefly as a translator . The reply was that a s a translator I did not meet the requirements of the first paragraph either . After the refusal to be admitted my situation deteriorated considerably . When a person is refused, or when he Is eliminated from the Union, he find s himself in a difficult position .

The situation with regard to membership in the Communist party i s rather similar . A person may not be a member of the party and yet function

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as a writer . However, if he is thrown . out of the party or God forbid ! -- not admitted, then his situation becomes very sad . Both a membershi p in the Writers' Union and in the party bring some privileges, for in - stance, a better apartment, or the possibility of travelling outside th e Soviet Union, which is highly prized by some . However, insofar as functioning as a writer, the membership in one or the other is not decisive . By the way, many good writers publish their works only in the samizdat, an d of course they do not belong to the Union or to the party .

Question : I understood you were saying that the situation in Latvia i s much worse than in Lithuania . Why ?

Answer : It is worse indeed -- I know it by personal experience . Severa l factors converge to make it such . First of all, and this is not difficul t to see, Latvia is more important for the Soviets because of her geographi c position, hence, for military purposes . She holds the key to the Balti c Sea to a greater extent than Lithuania . Because of that ; the Russification campaign is being pursued there much more methodically and intensely, an d with greater success . I think -- I cannot guarantee -- that this Is th e foremost reason . The second reason is of a purely demographic nature . Latvia has a very low birthrate . This again can be explained by two factors : Latvia is a protestant, not a catholic country ; it has been a more civilized , more Europeanized country for a much longer time . Thus, the birthrate i s very low ; it must be added that in Estonia it is not high, either . On th e other hand, it had a smaller population than Lithuania to begin with . As a consequence, the same number of Russians brought in for colonization has a greater impact: percentage-wise . As demographic statistics show --- we mus t remember that they have been produced by the Soviet system and should b e taken with a grain of salt, although in this case by intuition and by personal experience I think I can say they are rather accurate -- at presen t only about half of the population are Latvians . It would seem that at a certain point a qualitative threshold is reached . When a nation arrives a t the point of becoming a minority in its own country, a certain, very sa d break occurs in that nation ' s psychology . As far as I know, from a psycho - logical point of view Latvians are in far deeper despair than Lithuanians o r Estonians . There is a chance that this state may be reversed . History ha s shown that when a really desperate point is reached, nations find a ne w source of strength . This could probably be termed a second qualitativ e threshold, which points in a positive direction . So far, however, summin g up my observations in Latvia during my various visits, the psychologica l situation there is, alas, very sad .

Question : Dave there been any translations into Lithuanian of works tha t had not been previously rendered into Russian? I am thinking of Mrozek ' s Tango, for instance .

Answer : Such occurrences are rare, but they do exist. A case in point ar e my Borges' translations : there is not a single paragraph of Borges i n . Russian ; in Lithuanian, we have a few . Also Faulkner ' s Light in Augus t appeared in Lithuanian before it did in Russian, although all in all, ther e are more translations of his works in Russian than in Lithuanian . In this

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respect Estonia occupies an outstanding place in the entire Soviet Union , not only among the Baltic nations . In their days they have created a ver y impressive undertaking called Looming Library . The Estonians present here are doubtless quite familiar with it . Looming Library has been publishin g for years all the important works of world literature, with the exceptio n of some fiercely anti-Communist writings . They pay no attention to whether or not these books have been previously published in Russian . This Loomin g Library became a real legend . It was said that its editors were " volunteer s in the deathrow . " After a few months the acting editor was sure to he re - moved, but the one who replaced him continued the same policy . I do not know how true this is, but considering our present situation it does not see m too exaggerated . We, Lithuanians, have always enormously envied the Loomin g Library . We have always wanted to create something similar in Lithuania bu t were never able to achieve it . I remember so well how once, some ten year s ago, I visited the famous Estonian poet Paul-Erik Rummo at his home . I wa s astounded to see that his library contained books in no other language bu t Estonian . I asked him how that was possible, and he answered simply -- an d not without reason -- that he could read whatever he wanted in Estonian . We Lithuanians cannot say the same, unfortunately . We have to read many works in Polish, for instance . Therefore today a great number of Lithuan- ian intellectuals -- especially in the humanities -- have a perfect know - ledge of Polish .

If you are not bored with this story as yet, I can tell you about an - other rather fantastic experience . There is an important Soviet poet o f Chuvash origin who lives in Moscow . His name is Genadii Aigi . His work s are fairly well known in the West and have been translated into several languages . I believe the Chuvashes are of Turkish descent ; they live on th e Volga, are small in numbers, and have practically no cultural life . Genadi i Aigi has, however, translated and edited a huge anthology of French poetr y in his language . Up to that time, only one French poem had been translate d into Chuvash : the International . The anthology includes poets like Saint - John Perse, Henri Michaux, Oscar Milosz, Rene Char, any poet you may thin k of : many who had never been -- nor will be --- published in Russian . Joseph Brodsky said once that this anthology is one of the best arguments for th e lack of meaning in history . One way or the other, this has been quite a fantastic happening . The anthology has been reviewed in the French pres s (Le Monde and other periodicals), and in our literary life it represents on e of the brighter moments . For a while, we Lithuanians had conceived hope s of doing something similar or even better . So far it has been impossible . As a consequence, one might conclude that a lot depends on each personalit y and the efforts of that particular personality .

Question : I had the impression, speaking with Estonian poets in Estonia , that there is more of a meeting and discussion between Estonian and Lith- uanian colleagues ; although the Latvians are in the middle and in greates t trouble, they seem to get less sympathy from Estonians or from Lithuanians . Is this true? Why should it be ?

Answer : This is in part so . On the one hand, Latvians and Estonians ar e bound together by their common Livonian past . The Lithuanian cultura l tradition and cultural life in general come from an entirely different A-12 7 source . Therefore, the literary evolution in Estonia and Latvia shows mor e analogies than that of Lithuania with any of the two . There certainly is a process in the background which unites Latvians and Estonians and separate s them from Lithuanians . On the other hand, there exists another developmen t by which Estonians and Lithuanians communicate, so to speak, over the head s of Latvians . There may be many causes influencing this, one of them th e already mentioned fact that Latvians find themselves in a deeper depression , and this is reflected in their activities and their attitude . Another ma y be the general rule that close neighbors usually find it more difficult t o understand each other than those living not quite as near-by . One must sa y that Lithuanians and Estonians complement each other rather nicely . In recent times one can talk about them as compensating cultures . Generally , Estonians are much more up-to-date in what is happening in the world . In their turn, when we state this and say how we envy them for it, they repl y that we have a history to lean on, and even now act in a more historica l manner . Somehow, Latvians have not been included in this complementar y structure . In general, structures of that kind are based on dichotomies . One should not, however, exaggerate . We have a lot in common with Latvian s also : our languages are closely related, we have to face common problems , and common interests generate reciprocal sympathies . I must confess I wa s rather surprised to see that during this whole conference the Latvian poe t Knuts Skujenieks (Emil ' s son) has not been alluded to at all . He is on e of the greater Latvian poets today and maintains very close relations wit h Lithuanians .

Question : Did I understand right that you were teaching World Literatur e at the university ?

Answer : Yes, indeed, I did teach Survey of Western Literature at the Uni- versity of Vilnius .

Question : What was that experience like? What place does such a cours e occupy in the curriculum? What interest does it generate? Was there an y special difficulty in teaching it ?

Answer : My teaching activity had a somewhat peculiar character . My cours e was never a part of the regular curriculum . I never have been a regula r faculty member . Usually they invited me as a substitute, when somebody ha d to go away or was ill . I generally gave one lecture a week and was paid 3 roubles for it . Therefore, in the words of Marx, I had nothing to lose, an d my lectures were geared around those Western authors who happened to interest me at that moment . Thus, I managed to talk about Proust, Borges , Kafka, and several other writers whose names are not included in the officia l program . Then I would stop lecturing ; a year later they would invite m e again, and so it continued all the time . Generally, Western Literature is taught according to a rigidly established program which does not include th e most essential authors of the twentieth century, or if it does, they ar e dealt with in an extremely sketchy and limited way . I never followed tha t curriculum, since my own situation at the university was not regular . Th e interest in the recent Western authors is very great .

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Question : Has any of the Lithuanian literature written in exile been published in Soviet Lithuania ?

Answer : Yes, as you well know, a few books have been admitted, among the m more than one really important work, as poetry by Algimantas Mackus, Jona s Mekas, or Marius Katiliskis' novel Autumn Comes Through the Forests . Also . during some time, the periodical especially dedicated to follow up developments among emigres, Native Land, would give series of poems by one or th e other poet writing in the West . At present this has almost completel y stopped . I should mention that it is not too difficult for an emigre write r to get published once he dies . Well., some have not been helped even b y death, as Jonas Aistis, one of the most important of the exile poets . On the other hand, presently there is talk about publishing Henrikas Radauskas , and there is good reason to assume it will be done . It depends on th e author and to a certain extent on the degree of his anti-Communist per - suasion . Also, as already mentioned, on his death . I am not quite sure , but I believe a similar situation exists also in Estonia . I do not kno w about Latvia ; another proof that we have closer relations with Estonia . In spite of this very selective and infrequent printing of very few exil e writers, we manage to get and read most of their books . A good case i n point is Skema ' s The White Shroud : almost all Lithuanian writers and intellectuals have read it : one of the best Lithuanian novels written in th e West . It was even reviewed in Literary journals, in spite of the fact tha t it was not available officially .

(The questions were answered in Lithuanian and simultaneously translated b y R. Silbajoris )

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Reproduced from Lituanus, Volume 23 (No . 4, Winter 1977) , pp . 54--64 . The symposium in question was part of the Third Conference o n Baltic Literatures, 29-30 April 1977, University of Wisconsin in Madison . The Lituanus issue is dedicated to the conference . AppendixIII :

D O C U M E N T S

FROM GEORGIA AND ARMENIA

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D O C U M E N T S O F T H E H U M A N R I G H T S

M O V E M E N T I N G E O R G I A, 1 9 7 4 - 1 9 7 6

(Before the Establishment of the Grou p for the Implementation of the Helsink i Accords in Georgia )

A- 1 3 0 1 . INITIATIVE GROUP FOR THE DEFENSE OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN GEORGI A

An Initiative Group for the Defense of Human Rights in Georgi a was formed in 1974 . The group has as its goal the study of differen t aspects of the fulfillment in its country of the human rights and basi c freedoms formulated in the declaration of the United Nations . Its goa l is also to fight against all forms of destruction or weakening of thes e rights .

The members of the group are : Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Merab Kostava , Viktor Rtskhiladze, and others .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Georgian for this work, fro m Georgian Herald, No . 1 (1976), p . 8 . Source courtesy of Georgia n National Council (Conseil National Géorgien, Chateau le Leuville , 91310-Leuville sur Orge, France) .

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2 . THE STUDY OF GEORGIAN HISTORY IN GEORGIAN SCHOOL S

It is well-known that in 1957-58 in Moscow, the question was raise d concerning the abolition of the study of national history as a separat e object of study in the schools of the national republics . National histor y was to be studied together with the history of the USSR . Actually, thi s means Russian history . In short, in students' grade books and on thei r diplomas, Georgian History is no longer noted .

At the present time Georgian History is studied for just 65 hours ; it is taught together with the history of the USSR for the four years o f the higher grades .

The division of hours of study with respect to the different grade s is as follows : In the seventh grade 35 hours of class time are devoted t o Georgian history, more than half the total number of hours . This covers th e period from antiquity to the end of the eighteenth century . In the same grade, 70 hours are devoted to the history of the USSR . In the 8th, 9t h and 10th grades, only ten hours per grade remain and in the course of thes e three years only the 19th and 20th centuries are studied . It is wort h noting that up until 1957-58 this period of Georgian history was not taugh t at all . At that time Georgian history was studied as a separate subjec t and a fairly good textbook was used . Its authors were Ivani Dzhavakhishvili , N . Berizenishvili, and S . Dzhanashia . This textbook was used in the 9t h and 10th grades, basically for a period of two years, and it covered th e period from antiquity to the beginning of the 19th century . In the year s 1948-1952 for each grade 66 hours were devoted to Georgian history, a tota l of 132 hours . During the years 1953-58, only 99 hours were devoted to thi s period of Georgian history, 49 hours in the 9th grade and 50 in the 10th . This is all in contrast to the present set up, where this basic and ver y long period of Georgian history is studied for only 35 hours, as we note d above .

In addition to this, in the 4th grade it is permissible to devot e 15 hours of class time to the history of Georgia, to be taken from the tim e allotted to the history of the USSR, 70 hours . Also, note that the textboo k itself is directed to the north, in that two-thirds of it is devoted t o the Soviet period, one-third to the period prior to the Great Revolution .

Among educational leaders there is the opinion that it is no t necessary to focus students ' attention on the history of the feudal period , on the lives of kings and heroes of the past . They think this interfere s with the goal of raising the youth to have Marxist international zeal . Whether by dictation from Moscow or on its own initiative, the Georgia n Communist Party Central Committee under the leadership of Edwar d

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Shevardnadze,1 has been especially cultivating this idea of late . Thus , the balance between the study of USSR history (read : "Russia " ) and th e study of Georgian history in each grade is as follows : USSR history -- 105 hours, Georgian history -- approximately 15 hours . Indeed, if eigh t hours are devoted to the period of Peter the Great and ten hours to Iva n the Third and Ivan the Fourth, then David the Builder and Queen Tamar a each receive an hour .

It should be noted that the Republics of Georgia, Armenia, and th e Baltic are dissatisfied with the reduction of numbers of hours of study of their own histories and with the collapse of the study of their own histories with the history of the USSR . The Ukraine is silent because th e history of Russia begins with the Russia [Rus ' ] of Kiev . Azerbaidzhan an d the countries of Central Asia do not voice dissatisfaction, except fo r Tadzhikistan, which has a pretty rich history .

At one all-union conference of history teachers, a representativ e from Georgia testified that it was awkward to combine the study of th e history of Georgia with that of the USSR in general, because chronologically , one had to then begin with the history of Georgia, Russian history beginnin g only later, in the ninth century . 2 " Then let's eliminate the material up to the ninth century, " retorted a Moscow official of an educational society / association .

1 During the terror of Stalin, when no one still harbored belief s about the possible independence of Georgia, some blessed person actuall y managed to express the following ideas (in a collection of articles o n methodology written for middle school teachers in 1947) : "During the stud y of Georgian history the teacher should devote special attention to thos e chapters and paragraphs of the text in which cover the cultural highpoin t of Georgia and the famous battles of the Georgian people . In the pupils ' memories the faces of soldiers who fought for unification of thei r country, independence, and progress should be deeply imprinted . Th e teacher must show the pupils with concrete, living examples that th e Georgian people at the darkest of times did not give up the fight, did no t lose hope, did not bow before stronger tyrants . " How these ideas diffe r from the official ideas of today! (Footnote in original) [Last lin e almost illegible--I think this is the meaning expressed, but not sur e from p . 9 of original--Translator ' s remark .]

2 They justify the study of the two histories together, with th e opinion that it is better to follow the socialist formation in successio n in the course of world history, than according to individual nations . Here they forget the different level of development of different countries , and the priority of considering a single line of development for eac h nation, flowing from the soul of the people, from the national character . (Footnote in original) A- 1 34

• It seems that this new method of the study of history is aime d at the " destruction of nationalism " and the " formation of the new ma n with international zeal " in the peoples of the Soviet Union . In reality , however, in the name of the history of the USSR, we are offered th e history of Russia, thus bringing to light Russia's " objective approach to the histories of other peoples . "

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Georgian for this work, fro m Georgian Herald, No . 1 (1976), pp . 9-10 . Source courtesy of Georgia n National Council . 3 . ATTEMPTS TO RUSSIFY THE UNIVERSITY OF TBILIS I

In the latter part of 1975, an official of the academic studie s division of the (State) University of Tbilisi, Marika Pirveli, summone d the chairman of the Georgian History Department, Professor Marik a Lortkipanidze, and said to her : " Rektor [i .e ., President--Y .B . ] D . Chkhikvishvili recently asked me to inform you that you must in you r department offer several subjects in Russian . " Professor Lortkipanidz e was very surprised by such a proposition and responded indignantly . I f you don ' t believe it, she was told, go to the Rektor and he will tell yo u himself . It seems the Rektor had gone to Moscow in order to receive new instructions concerning Russification . As soon as he returned he sen t for Professor M . Lortkipanidze and asked her why she was putting obstacle s in his way . Lortkipanidze said, " If it seems to you that I am not i n the right, le t ' s call a meeting and let outstanding scholars, academician s and professors decide the question . "" You misunderstand me, " he replied . " I didn ' t say that instruction must be in Russian, but that I have sen t for lecturers from Russia on an exchange . "

After this Chkhikvishvili changed his tactics and began to call eac h faculty dean in separately . On January 15, 1976, he sent for Zhizhiashvili , Dean of the Mathematics Faculty ; Ghomsadze, Dean of the Biology Faculty ; Chantladze, Chairman of the Department of Political Economy ; Lekveishvili , Dean of the Law Faculty ; A . Surguladze, Dean of the History Faculty . H e informed them that it was necessary that some subjects be taught in Russian , in order to help improve the learning of Russian . When students graduat e from the University, because they don ' t know the language, they can ' t go t o Russia to work . At the same time he cautioned them not to inform M . Lortkipanidze that he had called them in to discuss this issue .

This kind of reckless attempt at Russification astonished th e faculty deans and professors, though by no means all [of them] had th e civil courage that protest called for . Some came out on the side of th e Rektor . They were Prorektor [i .e ., Vice-President--Y .B .] Z . Porakishvil i and Dean of the History Faculty A . Surguladze . The majority preferre d silence . Only some said a firm (brave) " no . " Among these were Dean of the Philological Faculty O . Bakanidze, Dean of the Law Faculty M . Lekveishvili . The latter with great passion gave reasons why reading lectures in Russia n at a national University was inadmissible . The Dean of the Mathematic s Faculty L . Zhizhiashvili declared to the Rektor, "Whether we say the wor d 'integral ' in Russian or Georgian has no meaning, and this is why I a m opposed to reading lectures in Russian . " Chairman of the Politica l Economics Department Chantladze responded, " As long as I am here, thi s will not happen, and if it is a question of language learning, I hav e specialists who can read lectures in German and English . " Categoricall y against the reading of lectures in the Russian language was also Lomsadze , Dean of the Biology Faculty . Only the Dean of the History Faculty , A . Surguladze agreed . His assistant told Marika Lortkipanidze, who went t o

A-135

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Rektor D . Chkhikvishvili saying, " Either I leave the University or you do . " Chkhikvishvili tried to calm her down, "Miss Lortkipanidze, this does no t concern your department . Why are you so upset? " She retorted, " Everythin g that happens in this university concerns me . " Chkhikvishvili then retreate d and appeased her . " OK, OK, since you don't want it, let ' s not discuss i t any more . "

Dotsent [Assistant Professor] Tikadze read a lecture in Russian i n the Oriental Languages Faculty one day and the next day the students did n ' t come to class . M . Lortkipanidze found out and went to Tikadze to put a n end to that abomination . M . Puturidze, Dean of the Faculty of Orienta l Studies, sent for Dotsent [Assistant Professor] Tikadze and demanded a n explanation for his behavior . Tikadze said, " What I did I was charged t o do by the Party Committee (R . Gordeziani is the Party Committee) . "

Rektor Chkhikvishvili ran into special opposition in the Departmen t of Scientific Communism . The staff of this department protested with on e voice against the Russification measures . Then Chkhikvishvili called a meeting and told the staff, " Since you don ' t agree, go to the Centra l Committee and there we ' ll clarify things . " In the Central Committee , however, they informed the astonished Rektor and professors and teacher s that they hadn ' t given such instruction to the University . They sai d it was a matter of free will, if they wished, they could give lectures i n the Russian language, and so on . After this incident D . Chkhikvishvil i rescinded the charge of January 15th .

It is clear that the Central Committee had been behind everythin g from the beginning, but when they saw the unified opposition, they preferre d to retreat temporarily .

Tbilisi (State) University and every school of higher educatio n and research institute which had degree-granting powers received from th e USSR Council of Ministers on December 29, 1975 : " Ruling No . 1067 on th e State and the Procedure of (o polozhenii i poriadke) of Awarding Academi c Degrees and the Granting of Academic Titles, " which had been signed by th e Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers A . Kosygin .

According to the new rule it was forbidden to write a dissertatio n for a degree in a native language, it absolutely must be done in Russian . Also in Russian must be the dissertation abstract which is published before - hand, and the dissertation defense itself, unless the committee give s permission to the person defending [the thesis] to speak in the languag e of the Republic or his native language .

The eighth point of the rule reads :

With the consent of the Members of the Council and of th e [Scholarly] Opponents [i .e ., Readers - Y .B .] the defense o f a dissertation can be conducted in the native language o f

1 Title of Ruling in Russian in the document .--Translator ' s Note .

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the candidate for the degree . All the documents relative 2 to the awarding of the academic degrees, viz ., dissertations , summaries by the candidates (avtoreferaty), personal document s (dokumenty lichnogo dela), stenographic minutes of th e sessions of the Councils, etc ., must be submitted to the USSR Higher Attestation Commission (VAK SSSR) in Russian . If th e main propositions of the dissertation have [already] been published in the languages of other peoples of the USSR or in foreign languages 2 the dissertations should have appended t o them corresponding translations in Russian . 3

A few months earlier the schools of higher education of Georgi a and the research institutes were informed of the order of the USSR Ministe r of Higher and Middle Specialized Education concerning the fact that textbooks owned by the schools of higher education, no matter what the subjec t be--native languages, history, literature--must be written in the Russia n language . Moreover, by the authority of this order they cancelled fro m Tbilisi's presses all textbooks written in Georgian which had already been delivered to the press for printing . This is to say Georgian history , Georgian language, literature, art history from now on must be writte n in Russian .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Georgian for this work, fro m Georgian Herald, No . 1 (1976), pp . 16-18 . Document courtesy o f Georgian National Council .

2 Emphasis in original .--Translator ' s Note .

3 Extract from Ruling in Russian in document .--Translator ' s Note . 4 . RUSSIFICATION OF ONE DEPARTMENT OF THE ACADEMY OF AR T

The bitter experience at the University forced the "ruler " [regime] to take a more careful and hypocritical course of action . According to a rule still in existence, the passing of every subject i n the Academy of Art takes place in the Georgian language, and the instruction in every department also is in Georgian . This year, however, in th e Department of Interior Design, they gave (entrance) examinations i n Russian specially for the non-Georgian students ; in the end the 3 5 Georgian applicants were not accepted, but the following were : Davletbegov , Simonian, Papanian, Markarov, Gavrilid, Zakalashvili (an artificia l [made-up] name) .' It is natural of course, that presently their instruction takes place in Russian . In connection with these facts, th e Minister of Culture O . Taktakishvili protested to Cherkezia and noted tha t this was in violation of an existing rule . Cherkezia expressed grea t surprise at this fact and wrote, " Study the matter and make a proposal . " But no one learned of this fact, Rektor [President] Totibadze als o remained silent and " unwillingly " opened a Russian Department of th e Academy of Art under the chairmanship of O . Cherkezia .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Georgian for this work, fro m Georgian Herald, No . 1 (1976), p . 18 . In the original this documen t is run like an appendix to the preceeding document . Source courtes y of Georgian National Council .

1In the document the names have been imperfectly "Georgianize d " such as Davletbegovi for Davletbegov, Simoniani for Simonian, etc . Th e first name may be of Turkic origin, Simonian and Papanian are Armenia n names, Markarov (or is it really Makarov?) sounds Russian . Nationality of Gavrilid is difficult to guess, Zakalishvili is a pseudo-Georgian - Y .B .

A- 1 3 8 5 . PERSECUTION OF DAVID KORIDZ E

On October 7, 1974, there appeared in the public prosecutor' s office of the Kirov District of Tbilisi operative O . Tskaroveli of the (State) Security Committee [i .e ., KGB - Y .B .] and had a discussion with the assistant of the public prosecutor, David Koridze . In brief, he said to Koridze that into the hands of the Committee happened to fall a not e written by him about the robbery of the [late] Patriarch's [property] (i n Russian), did he know who translated the note or how it came to be outsid e the country? Koridze replied that he knew nothing about it . Then Tskarovel i told him that the [organs]- doubted that everything had been done by Zvia d Gamsakhurdia, who was very interested in the comings and goings of th e investigation of the robbery of the Patriarch's [property] . He also aske d Koridze, if he had given the notice to Z . Gamsakhurdia . D . Koridze retorted : " It's true, I showed this notice to Gamsakhurdia, as an administrativ e official for the protection of monuments, but besides him, many people rea d it in the [Party] Central Committee, in the Council of Ministers, and i n the office of the Public Prosecutor of the Republic . You see, the notic e was in many people ' s hands . " Koridze also reproached Tskaroveli saying , " The Security Committee [KGB] should help us in the investigation of th e robbery, but you are only interested in knowing who translated th e notice into Russian . " Later Koridze laid the blame also on those worker s of the Security [KGB operatives] who took part in the embezzlemen t (Bakhtadze, Tvalchrelidze, Bakuradze and others) and demanded thei r punishment . Tskaroveli answered him with silence . A short time late r they called Koridze to the Security Committee, where Inauri [the head o f the Georgian KGB - Y .B .] screamed at him and threatened him with arrest , with expulsion from the Party, and with withdrawal of his own persona l pension, but Inauri ' s representative in the ideological sphere, Sh . Zardalishvili " advised " him to commit suicide, as the only way out of hi s predicament .

In fact, Inauri couldn ' t arrest Koridze, nor could he expel hi m from the Party, but the third threat was actually carried out, by forcin g the Republic's public prosecutor to ask Koridze to retire and begi n drawing his pension . In place of the pension owed him, however, the y specified a pension of 60 roubles . They specified a pension of sixt y rubles to David Koridze, one of Georgia's outstanding examining magistrates , with 40 years of service ; a hero of the battles of Kerch and Budapest ; a graduate of the highest Party School . Presently, he asks for a position i n the Lawyer's Group, but Inauri categorically has forbidden anyone fro m offering him work . Shevardnadze- has " washed his hands " and will neithe r

1 Soviet political slang referring to the police, the KGB i n particular . - Y .B .

2 First Secretary of the Central Committee, CP of Georgia sinc e September 1972 . Replaced corrupt Mzhavanadze . - Y .B .

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help nor even listen to this man, who has shown himself to be exceptionall y conscientious professionally in the fight against corruption--that sam e corruption which Shevardnadze is supposed to be fighting so zealously against .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Georgian for this work, from Georgian Herald, No . 1 (1976), p . 147 . Document courtesy of Georgian Nationa l Council . Honest investigator David Koridze figures in many documents o f the Georgian samizdat . This may be the shortest and one of the mos t moving . 6 . BEDEON TVALTVADZ E FIRES AND SABOTAGEINGEORGIAIN197 6

In the course of the last two years there have been an increasingl y large number of fires and acts of sabotage in Georgian state institution s and public places . The fires were intentionally set in advance at th e following places, which we cite as the most typical events :

1. The technical supplies base of the combine " Georgian Coal " in the cit y of Tkibuli . Estimated damage 300 roubles (January 27) .

2. Kirov factory in Tbilisi producing lathes, 500 square meters of roo f burned (January 30) .

3. A two-story children's department store in Tbilisi, in Lenin Squar e on February 24, the opening day of the 25th [Party] Congress! Estimate d damage 1 million roubles .

4. Kinos Sakhli ( ' Movie House ' ) in Tbilisi, a part of the roof wa s destroyed by fire, estimated loss 1000 roubles .

5. Movie theater Amirani in Tbilisi on February [12], the fire was pu t out in time .

6. A department store in the city of Bordzhomi, March 1 . Estimated loss , 50,000 roubles .

7. A household goods store, Number 18, in the village of Lower-Sazano in the Zestafon District (raion) . The store burned down completely , estimated damage 40,000 roubles . Evidence remained and several men wer e arrested .

8. A post office building and drug store in the village Nokalakevi in th e Tskhakaia District, the building burned down, loss 4,500 roubles .

9. [Chicken coop No . 2 of] incubation station Number 2 in Zugdidi, buildin g was partially burned, estimated loss, 603 roubles (April 5) .

10. Fruit collection station and the office of the collective farm in th e village Makvaneti in the Makharadze District . Two-story building wa s partially burned with all records . April 8, damage is not known .

11. The building of the Union of Cooperatives (?) [Tsekashiri in Russian ] in the city of Bolnisi on May 2 . Losses aren ' t known .

12. A tea factory in the city of Makharadze . May 17, losses aren't known .

13. Lumber base in Tbilisi . Losses unknown .

A- 1 4 1 A-14 2 1 14. On April 16 at 5 :00 [p .m . (dnia in Russian - Y .B .)] a bomb explode d in front of the Georgian SSR Council of Ministers Building . Window pane s were broken in the Building of the Council of Ministers, in the movi e theater Rustaveli, in the [Young] Pioneers Palace ; there were no victims . After this event, the police patrolled the area around Government Hous e every night .

15. An explosion at the electric factory of the Ingur (River) Hydroelectri c Station, where the whole system of cables was destroyed, June 4 . In general in Georgia explosions of cables at water reservoirs are widespread , because where there are fires combined with such explosions, water ca n ' t b e used to put out the fires . It happened that way, for example, when ther e was a fire in the Opera House, when they killed a policeman at the wate r reservoir of Rustavi and damaged the pump . On October 3 of this year ther e was an explosion at the head of the reservoir of Samgori, the cable wa s destroyed, water was cut off for a number of hours to a whole series o f areas of the city, where a number of fires appeared . On that same day a fire broke out in one television laboratory .

16. A large storage facility of the combine of the deaf and dumb societ y in Tbilisi (? at Dolabauri) . Approximate damage was 8 million roubles , September 7 . During the fire one policeman was killed and one was wounded . They arrested the main bookkeeper of the society, on whom the guilt fo r everything was laid (see Kommunisti [local newspaper in Georgian]) . Th e facility had been closed [sealed] by OBKhSS men (Section for the Struggl e Against the Pilfering of Socialist Property--a kind of economic police--Y .B . ) two days before . 2

1 Added by Y .B . from parallel document by Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Anti- pravitel ' stvennye protesty v Gruzii v 1976 godu, p . l . All following note s by Y .B .

2 It is interesting to compare this account with Gamsakhurdia's , which, incidentally, is dated September 17, 1976 . Item #1 in Tvaltvadze (T . ) identical in G . #2 in T ., ditto . #3 in T ., identical item #5 in G . #4 in T .--G in #3 adds" on Rustaveli Prospect, "" February8 . " #5 in T . - G . #4 adds" on Plekhanov Prospect . " #6 in T . identical with G . #6 . #7 in T . - G . #7 adds date (5 April) . #8 in T . - G . #8 adds date (5 April) . #9 in T . - G . #9 same, #10 in T . - G . #10 same . #11 in T . - G . #11 same . #1 2 in T . - G . #12 date is May 5 . #13 in T . - G . #14 more detailed : " ware - house and accounting office burnt down " with January 15 inserted in hand - writing . #14 in T . - G . #13 a little different : bomb exploded in th e vicinity of, instead of in front of . G . has no reference to nightl y patrols . #15 in T . - nothing in G . #16 in T . - in G . #15 damage is put a t 800,000 roubles . A rather significant further discrepancy : " Before th e fire, during the night, unknown persons killed two watchmen . " A- 1 4 3

In connection with the frequent fires from the 12th to the 18th o f January, 67 men were fined, of these 40 were officials . 3 Bomb material s were taken away from the following citizens : 1 . K . A . Tsintsadze, born in 1927, in the apartment of the collective farm of the village Nudzhiret i in the Terdzholi District they found one kilogram of ammonal [explosive) an d 6 capsules of an electric detonator (April 12) . 4 2 . I . Sh . Karaevi, bor n in 1919, worker in the Construction Administration No . 2 of the Sagaredzh o District, 1 .5 kilogram of dynamite and Bickford safety fuse (April 20) . 5

3 The following three paragraphs have been interpolated by edito r from Gamsakhurdia's account . - Y .B .

The head of a shop of the woodmilling combine in the city of Akhme t G . A . Badurashvili, the director of ZhEK (? - Y .B .) No . 4 in the city o f Tbilisi Sh . I . Korinteli, the director of the automobile-transportatio n pool of the Ministry of Automobile Transportation in the city of Khashur i M . I . Kakabadze, the director of the Kodzhorsk children's home No . 4 of th e Ministry of Education D . G . Dzhikidze, the directors of the followin g secondary schools in Kutaisi : No . 2--D . V . Devidze, No . 20--G . S . Pruidze , No . 27--S . D . Gochiashvili, No . 8--R . I . Tsintsadze, No . 22--T . G . Tabukishvili, No . 12--E . G . Tavadze, and others .

From July 5 to 11, 8 persons received fines in connection wit h fires, including five officials :

The manager and sales clerk of the household goods store of th e Union of Cooperatives in the village of Dgvani, Shuakhevski District , D . I . Putkaradze ; the director of the (Young) Pioneers ' Camp of the hamlet of Miusser, Gidautski District, B . G . Buliskeriia ; the chief of ZhEK (? - Y .B .) of the Housing Administration of the Ordzhonikidze District , City of Tbilisi, G . T . Kalandadze ; the manager of the Union of Cooperative s store in the village of Pitchkhovani, Akhmetski District, N . D . Bachauri ; the chairman of the Zhdanov kolkhoz in the village of Makho, Khelvachaursk i District, T . M . Chelidze .

4 1 .4 kilogram in Gamsakhurdia (G .) G . has comment blacked out .

5 Same in G ., but G . has comment blacked out .

A- 1 44

3 . M . M . Dzhamalovi, born in 1948, worker in No . 2 detonating group o f the Teleti area of Saknakti [ " Georgian Oi l " ], 2 electro-explosive mechanisms , 38 detonating capsules, and 35 meters of Bickford fuse were taken awa y (April 20) . 6 4 . D . 0 . Gagua, worker on collective tree farm of th e District Tsalendishkhskii, 100 detonator capsules, 3 m . Bickford fus e were taken away (April 20) . 7 5 . A . A . Mukebiani, born in 1924, maste r craftsman of construction district No . 2 of Lentekhi, from him were taken 2 pieces of ammonal, 15 detonator capsules, and 1 in . Bickford fus e (April 21) . 8

In January 1976, some unknown persons stole a military airplan e from the experimental (test flight) airport of the Dimitrov military aviatio n factory No . 31 in Tbilisi . Three members of the military-like guard wer e killed .

In the night of May 26, unknown persons attacked one part of th e arsenal of the Caucasian and Transcaucasian Military District (KZAKVO ) near the village Volzardze in the Sagaredzho District . They killed th e guards 9 and stole a large number of automatics, hand grenades, an d explosives . Two days later in the vicinity of the arsenal at the passag e of Gombori the following incident took place : The secretary of the (Party ) District Committee of Telavi, Kobaidze, was going from Tbilisi to Telav i in his own car . 10 Suddenly a soldier with an automatic blocked the roa d and stopped the car . The soldier had everyone get out of the car, got i n next to the driver and ordered him to drive towards the Tbilisi airport wit h great speed . As they drew near to the airport, he ordered the driver t o take him to the first airplane which had a staircase . The driver used some trickery : he advised the soldier to lie down in the [back] seat so tha t the police wouldn't see him and just then he [suddenly] stopped the car , jumped out and began to yell for help, people gathered, the police arrive d and took away the automatic and arrested the soldier . 11 It seems that h e was a participant in the plundering of the arsenal and wished to fle e abroad . The organizers of the raid were Russian military, who were doin g business selling weapons and explosives in Georgia and the North Caucasus .- 2

6 Date missing in G . G . also has comment blacked out .

7 Same as in G ., but G's comment blacked out .

8 Same as in G .

9 Singular in G .

10 . . . With his family in G .

11 In G . the soldier was killed in the exchange of fire .

12 This last sentence missing in G . A- 1 4 5

In the past year the " organs "13 have appeared in a number of place s and rendered explosives harmless, for example, at the television tower o f the funicular, in the main department store of Tbilisi on Rustavel i Prospect, in the central television building, 14 and so on . In 1975 larg e fires and explosions took place : at the village technical base in Gachiani , loss approximately 40 thousand roubles, 15 in the factory of Rubberoid, i n the shoe factory " Isani, " in military aviation factory No . 31 and so on .

Fires and bombings can be divided into two categories : to the firs t belong fires which are set by this or that worker in the institution wit h the aim of liberating himself from the claws of OBKhSS [economic police] ; this type became especially common after E . Shevardnadze was named Firs t Secretary of the Party in Georgian . Inspections and OBKhSS need evidenc e of waste and plundering when storerooms and documents burn . This kind o f diversion is more and more widespread .

Protest fires and bombings belonging to the second category, a s for example the explosion at the test-flight airport of the aviatio n factory named for Dimitrov, the explosion in front of the governmen t palace, a fire at the bus station, explosions in factories, at the Ingu r Hydroelectric station, and so on, are frequent also . So, for example, a s it became known, unknown persons threatened to bomb the University buildin g because Russification was taking place there, was being intentionall y carried out by the government .

We may assume (it is to be conjectured) that until the economi c condition of the people improves perceptibly in Georgia, until wages rise , prices fall, until the harsh measures taken against " economic crime " stop , and until the politics of Russification cease, fires and bombings wil l (also) continue (in the future) . We should look on these events as failing s of the system and not as single anarchistic events caused by guilty persons . 1 6

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Georgian for this work, from Georgian Herald No . 1 (1976), pp . 140-142 . Source courtesy of Georgian Nationa l Council . Tvaltvadze ' s account has been compared with Zviad Gamsakhurdia ' s Antipravitel'stvennye protests v Grazii v 1976 godu (Anti-Government Protest s in Georgia in 1976), copy of 5 typewritten pages, with some handwriting, an d the similarities and discrepancies have been noted . Later documen t supplied by unimpeachable source .

13"Of the KGB and MVD " in G . [that is political and ordinar y security police - Y .B . ]

14 In the central TV building not in G ., G . speaks of the Kiro v factory in Tbilisi, with comments blacked out .

15 300,000 in G .

16 This last sentence not in G . 7 . THE ARREST OF N . SAMKHARADZE [Etc . ]

On June 30, 1976, Doctor L . Meladze, on the request of Nikolo z Samkharadze, sent a telegram from Moscow's Central Telegraph Office t o L . I . Brezhnev, with the following message : " It is already two year s that my brother, Beglar Samkharadze, has suffered injustice, illness , starvation . Scores of telegrams have been sent to the highest stat e organs of the Republic . We have received nothing positive ; in fact, no answer at all . I am sending you this telegram twice . The General Departmen t of the Central Committee of the USSR received a request with documentatio n on May 17, 1975, but no answer has come . Whether they ripped up the request , or it suffered some other fate, we don ' t know . By decree of the Party o r the Government, workers' requests should be answered in the course of on e month .

From you also, there is no reaction .

During the Civil War B . Samkharadze became an invalid of the thir d group . Because of the torture under interrogation by an enemy of the people , Beria-Rukhadze, Samkharadze became a schizophrenic invalid of the first group .

In June of 1974 Korkotashvili, Chairman of the Pension Departmen t of the Ministry of Social Welfare of Georgia, took away his military pension , which he had been receiving for 25 years . Although Samkharadze worked a s a teacher and has a sufficient length of service, Korkotashvili didn' t assign a civil pension to him either . Death from injustice, illness, o r starvation is worse than war . Such a peace for Samkharadze is like hell .

I ask you to answer me at my address : Tbilisi, Makashvili Street 18 . "

An employee of the telegraph office informed the State Securit y Committee [KGB], which sent two members who led Meladze to a room . They asked him what made him send such a telegram . He answered : the sick man is in a hopeless state because no other existing means is left to him .

They told him that it was not possible to send such a telegram , because it was possible that they would learn of this in the United States . They forbid the sending of similar telegrams in the future .

On June 22 the author of the telegram, N . Samkharadze was take n from his own home by two members of the State Security Committee an d brought before the Security Committee . There the Chairman of the Department , Tatishvili questioned him . He asked him what caused him to send such a telegram, and why he utters anti-Soviet statements at meetings at his plac e of work . They reminded him also that in 1959 for such things he had been arrested and sent to a psychiatric hospital for compulsory treatment . The n Tatishvili asked Samkharadze if he knew Gamsakhurdia or not and what sort o f connection he had with him and whether he was a member of his " organization . " Samkharadze answered that Gamsakhurdia didn't have any kind of organizatio n and that it was a lie .

A-146 A- 1 4 7

Later Tatishvili asked Samkharadze if he had written a medica l report about Gamsakhurdia's poisoning and what had caused him to do it . Samkharadze replied that Gamsakhurdia's poisoning was a fact and he wa s responsible for his own diagnosis . Tatishvili said to him, " Are you awar e of the fact or not that for such a diagnosis you could lose your job? " " That doesn ' t frighten me, " replied Samkharadze, "I can't betray my professional conscience . Moreover, in Gamsakhurdia's car together wit h him I experienced the effect of the poisonous gas on myself, the resul t of which my blood pressure rose . "

"I advise you not to say a word of this anywhere , " said Tatishvil i to him and called on Samkharadze to be cautious . Samkharadze was detaine d by the Security Committee [KGB] for about 8 hours .

X X X

In June of 1976 by the order of the Minister of Internal Affair s of the Georgian SSR, Ketiladze, a check of the population occurred in th e city of Rustavi : They entered every apartment, looked around in each room , asked questions . The goal was the following :

1. [They wanted to find out] what atmosphere prevailed in the city .

2. [They wanted to know] the state of the passport policy (the y deported the ones who weren ' t registered) .

3. To put an end to hooliganism and prostitution and learn abou t the people engaged in such activities .

4. To put an end to possession of firearms without permission .

5. [They wanted to know] what ties do they [had] with thei r neighbors .

In the assembly hall of the Executive Committee [i .e ., Municipa l Council] of Rustavi Ketikadz e ' s assistant Shaduri carried on deliberation , where he cautioned the population to behave politely in receiving thi s company,1 since during the carrying out of the same sort of visits i n Kutaisi [ " things happened " ]. 2

1 Used here Russian word for ' company,' implying the company wa s Russian (Russian-sent) and not welcome . - Translator ' s note .

2Translator not quite sure, hence brackets .

A- 1 4 8

O This company1 did the following kinds of things :

1. The city was divided into sectors ,

2. The advisor of the control group of each sector was a trusted person of that area of the city ; in addition to the truste d individual the group contained one member of the military fro m the District (Raion) and two or three men from the Part y organization of the factory .

X X X

To the Chairman of the State Security Committee [KGB] of Georgia , General A . Inaur i To the Head of the Ideological Division, Colonel Sh . Zardalishvil i

Please return my article about Academician A . Sakharovi's book My Country and the World, which the Head of the Police of the Kalini n District J . Khazhalia sent to you . The police found it in Zviad Gamsakhurdia ' s car, which they had taken . In this article there is information which i s true and extremely useful for Georgian readers . Such is the orientation an d content of my article . For this reason its confiscation by the Securit y Committee [KGB] is incorrect and undesired, because it would be mor e intelligent and humanitarian for you to fight against unpleasant opinion s and ideas with ideas, opinions, and other means of culture . This is bette r than fighting with confiscation and other kinds of repression . Simpl e noble ethic demands a fight with equal weapons . I hope you will choos e the first path and send me my article at the following address : Merab Kostava, Dzhavakhishvili Street 1, Tbilisi (Telephone : 93-88-23) .

Member of the Initiative Human Rights Group in Georgia, Merab Kostav a October 11, 1976

X X X

Colonel Sh . Zardalishvili, Assistant in matters of ideology t o the Chairman of the Security Committee [KGB] of the Council of Minister s of the Georgian SSR, a person uneducated in anything, administers matter s of literature, art, and philosophy for the entire Republic . He can lik e or dislike this or that work of art or this or that scholarly work, whic h delimits its subsequent fate at the press or in a journal . Editors an d literary officials secretly bring into line with him many " dangerous " problems in this regard . The kind of ruler he is shows up in his conversations with Georgian writers . For example, in November of 1972 h e summoned Zviad Gamsakhurdia to the Security Committee : " Your poems wil l not be printed, nor will your book be printed, because we don't like them . " A- 1 49

His threat was realized in practice in August of 1973, when they stoppe d the printing of Gamsakhurdia ' s collection of poems in the publishing hous e Merani, when the manuscript had already been delivered to the press fo r printing ; they forbid its printing, as if on the initiative of "Main(Head ) Office for Literature and Publishing . " Here we should also add that i n the matter of forbidding publication of this collection B . Zhghenti , M . Nishnianidze, G . Chikovani, Ota Orjonikidze, and others took part .

Realization of the second part of the threat made above was a dialogue of Zardalishvili with the writer N . Tsuleiskiri, who was calle d to the Security Committee in July of 1975, in connection with the publicatio n of his writing in the journal " The Golden Fleece . " In brief, Zardalishvil i asked him to censure in print Z . Gamsakhurdia and " The Golden Fleece . " When Tsuleiskiri said no to this, Zardalishvili greeted him with yulga r words and threatened him with expulsion from the party, possibility of bein g fired from his job, and with arrest . The writer N . Tsuleiskiri after thi s experience took a memo to the Central Committee, in which he complaine d about Zardalishvili's impudent behavior and his personal insult .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Georgian for this work, from Georgian Herald No . 1 (1976), pp . 145-146 . Document courtesy of Georgia n National Council . 8 . INFORMATION ABOUT THE BUSINESS OF THE SECURITY COMMITTEE [KGB ]

On July 15, 1976, a member of the State Security Committee Pirtskhalava came to the Republic ' s Psychiatric Hospital in Tbilisi and had a conversatio n with the following people at the hospital : A . Makaridze (a professor) , P . Kontridze (a doctor), K . Khezhomia (a bookkeeper) . Pirtskhalava informed them that the Security Committee had recently received an anonymous lette r concerning the fact that certain staff members of the hospital : Assistan t to the Director of the Psychiatric Institute B . Naneishvili, Chairman o f the Pharmacology Division Sh . Gamkrelidze, and others, frequently ha d anti-Soviet conversations at work . They told colleagues at the hospital about radio programs from abroad (which they listened to regularly), the y also related the content of Solzhenitsyn ' s books, and they told thei r colleagues about the dissident writer Zviad Gamsakhurdia ' s actions and tha t they were pleased by his activities . For example, publication of the journa l "The Golden Fleece, " compilation of the document " Facts about Torture i n Georgia, " and so on . Pirtskhalava asked the people named above to confirm all this, but they couldn ' t do what was asked . They didn't interrogate th e "guilty ones " B . Naneishvili and Sh . Gamkrelidze . The latter also had committed the " crime " of taking a Czech guest to his own village, Zodi , which was 200 kilometers from Tbilisi, when the Czech guest only had per - mission to go 70 kilometers from the city .

X X X

On July 15, 1976, the Security Committee of Tbilisi summoned som e members of the Georgian Orthodox Church, Medea Baiadze and Mariam Tushishvili . They were informed that copies of the religious book " Of the mirror of th e heart " duplicated [?? on era ?] had come into the hands of the Securit y Committee . They asked Baiadze if he hadn't duplicated this book . M . Baiadz e told them that it was right of him to have duplicated it since [word no t legible, subject of this clause] doesn't see the crime . M . Tushishvil i said that this is not a crime and called on the members of the Securit y Committee not to persecute religion .

X X X

Beginning in 1976, the State Security Committee frequently ha s bothered a lecturer in the Foreign Languages Institute of Tbilisi, specialis t in American literature Z . Megrelishvili, who frequently met foreign correspondants Peter Osnos (of the Washington Post), Alfred Friendly (of Newsweek) , and others . Members of the Security Committee frequently come uninvited t o Megrelishvili ' s home, call him on the telephone, threaten him, and deman d that he give up his acquaintance with the correspondants . They sprea d

A-150 A- 1 5 1 misinformation ; for example, they say that Z . Gamsakhurdia was arreste d and is in jail when they only delayed him a few hours in Moscow .

X X X

On June 29, 1976, they took Ghvtiso Gogochuri from the Philosoph y Institute to the Security Committee . He was accompanied by Kopadze, a member of the Security Committee, who was specially 'assigned ' to th e Institute . At the Security Committee unknown persons interrogated him . They asked him why he had icons in his house, whether it was true or no t that in his house he celebrated the religious holiday " Khatoba . " They als o told him that in his dissertation there were places where he expresse d sympathy with religion . Then they divulged that it was known to th e Security Committee that he had expressed dissatisfaction against the ne w rule, which concerns dissertation defenses in Russian in Georgian scholarl y institutions and they called this " nationalism . " They unambiguously le t him know that such facts were very dangerous for him .

X X X

In our reality it is a usual occurrence to have members of th e Security Committee " assigned " to institutions of higher education an d cultural studies . The Security Committee is interested in the psychologica l disposition of the intelligentsia and especially of the youth, since it i s from them that it expects the greatest threat to the totaliarian ideolog y of the Soviet government . They especially feel the threat from students , since it is among the young people, the future intelligentsia, that th e strongest feelings of rage against injustice rightly lodge . For thi s reason, the Security Committee in institutions of higher education--(special ) 1 .. . showing companions (comrades) to be spies, with which they intimidat e or blackmail, by means of a thousand kinds of promises (travel abroad , graduate study, jobs, money) . For example, in 1959 in Tbilisi Stat e University, an employee of the Security Committee Shalva Papidze called in individually a number of students, Z . Gamsakhurdia and his classmates : Nana Kavtaradze, Kote Gedevanishvili, Nukri Sanadze, Rusudan Tikanadze , Salodze Bolkvadze, Akaki Vasadze, and others . He offered them jobs as hi s fellow-workers and asked them if they would watch and get to know wha t Z . Gamsakhurdia and his friends talked about and how they behaved . In exchange he promised them places as graduate students, the possibility o f leaving the department, money, and so on . The students rejected this sor t of opportunity to be his " fellow-workers " and told everything to Gamsakhurdia .

1 Last line on page is completely illegible, p . 143 . - Translator ' s Note . A- 1 5 2

At the present time in the University, the lecturers and student s speak with smiles about the " First Department " of the University, wher e employees specially assigned by the Security Committee are located . The y try to recruit students and tie them into a spy network in the whol e University . They have them give evidence about the ideological disposition of students and lecturers . In this respect the following employees of th e Security Committee are especially active : Gagua, Shurgaia, and others .

At the State Conservatory, the Academy of Art, and other cultura l institutions, Zaur Gachechiladze is assigned as Security Committee employe e (formerly Rato Tatishvili was assigned there) . It is well-known that he intensively recruits young students into work as agents . In this "proud busines s " in the Conservatory he is helped by the chairman of the film stri p division, Tina Kuzanova .

In February of 1973 a student of the English Language Department o f the Foreign Languages Institute, Kakhaber Arsenidze, told his neighbo r and older friend, Merab Kostava how the Security Committee had recruited hi s whole class . They had them sign up to be agents, except for Arsenidz e himself and a few of his friends, for which they had made an enemy of th e Dean of the Department, Agent Neli Kraveishvili . Arsenidze related thi s news with great sincerity and in a highly agitated manner . In the Foreig n Language Institute Mzia Bakradze, Dean of the French Language Department , was also active . Among the professors and teachers in the University, th e chairman of the English Language Department, Dotsent (Assistant Professor ) Niko Kiasashvili, former attache to the Soviet Embassy in London, is a n especially loyal employee of the Security Committee . He recruits youn g people for work as spies with promises of jobs, positions as graduat e students, and study trips abroad . He worked as a kind of mediator betwee n the Security Committee and Zviad Gamsakhurdia, when Gamsakhurdia worked i n the University in Kiasashvili's Department . Namely, in the person o f Kiasashvili, the Security Committee threatened Gamsakhurdia with arrest in 1972 [?? he called on him to be "reasonable " l . Earlier, in 1969, also in the person of Kiasashvili, they offered to him departure from th e University, they promised him blessing as Catholikos (head of the church) , and so on . In the spring of 1975 Kiasashvili read a secret report to th e Security Committee about Gamsakhurdia, where he stated that Gamsakhurdia' s religious activity was a mask for his subversive anti-Soviet activity, an d other things as well . This report aroused some members of the Securit y Committee however . This news was spread around by M . Mchedlishvili, an employee of the Security Committee, who also does business at the University . Also working in the University are Agents Zaza Gachechiladze (in th e Department of English Philology), Revaz Gachechiladze (the Department o f Oriental Studies), Grigol Khavtasi (Chairman of the Germanic Philolog y Department), R . Kvachakhia (Chairman of the Sociology Department), an d others .

Last year the now dead "Professo r " Givi Gachechiladze and Dotsen t Otar Dzhinoria worked actively as agents in the University . Such is the role of the Security Committee in the business o f " bringing up " the youth and " forming the new man . "

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Georgian for this work, from th e Georgian Herald No . 1 (1976), pp . 143-144 . Document courtesy o f Georgian National Council .

D O C U M E N T S O F T H E H U M A N

R I G H T S M O V E M E N T I N G E O R G I A, 1 9 7 7

(After the Establishment of the Group for th e Implementation of the Helsinki Accords in Georgia )

A- 1 5 4 9 . " KHRONIKA " COMMUNIQUE ON ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GROUP FOR TH E IMPLEMENTATION OF THE HELSINKI ACCORDS IN GEORGI A

In January [1977] there was formed the Group to Promote th e Implementation of the Helsinki Accords in Georgia . Six persons joine d it, to wit : Beglar Bezuashvili, a laboratory technician at the Departmen t of Art of Tbilisi University ; Zviad Gamsakhurdia (at present he is a senio r research fellow [starshyi nauchnyi sotrudnik] of the Institute of th e History of Georgian Literature) ; Jewish " refuseniks " brothers Isai an d Grigorii Goldstein ; Teimuraz Dzhanelidze, a singing teacher in th e vocational high school of music (tekhnikum) in Rustavi ; [and] Victo r Rstkhiladze, the chief inspector in the Division of Protection of Monument s of the Georgian SSR Ministry of Culture .

In early March [1977] V . Rstkhiladze was dismissed from his work .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Russian by Y . Bilinsky, fro m Khronika tekushchikh sobytii, No . 44 (March 16, 1977) (New York : Khronika Press, 1977), p . 27 . Extract reproduced with permission . Extract in Russian reproduced in Sobranie dokumentov samizdata , Vol . 30, p . 74 .

A- 1 5 5 10 . ON THE PERSECUTION OF V . RTSKHILADZ E (Press Release )

Historian V . RTSKHILADZE, Georgian human rights activist and membe r of the Georgian Group to Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreement , was fired from his job on March 9, 1977, in Tbilisi . V . Rtskhiladze wa s employed at the Ministry of Culture of the Georgian SSR where he serve d as director of the division dealing with the preservation of historica l monuments of Georgian culture . Working in this capacity, he continuousl y exposed the criminal neglect of authorities in his field--a neglect which reduced the majority of the cultural monuments to a deplorable state . In September 1976, V . Rtskhiladze, along with the director of the David - Garedzha Museum, V . Batsatsashvili, wrote to the Procurator General o f the USSR, Rudenko, lodging a complaint against the use of the grounds o f the David-Garedzha Monastery as a firing range for the artillerymen of th e Transcaucasus Military Region, who were barbarically destroying this uniqu e monument to Early Christian culture . The appeal contained a demand tha t the artillerymen be punished on the basis of the Criminal Code .

V . Rtskhiladze has also played a leading role in the struggle o f the Meskhis to be returned to their rightful homeland . Among the material s confiscated at the search of the apartment of Yuri Orlov on January 4, wer e included documents on the Meskhis that Rtskhiladze himself had given t o Orlov . Included was Rtkhiladze's letter to the Chronicle and the signature s of 8,000 Meskhis demanding the restoration of their Georgian nationalit y and the right to return to their homeland . These materials served as th e basis for the well-known Moscow Helsinki Group document, " On the Situatio n of the Meskhetians . "

At the beginning of January, edition No . 2 of the Georgian Samizda t journal The Georgian Herald contained a lengthy article (approximately 10 0 pages) by Rtskhiladze entitled " Crimes Inflicted on the Georgian Peopl e (The Tragedy of the Meskhis) . "

Barely 10 days had passed since the search of Yuri Orlov's apartmen t before Rtskhiladze was subjected to harassments at work . In particular , administrative director U . Bakradze began to find fault with all sort o f trivial matters, insulted Rtskhiladze in coarse language and tried t o provoke a counter attack . Rtskhiladze was then reprimanded for " violatio n of discipline " which was later revoked by the Ministry directorate itself , since the reprimand had clearly been groundless .

Nonetheless, the directorate (specifically, Deputy Ministe r N . Gurabanidze, V . Kurava and V . Yakashvili) itself then fired Rtskhiladz e for " violation of discipline . " This firing is a gross violation even o f Soviet labor legislation . The same day, Rtskhiladze was summoned to th e MVD (by Investigator Aslanishvili) where he was compelled to write an explanation as to why he " verbally abused and threatened director Bakradze . " Prior to the firing, the KGB had sent some "hooligans " who attempted t o incite a brawl with Rtskhiladze . (The KGB has used a similar ploy agains t

A- 1 5 6 A-15 7 another member of the Georgian Helsinki Group, Z . Gamsakhurdia) . Today i t is possible that the Rtskhiladze is under threat of arrest for " parasitism . "1, 2 Here we must add that Rtskhiladze recently suffered a critical heart ailment- - angina pectoris .

We appeal to worldwide public opinion with a request to defend this activ e struggler for human rights in Georgia--Viktor Rtskhiladze . We also ask tha t voices be raised for the return of the Meskhis to their rightful homeland .

(Signed by Georgian Public Group member s Beglar Bezhuashvili, Zviad Gamsakhurdia , Grigori Goldshtein, Isai Goldshtein , and Teymuraz Dzhanelidze, as well as b y members of the Initiatiye Group to Defen d Human Rights in Georgia, Merab Kostava , G . Magulariya, and Nikoloz Samkharadze . ) Tbilisi, March 197 7

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : English translation by Staff of the US Commission o n Security and Cooperation in Europe ; reprinted from their collection Th e Right to Know, the Right to Act : Documents of Helsinki Dissent from th e Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, Compiled and Edited by the Staff of th e Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (Washington, D .C ., May , 1978), pp . 104-105 . In Russian the document is conveniently availabl e under number AS 3116 in SDS 30, pp . 75-76 . This is a very importan t document because as of October 1979 it was the only document of the Tbilisi Helsinki Watch Committee that reached the West . The Committee i s said to have produced one other document (on the protection of historica l monuments) but it has not been available in the West, and only sketch y information about the existence of such a document is circulating amon g dissidents in Moscow . Should the following document be regarded as th e second document of the Group ?

1 Viktor Rtskhiladze was arrested April 23, 1977, at the same tim e as Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Merab Kostava, but released under orders not t o leave Tbilisi . He was re-arrested January 25, 1978 . (Note by Staff of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe . )

2 According to information on file at Radio Liberty, Munich , V . Rstkhiladze was sentenced in Tbilisi on September 7, 1978, to 2½ year s in camp and 2 years exile--remaining term to be conditional, 3 year s probation . - Y .B . 11 . ZVIAD GAMSAKHURDIA'S LETTER TO MINISTER OF CULTURE OF THE GEORGIAN SSR 0 [TAR] TAKTAKISHVILI, FIRST DEPUTY MINISTER OF CULTURE N . GURABANIDZ E

February 27, 1977, I visited the monastery complex of David-Garedzha . The wall above the main portal had crumbled, [and] pieces [from it] fel l onto the tile roofing of the church and damaged it . To judge by the word s of V[iktor] BATSATSASHVILI, the director of the museum, he had more tha n once requested the Direction for the Protection of Monuments and its worksho p to repair that wall, but in vain . Apparently the explosions on the artiller y firing range also contributed in this case .

The major part of the main church of the Bertubanski Monastery ha s been destroyed as a result of the artillery firing on the range . Thoug h several unique frescoes from the 12th and 13th centuries, which belong t o world masterpieces of painting, have been preserved completely, restorer s must quickly lift off those frescoes and transfer them to the museum of ar t of Georgia, for time does not suffer [neglect]--those masterpieces that ar e equal to the works of Giotto and Raphael can perish in a short while . If in the near future no appropriate measures are taken and the frescoes peris h I will consider that the Government of the Georgian SSR and its Ministry o f Culture do not care in the least about the treasure of Georgian cultur e and that they collaborate in their destruction with the soldiers of th e artillery of the Transcaucasian Military District . (Photographs of th e destroyed monastery are enclosed .)

signed : Zviad Gamsakhurdi a

February 28, 197 7

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Russian by Y . Bilinsky . Document i s available as AS No . 3115 in Materialy samizdata (MS), No . 4/78 (January 20 , 1978) . Annotations have not been translated . Please note that formall y it is not a document of the Group to Promote the Implementation of th e Helsinki Accords in Georgia . See, however, bibl . note to preceding documen t (No . 10) .

A- 1 5 8 12 . ZVIAD GAMSAKHURDIA AND MERAB KOSTAV A V . ZHVANIIA HAS BEEN SENTENCED FOR BOMBING S

Vladimir Grigo r ' evich ZHVANIIA was born in 1935 in Georgia, in th e town of Poti, into the family of a military officer (voennosluzhashchego) , who in February 1921 together with other Georgian Communists under th e leadership of 0RDZHONIKIDZE had led the 11th Russian Army into Georgia , thus participating in her subjugation . His father Grigorii was shot i n 1938, his property was confiscated, and his mother with her children foun d herself [thrown out] into the street .

Vladimir Zhvaniia was brought up by his grandmother, because hi s mother remarried after a while . He graduated from a secondary school i n Sukhumi .

In 1955 he was arrested for attempting to [illegally] cross th e frontier near Batum and sentenced to three years . He wanted to leave th e USSR since he [already] knew that his father, who was [officially ] rehabilitated in 1956, had been shot for no reason at all .

In 1962 he was arrested for the second time for brawling (he tol d his mother afterwards that it had been a provocation) and was sentenced t o six years of imprisonment . He was [however] imprisoned for a total of te n years, since twice he tried to escape from the camps (from the [penal ] colonies of Tsulukidze and Kisani) and got two additional years for eac h attempt to escape . He was released in 1972 . For a long time after hi s release he could not obtain a legal residence permit, nor could he find an y work, for everywhere he was refused as a former prisoner . Finally, on e relative of his managed to obtain a residence permit in Rustavi, and tha t only in a dormitory . Since he was shortsighted he was awarded a pension o f 28 roubles [a month] after his father's rehabilitation . After he obtaine d the residence permit in Rustavi his pension was restored, he being a n invalid of the second category . V . Zhvaniia learnt English by himsel f and, not finding any work, he was forced to work as a tutor .

In the course of all these years the ideological outlook of Zhvanii a kept changing, and he arrived at the conclusion that his Georgian fatherlan d should become independent . He decided to work in that direction so as t o somehow awaken the Georgian people . He would act alone towards that goal : he would set off explosions not to destroy any objects nor [to kill] people , but in order to create an effect, a resonance among the people and to reviv e them . He set off three such bomb explosions : in front of the municipa l council in Sukhumi in 1975, before Government House in Tbilisi April 12 , 1976, and in Kutaisi, in the Tsulukidze Park, April 14 of the same year . In Sukhumi, during the explosion a man was accidentally killed after he thre w a lighted cigarette into the urn where the explosive was hidden . It shoul d be noted that in Kutaisi V . Zhvaniia placed a piece of paper at the objec t of the explosion, with the inscription : "Caution! Will explode! " He wa s afraid of causing any harm to people .

A- 1 5 9 A- 1 60

May 15, 1976, V . Zhvaniia was arrested . This happened as follows . He had written a letter to the director of the trust of the Batum foo d selling organization and requested monetary help for patriotic objectives . He had written that an organization was being formed which needed materia l help . That individual agreed, but secretly he notified the KGB . Whe n Zhvaniia went to see him at work and received money from him, he wa s stopped at the exit . During the arrest three letters were found o n Zhvaniia . They were addressed to the Party Central Committee, the Counci l of Ministers and the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Georgian SSR . He had written them on behalf of the organization for the liberation o f Georgia . In those letters he expressed his own conceptions in eigh t points . He demanded a referendum, the withdrawal of Russian troops, an d the admission of Georgia to the UN . In the letter he warned the Government that unless his demands would be met, the organization would continue wit h the bombings . Explosives were found in his possession, too .

He was tried in the beginning of 1977 under Articles 69, 71 (1s t part), 154 and 238 (1st part) of the Criminal Code of the Georgian SSR . The trial began January 17, 1977 . The judge was O[tar] DZHIBLADZE (th e public accuser [obshchestvennyi obvinitel ' ] was Sh . REVISHVILI, and B . HOMERIKI was the defender) . The prosecutor demanded the maximum penalt y under all the articles . He stated that he (Zhvaniia) had not been employed anywhere and was, therefore, a " parasite . " He did not tell the reason fo r his first arrest nor the fact that after his release he was not accepte d for work anywhere . Nor did he tell that Zhvaniia was an invalid of th e second category and had full right not to work . Under Article 69 whic h deals with (podrazumevaiushchei) " Destruction or damage to ... 1 enterprises , equipment, transport and communications, ... 1 the spreading of epidemic s and epizootics animal diseases with the purpose of economically weakenin g the Soviet Union" (Zhvaniia) was sentenced to the supreme penalty--death b y shooting . 2 But that article has been applied incorrectly . Since he ha d not destroyed any objects he should have been tried under Article 100 , part 2, which provides for imprisonment of 8 years .

The court needed one week in order to reflect on the sentence, i .e ., that they did not know what to do . (Zhvaniia's) last word and the sentenc e of the court were pronounced on one and the same day . In his last wor d Zhvaniia said that he considered himself guilty only insofar as he had chose n a wrong path for the liberation of Georgia, that he loved his fatherlan d and believed that it would become independent . He also said that a on e party system in the state violated democracy . The Soviet press in Tbilis i noted that the audience in the room met the sentence with approval . Bu t nothing like that occurred : after sentence was pronounced, all left th e

1 Three dots added by the Radio Liberty editor . - Y .B .

2Zhvaniia was executed probably in December 1977 . See Kommunist i (Tiflis), December 17, 1977, and Reuter wire dispatch from Paris, January 13 , 1978 . Exact date and place of execution have not been revealed . - Y .B . A- 1 6 1

room silent, with downcast eyes (one should not forget that to enter th e room one had to have a special pass) . The room was guarded not by th e ordinary police, but by KGB operatives : even one policeman was no t admitted to the trial . The relatives of the condemned were not given a copy of the conclusion of the act of prosecution nor a copy of the sentence , despite the fact that his sister N . Zhvaniia 3 had written a declaration [ a request? - Y .B .] to Judge Dzhibladze . This constitutes a flagrant violatio n of the Code of Criminal Procedure .

Tbilisi, March 19, 1977 M . Gamsakhurdi a

M . Kostav a

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Russian by Y . Bilinsky, from documen t AS No . 3114, " V . Zhvaniia osuzhden za vzryv y " in MS 4/78 (January 20, 1978) . Annotations have not been translated . This is not a formal document of th e Tbilisi Helsinki Watch Committee, though the two signatories are it s members .

3Apparently his cousin Nina Romanovna Zhvaniia (note by editor s of Radio Liberty) . D O C U M E N T S

OF THE ARMENIAN GROUP TO PROMOTE TH E IMPLEMENTATION

ACCORDS (NOS . 1-7) AND RELATED MATERIAL S

ON THE ARMENIAN NATIONAL AND HUMAN RIGHTS MOVEMENT S

(NOS . 8-12 )

A-162

1 . ARMENIAN GROUP TO PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATION OF TH E

RESOLUTIONS OF THE FINAL ACT 0F THE HELSINKI ACCORD

D E C L A R A T I O N

Incidents of flagrant violation of human rights and dignity, o f the basic freedoms of thought, . . . conscience, worship and opinion, ar e taking place in the Armenian Republic .

In spite of the fact that the USSR has taken part in the draftin g of the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and Inter - national Covenants on Human Rights, and has subscribed to them, th e persecution and harassment of dissidents and believers has not ceased .

In the period 1973-1974 alone, nine political trials have take n place in Erevan, the capital of the Armenian Republic, and eightee n Armenian dissidents have been sentenced to prison terms ranging from si x months to ten years .

The acceptance by the Soviet Union of the International Covenant s on Human Rights and of the provisions of the Final Act [of the Helsink i Conference] on Security and Cooperation in Europe places on her, i n accordance with International Law, the legal obligations to follo w unswervingly the Universal Declaration of Human Rights .

But since, in the question of basic freedoms and civil rights, th e accepted international obligations are being violated in the Soviet Unio n and in particular in the Armenian Republic, the movement for ciyil right s will retain its urgency so long as the causes for concern have not been removed .

A d m i t t i n g t h a t the respect for the overall significanc e of civil rights and basic freedoms is an essential factor of peace, justic e and prosperity, which are indispensable for the safeguard of the developmen t of friendly relations and cooperation among all States ,

C o n s c i o u s o f the negative effect that the violation s of political and civil rights, and basic freedoms have had on the economic , cultural and scientific progress and on the people's standard of livin g in the USSR and, in particular, in the Armenian Republic ,

T a k i n g i n t o consideration the vital interests of th e Armenian people, viz ., the rights accorded to the citizens and guarantee d by Article 101 of the Constitution of the SSR of Armenia, as well a s provisions of the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights , the International Covenants on Human Rights, and the Final Act of th e Helsinki Conference, A- 1 6 4

G u i d e d b y the principle of freedom and justice , proclaiming our faith in peace and democratic ideals, convinced of th e legality of our undertaking and realizing the necessity of safeguardin g the basic interests of the people and of human rights ,

N o tin g w i t h s a t i s f a c t i o n the fruitfu l activity of the existing organizations in the USSR dedicated to the protection of civil rights, noting also the enormous interest that is bein g manifested here and in the entire world towards the activities aimed a t protecting human rights in the USSR ,

G u i d e d b y f a i t h, by conscience, by conviction and b y the sense of civic duty ,

We have taken the initiative of setting up in the Armenian Republi c a group to monitor and promote the implementation of the provisions of th e Final Act of the Helsinki Conference . Our aims are as follows :

1. to defend the civic, political, economic, social, cultura l and other rights and freedoms which are inherent to huma n dignity and are vital for man's free and full development ;

2. to defend man's right to freely seek, receive and disseminat e information and knowledge, free from the limitations o f political boundaries and official ideologies ;

3. to defend man ' s right to have and freely proclaim hi s religious convictions ;

4. to strive to liberate political prisoners and to collec t contributions for the material support of their families ;

5. to defend the rights of inviolability of person, of residence , and of the confidentiality of personal correspondence whic h have been guaranteed by Articles 102 and 103 of the Constitutio n of the SSR of Armenia ;

6. to defend the rights of free association, of reunification o f families, of free movement in and out of the country, of fre e choice of place of residence, but cooperating all the whil e with the activities aimed at encouraging the concentration o f Armenians within the boundaries of the Armenian Republic ;

7. to raise the issue of the acceptance of the Armenian Republi c as a member of the United Nations with a view to solving th e national question of the dispersion of Armenians in all corner s of the world ;

8. to raise the issue of the reintegration within the Armenia n Republic of the regions of Mountainous Karabagh and of th e Nakhichevan ASSR that have been incorporated in the SSR of

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Azerbaidzhan, and this in accordance with Article 1 of th e first part of the International Covenant on Civil and Politica l Rights as well as with Point 8 of the Final Act of the Helsink i Accord ;

9. to demand that all administrative activities in the fields o f civil service, economics and culture be conducted unswervingl y in the Armenian language, in accordance with Article 119 of th e Constitution of the Armenian SSR ;

10. to study the questions of improving the legislation an d Constitution of the Armenian SSR, with the aim of correlatin g them with the spirit and the letter of civic rights and basi c freedoms in accordance with Principle 10 of the Final Act o f the Helsinki Conference ;

11. to work towards ending all forms of censorship except military ;

12. to assemble, to study and to circulate data relative to th e implementation or the violations of the provisions of the Fina l Act of the Helsinki Conference ;

13. to supply counseling services to citizens in cases where thei r human rights have been violated .

The Armenian Group to Promote the Implementation of the provision s of the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference pursues no political or religiou s aim and is nothing but a public, philanthropic organization, respectful o f Soviet laws .

Any citizen of the Armenian Republic who feels close to our principle s and aims may, within the limits of his power and his means, render assistanc e to our group through personal participation by entering into contact with th e members of the group .

This present declaration has been made in accord with the principle s and provisions of the Final Act agreed upon at Helsinki . It is based on th e spirit and letter of the concluding document drawn up at the Conference o f twenty-nine Communist, proletarian and progressive parties of Europe, on th e ideas of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and on the basis of th e constitutional norms of the USSR .

1. Group Leader : Eduard Bagratovich ARUTYUNYAN Address : 375014, Erevan-14, Nersessian Street, Building 1 , Apartment 5

2. Treasurer : Deacon Robert Khachikovich NAZARYAN Address : 375051, Erevan-51, Arabgir Street 17, Building 9

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3 . Samvel Vladimirovich OSYA N Address : 375012, Erevan-12, Vatutin Street, Building 11 3

April 1, 197 7

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Armenian . Source : Levon Mkrtchian , Hairenakan dzainer (Fatherland Voices) (Munich : Institut für armenisch e Fragen, 1978), pp . 122-127 . Compared with Russian version published i n SDS30, pp . 78-81 . In his testimony before the International Sakharo v Hearings in September 1979 Ambartsum Khlgatyan mentioned that th e Declaration had also been published in London in 1977 . That version ha s not been available in time . 2 . ARMENIAN PUBLIC GROUP TO PROMOTE THE IMPLEMENTATION

OF THE HELSINKI ACCORD S

A N N 0 U N C E M E N T T O T H E B E L G R A D E C O N F E R E N C E

Since we have no means of gathering or receiving any sort o f information on implementation of the other provisions of the Final Act , members of Helsinki Watch Groups active within the borders of the USSR hav e focused their attention on the Final Act ' s humanitarian provisions . Thi s does not mean, however, that the Groups have ready access to data in thi s sphere . The mass media in the Soviet Union do not perform the function thei r name suggests ; the meager quantity of information which succeeds in filterin g through to the press, radio and so on, appears in completely distorted form . This is true both of extra-political as well as political reporting .

With respect to the undertakings the Soviet government has made i n the area of humanitarian concerns, the Armenian Group to Promote Observanc e of the Helsinki Agreement notes the following :

A. Civil rights violations in Armenia have not ceased since th e signing of the Final Act . We understand the concept of " civil rights " t o include national, political, religious, economic, cultural and other freedoms . The free and unhampered activity of Armenian citizens in any of the above - named areas is not guaranteed . The very fact that members of the Armenia n Group to Promote have been persecuted speaks most eloquently for itself .

B. The signing of the Final Act found no reflection in the treatmen t of political prisoners sentenced for their beliefs and "activities " (th e dissemination of their beliefs) to various terms of punishment prior to th e Helsinki Conference . Those isolated incidents when Armenian politica l prisoners have been released are simply a hypocritical demonstration of a n " eased " regime--a regime which is in fact on the verge of inflicting ne w outrages upon citizens seriously concerned with the fate of their country . For instance, far ahead of the end of their terms, two political prisoners- - Ashot Tsolakovich NAVASARDYAN and Asat Levikovich ARSHAKYAN--were released . They were not, however, acquitted, but, following their policy of huma n degradation, the authorities induced them to ask for clemency, to produc e additional testimony, to renounce their convictions in written form and t o pledge to refrain from any sort of activity in the future . Politica l prisoners continue to be detained in inhuman conditions .

C. Radio broadcasts continue to be jammed, the receipt of publications still obstructed . The Soviet government destroys publications eve n of Soviet authors who, for one reason or another, have left the country, o r who have expressed opinions which do not reiterate the official viewpoint . Persons wishing to leave the country are harassed .

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D . The rights of the Armenian people as a national minority ar e grossly violated . The Armenian nation stands in danger of losing it s national identity through assimilation . The following data attest to this :

The USSR--being a union of nations enjoying equal rights--i s obligated to preserve the national dignity and national rights of al l peoples entering into its union . However, the government of the USS R itself acts as the prime violator of these rights . Adhering to a superpower policy with anti-nationalist aims, the USSR not only doe s nothing to resolve the Armenian question--based on the just demands of a nation deprived of the major portion of its historical homeland and a people sacrificed to the first genocide of the twentieth century--it use s all possible means to block its resolution .

The dictatorship of the CPSU, which managed to wreck the country ' s economy, proceeds in its suppression of national cultures and the cynica l violation of its citizens' rights . The Communist Party, while monopolizin g all the power in the Armenian republic, neither reflects nor protects th e interests of the Armenian people ; moreover, it functions as the primary instrument in violating the national rights of Armenian citizens bold enoug h to express criticism of the anti-nationality policies of the central an d republic governments, and subjects them to persecution and long-ter m deprivation of freedom .

Ancient national customs and language are being distorted and stan d on the verge of destruction . A Russian replaces an Armenian school on th e average of once a year . Russian preschools and elementary schools ar e maintained in better condition than their Armenian counterparts ; highl y qualified specialists fill their staffs and the government provides the m with more extensive funding .

Russian is the language of all (business) in governmental, cultura l and economic bodies, as well as in scientific research institutes . This i s practiced in spite of Article 119 of the Constitution of the Armenian SS R which establishes Armenian as the republic ' s official language . All documentation--ranging from financial statements to scientific papers--is i n Russian . Russian is the language most often heard on radio broadcasts an d television programming . The single means of contact with world culture i s through the Russian language--translations into Armenian are discourage d and obstructed .

The republic ' s intelligentsia is deprived of all means of self - assertion, in the true sense of the word, and it is deprived of the possibilit y of real contact--free of hypocrisy and falsehood--with the people . Th e intelligentsia and the working people both are deprived even of a consultative role in the resolution of national, political, economic , cultural, social and moral issues .

The rights of citizens living in the Karabag h1 region--once part o f the Armenian republic--continue to be violated . Citizens of the Karabag h wish to rejoin the Armenian republic, as 80% of its population is Armenian .

1 Alternative spelling is Karabakh, which was in the Commission' s translation . - Y .B . E . The new Draft Constitution offers us the possibility to assum e that no changes in this sphere can be expected ; if anything, furthe r limitations on these rights might be imposed . This assumption is based i n particular on the contents of Article 39 which begins Chapter 7 calle d "The Basic Rights, Freedoms and Duties of Citizens of the USSR . " Article 3 9 states : " Exercise by citizens of rights and freedoms must not harm the interests of society and the state, and the rights of other citizens . " There is only one way this can be interpreted . All civil rights delineate d in the Draft Constitution are clouded by amorphous stipulations : "In accordance with the aims of strengthening the socialist system .. . " , " In conformity with the aims of Communist construction ... . " (Art . 47 , 50, 51) . Citizens of the USSR are acknowledged to possess the right " t o profess any religion and to carry on atheistic propaganda, " but there i s not stipulation for religious propaganda (Art . 52) .

The indicated "freedoms " geared toward strengthening the " migh t and prestige " of the Soviet government, Soviet ideology and an atheisti c world view, have never been limited by the Soviet government, even when these have been founded on false information . Moreover, in reality thes e " freedoms " have been and continue to be not rights but obligations o f Soviet citizens, to which Article 62 attests : " The citizens of the USS R shall be obliged to safeguard the interests of the Soviet state, t o contribute to the strengthening of its might and prestige . "

The Armenian Group to Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreemen t was organized on April 1, 1977, and has been in operation for only two months . Decades of pervasive suspicion, intimidation and fear inherite d from the past, hamper Group activity . Citizens wishing to join or wor k with the Group in the data-gathering process on human rights violation s refrain from doing so for fear of direct reprisals and from their sens e that the struggle for basic human rights and freedoms in the Soviet Unio n is hopeless and cannot produce any positive results .

Nevertheless, Armenian Helsinki Group members have at their disposa l a number of reliable facts which demonstrate that the Soviet Union has no t been observing the international conventions it has signed in the area o f equal rights of peoples and their inherent rights to determine their ow n fate, as well as in the area of fundamental human rights and freedoms .

The following facts are presented in accordance with the point s made above :

A . (1) Persecution and loss of freedom for those whose views ar e incompatible with the official ideology . This relates especially t o citizens and workers in the fields of education and culture .

a) Sarkis ARUTYUNYAN, 2 Erevan State University, instructor o f philosophy (reinstated) .

2For's consistency ' s sake the name endings -ian (as i n Commission translation) have all been changed to -yan . The latter spelling appears t o be the preference of Armenian Group member Khlgatyan . - Y .B .

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b) Kamo PETROSYAN, Erevan Polytechnic Institute, instructor o f philosophy . c) Aleksandr Rubenovich MALKHASYAN, physics teacher . d) Edik MELKONYAN, physics teacher . e) Eduard Bagratovich ARUTYUNYAN, Candidate of Economic Sciences .

(2) Known cases of isolation in psychiatric hospitals fo r political and religious convictions :

a) Eduard Bagratovich ARUTYUNYAN--for entering the Embassy o f Great Britain ; b) Aleksandr Rubenovich MALKHASYAN--for issuing critical statement s to higher governmental agencies ; c) Gerasim STEPANYAN--for a religious gathering in his apartment .

(3) Immediately following the announcement of the formatio n of the Armenian Helsinki Group, members of the Group and their familie s fell victim to reprisals and threats . The newspaper of the Centra l Committee of the Armenian SSR, Sovetakan Hyastan, published a feuilleton aimed at manipulating public opinion, entitled "The False Prophet " whic h used distorted facts and filthy attacks on Group member Deacon Rober t Khachikovich NAZARYAN .

Another Group member, Samuel OSYAN, student at the polytechni c institute, was summoned for a talk with his dean who hinted at the possibilit y that his thesis would not be accepted . OSYAN's parents were summoned to KGB headquarters for an "interview " where allusions were made to physica l reprisals in store for their son .

B . (1) The rights of political prisoners are being violated, in particular the right to correspondence, medical assistance, receipt o f parcels, monthly purchases and visits with relatives . Political prisoner s are subjected to humiliation, including discrimination on the basis o f nationality . According to our data, the following political prisoners ar e being held under inhuman conditions :

a) Razmik Artavazdovich ZOGRABYAN ; b . 1950, sentenced to 10 years ; b) Paruir Arshavirovich AIRIKYAN ; b . 1949, sentenced to 10 years ; c) Razmik Grigorievich MARKOSYAN ; b . 1950, sentenced to 6 years ; d) Bagrat Levonovich SHAKHVERDYAN ; b . 1940, sentenced to 7 years ; e) Sergei PARADZHANYAN--we have no information on this talente d film director . (Also known as Paradzhanov, he was reported to have bee n released from prison camp in late 1977--CSCE) .

(2) On the other hand, pervasive corruption and bribery hav e penetrated government agencies, including those dealing with security an d health, a situation which obstructs the solution of serious crimes .

Daniel Ambartsumovich IRADYAN was killed in a pre-detention cell ; appropriate government agencies have not ordered an investigation of th e murder, and authorities are clearly evading his parents' inquiries . A- 1 7 1

C . (1) According to incomplete data, the following library book s were burned over the last two months :

Ye . Etkind, Poetry and Translation, L . 1965 ; Ye . Etkind , A Discussion of Verse, L ., 1971 ; Ye . Etkind, Poet-Translator s from Trediakovsky through Pushkin, L ., 1973 ; Ye . Etkind, Bertold t Brecht ; A . Galich, On Seven Winds ; A . Galich, K . Isayev, On th e Raft ; A . Belinkov, Yuri Tynyanov, M ., 1965 ; S . Grachev, Assistanc e of the USSR to the Peoples of Czechoslovakia in their Struggle fo r Freedom and Independence, Gospolitizdat, 1953 ; M . Demin, Facin g the East ; M . Demin, Parallels and Meridians ; V . Nekrasov, In th e Trenches of Stalingrad (and all other books by this author) ; Ye . Yevseyev, Zionism : Ideology and Policy ; Yu . Krotkov, John - Soldier of the World ; A . Solzhenitsyn, One Day in the Life o f Ivan Denisovich (a miraculously preserved copy) .

We know that the director of the Main Administration for th e Maintenance of Government Secrets of the Council of Ministers of the Armenian SSR issued orders (No . 1- .02) on February 8, 1977, for th e confiscation and destruction of books by Armenian writer and translator , Paruir MIKAELYAN, who had previously renounced his Soviet citizenshi p (7 titles) .

(2) The government violates the rights of citizens who wish t o leave the country for permanent residence .

a) Tatos ARTIN has been denied permission to emigrate and has bee n without citizenship for 8 years ; b) Aleksandr Rubenovich MALKHASYAN renounced his citizenship, ye t his request to leave the country has stood unresolved for five years ; c) Edik BEGLARYAN renounced his Soviet citizenship after govern - mental agencies violated his civil rights ; nevertheless, the appropriat e agencies have not examined his request to emigrate .

D . (1) The political prisoners named in B . above were als o accused of nationalist activity which Soviet law equates with anti-Sovie t activity .

(2) The government bars citizens from commemorating th e National Day of Mourning, April 24, the date of the Armenian Genocid e in Turkey in 1915 .

a) Gatherings and memorial dinners dedicated to the memory of th e victims are prohibited ; b) Groups of more than 3-4 persons on the streets of Erevan ar e dispersed . c) The preparation of bulletin board displays on this theme i s prohibited in official establishments and educational institutions (Ereva n State University) A- 1 7 2

(3) It is illegal to write dissertations in the Armenia n language . ( "Regulations on the granting of academic degrees and titles, " Bull . VAK No . 2, March 1976, Pub . "Vysshaya shkola," 1976 . )

The Armenian Group to Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreemen t stresses that this report contains only a selection of verified facts o n the violation of civil rights and fundamental freedoms in the republic o f Armenia . Additional data are still being checked .

The Armenian Helsinki Group appeals to the good will of the heads o f participating states and to the peoples of the world who hold dear th e concept of the defense of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and request s them to mobilize public opinion in compelling the Soviet government to :

1. Strictly observe its international obligations toward it s citizens in the area of civil rights ;

2. Officially recognize our Group along with the other Groups t o Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreement and other humanitarian civi c organizations active within the Soviet Union .

The Armenian Group turns to the Belgrade Meeting with an appeal to :

1. Examine the issues of centralization and effectiveness o f the Soviet Groups to Promote Observance of the Final Act ;

2. Examine the question of granting the Soviet Helsinki Group s official recognition and giving them the force of a legal body ;

3. And, as a natural consequence, to organize future conference s on human rights and basic freedoms at which the Soviet Helsinki Watch Group s could present world public opinion with the true situation with regard t o human rights in the USSR .

(Signed by Armenian Public Group members Eduard Arutyunyan, Rober t Nazaryan and Samvel Osyan . )

Erevan, June 197 7

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translation is that contained in US Commission o n Security and Cooperation in Europe, Staff, Compiler and Editor, The Right t o Know, The Right to Act : Documents of Helsinki Dissent from the Soviet Unio n and Eastern Europe (Washington, D .C ., May 1978), pp . 106-112 ; slightly modified by Y . Bilinsky . The Commission ' s translation has also been reprinted in The Armenian Review, Vol . XXXI, No . 4-124 (April 1979), pp . 418- 423 . Russian text in SDS 30, pp . 85-94 (AS No . 3074) . The Russian tex t includes a long, 13 point list of documentary appendices, which have no t been reprinted, however--hence this list is omitted from this text . 3 . TO DELEGATES OF THE BELGRADE CONFERENCE AND ARMENIA N

FELLOW COUNTRYMEN

Supplemen t

On July 22, 1977, KGB operatives broke into the apartment o f Zhanna Sargsyan, friend of Robert Nazaryan . After conducting an interrogation in the apartment, they drove Sargsyan and her mother to KG B headquarters where they continued to question the daughter for 8 hours , threatening her with a 2-8 year prison term . Zhanna Sargsyan wrote out a statement dictated by KGB employee Kazaryan . Both women were then drive n home where, threatened with a search, they were forced to surrender th e following materials : a copy of the Armenian Helsinki Group declaration , Robert Nazaryan's open letter to Jimmy Carter and a snapshot of patrio t P . Airikyan . After the seizure of materials, the KGB failed to giv e Sargsyan a copy of the confiscation order .

That very same day, Eduard Arutyunyan gave a colleague a file o f materials related to the defense of human rights in the USSR (works b y Amalrik, Solzhenitsyn, the "Chronicle " for 1974, etc .--over 100 pages) . Twenty minutes after her meeting with Arutyunyan, Karina Mkrtchyan wa s detained by a group of KGB men led by Dzhivanyan . The KGB drove Mkrtchya n to headquarters where she wrote a statement under dictation . Later , threatened with an apartment search and 2-8 years in prison, Mkrtchya n was forced to admit that she had other materials at home . The interrogation was interrupted for a trip back to the apartment where the KGB seize d the following materials : copies of the statement by E . Arutyunyan t o women of the world, his open letter to Mr . Carter, an open letter t o Mr . Brezhnev, a statement directed to the Soviet people, and dissiden t literature belonging to the Armenian Helsinki Group . Mkrtchyan then wa s returned to the KGB . The interrogation lasted 10 hours in all . As in the case of Z . Sargsyan, Karina Mkrtchyan was not given a copy of th e confiscation order .

On July 25, 1977, at 7 :00, employees of the KGB took Manve l Matirosyan from his apartment and delivered him to headquarters for an interrogation which lasted until 2 :00 a .m . on July 26 . Although Matirosyan has received an invitation from the U .S ., he has not received permission t o emigrate from the USSR, and on advice from R . Nazaryan, had been plannin g to move to Moscow . The major goal of the KGB interrogation : to learn the instructions Nazaryan had given him to carry out once in Moscow .

On August 7, 1977, Saro Gyodakyan was detained and searched by th e KGB when he arrived in the city of Leninakan from Erevan (Armenian SSR) . In spite of the fact that doctors had discovered a breast tumor i n Gyodakyan's sister, and that he was to accompany her to Moscow, Gyodakya n was forced to sign a statement to the effect that he would not leav e Leninakan through August 25 . He was not given a copy of the confiscatio n

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order for a roll of film and an Armenian Helsinki Group statement to th e Belgrade Conference seized during the search . Gyodakyan was summone d again for interrogation on the same matter on August 16 and 25, 1977 .

September 12, 1977 Armenian Helsinki Group :

Eduard Avutyunyan Shagen Arutyunyan Ambartsum Khlgatya n Robert Nazaryan Samvel Osyan

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translation from US Commission on Security an d Cooperation in Europe, Reports of Helsinki Accord Monitors in the Sovie t Union, Volume Three of the Documents of the Public Group to Promot e Observance of the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR, A Partial Compilation , Edited and Prepared by the Staff of the Commission on Security an d Cooperation in Europe, November 7, 1978 (henceforth abbreviated Report s Helsinki Monitors III), p . 177 . Reprinted in Armenian Review, Vol . XXXI , No . 4-124 (April 1979), p . 423-424 . Russian version carries AS No . 312 5 (see Materialy samizdata, No . 5/78 [January 25, 1978] .

4 . STATEMENT OF ARMENIAN HELSINKI GROUP MEMBER ROBERT NAZARYAN WITH A

REQUEST FOR ACCEPTANCE INTO THE HELSINKI AGREEMENT IMPLEMENTATION GROU P

The Armenian Helsinki Group ' s declaration and its statement s addressed to the Belgrade Conference demonstrate that since its inception , the Armenian Helsinki Group has believed that close contacts betwee n Helsinki Groups would lead to more productive results .

The implementation of the humanitarian provisions of the Helsink i Agreements--on the rights of national minorities and on human rights--i s a natural touchstone which can be used to judge the extent to which an y one of the Final Act signatories is observing its commitments, and whethe r it, in fact, desires detente in the world .

The Soviet government conceals from world public opinion (and it s own people) violations of nationality rights and human rights which hav e occurred in our country . This is why participating states of the Helsink i Conference are insufficiently familiar with facts of Soviet non-implementatio n of provisions of the Final Act .

Today in the Soviet Union, in the Armenian Republic in particular , gross violations of the nationality rights of Armenians, and violations o f human rights in general, are occurring . Soviet authorities interfere wit h the normal activity of the Helsinki Groups and persecute their member s ruthlessly . Armenian Helsinki Group members suffer such persecutio n as well .

Group leader Eduard Arutyunyan is subjected to threats of incarcer- ation in a psychiatric hospital . I am a victim of a smear campaign in th e press . On May 5, 1977, the newspaper Sovetakan Aiastan printed an articl e entitled " The False Prophet . " 0n June 9, 1977, officials searched m e illegally at Erevan Airport and took away my passport which they have no t yet returned (over four months have passed) . 0n September 5, 1977, I wa s fired from my job under the pretext of staff cutbacks and now authoritie s threaten me with trial for "parasitism . " I married recently, but withou t a passport I cannot register my marriage .

The persecution of Armenian Helsinki Group members illustrate ho w human rights are " respected " in the Armenian republic .

I support the H .A .I .G . Declaration and, believing that the goal s and tasks of H .A .I .G . and the Armenian Helsinki Group coincide in thei r essence, I am expressing my desire to join the International Associatio n to Promote Observance of the Helsinki Agreements (H .A .I .G .) .

October 26, 1977 Armenian Helsinki Group Member :

Deacon Robert Khachikovich Nazaryan A- 1 7 6

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translation from Reports Helsinki Monitors III , p . 178 . Reprinted in Armenian Review, loc . cit . (see Note to documen t #3, above), pp . 424-425 . Russian version carries AS No . 3137 (se e Materialy samizdata, No . 6/78 [January 27, 1978]) . 5 . AN APPEAL T0 THE PRESIDIUM OF THE SUPREME SOVIE T

OF THE ARMENIAN SSR

Impelled by the demands of humanism and in fulfillment of our civi c duty, we, members of the Armenian Helsinki Group who have signed below , call upon the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Armenian SSR t o petition the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR for the earl y release of the following citizens of the Armenian SSR from their place s of detention :

1. AIRIKYAN Paruir Arshavirovich

2. ZOGRABYAN Razmik Artavazdovic h

3. MARKOSYAN Razmik Grigorievich

4. SHAKHVERDYAN Bagrat Levonovic h

We have studied carefully the sentences handed down to these men b y the Supreme Court of the Armenian SSR, and we have found nothing in thei r activity which could be qualified as a criminal offense punishable by law . Therefore, we attest, with full responsibility, that these sentences are , in fact, the authorities ' vengeance against men who hold convictions an d ideals which the ruling party--Communist Party of the Soviet Union--doe s not share .

In a state guided by legal principles ; in a state where th e Constitution is not just proclaimed for the sake of political posturing , but is strictly adhered to in reality ; the government should conduc t itself with full respect for the law so that it may have the moral righ t to demand the same from its citizens . But, the Soviet government, to ou r great dismay, does not consider it necessary to respect this immutabl e principle .

0ur view is not unsubstantiated, but based on the on-going " witc h hun t " in the USSR--the judicial persecution of citizens for their ideologica l and political convictions, philosophical views, and religious beliefs .

If one were to examine the case of Paruir Airikyan, for example, on e would see that he is neither a thief nor a bribe-taker, rapist nor murderer . He did not resort to extremist measures to achieve his political aims, no r did he take weapons or explosives into his hands . Ideas and convictions , the spoken and written word, have been and remain his only weapons . In combatting words with prison, the KGB finds not strength, but impotence an d confusion, and exposes itself before the eyes of intelligent mankind a s a political force out of tune with the times, living in the past .

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In coming forward in defense of Airikyan and other prisoners o f conscience, we also come forward for ourselves, for our constitutiona l rights and freedoms . We firmly intend to insist upon these at the cost o f any sacrifice, since we believe that resignation in the face of arbitrar y tyranny is a disgrace meriting the severest condemnation .

We may or may not share the political views and work of Airikya n and other prisoners of conscience, but we do acknowledge their right t o hold and defend any feeling or thought which is dear to them and which i s directed toward the good of society . That this is an individual ' s sacre d right can no longer be contested now, at the end of the third quarter o f the twentieth century . The Communist Party of the Soviet Union risk s missing the train of history should it persist in its vain pretensions t o a monopolistic guardianship over a scientific formula of social development . Alas, the CPSU is not the only entity which God endowed with a brain ...

We are delighted with those of our fellow countrymen who, facin g persecution and prison, nonetheless remain true to the call of their human e conscience . And, in fact, how miserable and colorless the existence o f mankind would be, were there no people like Airikyan among us! If ther e were no individuals, possessed of a conscience, no creators of ideas an d beauty, no seekers of truth or dreamers--we never would have learned th e way to freedom and the stars ; we would be unable to enjoy the music o f Mozart and Bach ; we could not gaze at the clouds from a bird's-eye view . For all of this mankind is indebted to those people in whose heads God' s fire of thought burns unquenching, we are indebted to those who seek an d confirm the newest and the best, who brand and crush the reactionarie s and idle talkers, no matter what their " might " under any circumstances i n the fluctuations of history .

We hope that our call will be heard by those to whom we direct it . We would like to believe that " socialist humanism " is more than an empt y phrase, but something possessing real humanistic content .

Karl Marx had the remarkable thought which history has proven true : "Reforms are brought to life not through the weakness of the strong bu t through the strength of the weak . " And so it is, we do not set our hope s on the " weakness of the strong " but intend ourselves to become the strong , to defend our interests and to demand respect and fulfillment of our rights .

Here we do not consider it extraneous to mention that, in th e course of the last few years, as if seizing the breath of the times, man y states on all continents have announced amnesties and granted release t o ideological critics and political opponents of the regimes in power . A list of these countries include several dozen names well-known to th e leaders of the USSR and to you, members of the Supreme Soviet of th e Armenian SSR . And only our government, for some reason, is in the lea d of those few who either deny--despite the obvious facts--the existence o f political prisoners in their countries, or are deaf to the voices o f indignant mankind .

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Don't march with the reactionaries--this is our advice to you !

Freedom to all prisoners of conscience !

Long live humanism !

December 4, 1977 Armenian Helsinki Group :

Eduard Arutyunyan Robert Nazaryan Shagen Arutyunyan Ambartsum Khlgatyan

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translation from Reports Helsinki Monitors III , pp . 179-180 . Reprinted in Armenian Review, loc . cit . (see Note t o document #3, above), pp . 425-427 . Russian text carries AS No . 3217, ha s been reproduced in SDS 30, pp . 82-84 . The Russian text carries th e following P .S . (in English translation) : " This is a project, whic h should be amended and confirmed by the Armenian Helsinki Group . " Nor does the Russian explicitly identify the signatories as member s of that Group . A scanning of the two versions has shown them to b e identical except for those two discrepancies .

6 . AN APPEAL TO ARMENIANS ABROA D

Ladies and Gentlemen, Comrades! The Armenian Helsinki Group ha s been crushed . Robert Nazaryan and Shagen Arutyunyan are under arrest . Our apartments are searched, I am harassed . We, Armenians, are a peopl e who have endured over the last thousand years, the most difficult ordeal s of persecution, torture and genocide . We have lost a huge portion of ou r homeland . At the hands of fate we have been scattered throughout th e world, but we have not lost our faith in truth and justice . In our countr y people are persecuted not only for criminal acts, but for conviction s as well . Our Group undertook to monitor implementation of the Helsink i Final Act and nothing more . With its arrest of Armenian patriots, the KGB has stamped out the ideals of Armenian humanism and free-thought . Th e eyes of David Sasunsk have been wrapped in a shroud, the shoulders of Mcher a have sunk under the weight of a cliff and he gazes with pain and hope a t his people . The honor and national dignity of the Armenian people hav e been turned to ashes . I appeal to the memory of Vardan Mamikonyan, Davi d the Builder, Shiranatsi, Khorenatsi, Mesron Mashtots, the Great Catholico s Airik, Andranik and to the whole Armenian people to give me their mora l support for the release of all Armenian patriots who are political prisoners , in particular, my friends Robert Nazaryan and Shagen Arutyunyan .

I appeal to all political, social, economic, and cultura l organizations and to the members of the four active Armenian partie s abroad to send defenders, lawyers, observers for the trials, an d financial assistance to the families of these political prisoners . Peace to you, Armenians .

February 8, 1978 Armenian Helsinki Group Leader :

Eduard Arutyunya n

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translation from Reports Helsinki Monitors, III , p . 181 . Reprinted in Armenian Review, loc . cit ., pp . 427-428 .

A-180 7 . SUPPLEMEN T

A Collection to Aid Political Prisoners and Their Familie s

In 1973-1974, 18 young Armenians, 14 of whom are now in detention , faced trial in 9 political trials behind closed doors in Erevan . Th e following individuals were sentenced to prison terms ranging from 2 t o 10 years for their national political activity and their convictions :

1. Airikyan, Paruir Arshavirovich, born June 5, 1949, Student . Sentence : 10 years .

2. Arakelyan, Gagik Serezhayevich, born December 12, 1955, Worker . Sentence : 2 years .

3. Arshakyan, Azat Levikovich, born August 13, 1950 . Worker . Sentence : 10 years .

4. Badalyan, Levon Patvakanovich, born March 6, 1951, Student . Sentence : 2 years .

5. Zograbyan, Razmik Artayazdovich, born April 1, 1950, Worker . Sentence : 10 years .

6. Karapetyan, Anait Agvanovna, born February 20, 1952, Office Worker . Sentence : 2 years .

7. Karapetyan, Kostan Vaganovich, born June 20, 1955, Worker . Sentence : 2 years .

8. Markaryan, Andranik Karapetovich, born June 12, 1950, Engineer . Sentence : 3 years .

9. Markosyan, Razmik Grigorievich, born December 21, 1950, Student . Sentence : 6 years .

10. Martirosyan, Norik Ambartsumovich, born December 18, 1948, Teacher . Sentence : 3 years .

11. Martirosyan, Samvel Ambartsumovich, born May 1, 1951, Worker . Sentence : 2 years .

12. Navasardyan, Ashot Tsolakovich, born March 28, 1950, Worker . Sentence : 9 years .

13. Saakyan, Kadzhik Varazdatovich, born January 10, 1951, Student . Sentence : 3½ years .

14. Shakhverdyan, Bagrat Levonovich, born November 23, 1940, Engineer . Sentence : 7 years .

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Guided by the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Huma n Rights and, in accordance with the aims and principles of the Final Act o f the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe of August 1, 1975, w e consider it the obligation of our thought and conscience to undertake thi s beneficient task .

Dear friend, Armenian, no matter in which corner of the world you live , respond to our appeal, as would a dear and close relative . Contribute to thi s collection . In doing so, we should not be concerned about the extent to which the paths and beliefs of the above-listed individuals are right or the exten t to which they correspond with our own . These are political issues beyond th e bounds of our interests here .

More important for us is the moral issue of good works, a matter no t only of our conscience, but of the conscience of every respectable Armenia n as well .

February 1976 In Charge of the Fund of Donations :

Deacon Robertn1'2 Khachikovic h Nazarya

Address :

Erevan - 51 , Arabkir, ul . 17, d . 9

P .S . Four Armenian political prisoners remain in camps as of May 1977 :

1. Airikyan, Paruir Arshavirovich

2. Zograbyan, Razmik Artavazdovich

3. Markosyan, Razmik Grigorievich

4. Shakhverdyan, Bagrat Levonivic h

Also film director Sergei Paradzhanov 3

1 (Nazaryan was arrested on December 23, 1977, and is still awaitin g trial--Ed . CSCE )

2 (December 2, 1978, Nazaryan was sentenced to 5 years in stric t regimen labor camp and 2 years of exile . - Y .B . )

3(Paradzhanov was released from strict regimen camp in Dnepropetrovs k oblast ; he had been arrested in December 1973 and sentenced to five years- - CSCE) .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translation from Reports Helsinki Monitors III, pp . 182-183 . Reprinted in Armenian Review, loc . cit ., pp . 428-429 . Compare d with Russian text AS No . 3136 (Materialy samizdata, No . 6/78 [January 27 , 1978]) . Comparison shows an evident error in the dating of the main lette r or list in the CSCE translation : it should be February 1976, not 1978 . Thi s error has been corrected in text above . 8 . APPEAL TO KHRUSHCHEV BY THE ARMENIANS OF MOUNTAINOUS KARABAG H

Translated by DR . V . N . DADRIAN

To the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of th e Soviet Union, to the Secretary of the Central Committe e of the Communist Party, to Comrade Khrushche v

WE, THE KOLKHOZNIKS, workers and toilers of the Autonomous Regio n of Mountainous Karabagh, and of the Armenian population of the regions o f Shamkhor, Khanlar, Dashkesan and Shaumian of Azerbaidjan SSR, havin g reached a point of desperation as a result of the crushing burden of ou r living conditions, decided to address ourselves to you to enlist help an d protection .

From times immemorial, our territory, circumscribed by the river s of Kur, Araks and the Sevan Lake, which historically is known under th e name of " Artzach, " has always been an inseparable part of Armenia . As a result of the Turko-Mongol incursions, the Armenians were forced out o f the esplanades, their villages and towns were destroyed and were reduce d to pastures . The Armenians succeeded in fortifying themselves and enjoyin g protection only in the semi-mountainous and mountainous regions of Karabagh .

After the annexation to Russia, the danger which imperiled the physical existence of the Armenians of Karabagh was removed even thoug h they were still suffering under the yoke of the Tsarist regime .

To protect themselves from the consequences of the growing revolutionar y movement, the Tsarist authorities in the period of 1903-1905 instigated artificial hostilities and sanguinary massacres between the Armenians and th e Azerbaidjanis .

During the first imperialist war, as in the periods prior to and afte r the onset of the national republics, the Mussavat government of Azerbaidja n isolated the Armenian regions of Karabagh from the outside world and proceede d to annihilate the Armenians whenever the however it could . With an optimum tightening of stamina, the Armenians of Karabagh defied the Mussavat government by defending their independence and ethnic authenticity through heroi c efforts . This is the pattern of the endless chain of the misfortunes an d sufferings of the Armenians of Karabagh ; and it was only in April, 1920 , that the Soviet regime did put an end to it .

We were not mistaken in our belief that the Leninist policy o f nationalities would triumph, and that Armenian-populated Karabagh would b e incorporated into Soviet Armenia . Indeed, after the advent of the Soyie t regime in Armenia, the Soviet government of Azerbaidjan conceded in a declaration of willingness to cede Karabagh and Nakhichevan to Armenia . The declaration was signed and made public by N . Narimanof in the celebrate d session of the Baku Soviet on December 1, 1920 .

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However, this judicious and entirely fraternal decision was no t carried out . In March, 1921, as a result of a treaty signed with Turkey , Nakhichevan was incorporated in the territorial complex of Azerbaidjan SSR . In 1923, within the territorial borders of Azerbaidjan, mountainou s Karabagh was given autonomy, and the regions of Shamkhar, Khanlar , Dashkesan and Shaumian, where the Armenian population is predominan t (approximately 90 per cent), were directly incorporated into Azerbaidja n SSR . Thus, the Armenians of Karabagh were cut off from Armenian SS R and the Autonomy did not embrace all Armenian regions . The rights of th e Autonomous region were gradually curtailed and presently are almos t entirely abrogated .

The Armenian population of Azerbaidjan SSR has been subjected t o nationalistic policies involving disabilities and extremely unfavorabl e conditions of life . At the inception of the Autonomy, certain positiv e steps were undertaken for the development of industry and agriculture o f the region . Subsequently, however, every enterprise has been thwarted , and initiated establishments have either been inhibited from functionin g or transferred to regions inhabited by Azerbaidjanis . On the other hand , demands were imposed upon our region which were exacting and beyond th e limits of our capacity . They resulted in such desperate acts as our bein g forced to extricate from our beds, bedcovers and pillows wool in orde r to meet the quotas imposed upon us .

These hidden measures, which were intended to bring about a deterioration in the economy of the Armenian population and eventuall y force the latter's exodus from the region, were supplemented by acts o f sabotage and counter-revolutionary operations .

In spite of the fact that large expanses of irrigated soil wer e at hand in some regions of Azerbaidjan SSR, people ' s enemy Bagirof wa s repopulating the Armenian villages of Marduni and Mars with Azerbaidjanis . In consequence, clashes between the two nationalities in these yillage s became imminent . Apparently, the followers of people's enemy Bagiro f have not forgotten his instructions . Their objective was not only the termination of the autonomy of the region, but also the expulsion of th e Armenian population of Karabagh . To this end, they relentlessly an d systematically trampled upon the interests of the Armenian population , derided the workers and subjected the people in general to inexcusabl e hostile treatment .

Let us cite some examples :

1) The bread factory of Stepanakert has been placed under th e jurisdiction of Asdam--an Azerbaidjani regional center located at a distance of 40 km . In other words, it has been proposed for the purpos e of planning the production of flour and regulating the quality of bread , and altogether managing the preparation of bread for Stepanakert in distan t Asdam .

2) The health department of Mars has likewise been subjected t o Asdam, where appointments to and removals from posts of the department fo r workers are initiated and medical supplies and other material needs of the hospitals and other institutions are supposed to be secured, but in fact A- 1 8 5 are not provided . The same applies to pharmacies and pharmacists .

3) The management of construction works is under the jurisdictio n of Minkechaour, which is located 120 km away from Stepanakert . Th e immediate result of this arrangement was the removal of the best machine s and mechanism to Minkechaour and their substitution by useless and antiquate d implements and technical systems . The top laborers of one particular concern were flatly dismissed and were replaced by Azerbaidjanis .

4) The combine of Mars which produces silk and employs 3,000 worker s (the only industrial concern of Mars) has been placed under the jurisdictio n of a comparable but much smaller enterprise in Nuchi, which is 120 km awa y from Stepanakert . The dye factory has been transported to Nuchi, as a result of which the wage fund has been reduced and the wages of the worker s of Stepanakert have been lowered . The silk spinning factories of Khnzorestan , Seyidshen, Gheshlach and other villages have been closed .

5) The sojuzpetchat department of Mars (in charge of distributio n of newspapers and other printed material) has been transferred to Asda m (since May 1962) . Now Asdam is to plan what we are to read . As to th e workers of Stepanakert sojuzpetchat, they remain jobless .

6) The cement factory in Stepanakert has been placed under th e jurisdiction of the region of Barda (60 km distance), which has absolutel y no connection with the factory .

7) The Tartarkes project has been made part of the post-war fiv e year plan, but until today has not been realized . Tartarkes is meant t o solve the problems of electrical energy and irrigation of the semi-mountainou s and mountainous regions . The construction of Tartarkes has been discontinue d because of the construction of Minkechaour, which can not solve the problem s assigned to Tartarkes .

8) A number of projects provided in the recent five year plans fo r Mars have not been fulfilled . Still, nothing is being done, even thoug h those projects have been made an integral part of the seven year plan, e .g . , the cake combine, the wine factory of the Gurbadkino, etc .

9) In spite of the problem of available prerequisites and necessar y personnel, the auto repair plant, provided in the seven year plan fo r Stepanakert, has been erected in Kirovabad instead .

10) In forty years not one kilometer of new road has been constructed between villages and the regional center ; nor have existing road s been repaired .

11) No possibilities have been explored for developing the agriculture of the region . The corn, potato and vineyard acreages have not been expanded . There is no increment in the rate of the growth of produce . Cattle breeding is in decline ; the authorities are oblivious to the problem of water resources . Reservoirs have been erected on the banks of a numbe r of rivers of mountainous Karabagh, but only Azerbaidjani villages ar e benefiting from these waters . The kolkhozniks of Karabagh have not bee n given the right to utilize the waters of their own rivers . Since ancient A- 1 8 6

times mountainous Karabagh has been famous for its mulberry farms whic h often were cultivated with great strain on the rocky slopes of the high - lands . These farms were being utilized to produce spirit and doshab used for construction material and fuel . Disregarding the protest of the population, with a stroke of the pen, they forbade the extracting of spirit an d ordered the cultivation of mulberries for the sole purpose of feeding th e silkworms . As a result, large numbers of mulberry bushes were destroyed , and the rocky slopes became barren and useless for agriculture . Besides , the mulberry wood is known to have precious qualities for industrial use .

Mars has not been carefully studied in terms of its soil an d climatic conditions ; no narrowly specialized subregions were created fo r the purpose of enhancing productivity .

The experimental station of the region of Martoushaven has bee n placed under the jurisdiction of Baku . One is led to believe that th e management in Mars is not interested in investigating its agricultura l problems and in resolving other problems of local significance .

12) Culture and education are in decline . The low level of work i n the field of education is particularly evident in the results of tests take n by our students in order to gain entrance to the higher educational institutions of Armenian SSR . The two-year Pedagogical Institute and th e Conservatory of Stepanakert is a notable cultural achievement, but it ha s been instituted at the cost of relinquishing the Armenian Theater in Baku- - in spite of the fact that there is a large contingent of Armenians in Baku .

We could go on with the description of the illegal and harmfu l measures and operations inflicted upon the Autonomous Region and it s Armenian population . The cursorily described cases above fully reveal th e abnormal and critical status of the population of the Region . It is a statu s which mocks the idea of autonomy, the interests of the Armenian population , the rights of Soviet citizens, and the Leninist policy of nationalities .

The aims pursued on various occasions for many years and now comin g close to fruition are beyond doubt . They consist of the propensity t o subordinate the institutions and enterprises of mountainous Karabagh t o corresponding enterprises which are located at a distance of 40-60 km an d are integral parts of Azerbaidjani regions (Asdam, Barda, Minketchour , Kirovabad, Nuchi, etc .) ; of transferring the institutions and enterprise s of the region to the regions of Azerbaidjan SSR ; of blocking the construction of the industrial concerns and of all other necessary enterprise s provided in the plans of the region . As a result of all these, th e managerial-administrative functions of the region have all but disintegrated .

These unilateral harmful measures have deprived the Armenian population of the region of its livelihood and wellbeing and forced it t o abandon its own ancestral homeland .

This is the reason why in the last twenty-five years there is a tota l lack of increase in the growth rate of the Armenian population of mountainou s Karabagh . It should be noted that the above-mentioned made it possible t o populate Karabagh with Azerbaidjanis . A- 1 8 7

It can definitely be stated that a chauvinistic, pan-Turk policy i s being pursued which is at once inconceivable under and inimical to th e circumstances of the Soviet regime, but which evidently is acceptable t o the authorities of the Azerbaidjani Republic .

This policy has assumed more abominable forms for the Armenia n regions of Shamkhor, Shaumian, Khanlar which are outside the Autonomou s region of Karabagh .

The situation is unbearable . Discrimination everywhere and in every - thing . 0ur plight at present is more grave than in the conquest period o f 1919-1920 effected by the Turks, Mussavats and the British . The same thin g is happening now under the guise of friendship and fraternity . We hav e previously also protested that there is in fact no Autonomous region . We tried to explain the reasons of grievances of the masses, but wer e subjected to impermissible methods of treatment . For instance, Bagiro f had convened a session of the Party Aktiv in Stepanakert in which h e declared :

" Whoever is opposed to the annexation of Karabagh to Azerbaidja n SSR is invited to leave the meeting . "

Under the circumstances, it is obvious what fate might befall an y person disposed to leave the meeting . Another incident occurred jus t recently . To obtain explanation, only the leaders of the region wer e approached, and this was done, of all places, in Baku .( (Comrade Suchitdinov) .

The policy of discrimination and oppression is engendering justifiable hatred against the source of that policy, namely, the Azerbaidjan i Republic and the leadership of the Autonomous region . The regrettabl e fact is that undesirable relationships between the nationalities ar e developing in consequence .

In these days when we are building up communism, we can not liv e under such circumstances . It seemed to us that the implementation of suc h a brutal policy of national chauvinism was incredible and impossible .

But there is no doubt about it . The steps undertaken since earl y 1962 have fully convinced us .

We request a prompt decision so as to reincorporate mountainou s Karabagh and all adjacent Armenian regions into Armenian SSR, or to mak e them part of RSFSR .

We request the treatment of the Armenians in Karabagh to be attune d only to Lenin ' s policy of nationalities .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translation from Armenian Review, Vol . 21, No . 3-8 3 (Autumn 1968), pp . 61-66 . Reproduced with permission . In Armenian, thi s material is printed in Levon Mkrtchian, Hairenakan dzainer, pp . 26-34 . 9 . A LETTER ADDRESSED T0 THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE

COMMUNIST PARTY 0F THE SOVIET UNIO N

E . H . HOVHANNISSIA N MEMBER OF THE COMMUNIST PART Y OF THE SOVIET UNION

Translated by Dr . Vahakn N . Dadrian , Wisconsin State Universit y

The central organ of our Party, Pravda, undoubtedly is committe d to the principle of defending justice and truth . Yet, there are among u s " adviser s " who are supposed to represent truth and justice and particularl y Pravda, but who, instead of truth, are fostering chicanery and injustice , double talk and deception . To be more specific, they are blocking th e paths of truth in the matter of erecting shrines to commemorate the martyrs , who fell victim to the bestialities of Turkish henchmen .

TAKES A PRAVDA EDITOR TO TAS K

On November 25, 1964, I sent a letter to the editors of Pravda with the heading : " It is Impossible to Forget . " The editorial adviser handlin g this letter was Ikenitzky . He saw fit to argue that the publication of m y letter in Pravda could disrupt the " good neighborly " relations which wer e happily unfolding as a result of the visit to the USSR of the Turkish Foreig n Minister . According to the adviser, " it is unnecessary to evoke historica l circumstances which date back 50 years " ; such evocation could "inflam e nationalistic dispositions . "

The question arises as to why the same adviser is not recommendin g to end the exposure of German henchmen ; it is not true that such exposure is "inflaming anti-Fascist dispositions on a large scale and thereby i s accentuating the inclination of the Germans to acquire nuclear weapons? " Could it be that the mere mention of the Turkish genocide is arousin g nationalistic passions but the mention of the massacre of the Poles an d the Jews organized by the Germans is promoting only benign tendencies ?

LINKS GERMAN ATROCITIES TO TURKISH MASSACRE S

Were this type of advisers competent enough to assess the facts , then it should not be difficult to convince oneself that the idea of whole - sale extermination of peoples was adopted from the Turks . Hitler himsel f admitted to this fact when he proclaimed, for the entire world to know , that on the eve of his precipitation of World War II, he issued orders t o

A-188 A- 1 8 9 his armies to kill and annihilate as many people as possible, th e responsibility would fall upon Hitler! After all, was it not a fact tha t the massacres by the Turks were not accounted for and no one seemed t o remember them ?

The bestiality of the Turks served as an example to the Fascists . Yet, men like Ikenetzk y ' s among us, are preventing even the Armenians fro m remembering the Turkish atrocities . If, in the wake of World War I, fo r instance, the perpetrators had received the retribution that was due t o them, lesser atrocities might have been committed during World War II . Certain advisers do not seem to grasp this fact . The Turkish criminal s cleansed the territory of " infidels , " but they were not only not condemne d for this act but were even aided and abetted for it ; and, following th e example of the Turks, the Germans occupied new Lebensraum . Why is i t necessary to accuse the Germans but not the Turks ?

EMPHASIZES NEED T0 REMEMBER GENOCID E

In the past as well as present, there always emerged in the Sovie t Union " advisers " who are operating as apologists for Turkish bestialit y and Pantouranism . Naturally, the necessity of waging an inexorable wa r against the Fascists is granted ; the displeasure of the Soviet people s regarding the decision of the German Federal Government to suspend th e prosecution of the Nazi's in 1965 attests to this . It is likewise natura l that no one should really advocate the initiation of war against Turkey o r Germany . But, should we refrain from citing the atrocities of the Turk s who only recently soaked with blood the soil of Cyprus? Should we induc e the victimized nation to indulge in self-deception and hypocrisy by compelling her to consign the fact of genocide to oblivion? Should we go on e step further and even cynically accuse the victim-nation of complicity ? All this, lest the Turks might be offended ?

ACCUSES SOVIETS OF TREACHER Y AGAINST ARMENIAN COMMUNIST S

On their part, however, the very same Turks resorted to cunning, a s evidenced in the well calculated and shrewdly timed visit of the Turkis h Foreign Minister to the Soviet Union ; this visit helped the advisers o f Pravda to recall the tradition of cooperation maintained between Lenin an d Ataturk . I personally do well remember the real intent of that cooperation , however . With a single stroke of the pen, Stalin at the time resolved th e Armenian Question which was straining the minds and the souls of th e politicians of Europe .

To illustrate this crucial point, a brief historical review is calle d for . Indeed, upon the establishment of the Soyiet regime in Azerbaidjan , the people of Armenia rebelled against Dashnakzoutiun, and on May 9, 1920 , the Revcom of Armenia declared the government of Dashnakzoutiun as over - thrown . In such areas as Kars, Sarikamish, and Alexandropol where 70% o f the Dashnakzakan Army had concentrated, the armed units defected and wen t over to the Soviet camp ; the ruling power passed in the hands of the Soviets A- 1 9 0 in Zankezour, Karabagh and Nor Bayazid . Consequently, it was necessary to liquidate the Dashnakzakan rule in Yerevan only . Yet Stalin found i t necessary to do so . Instead of assisting the workers of Armenia in th e task of consolidating the Soviet regime, the 12th Army was dispatched t o annex Karabagh, Zankezour and Nakhitchevan to Azerbaidjan .

ACCUSES SOVIETS OF COLLUSION WITH TURK S

Instead of liquidating the Dashnakzakans, their representatives wer e invited to Moscow--under the pretext of "resolving the territorial dispute s between Turkey and Armenia . " In the same vein, the Dashnakzakans an d Bolsheviks declared through the newspapers that the Russian Bolshevik s were accompanying the Turks in their march to Armenia . Indeed, th e Bolshevik agitation brought about the disintegration of the Dashnakzaka n Army--as an assist to "brotherly Turkey " ; first rate fortresses like Kar s and Alexandropole fell without a single instance of firing ; of the mor e than 10,000 Armenian prisoners of war, not a single soldier returned--al l were exterminated in Erzerum . In spite of all this, when Stalin at thi s very same time visited Baku and was informed by Sergo Orchonokidze of th e anguish and the plight of the Armenian people, who were in need of dir e help, " the friend of the oppressed peoples " calmly replied : " There is n o need to hurry! "

It was not known then, in what direction the Turks would move--t o Tiflis or to Yerevan? The Turks proceeded towards Karakilise (now Kirovakan) ; panic started in Tiflis . The people organized a demonstratio n against the representatiyes of R .S .F .U . 0nly when the Turkish onslaugh t appeared to imperil the capital of the Georgian Mensheviks, did Stali n decide that " it is necessary to rescue Armenia . " The Red Army rushed t o help and secured a tiny, rocky portion of the Republic involving th e territory surrounding Mount Ararat--a territory which Turkey had recognize d to belong to the ever tormented, tortured and exhausted Armenian workin g people . At the same time, however, the same Turkey delivered to th e sword of Turkish executioners 200,000 additional Armenians from Kars , Ardahan, Alexandropole and other areas . A certain Mikashkov was at tha t time also advising and instructing " to forget the past, not to return t o it and accept the conditions advanced by the Turkish brothers . " Thus i s the destiny of the Armenian people--deceived by friend and foe alike .

INDICATES SOVIET COMPLICITY IN THE RETRENCHMEN T OF THE TERRITORIES OF ARMENIA

The pact arranged between the Dashnakzakan Government and Legran , the representative of R .S .F .U ., regarding the determination of th e frontiers of Soviet Armenia, proved to be an empty gesture . The blame wa s entirely placed at the door of the bankrupt Dashnakzakan Armenia . More- over, only through a miracle could Zankezour be retained in the sphere o f Soviet Armenia . This was attributable to the fact that during the signin g of the Moscow Treaty in March 1921, the Dashnakzakan leaders were entrenche d in Zankezour . Bear in mind that all this happened during the Soviet regime ; A- 1 9 1

Lenin was aware of certain conditions of the plight of the Armenian people . Yet Stalin, and men like Mikashkov, entered the picture and came to " help . " As for Lenin, it was impossible for him to reexamine the injustice s inflicted upon Armenia .

COMPARES THE MISFORTUNES OF ARMENIA WITH TH E FORTUNES OF EMERGING NATION S

Our Party is destined to be the champion of justice, and judicious- ness ; from its very inception, the Government has been campaigning an d still continues to campaign for the bright future of the working peoples , of communism which is the most just ideology . Presently, the foreig n imperialist powers one by one are relinquishing territories and their rule s of the peoples ; and, when never before did they possess it, millions o f peoples are nowadays acquiring sovereignty . But, when one turns to th e Armenian people, one sees them dispersed all over the world, and the onc e Armenian territories, with all the towns and villages involved, are lef t desolate and ruined within the territorial confines of Turkey . Are no t the Armenians entitled to remember their victims and to erect memorial s for the latter? Were 50 years not enough time to solve the Armenian Question? Let us suppose that it is not possible to peacefully resolv e territorial disputes with Turkey--even though it may be difficult t o believe this, since with a proper perspective and the right presentatio n of the issues, it is entirely feasible to come to terms with the Turks , with justice and without deception .

DEPLORES " BLATANT INJUSTICE " 0F ARMENIAN S SUBJECTED TO NON-ARMENIAN AUTHORITIES IN U .S .S .R .

But, why is it that those U .S .S .R . regions which for centuries hav e been inhabited by the Armenians and have been marked as Armenian territorie s are not being integrated into the Soviet Armenian Republic? Fundamentall y speaking, the consolidation of a people into a single territory can functio n as an impetus to the growth of communism as far as the spheres of econom y and culture are concerned . By the same token, unnecessary clashes between fraternal peoples can be eliminated and the prerequisites of a true, an d not a false, equality among the peoples of Transcaucasia can be obtained . One can not possibly explain the reasons as to why, without any justification whatsoever, the Armenian people are incorporated into an alie n Republic . Why is this injustice, so blatant and naked in its manifestation , not being rectified? Are we supposed to think that our Party and Govern- ment are impotent and not in a position to take care of it? When I wrot e to Khrushchev on the eve of the 2Oth Congress of our Party, raising thi s question, his reply was that the Central Committee presently canno t concern itself with this problem . How long is this lack of concern t o continue? A- 1 9 2

CITES SOVIET PRECEDENT S 0F INTERNAL TERRITORIAL ADJUSTMENT S

The Crimea was ceded to the Ukrainian S .S .R . and the Steppes o f Golianaja, which encompass territory twice the size of Armenian S .S .R ., were ceded to Uzbekistan etc . The question begs itself as to why th e Armenians cannot be reunited with their genuine kinsfolk and compatriots- - within their own republican territories .

ASSAILS THE IDEOLOGY OF PANTOURANIS M

Notwithstanding the ideology of Pantouranism, the Turkish people ar e normal people ; they can distinguish good from evil, humanism from guil t and barbarism . Indeed, the massacre of the Armenians was organized not b y the Turkish people but by the adherents of Pantouranism whose contemporar y followers are contaminating the lives of the Turkish workers by promotin g illusory dreams . The latter involve such ambitions as a Touranis t federation of the ancestral lands and the emancipation from communis t yoke of 50 million Moslems etc . Without the obliteration of the ideolog y of Pantouranism, there can be no friendship and fraternity between th e peoples of the U .S .S .R . on the one hand and Turkey on the other . Moreover , the Turks must recognize the fact that all peoples of the world haye th e same right to live under the sun .

SUGGESTS PEACEFUL SOLUTION AND INVITES SOVIET SUPPOR T

The Kemalists not only occupied Western Armenia but imposed upon u s the shameful Treaty of Kars, and annexed Kars and Ikdir . Thus, the Turkis h henchmen incurred the historical onus of having foreyer stained the name o f Turkey--by virtue of which the Great Massacre and the attendant monstrou s bestialities were perpetrated . These crimes can easily be compared wit h the guilt and onus of the Hitlerites . The people who have been expelle d from their ancestral territories must sooner or later return to thei r homeland . No bloodshed is necessary for this transfer . In spite of a measure of some pain, all imperialists must remove themselves from th e territories which they have conquered .

The Turks cannot constitute an exception . The question could hav e long been resolved, had the Party and the Government concerned themselve s with it . But for reasons that defy comprehension, the suffering and th e agony of the Armenian people do not seem to disconcert them .

The problems of many small and subjugated peoples have been solved . The Soviet Government has been bringing her powerful voice to bear upon th e issues of justice and in favor of nations suffering at the hands of foreig n conquerors . But may one not ask : when her own government will interced e in behalf of the much tortured Armenian people ?

When will our government grasp the anticipations of the people an d cease to heed the recommendations of "advisers "? A- 1 9 3

CHARGES SOVIETS WITH SUBSERVIENCE TO TURKE Y

The 50th anniversary of the Great Massacre of the Armenians will b e an occasion for the nations of the world to commemorate as an event o f infamy in human history . One may surmise that the U .N . too will tak e notice of this fact . The Turks understand well the significance of this . Yet, it is still beyond our comprehension why our Government and th e advisers of Pravda are so concerned with the feelings of the Turkis h Government . The Turks buried themselves in an adventure in Cyprus . Now , they are obstructing the commemoration of the Genocide . Lately, the sam e Turks literally annihilated the Soviet pavilion, organized anti-Soviet mas s demonstrations, and all of a sudden a 180 degree turnabout-- " the visit o f the Minister of Commerce . " 0ne does not need to be highly intelligent t o realize that this step is a deception, is a clever, political move to gai n time--by way of premeditation . The same adroit maneuvres have been applie d in the conflict of Cyprus--this time N .A .T .O . was used as a leverage fo r pressure . Alas! Our government seems to be so easily falling fo r treacherous diplomacy, and once more, for the nth time in a declaratio n is guaranteeing " the territorial integrity " of Turkey . In corners as fa r removed as India and Paraguay, people know that in the most savage way th e Turks expelled the Armenians and that the latter must be allowed to retur n to their homeland . What a contrast between this position and the Sovie t willingness to defend Turkish territorial integrity !

ENUMERATES ARMENIAN CLAIMS AND DEMAND S IMMEDIATE ACTIO N

Departing from the preceding considerations and in the name of th e ideals of Marxism-Leninism, I propose that :

1. The Armenian regions of Shamchor, Dashkesan, Chanlar, Shaoumia n and Mountainous Karabagh be incorporated into Soviet Armenia . This step i s long overdue ; its realization is aimlessly being procrastinated . This, I submit is a big blot on the reputation of our regime with respect to it s nationality policy . This question does not require any reviewing o r examination but calls for immediate action .

2. with a provision for an outlet to the sea, the provinces of Kar s and Ardahan which recklessly have been wrested away from Dashnakzaka n Armenia, be annexed to Soviet Armenia . This question could have been resolved peacefully a long time ago, had our Government concerned itsel f with it .

3. in our age, illuminated by the ideals of the Great Octobe r Revolution and marked by the liquidation of regimes of colonialism an d exploitation of peoples, the Armenians, dispersed all over the world, b e allowed to return to their fatherland ; they be granted their territories , within the political organization of the Armenian S .S .R . Until the year 1915 , there lived in Turkey 3 million Armenians . In 1917, the population o f Turkey was 12 .5 million . 0n the basis of this ratio, of the total 767,000 km2 of the entire Turkish territory, approximately 200,000 km 2 accrues to A- 1 94

Armenia, whereas historical Armenia embraced up to 360,000 km . Upon repatriating to Soviet Armenia, the Armenians in the diaspora should b e ceded territories covering at least 70,000-90,000 k m2 and including th e areas of Van, Moush and Trabizon . 3 .5 million Armenians are livin g in the U .S .S .R . It is imperative that our Government comes to the defens e of this people--not only as a Socialist State but also as a member of th e U .N . as well as a Government championing the rights of a small nation . The U .N . affords the means for such an enterprise .

4 . There are no, and cannot be, any limitations regarding th e necessity of exposure of the savage policies of the Nazi ' s . By the sam e token, we cannot tolerate the imposition of limitations regarding th e exposure and condemnation of the Turks involved . It is a fact that all the Germans know about the crimes of the Nazi perpetrators ; yet, neithe r the Turks nor the other peoples of the world are aware of the atrocitie s committed by the bearers of Pantourkism .

Shrines are being erected to the memory of Turkish henchmen suc h as Talaat Pasha . Through the publication of false documents, attempts ar e being made to exonorate them . It is absolutely necessary therefore t o dispense with advisers such as Ikenitzky ' s who are blocking the paths o f truth, and to allow the publication in a limited number of those document s which reveal the savage policies and acts of exponents of Pantouranism . Pravda and other publications must offer space for such articles . Finally , for the victims of savage policies, memorials are needed--lest ne w bestialities be perpetrated!

E . H . Hovhannissia n Apartment 4 15 Miassnikian Stree t Yerevan, Armenian S .S .R . Tel : 6-85-5 4

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translation from Armenian Review, Vol . 20, No . 1-7 7 (Spring 1967), pp . 64-71 . The date of the document is not given, from th e contents it appears to be sometime between November 25, 1964, and April 24 , 1965, probably closer to the former . Reproduced with permission . In Armenian the material has been printed in Levon Mkrtchian, Hairenaka n dzainer, pp . 47-56 . A- 1 95

10 . THE APPEAL OF THE ARMENIANS OF ARTSAKH TO THE PEOPL E

AND LEADERS OF ARMENIA [1967 ]

The dramatic appeal of the Armenians of Artsakh [Karabagh] t o the "People, the Government, the Central Committee and socia l organizations of Armenia " is unique because, as far as is known , never before or since the appeal, have the Armenians of Artsakh mad e such a move to the Armenians of Armenia (at least no such document s exist) . They have appealed to the authorities of Azerbaidjan an d especially to the All-Union authorities in Moscow, but they hav e always been met by a cold ambiguity or by indifference . But in the present instance, the Armenians of Artsakh, pushed to the brink o f despair and disaster, had nowhere else to turn, except to thei r mother country and their people .

The appeal was probably prepared in 1967, the date on which i t was made public in the Diaspora . It was published in the followin g papers : Haratch (Paris) on September 1, 1967 ; Alik (Tehran) o n September 13, 1967 . A Russian translation was published in th e Frankfurt/Main (West Germany) weekly Posev on September 20, 1967 . We have used, for our purpose, the text published by Alik . (Intro- ductory note by Levon Mkrtchian . )

To the Peopl e

To the Government, the Central Committee of the Part y

To the Social Organizations of Armenia :

Precious Compatriots :

This letter is written to you by the unhappy people of Karabag h whose present state is more serious than it ever was, even at the time o f the despotic Khans and the Moussavatists .

None of us, when he sets off from home in the morning, is sure o f returning in the evening . We are dishonored, our rights and self-respec t are violated . No one lends an ear to our protestations, no one listens t o our petitions . We have sent hundreds of petitions to the Central Governmen t in Moscow, to the leaders of Azerbaidzhan and the answer has been eithe r a stony silence or a fanatical persecution directed at us and our children . At present, scores of young Karabaghites have been unjustly jailed o r thrown out of work . We have reached a point when we are forced to abandon our ancient land and become a homeless, exiled mass of people . Ou r children are being cut to pieces while the perpetrators, not satisfie d by that, are profanating even their corpses, obliging us to resort t o guilty acts . A- 1 9 6

We shall give only a few examples out of the many so that you ma y visualize what is taking place in Karabagh .

Two years ago, a young man, Avanessian, was murdered in broa d daylight in the center of Azdam . The criminal Azerbaidzhani, when aske d why he had shot an innocent passer-by, gave the following impertinen t answer : " I aimed at the robin, I missed and I shot him . I can pay th e fine, whatever it is . "

A year and a half ago, two Azerbaidzhanis, standing in front o f the headquarters of the Party District Committee of Shoushi, stopped a n Armenian communist agronomist and told him : "We have decided to kill an Armenian this very instant, and we have met you .. . " The man wa s killed on the spot . The murderer has not been punished, as yet, becaus e he is a blood-relative of the district prosecutor of Azerbaidzhan an d brother of Bailarov, vice-President of the Workers ' Committee of th e Regional Soviet of Karabagh .

Krisha Soghomonian, chief of Mardoun Sovkhoz, was murdered an d his body thrown in the street . Two young night-shift tractor drivers o f Horashed were shot dead .

The perpetrators of all these crimes have not been "identifie d" because they were Azerbaidzhanis .

The 10 year old son of the chief of Sovkhoz of Mardoun district , Penik Movsisian, was killed, savagely mauled, and his body abused . Thi s time also the criminals would not have been discovered if the patience o f people had not run out and if the parents of the victim had not set abou t finding the trace of the killers .

From the first day of the arrest of the murderers, the relative s of the latter began going about in the streets of the city, in the yar d of the Courthouse and the Office of the District Committee, declaring th e prisoners innocent and vowing to use money to silence the judges . Fo r their part, the relatives of the victim sent appeals by letters, telegram s and by mouth to the District Committee, to all the responsible people i n Baku and Moscow explaining that the principal evil-doer should be condemned to death by shooting, otherwise they would take the law into thei r own hands . This gave rise to a few incidents in the Hall and Courtyar d of the Tribunal . The leaders in Baku and in the District turned a dea f ear to all this and mounted an organized campaign of provocation . Then the bribed judge, in order to hide his corruption, turned the sentenc e from the Court over to the street corners and read it out aloud, in a heated atmosphere, to a public whose judgement and clear mind had bee n clouded as a result of the affair's being dragged-out so long . And so , the organizers of the criminal act, the object of the hatred and ire o f the entire District, got off with ten years' imprisonment and five years ' suspended judgement .

At this point, the fire-engine turned its hoses on the enrage d crowd and dowsed it with sewage-water while the guards opened fire on th e father of the victim as he ran to-and-fro, carried away by his impotent A- 1 9 7 anger . When relatives pushed to the help of the wounded father, they too were shot at and 12 of them were mortally wounded . Till now their where- abouts are unknown . It was only after all this provocation that the crowd , boiling with rage, attacked the criminals, killed them, and burned thei r bodies .

The chauvinist leaders of Azerbaidzhan who had planned all thi s then intervened and added the finishing touches . The President of th e Council of Ministers, Alikhanov, who had his own account to settle wit h Mountainous Karabagh, arrived in Stepanakert and met with all the leader s of the region . He declared that an anti-Soviet, nationalist organizatio n existed in the District ; that it had set up the murder of their Azerbaidzhan i compatriots ; and, that these nationalist feelings were encouraged fro m Soviet Armenia . After the victims were buried with full religious rite s and national mourning, he left the District . Hard on his heels, arrive d the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party, Akhundov, who wa s astute enough to realize that Alikhanov had given away the game!! Wh y talk of Armenian nationalism when the people who would come from Mosco w would understand perfectly well where nationalism came from? " There is n o nationalism here, " declared Akhundov before the District Party Council . " This is a feud between two families . " Later on, shaking his fist at th e meeting, he warned them by saying, " Forget your request to join Armenia . Remember, Mountainous Karabagh has been, is, and will remain an integra l part of Azerbaidzhan . "

No one was rash enough to stand up and argue with him . Immediatel y after Akhundov ' s departure things became very hard and it marked th e beginning of difficult days for the District and in particular fo r Stepanakert, reminding one of those terrible times in 1918-1920 .

The center of the District has been crammed and surrounded by th e Police and the Muslim soldiers charged with State Security who never sto p humiliating the inhabitants by constant interrogations and persecutions . Every day, kind-hearted people and men with guts are thrown into jail . All those who protest such arbitrary measures lose their jobs and are i n their turn persecuted . All sorts of renegades and traitors old and new are appointed to positions of command over our destinies . We cannot se e the end of the tunnel . What we see, in fact, is the end of all that i s Armenian, all that which has been preserved until today through the lif e and death struggle of the Armenian people .

This is the day the chauvinist leaders of Azerbaidzhan and thei r stooges have been dreaming of . Hand in hand, these two are bent o n destroying the spirit of the Armenians . They are trampling in the mud ou r noble and just Cause, hoping that it will never be possible for us to ge t back on our feet in the future .

Armenian People, behold! One part of you, a part that has alway s held high your name and has preserved its identity intact, is threatene d by a deadly danger! A- 1 9 8

This land, Mountainous Karabagh, already rendered helpless an d feeble, has lost all means of protecting itself . We appeal to you, our motherly people, wherever you may be! You are our hope and our refuge . You have your own Government, your own Central Committee, and their voice s cannot be ignored . The names of your illustrious sons have reached th e stars ; your sons sit in council with the mighty of the world and dea l with the destinies of the peoples of the globe . It is not possible tha t their voices cannot reach the Kremlin . It is not possible that th e leaders of our country ignore the great tragedy of tiny Karabagh .

The Armenians of Karabagh, thrown into the jaws of the chauvinisti c Azerbaidzhanis by the very hands of its renegade leaders are waiting t o hear your voice, the voice of salvation, 0 Armenian People, 0 our Mothe r People . . . .

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Armenian . Source is Levon Mkrtchian , Hairenakan dzainer, pp . 91-96 . Reproduced with permission . 11 . A LETTER - DOCUMENT ON THE CONDITIONS OF THE ARMENIANS OF ARTSAKH

On 27 November, 1972, the daily newspaper Azdak, appearing i n Beirut, published a document that looked very much like a correspondent's report, entitled : " The Grave, Desparate State of th e Armenians of Karabagh . " The document was accompanied by the following explanation : " The document reached our colleague ' Hairenik' vi a France . It gives a dramatic picture of the actual life of th e Armenians of Karabagh and reflects the state of mind under the hars h conditions imposed by the Azerbaidzhani authorities . " This documen t is, in fact, a supplementary evidence regarding the true situatio n prevailing in that part of the land which is separated from th e mother country .

In this connection, it would be appropriate to review a fe w facts concerning the higher leadership of the Autonomous Distric t of Mountainous Karabagh . Perhaps the dates of the changes in th e leadership may have a determining influence in guessing the successiv e phases in regard to the policy followed by the rulers of Karabagh . Of course, a change in leadership does not always signify a radica l change in policy . But experience has shown such to be the cas e very often in the Soviet Union .

Thus, according to our records, the first secretaries of th e Committee of the Azerbaidzhan Communist Party of the Mountainou s District of Karabagh have been the following : Nikolai Samso n Shahnazarov, 1958-1962 ; Gourgen Alahvertou Melkoumian, 1962-1973 ; and, Boris Sargisi Gevogov, October 1973 to the present . Th e Second Secretaries of the District have always been Russians, (a t any rate, people with Russian family names : V . V . Kastrulin , 21 .2 .1963-26 .1 .1971 ; N . I . Volodin, 26 .1 .1971-9 .1 .75 ; V . A . Bogoslovsk i 9 .1 .1975 to present, perhaps . Third Secretaries of the Distric t Committee have been : M . A . Grigorian, 28 .11 .1963 to 20 .1 .1966 ; A . N . Hartouniand, 20 .1 .1966-11 .1 .1973 ; and M . A . Gasbarian , 11 .1 .1973 to date . The present Secretary is Yeghishe Sarkisian . The Presidents of the Executive Committee of the Workers ' Sovie t of the District of Mountainous Karabagh : Rouben Tevosi Shahrimanian , 1954-1963 ; Moushegh Grigori Ohandjanian, 1963 to 1973 ; and Aramai s Amiri Aslanov, 27 June, 1973 to date .

It is well known that Mountainous Karabagh and, to a greate r degree, the surrounding Armenian region have been isolated in al l respects from Armenia and from Armenian life, as well as from th e rest of the world . The few newspapers that appear in the regio n cannot circulate freely in other places, while no informatio n whatsoever about the life of the Armenians living there is allowed to infiltrate to the Armenian or other presses in the world . Thi s is true for books, also . Long researches through devious source s are thus required to extract the most ordinary facts from the regio n and eyen then, one cannot be certain of the authenticity of th e information gathered. (Introductory Note by Levo n Mkrtchian)

A-199 A-20 0

The Situation in Armenian Karabagh is Grave and Desperat e

Artsakh, Lesser Suni, Mountainous Karabagh--these are old an d ancient names ; they are the soil of Armenia, Armenia itself! But it cam e to pass that that land was shorn apart, detached from Mother Armenia . It was an injustice carried out after the victory of justice .. . but , nevertheless, hope remained ; people believed that the severed part, th e Armenian Karabagh would some time be joined to the whole, to Mothe r Armenia . The hope was there and the people of Karabagh waited in tha t hope .. . Many atrocities were committed to wrest this hope away from th e Karabaghites . When the reins of power in the Republic of Azerbaidzha n were in the hands of Bagirov of sad memory, the Karabaghite could not eve n claim to be an Armenian, a son of the land of Armenia . All such men wer e publicly condemned and the word " nationalis t " was branded on their valian t brows as they were taken to a place from where only a miracle could brin g them back .

This state of affairs in Karabagh has become an open jaw that ha s swallowed all those who rightly objected to the artificial division . . .

After waiting for a long time, more propitious days eventuall y dawned . The atmosphere became lighter, the terror was dissipated, th e heaviness weighing on people ' s hearts seemed to have disappeared . Th e Karabaghite began to feel more solidly rooted in his ancestral lands ; he began to think more freely and express more freely his desires regardin g Mother Armenia . Movement to-and-fro became easier and more frequent . There was no longer danger in showing one ' s Armenian identity, in expressin g one's national pride . He also dared present his just demands to Stepanakert , the District center of Mountainous Karabagh, a city that for years ha d lain low, deprived of the strength or the possibility of raising its hea d above the ground . And now, all at once, it raised and opened its arms , launched into an activity of construction, grew larger and more beautiful . Soon intellectuals flocked to it and their numbers grew ; they could now speak in the name of the Armenians of the District, present their thought s and needs . Mountainous Karabagh now had its writers, its actors, it s singers, its men of science and its cultural centers . Armenian socia l life became more lively and progressed . But, in spite of all this, th e Armenians of the District were not happy with their lot because they wer e still severed, divided from Mother Armenia .

The new leaders of Azerbaidzhan were well aware of this and di d not want to abandon the mentality and evil designs of the predecessors . They felt that the times had changed and those who protested against thei r anti-Armenian policies could no longer be sent to prison or to exile . Therefore, they had to find other methods of action, new ways of exon- erating the one-time " criminals . " They found those ways . It became eas y to find excuses for dismissing people from work, for damaging and punishin g party members, while such economic pressures were put on the District tha t people began to long for the days of Bagirov . Soon ideologists o f fanatical Azerbaidzhanian nationalism appeared on the scene and filled thei r press and their books with the most varied absurdities . One of these stated A- 2 0 1 that the Armenians were poor newcomers on their lands ; according t o another, those same Armenians were not even Armenians but forcibl y Armenized Azeris or Turks . Yet a third " welcomed " the so-called 4Oth Anniversary of autonomy of Karabagh by the following dotage : " Ther e has been a Shoushi and there has been an Azdam, but the city o f Stepanakert that has fallen in between them has never been . .. " As if it is only in the last 40 years that the Armenian city has existed , fallen in between the two Azerbaidzhani cities . The glorious section o f Shoushi which had been Armenian was destroyed in 1920, while recently eve n the ruins have been cleared away so as not to leave any evidence of thei r misdeeds . And now, they are proclaiming in broad daylight that the Armenia n cemeteries of Shoushi should be done away with .

So that, a new campaign against the Armenians of Karabagh ha s started, very cautious at first but later on becoming open and unrestrained . At first, they were only talking, then they started to act, using firearms , daggers, and any other lethal means they could find . Armenians wer e killed in various parts of Karabagh . One day a young boy of 8 was killed , .. . no, he was tortured, torn to pieces . The criminals were found , three Azerbaidzhanis, one of whom was the very Principal of the schoo l where the boy was studying . The criminals were tried and the sentenc e was pronounced in an open-air meeting . It was a rather mild, unjus t sentence and the people, whose patience was at an end, burst out in anger , lost its head and took the law into its own hands . The three criminal s were burned to death . This was followed by terrible reprisals which hav e lasted 6 years and there is no sign of a let up yet . The prisons wer e filled with Armenian Karabaghites, many of whom perished in the prison s under torture . Terror spread everywhere and in different regions of th e District, people were killed . In the village of Krasni, in the regio n of Stepanakert, a young Armenian peasant girl was slaughtered b y Azerbaidzhani soldiers who remained unpunished . The entire family o f a guardian in the kolkhoz at Martakert was wiped out but to this day , the criminals have not been "discovered," like those who killed by nigh t the two Armenian tractor-drivers in the fields of Norashen . While ther e is no need even to talk of Shoushi where an Armenian is killed every mont h by knife, by gunshot, or by poison .

One of the most promising methods that the chauvinistic Azerbaidzhan i leaders have found to overcome the people of Karabagh is to organize persecutions of the out-spoken and intelligent intellectuals of the District . Such a state of mind reigns in the District, such a ring of fire has bee n created around those intellectuals who speak out in the name of justic e and are rebellious that they have left their families, their ancestra l land, and their homes in search of refuge in other places . In their wake , the skilled craftsmen and the technicians are leaving Karabagh . They fin d no other solution to a situation that the anti-Armenian leaders o f Azerbaidzhan and the weak bureaucrats of the District who live under thei r threat have created for the defenseless Armenian population of Karabagh . In order to make it clear as to what measures are being taken for th e Azerbaidzhanization of Karabagh, it is enough to quote the unfortunat e example of the pedagogical Institute at Stepanakert . A- 202

For years on end the Karabaghites had been demanding the openin g of some kind of Institute in their District . At long last, four years ago , their demands were satisfied, but in such a deceitful manner that the y themselves asked that the Institute should not be given to them . Why ? Because a Pedagogical Institute was set up in Stepanakert, one half o f which was destined for Azerbaidzhan and for Azerbaidzhanis, thos e Azerbaidzhanis who didn ' t even live in Karabagh . But what can a n Azerbaidzhani section do in Stepanakert? It became clear that it had a great deal to do, by being a unique blow that went straight into the hear t of Armenian Karabagh ...

And now, that element which has taken control of the administrativ e posts and functions is multiplying daily . Suffice it to mention thos e employed in the city police force (the Militia) who are all Azerbaidzhanis . And these are the people who will " defend " the rights of the Armenia n laborers .

Armenian Karabagh is living grave, desperate days . The people o f Karabagh have protested many times, they have revolted to defend thei r just rights, but they have always remained without protection . And why , till when .. . ? In no other republic is there so much talk of brother - hood as in Azerbaidzhan, but where is that brotherhood? Where are th e brothers of the Armenians of Karabagh ?

If the hearts of others don ' t bleed for Karabagh, if such ar e those who have become its brothers, then what are the feelings of it s brothers of the same blood, its Armenian brothers ?

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translated from Armenian . Source is Levon Mkrtchian , Hairenakan dzainer, pp . 104-110 . Reproduced with permission . 12 . CERO KHANZADIAN'S LETTER TO BREZHNEV ABOUT KARABAG H

Very Esteemed Leonid Ilyich :

In the 1975 plenum of the Party of Karabagh Autonomous Regio n everything was done to reduce to mud the accomplishments and strides o f socialist Armenia . The situation has deteriorated to such a point tha t Taleat Pasha, the fierce enemy of the then infant Soviet Russia, th e destroyer of millions of Armenians, Russians, Greeks, Bulgarians, an d Syrians, was characterized in our Soviet press, i .e ., Sovietakan Karabagh , merely as a disagreeable person . Such was the evaluation of the man wh o proved the executioner of many peoples, and who conceived and implemente d the genocide of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire . Deeply disturbed an d hurt in their human and national feelings, a large number of representative s of Soviet Armenia at the same time personally addressed themselves to yo u and to other authorities strongly urging that the activities of the leader - ship of the Autonomous Region of Karabagh be condemned and the responsibl e agents be sanctioned . As we subsequently learned, the Central Committe e of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union proceeded to reprimand the part y organization of the Autonomous Region for its transgressions .

The passions had abated particularly after the initiative of th e Communist Party of Soviet Armenia, which conducted explanatory sessions wit h the party organizations of the Region thus averting all sorts of incidents . I personally interceded and set to work with the leaders of Sovie t Azerbaidzhan and of Autonomous Karabagh after that plenum . The chief objective of my mission was to prevent the occurrence of all kinds of undesirabl e reactions which were anticipated in that inflamed climate . We all were le d to think that nothing of the sort will recur again in Autonomous Karabag h itself, or in relation to it . But, how great was our nation-wide disma y when once more the issue of Karabagh was rekindled and insults were hurle d to the address of Soviet Armenia on behalf of the authorities of th e Autonomous Region . This happened in the recent issue of Problems of Peac e and Socialism (Problemy mira i soltsialisma, No . 6, 1977), which is regarde d as the theoretical and informational organ of the communists and workers ' organizations of the entire world, with a circulation extending to 14 5 countries and covering 32 languages . To the natural question as to " Wh y Mountainous Karabagh is part of Soviet Azerbaidzhan and not of Sovie t Armenia, from which it is but separated by a narrow strip of land? " they are quick to reply that though the Armenian Autonomous Region (Karabagh) i s geographically close to the Soviet Armenian Republic, that nevertheless th e Armenians are supposedly separated by high peaks . Such a contention , permit me to declare, is not only absurd but untrue as well .

Throughout centuries, the historically Armenian region of Karabag h was not separated from the Armenian fatherland by so-called high peaks . High peaks are ubiquitous in the Caucasus . But that is not the main point . The more important question that is posed is " Have the Armenians accepte d the separation of the historically Armenian Karabagh from Mother Armenia ,

A-203

A- 2 04

and its incorporation into the newly created Soviet Azerbaidzhan? " Thei r answer is " There are Armenians who declare ' Though conditions of life may b e dire there, we prefer to be an integral part of Armenia . '" What is s o unusual about such a declaration? If we substitute the word fatherland fo r that of Armenia, I believe that every Russian, Czech, Slovak, or Frenchma n who is imbued with a sense of pride and love for his or her mother countr y would have declared the same . Every person can proudly proclaim that eve n though one has no choice in inheriting one ' s mother country, one is willin g to be accommodative provided one is not detached from one's fatherland . But the fact of the matter is that such Armenians are labelled as "backwar d " and "ignorant " by the authorities of Karabagh . Up to a point, we may overlook such disparagements ; after all, different people have divers e conceptions regarding one's love for country and fatherland . More seriou s is the disparagement of Soviet Armenia as a whole where conditions ar e portrayed to be " dire " ; an impression is created and promoted favorin g conditions of life in Azerbaidzhan and castigating those in Soviet Armenia . This distortion is accented by the fact that it follows your own exhaltatio n of the rebirth and efflorescence of Soviet Armenia, which you, esteeme d Leonid Ilyich, described as follows : " The people, the communists an d non-communists, the workers, peasants, and intelligentsia of Soviet Armeni a are marvelously blending their spirit of patriotism with another and n o lesser spirit which is so distinct of the Soviet man, namely with that o f internationalism . "

I am firmly convinced that the editorial staff of the above-mentione d monthly, which comprises the communist representatives of 53 countries a s well as the authors of the article which ironically bears the title " We Witnessed the Brotherhood of Nations, " have been duped, and this on th e occasion of the 60th anniversary of the Soviet regime! 0ne principal thin g remains unaccounted for : whose interests are served by the blatan t propagation of such panislamic ideals which are so alien to our regim e and country? Indeed, how can one dare to disseminate the idea that " Th e Armenian people of Karabagh have acquired statehood within the confines o f Soviet Azerbaidzhan and have accepted that status voluntarily " in 3 2 languages and throughout 145 countries, and at a time coinciding with th e inauguration of the new Soviet Constitution? This is a crude distortion o f historical facts--a double falsification . First of all, it is inexcusabl e to refer in a Marxist monthly to " the people of Karabagh " as a detache d entity . Karabagh was the area where 280 years ago, for the first time in history, the rudiments of the Russian orientation of the Armenians wer e created . The concept of " Armenian people " is indivisible and total, i n the same way one refers to the Russian people, or the Ukrainian people . Second, the Armenian population of Karabagh has never voluntarily accepte d its present status, which the authorities venture to call its presen t " fortunes . " These Armenians are in fact detached and separated from thei r mother country . Therefore, that status is in itself an instance o f injustice which calls for liquidation . As the great Lenin had proclaimed : " Nothing is more disruptive for the development and consolidation of a proletarian class harmony than national injustice . " A- 2 05

Esteemed Leonid Ilyich, this is not the first time that th e unresolved issue of Karabagh is disturbing the friendship obtaining betwee n the two peoples (Armenians and Azerbaidzhanis) . All hope is centered o n you as the person who can resolve a dispute and a thorny issue which fo r more than half a century constitutes the embodiment of injustice . Th e purely Armenian Region of Karabagh, which is part of the frontiers of ou r mighty state, with its 80% Armenian schools, with its claim for Armenian as the national language, must be incorporated within Soviet Socialis t Armenia . The just solution of this problem is bound to be appreciated by other nations as a new accomplishment of the Leninist nationality policy .

Sincerely and respectfully ,

Cero Khanzadia n Member of the Communist Part y of the Soviet Union since 1943, an d Member of the Executive Committee o f the Writers ' Union of the USS R

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE : Translation courtesy of Professor Vahakn N . Dadrian , Department of Sociology, New York State University College, Geneseo, N .Y . Reproduced with his permission .

REFERENCE S

This listing contains crucial background sources and selected recen t books and articles on the Soviet nationality problem and related subjects . The sources are arranged as follows :

I . General Works . page R2

II . Soviet Political Dissent . page R4

III . The Helsinki Accords an d Their Repercussions . page R5

IV . The Soviet Baltic . page R9

V . The Ukraine . page R1 3

VI . Transcaucasia . page R1 6

VII . Periodicals and Archives . page R1 8

Addenda . page R20

R- 1 R2

I . GENERAL WORK S

A . Documents

1 . Brezhnev, Leonid I . ., "0 piatidesiatiletii Soiuza Sovetskikh Sotsialisticheskikh Respublik," Pravda, December 22, 1972 , pp . 2-5 .

2 . Tsentral ' noe Statisticheskoe Upravlenie pri Sovete Ministro v SSSR . Itogi vsesoiuznoi perepisi naseleniia 1970goda ; Tom IV : Natsional ' nyisostav naseleniia SSSR . . . Moscow : Statistika, 1973 .

B . Secondary Sources : Book s

3 . Allworth, Edward, ed . Soviet Nationality Problems, New York : Columbia University Press, 1971 .

4 . Conquest, Robert, Soviet Nationalities Policy in Practice , New York : Praeger, 1967 .

5 . Goldhagen, Erich, ed . Ethnic Minorities in the Soviet Union , New York : Praeger, 1968 .

6. Kamenetsky, Ihor, ed . Nationalism and Human Rights : Processes of Modernization in the USSR . Littleton, Colo . : Librarie s Unlimited, 1977 . (Published for Association for the Study o f the Nationalities [USSR and East Europe] . )

7 . Katz, Zev, et alii, eds . Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities . New York : Free Press, 1975 .

8 . Lewis, Robert A ., et alii, eds . Nationality and Populatio n Change in Russia and the USSR : An Evaluation of Census Data , 1897-1970 . New York : Praeger, 1976 .

9 . Mickiewicz, Ellen, comp . Handbook of Soviet Social Scienc e Data, New York : Free Press, 1973 .

10 . Pipes, Richard, The Formation of the Soviet Union : Communism and Nationalism, 1917-1923 . New York: Atheneum, 1968 ; rev . ed .

11 . Simmonds, George W ., ed . Nationalism in the USSR and Easter n Europe in the Era of Brezhnev and Kosygin, Detroit : University of Detroit Press, 1977 .

12 . Szporluk, Roman, ed . The Influence of East Europe and th e Soviet West on the USSR . New York : Praeger, 1975 .

C . Secondary Sources : Articles, Similar

13 . Arutiunian, Iu, V ., "Konkretno-sotsiologicheskoe issledovani e natsional ' nykh otnoshenii, " Voprosy filosofii, 1969, No . 12 , pp . 129-139 .

Section I : GENERAL WORKS R3

14 . Aspaturian, Vernon V ., " The Non-Russian Nationalities , " in Allen Kassof, ed ., Prospects for Soviet Society (New York : Praeger, 1968), pp . 143-198 .

15 . Azrael, Jeremy, " Emergent Nationality Problems in the USSR , " RAND memorandum R-2172-AF (September 1977) .

16 . Bilinsky, Yaroslav, " The Rulers and the Ruled, " Problems o f Communism, Vol . XVI, No . 5 (September-October 1967), pp . 16-26 .

17 . , "Education of the Non-Russian Peoples in the USSR , 1917-1967 : An Essay," Slavic Review, Vol . 27, No . 3 (September 1968), pp . 411-437 .

18 . Fisher, Wesley A ., " Ethnic Consciousness and Intermarriage : Correlates of Endogamy among the Major Soviet Nationalities, " Soviet Studies, Vol . XXIX, No . 3 (July 1977), pp . 395-408 .

19 . Katz, Zev, " The New Nationalism in the USSR , " Midstream, Vol . 19, No . 2 (February 1973), pp . 3-13 .

20 . 0liner, Samuel P ., " The Non-Russian Peoples : An Unsolve d Problem , " Ukrainian Quarterly, Vol . 32 (Autumn 1976) , pp . 261-85 .

21 . Pipes, Richard, " 'Solvin g ' the Nationality Problem , " Problems of Communism, Vol. 16, No . 5 (September- October, 1967), pp . 125-131 .

22 . Problems of Communism, Vol . 16, No . 5 (September-Octobe r 1967) . Special Issue : Nationalities and Nationalis m in the USSR . 140 pp .

23 . Rakowska-Harmstone, Teresa, "The Dialectics of Nationalis m in the USSR , " Problems of Communism, Vol . 23, No . 3 (May- June 1974), pp . 1-22 .

24 . , "The Study of Ethnic Politics in the USSR , " i n George W . Simmonds, ed ., Nationalism in the USSR and Eastern Europe (Detroit : University of Detroit Press , 1977) .

25 . , "Ethnicity in the Sovie t Union , " The Annals of th e American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol . 433 (September 1977) .

26 . Silver,Brian, " Social Mobilization and the Russification o f Soviet Nationalities , " American Political Science Review , Vol . 68, No . 1 (March 1974), pp . 45-66 .

27 . , " Levels of Sociocultural Development Among Sovie t Nationalities : A Partial Test of the Equalization Hypothesis , " same journal, Vol . 68, No . 4 (December 1974) . pp . 1618-37 .

Section I : GENERAL WORKS R4

28 . Silver, "Ethnic Intermarriage and Ethnic Consciousness Amon g Soviet Nationalities , " Soviet Studies, Vol . 30, No . 1 (January 1978), pp . 107-16 .

29 . Szporluk, Roman, " Nationalities and the Russian Problem i n the USSR : An Historical Outline , " Journal of Internationa l Affairs, Vol . 27, No . 1 (1973), pp . 22-40 .

30 . Zwick, Peter, " Intrasystem Inequality and the Symmetry o f Socioeconomic Development in the USSR , " Comparative Politics, Vol . 8, No . 4 (July 1976), pp . 501-24 .

II . SOVIET POLITICAL DISSENT (General Works, for dissent in particular regions and countries see below, Sections IV, V and VI) .

A . Documents

1 . Brumberg, Abraham, ed ., In Quest of Justice ; Protest and Dissen t in the Soviet Union Today . New York : Praeger, 1970 .

2 . Chalidze, Valery, To, Defend These Rights : Human Rights and th e Soviet Union . New York : Random House, 1974 .

3 . Grigorenko, Piotr . Sbornik statei . New York : Khronika Press , 1977 .

4 . , The Grigorenko Papers . Boulder, Colo . : Westview Press , 1976 .

5 . Khronika tekushchikh sobytii (at least 48 issues received to - date) .

6 . Reddaway, Peter, ed ., Uncensored Russia . New York : American Heritage Press, 1972 . (Early issues of Khronika tekushchikh sobytii translated and rearranged .)

7 . Arkhiv khroniky (supplement to Khronika tekushchikh sobytii) , Issues 1-3 (1977) and 4 (1978) . New York : Khronika Press , 1977-78 .

8 . Khronika zashchity prav v SSSR (New York, 29 issues throug h March 1978) .

9 . Radio Liberty, Munich . Sobranie dokumentov samizdata . 2 2 volumes .

10 . Radio Free Europe-Liberty, Munich . Materialy samizdata . 1975 to date .

11. Reddaway, Peter, ed . -- see 6 above .

12. Sakharov, Andrei, Sakharov Speaks, New York : Vintage, 1974 .

13. , My Country and the World, New York : Vintage, 1975 .

Section II : SOVIET DISSENT R5

14 . , 0 pis ' me A . Solzhenitsyna " Vozhdiam Sovetskogo Soiuza " . New York : Khronika Press, 1974 .

15 . Saunders, George, ed ., Samizdat : Voices of the Soviet Opposition . New York : Monad Press, 1974 . .

16 . Solzhenitsyn, Alexander, Letter to the Soviet Leaders . New York : Harper & Row, [c . 1974] .

17 . , et alii . From Under the Rubble . Boston : Little, Brown , 1975 .

18. Survey, London (frequently reprints samizdat documents) .

B . Secondary Source s

19 . Bunyan, Gordon and P .D . Hurst, "Political Opposition in th e Soviet Union : Are the Dissidents Really Important?, " Australian 0utlook, Vol . 31 (April 1977), pp . 61-74 .

20. Feldbrugge, F .J .M ., Samizdat and Political Dissent in th e USSR . Leyden : Sijthoff, 1975 .

21 . Kulchycky, George E ., " Dissentism and the Non-Russia n Nationalities , " Ukrainian Quarterly, Vol . 33 (Autumn 1977), pp . 236-54 .

22 . Tökes, Rudolf L ., " Dissent : The Politics for Change in th e USSR , " in Henry W. Morton and Rudolf L . Takes, eds ., Sovie t Politics and Society in the 1970 ' s (New York : Free Press , 1974), pp . 3-59 .

23. , Dissent in the USSR : Politics, Ideology, and People . Baltimore, Md . : Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975 .

III THE HELSINKI ACCORDS AND THEIR REPERCUSSIONS (The Conference o n Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE], The Review Meetin g of the CSCE at Belgrade, and their Repercussion in the Sovie t Union) .

A . Document s

Carter, James E ., Jr . (Jimmy), President of the United States , 1977 to date -- see 5,6,7,24, below .

Ford, Gerald R ., President of the United States, 1974-1976 - - see 23, below .

Goldberg, Arthur J ., Ambassador and Chief US Representative to the Review Meeting at Belgrade -- see 21 and 22, below .

1 . Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Final Ac t (Helsinki, August 1, 1975) -- see Department of Stat e Bulletin, Vol . 73, No . 1883 (September 1, 1975), pp . 323-350 .

Section III : HELSINKI ACCORDS R6

2 . , Review Meeting, 1977-78, Concluding Document (Belgrade , March 8, 1978) -- see Department of State Bulletin, Vol . 78 , No . 2013 (April 1978), pp . 43-44 .

3 . Sbornik dokumentov obshchestvennoi Gruppy sodeistviia vypolnenii u Khel ' sinkskikh soglashenii v SSSR . Issues 1-3 (1977) and 4 (1978) . New York : Khronika Press, 1977-78 .

4 . United States, Congress (94th--lst session), House Internationa l Relations Committee, Subcommittee on International Political and Military Affairs, Conference on Security and Cooperatio n in Europe (Hearing, May 6, 1975) .

5 . , Congress (94th--lst and 2nd sessions), Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Part 2 (Hearings, Nov . 18, 1975 and May 4, 1976) .

6 . United States, Congress (94th-2nd session), House Internationa l Relations Committee, First Semiannual Report by the Presiden t to the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Euro pe (December 1976) ,

7 . , Congress (95th--lst session), , Second Semiannual Report by the President to the Commission on Security an d Cooperation in Europe (June 1977) .

8 . , , , Third Semiannual Report by the Presiden t to the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Euro p e (December 1977) .

9 . , , Report of the Study Mission t o Europe to the Commission on Security and Cooperation i n Europe (February 11, 1977) .

10 . , , , Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, comp . Reports of Helsinki-Accord Monitors in th e Soviet Union : Documents of the Public Groups to Promot e Observance of the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR (Februar y 24, 1977) .

11. , , , Same, Vol . 2 (June 3, 1977) .

12 . , , Commission on Security and Cooperation i n Europe . Hearings on Basket II - Helsinki Final Act : Eas t West Economic Cooperation (January 13-14, 1977) .

13 . , , Basket Three : Implementation of th e Helsinki Accords . Vol . I (Hearings on February 23-24, an d March 15 and 17, 1977) .

14. , , Same, Vol . II (Hearings on Apri l 27-28 and May 9, 1977) .

Section III : HELSINKI ACCORD S R7

15 United States, Congress (95th--lst session), Same . Vol . III (Hearings on May 19, 24-25, 1977) .

16 . , Same . Vol . IV (Hearings o n June 3 and 6, 1977--first hearing deals with Sovie t Helsinki watch committees) .

17 . , House International Relations Committee , Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe . Implementation of the Final Act of the Conference o n Security and Cooperation in Europe : Findings an d Recommendations Two Years After Helsinki (Septembe r 23, 1977) .

18. , , , Supplement (August 1, 1977) .

19. , , , Revised Supplement (October 25, 1977) .

20. United States, Congress (95th--2nd session), House Internationa l Relations Committee, Commission on Security and Cooperatio n in Europe . Belgrade Follow-up Meeting to the Conference o n Security and Cooperation in Europe : A Report and Appraisal (May 17, 1978) .

21 . , , Commission on Security and Cooperation i n Europe, comp . The Right to Know, The Right to Act : Documents of Helsinki Dissent from the Soviet Union an d Eastern Europe (May 1978) .

22 . United States, Department of State, Delegation to the CSCE , Arthur J . Goldberg, Chm ., " Review Meeting of the CSCE Opens (October 6, 1977)," Dept . of State Bulletin, Vol . 77 , November 14, 1977, pp . 674-9 .

23 . , , , Concluding Statement (Marc h 8, 1977), Dept . of State Bulletin, Vol . 78, No . 201 3 (April 1978), pp . 40-43 .

24 . United States, Presidency, Gerald R . Ford, President, " Addres s to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe , August 1, 1975," Dept . of State Bulletin, Vol . 73, No . 188 8 (September 1, 1975), pp . 304-308 .

25. , , James E . (Jimmy) Carter, Jr ., President , "White House Statement [on conclusion of Belgrade Review Meeting], " Dept . of State Bulletin, Vol . 78, No . 201 3 (April 1978), p . 41 .

Section III : HELSINKI ACCORDS R8

B . Secondary Sources

26 . "An Analysis of Compliance with the Information Section o f Basket Three of the Helsinki Accords of 1975 : a Freedom House Advisory ; Prepared at the Request of the Congressiona l Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe . " Freedo m at Issue, September/October 1977, pp . 16-22 .

27 . Campbell, John C ., " European Security after Helsinki : Some American Views , " Government and Opposition , Vol . 11 (Summer 1976), pp . 322-36 .

28 . Davy, Richard, "Procedural Wrangles in Belgrade, " World Today (London), Vol . 33 (September 1977) , pp . 321-5 .

29 . Erickson, John, "European Security : Soviet Preference s and Priorities , " Strategic Review, Vol . 4 (Winter 1976) , pp . 37-43 .

30 . Gayner, Jeffrey B ., "'Human Rights' and Foreign Policy, " Journal of Social and Political Studies, Vol . 2 (Fal l 1977), pp . 205-21 .

31 . Griffith, William E ., ed ., The Soviet Empire : Expansion and Detente (Critical Choices for Americans, Vol . IX) . Lexington, Mass . : Lexington, 1976 .

32 . " The Helsinki Accord , " International Committee of Jurist s Review, June 1977, pp . 15-18 .

33 . Korbonski, Stefan, " The Helsinki Agreement and Self - Determination , " Strategic Review, Vol . 4 (Summer 1976) , pp . 48-58 . 34 . Lvov, M ., " The European Conference : Experience an d Significance , " International Affairs (Moscow) , April 1976, pp . 41-50 .

35 . Matveyev, V ., " The Final Act : A Guide for Decades t o Come," same journal, February 1978, pp . 69-75 .

36 . Maximov, L ., "Fulfilment of Helsinki Understandings , " same journal, October 1976, pp . 22-31 .

37 . McDougal, Myres S . et alii) " Human Rights and Worl d Public 0rder : Human Rights in Comprehensive Context , " Northwestern University Law Review, Vol . 72 (May/Jun e 1977), pp . 227-307 .

38 . Meissner, Boris, " The Soviet Concept of Coexistence and th e European Security Conference , " Modern Age, Vol . 1 9 (Fall 1975), pp . 364-74 .

Section III : HELSINKI ACCORDS R 9

39 . Pipes, Richard, ed . Soviet Strategy in Europe . New York : Crane, 1976 .

40 . Robertson, A .H ., "The Helsinki agreement and human rights , " Notre Dame Lawyer, Vol . 53 (October 1977), pp . 34-48 .

41 . Russell, Harold S ., "The Helsinki declaration : Brobdingna g or Lilliput? , " American Journal of International Law , Vol . 70 (April 1976), pp . 242-72 .

42 . Sanakoyev, " A new milestone in European history , " Internationa l Affairs (Moscow), 0ctober 1975, pp . 3-14 .

43 . Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr, et alii . Detente : Prospects fo r Democracy and Dictatorship . New Brunswick, N .J . : Transaction , 1976 .

IV . THE SOVIET BALTI C

A . Documents

1 . Aušra (The Dawn) -- 2nd Lithuanian samizdat periodical, Octobe r 1975 - -

2 . Chronicle of the Lithuanian Catholic Church -- 1st Lithuanian samizdat periodical, spring 1972 - -

3 . "A Declaration of the Lithuanian National Peopl e ' s Front , " Lituanus (Chicago), Vol . 22, No . 1 (1976), pp . 65-71 .

4 . " Estonian and Latvian Memorandum to the Conference on Security and Cooperation -- 1975 , " Lituanus, Vol . 21, No . 3 (1975) , pp . 65-73 .

5 . The Estonian Democratic Movement and the Estonian Nationa l Front , " Memorandum to the Secretary General of the Unite d Nations, Mr . Kurt Waldheim, of October 24, 1974 , " Balti c Events, No . 5 (46) (October 1974), pp . 2-5 .

6. , " Memorandum to the General Assembly of the Unite d Nations Organization of October 24, 1974 , " same place , pp . 6-8 . 7 . Kudirka, Simas and Lawrence E . Eichel . For Those Still a t Sea : The Defection of a Lithuanian Sailor . New York : Dial, 1978 .

8 . " Letter of Seventeen Latvian Communist Party Leaders [o f July-August 1971] , " Congressional Record, 92nd Congress : 2nd session, February 15-22, 1972, Vol . 118, part 4, pp . 4820-23 .

Section IV : SOVIET BALTIC RI0

9 . " Ob obrazovanii litovskoi obshchestvennoi gruppy sodeistvii a vypolneniiu Khe l ' sinkskikh soglashenii, Vi l ' nius-Moskva , 25 noiabria 1976g .," Materialy samizdata, 1977, No . 6, Item No . AS2841a, 2 pp . -- founding declaration of the Lithuanian Public Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsink i Accords of Nov . 25, 1976 .

B . Secondary Sources : Books

10. Allworth, Edward, ed . Nationality Group Survival in Multi - Ethnic States : Shifting Support Patterns in the Sovie t Baltic Region, New York : Praeger, 1977 .

11 . Anderson, Edgar (E . Dobelis, comp . and ed .), Latvia - Past and Present 1918-1968 . Waverly, Ia . : Latvj u gramata, 1968 .

12 . Bilmanis, Alfred, A History of Latvia . Princeton, N .J .: Princeton University Press, 1951 .

13 . Clem, Ralph S ., ed . The Soviet West : Interplay between Nationality and Social Organization . New York : Praeger , 1975 .

14 . Kholmogorov, A .I ., Internatsional ' nye cherty sovetskikh natsi i (na materialakh konkretno-sotsiologicheskikh issledovaniiv Pribaltike) . Moscow : Mysl' Publishers, 1970 . Translated in Soviet Sociology, Vol . 11 (Winter Spring, 1972-73) , pp . 211-327 ; Vol . 12 (Summer 1973), pp . 3-33 ; and Vol . 12 (Fal l 1973), pp . 3-26 .

15 . Kung, Andres . Estland zum Beispiel . Stuttgart : Seewal d Verlag, 1973 .

16 . Parming, Tönu and Elmar Järvesoo, eds . A Case Study ofa Soviet Republic : The Estonian SSR . Boulder, Colo . : Westview, 1977 .

17 . Spekke, Arnolds . History of Latvia . Stockholm : M. Copper s 1957 .

18 . Vardys, V . Stanley, ed . Lithuania under the Soviets . New York : Praeger, 1965 .

19 . Ziedonis, Arvids, Jr ., et ali i ) eds . Problems of Mininations : Baltic Perspectives . San Jose, Calif . : Association for th e Advancement of Baltic Studies, 1973 .

C . Secondary Sources : Article s

20 . Bilinsky, Yaroslav, " The Background of Contemporary Politic s in the Baltic Republics and the Ukraine : Comparisons an d Contrasts , " in Arvids Ziedonis, et alii eds ., Problem s of Mininations, pp . 89-122, (See IV, 19 above) .

Section IV : SOVIET BALTIC R11

21 . Clem, Ralph S ., " Vitality of the Nationalities in th e Soviet West : Background and Implications , " in Clem , ed ., The Soviet West, pp . 1-7 . (See IV, 13, above) .

22 Dreifelds, Juris, " Latvian National Demands and Group Consciousness Since 1959 , " in George W . Simmonds , ed ., Nationalism in the USSR and Eastern Europ e in the Era of Brezhnev and Kosygin . (See I, 11 , above) .

23 . George, Emmett, "Party Response to Lithuanian Unrest , " in Ralph S . Clem, ed ., The Soviet West, pp . 90-105 . (See IV, 13, above) .

24 . Grossman, Mary Ann, "Soviet Efforts at the Socioeconomi c Integration of Latvians , " in Ralph S . Clem, ed ., The Soviet West, pp . 71-89 . (See IV, 13, above) .

25 . Harned, Frederic T ., " Latvia and the Latvians, " in Zev Katz, et . alii , eds ., Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities , pp . 94-117 . (See I, 7, above) .

26. , "Lithuania and the Lithuanians, " same place, pp . 118-40 .

27 . Maciuika, Benedict, " Acculturation and Socialization in th e Soviet Baltic Republics , " Lituanus, Vol . 18, No . 4 (1972) , pp . 26-43 .

28 . Mazeika, Povilas A ., "Russian Objectives in the Balti c Countries," in Arvids Ziedonis, et alii , eds ., Problems of Mininations, pp . 123-28 . (See IV, 19, above) .

29 . Parming, Tönu, " Nationalism in Soviet Estonia Since 1964 , " in George W . Simmonds, ed ., Nationalism in the USSR and Eastern Euro p e in the Era of Brezhnev and Kosygin . (See I, 11, above) .

30 . , " Roots of Nationality Differences , " in Edward Allworth, ed ., Nationality Group Survival in Multiethni c States, pp . 24-57 . (See IV, 10, above) .

31 . Penikis, Janis J ., "Latvian Nationalism : Preface to a Dissenting View , " in George W . Simmonds, ed ., Nationalism in the USSR and Eastern Europe in the Era of Brezhnev an d Kosygin . (See I, 11 above) .

32 . Pennar, Jaan, " Nationalism in the Soviet Baltic , " in Eric h Goldhagen, ed ., Ethnic Minorities in the Soviet Union , pp . 198-215 . (See I, 5, above) .

33 . Puzinas, Jonas, " The Situation in Occupied Lithuania : Administration, Indoctrination and Russianization , " Lituanus, Vol . 19, No . 1 (1973), pp . 55-72 .

Section IV : SOVIET BALTIC R12

34 . Remeikis, Thomas, " Political Developments (in Lithuania ] during the Brezhnev Era , " in George W . Simmonds, ed . , Nationalism in the USSR and Eastern Europe in the Er a of Brezhnev and Kosygin . (See I, 11, above) .

35 . Sapiets, Janis, "The Baltic Republics , " in George Schöpflin, ed ., The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (New York : Praeger , 1970) .

36 . Taagepera, Rein, "Dissimilarities between the Northwestern Soviet Republics , " in Arvids Ziedonis, Jr ., et alii , eds ., Problems of Mininations, pp . 69-88 . (See IV, 19 , above) .

37 . , "Estonia and the Estonians, " in Zev Katz, et ali i eds ., Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities, pp . 75-93 . (See I, 7, above) .

38 . , " Nationalism,Collaborationism and New Leftism , " in Tönu Parming and Eimar Järvesoo, eds ., A Case Study of a Soviet Republic . (See IV, 16, above) .

39 . Terent'eva, Ludmila, "Opredelenie svoei natsional'no i prinadlezhnosti podrostkami v natsional'no-smeshannykh sem"iakh , " Sovetskaia etnografiia, 1969, No . 3, pp . 20-30 .

40 . Vardys, V . Stanley, " Modernization and Baltic Nationalism , " Problems of Communism, Vol . 24, No . 5 (September-October 1975) . pp . 32-48 .

41 . ., "The Role of the Baltic Republics in Soviet Society , " in Roman Szporluk, ed ., The Influence of East Europe an d and the Soviet West on the USSR, pp . 147-79 . (See I, 12 , above) .

42 . , " Soviet Social Engineering in Lithuania : An Appraisal , " in Vardys, ed ., Lithuania under the Soviets, pp . 237-59 . (Se e IV, 18, above) .

D . Bibliographies and Reference Works

43 . Jegers, Benjamins . Bibliography of Latvian Publication s Published 0utside Latvia 1940-1960 . 2 vols . Stockholm : Daugava, 1968, 1972 .

44 . Kantautas, Adam, and Filomena Kantautas . A Lithuanian Bibliography . Edmonton : University of Alberta Press , 1975 .

45 . Parming, Marju Rink and Tönu Parming . A Bibliography of English--Language Sources on Estonia . New York : Estonian Learned Society in America, 1974 .

46 . Suziedeles, Simas, et alii , eds ., Encyclopedia Lituanica . Vols . 1-4 Boston : Juozas Kapocius, 1970-75 . R13

V . THE UKRAINE

A . Document s

1. Berdnyk, Oles '. Ukraina Sichi vohnianoi : Esei i lysty (Ukraine of the Sich of Fire : Essays and Letters) . Baltimore : Smoloskyp, 1977 . (Berdnyk is a foundin g member of the Ukrainian Helsinki Watch Committee) .

2 . Braichevs ' kyj, Mykhailo . Annexation or Reunification ? Munich : Ukrainisches Institut fűr Bildungspolitik , 1974 .

3 . Browne, Michael, ed . Ferment in the Ukraine . London : MacMillan, 1971 .

4 . Chornovil, Viacheslav, comp . The Chornovil Papers . New York : McGraw Hill, 1968 . Foreword by Zbigniew Brzezinski and introduction by Frederick C . Barghoorn .

5 . Dissent in Ukraine : ,The Ukrainian Herald Issue 6 . Baltimore : Smoloskyp, 1977 . (Annotated translatio n of V, 20, below ; translated and edited by Lesya Jone s and Bohdan Yasen ; introduction by Yaroslav Bilinsky) .

6 . Dziuba, Ivan . Internationalism or Russification? London : Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1968 .

7 . Ethnocide of Ukrainians in the USSR : The Ukrainian Heral d Issue7-8 . Baltimore : Smoloskyp, 1976 . (Annotate d translation of V, 20, below ; translated and edited by Olena Saciak and Bohdan Yasen ; introduction by Rober t Conquest . )

8 . Kandyba, Ivan . " Ukrain e ' s Right to Secession from th e USSR , " Ukrainian Quarterly, Vol . 25 (Spring 1969), pp . 12-25, and (Summer 1969), pp . 132-142 . (Kandyba i s a leading member of the Ukrainian Helsinki Watch Committee .)

9 . Komunisty Ukrainy (Communists of Ukraine), " Do vsikh komunistiv narodno-demokratychnykh i kapitalistychnykh krain, do kerivnyk h orhaniv komunistychnykh i robitnychykh partii svit u" (To al l Communists of Peopl e ' s Democratic and Capitalist Countries , to the Leading Bodies of the Worl d ' s Communist and Worker s ' Parties), Suchasnist' (Munich), Vol . IX, No . 12 (Decembe r 1969), pp . 92-98 . (Memorandum is dated December 1964) .

10 . Molod ' Dnipropetrovs ' ka v borot ' bi proty rusyfikatsii (Th e Youth of Dniepropetrovsk in the Struggle against Russification) . Munich : Suchasnist ' , 1971 .

Section V : UKRAINE R14

11 . Moroz, Valentyn . Boomerang : The Works of Valentyn Moroz . Baltimore : Smoloskyp, 1974 . (Introduction by Paul L . Gersper) .

12 . , Esei, lysty i dokumenty (Essays, Letters and Documents) . Munich : Suchasnist ' , 1975 . Plyushch, Leonid--see also V, 21, below . 13 . Plyushch, Leonid (Pliouchtch, Leonide) . Dans le carnaval de l ' Histoire : Mémoires. Paris ; Seuil, 1977 .

14 . Rudenko, Mykola . la vil'nyi . Istoriia Khvoroby . Shchodennyk kandydata v shyzofrenikv (I am Free . History of an Illness . Diary of a Candidate for Schizophrenia) . Baltimore : Smoloskyp , 1977 . (Rudenko was first chairman of Ukrainian Helsinki Watc h Group) .

15 . Shifrin, Abraham, " In the Same Camp with Ukrainian Prisoner s (Extract) , " Ukrainian Review, Vol . 21 (Summer 1974), pp . 42-55 .

16 . Ukrainian Herald : Underground Magazine from Ukraine Issue IV . Munich : ABN Press Bureau, 1972 . (Notes by Nicholas G . Bohatiuk) . Translation of V, 20, below .

17 . The Ukrainian Public Group to Promote the Implementation o f the Helsinki Accords . Declaration and Memorandum no . 1 . Bilingual ed . with parallel texts . Washington : Helsink i Guarantees for Ukraine Committee, 1977 .

18 . Ukrains ' ka inteligentsiia pid sudom KGB . Materialy z protsesiv V . Chornovola, M . Masiutka, M . Ozernoho ta in . (Ukrainia n Intellectuals Tried by the KGB : Materials from the Trial s of V . Chornovil, M . Masiutko, M . Ozernyi, and others) . [Munich :] Suchasnist ' , 1970 .

19 . Ukrains ' ki iurysty pid sudom KGB (Ukrainian Jurists Tried by th e KGB) . [Munich :] Suchasnist', 1968 .

20 . Ukrains ' kyivisnyk (Ukrainian Herald) . Baltimore : Smoloskyp , 1971-75 . (Foremost Ukrainian underground journal . Issue 1-2 originally appeared January-May 1970 ; Issue 3-October 1970 ; Issue 4-January 1971 ; Issue 5-missing abroad ; Issu e 6-March 1972 ; and Issue 7-8-Spring 1974) .

21 . United States, Congress (94th : 2nd session), House Internationa l Relations Committee, Subcommittee on International Organizations , Hearing : Psychiatric Abuse of Political Prisoners in the Sovie t Union--Testimony by Leonid Plyushch (March 30, 1976) .

Section V : UKRAINE R1 5

B . Secondary Sources : Books

22 . Armstrong, John A . . Ukrainian Nationalism . New York : Columbia University Press, 1963 .

23. Bilinsky, Yaroslav . The Second Soviet Republic : The Ukraine After World War II . New Brunswick, N .J . : Rutgers University Press, 1964 .

24 . Hodnett, Grey and Peter J . Potichnyj . The Ukraine and the Czechoslovak Crisis . Occasional Paper No . 6 . Canberra : Australian National University, Department of Political Science, 1970 .

25 . Kolasky, John . Education in Soviet Ukraine : A Study in Discrimination and Russification . Toronto : Pete r Martin Associates, [1968] .

26 . , Two Years in Soviet Ukraine : A Canadian ' s Persona l Account of Russian Oppression and the Growing Opposition . Toronto : Peter Martin Associates, [1970] .

27 . Koropeckyj, I .S ., ed . . The Ukraine within the USSR : An Economic Balance Sheet . New York, Praeger, 1977 . Forewor d Abram Bergson .

28 . Potichnyj, Peter J . , ed . Ukraine in the Seventies (Oakville, 0nt .: Mosaic Press, 1975) .

29 . Sullivant, Robert S ., Soviet Politics and the Ukraine, 1917 - 57 . New York : Columbia University Press, 1962 .

C . Secondary Sources : Article s

30 . Bilinsky, Yaroslav, "The Communist Party of Ukraine Afte r 1966 , " in Peter J . Potichnyj, ed ., Ukraine in the Seventies . pp . 239-66 . (See V, 28, above) .

31 . , " Politics, Purge, and Dissent in the Ukraine sinc e the Fall of Shelest , " in Ihor Kamenetsky, ed ., Nationalis m and Human Rights, pp . 168-85 . (See I, 6, above) .

32 . Birch, Julian, " The Nature and Sources of Dissidence in Ukraine , " in Peter J . Potichnyj, ed ., Ukraine in the Seventies, pp . 307 - 330 . (See V, 28, above) .

33 . Bociurkiw, Bohdan, "Soviet Nationalities Policy and Dissent i n the Ukraine," The World Today, Vol . 30 (May 1974), pp . 214-226 .

34 . Fireside, Harvey, "Valentyn Moroz : Individualist in Jeopardy , " Survey, Vol . 22 (Winter 1976), pp . 132-140 .

35. Pelenski, Jaroslaw, " Shelest and His Period in Soviet Ukrain e (1963-1972) : A Revival of Controlled Ukrainian Autonomism , " in Peter J . Potichnyj, ed ., Ukraine in the Seventies . pp . 283-305 . (See V, 28, above) .

Section V : UKRAINE R16

36 . Pelensky, Zenon, " The Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communis t Party of Ukraine : Spearhead of Russification of Ukraine , " Ukrainian Quarterly, Vol . 32 (Summer 1976), pp . 126-37 .

37 . Sawczuk, Konstantyn, " Opposition in the Ukraine : Seven versus the Regime , " Survey, Vol . 20 (Winter 1974) , pp . 36-46 .

38 . Solchanyk, Roman, "The 'Sophistication ' of Soviet Nationalit y Policy in Ukraine , " Ukrainian Quarterly Vol . 24 (Winter 1968) , pp . 332-345 .

39 . Szporluk, Roman, " The Ukraine and the Ukrainians, " in Zev Katz, et alii ., eds ., Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities , pp . 21-48 . (See I, 7, above) .

40 . , "Valentyn Moroz . His Political Ideas in Historica l Perspective , " Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol . 18 (Marc h 1976), pp . 80-90 .

41 . Sullivant, Robert S ., " The Ukrainians, " Problems of Communism , Vol. 16, No . 5 (September-October 1967), pp . 46-54 .

42 . Tillett, Lowell, "Ukrainian Nationalism and the Fall of Shelest , " Slavic Review, Vol . 34 (December 1975), pp . 752-768 .

D . Bibliographies and Reference Works

43 . Kubijovyč, Volodymyr, ed . Ukraine -- A Concise Encyclopedia . Vols . 1-2 . Toronto : University of Toronto Press, 1963-71 .

44 . Jones, Lesya, and Luba Pendzey, " Dissent in Ukraine : Biblio - graphy," Nationalities Papers, Vol . VI, No . 1 (Spring 1978) , pp . 64-70 .

45 . Liber, George and Anna Mostovych . Nonconformity and Dissen t in the Ukrainian SSR, 1955-75 : An Annotated Bibliography . Cambridge, Mass . : Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute , 1978 .

E . Most Important Unpublished Work s

46 . Hodnett, Grey, "Ukrainian Politics and the Purge of Shelest " (103 pp ., prepared for presentation at annual meeting o f the Midwest Slavic Conference, Ann Arbor, May 5-7, 1977) .

VI . TRANSCAUCASIA

A . Document s

1 . Armianskaia gruppa sodeistviia vypolneniiu polozhenii zakliuchite l ' - nogo akta Khe l ' sinkskogo soglasheniia, Deklaratsiia (Erevan , 1 aprelia 1977g .), in Materialy samizdata, 1977, No . 31, Ite m No . AS 3059, 5 pp . (This is the founding declaration of th e Armenian Helsinki Watch Committee of April 1, 1977) . Section VI : TRANSCAUCASIA R17

2 . Kommunisticheskaia Partiia Azerbaidzhana v tsifrakh . Baku : Azerbaidzhan Gosstatizdat, 1970 .

3 . Kurtsikidze, E .G., et alii , comps . Kommunisticheskaia Partiia Gruzii v tsifrakh, 1921-1970gg . (Sbornik statisticheskikh materialov) . Tbilisi : Central Committe e of Communist Party of Georgia, 1971 .

B . Secondary Sources : Book s

4 . Akademiia nauk Armianskoi SSR . Sovetskaia Armeniia za 50 let . Erevan, 1970 .

5 . Bennigsen, Alexandre, and Chantal Lemercier-Quelquejay . Islam in the Soviet Union . New York : Praeger, 1967 .

6 . Gugushvili, P .V ., ed . . GruzinskaiaSSR . Tbilisi : Merani, 1971 .

7 . Hovannisian, Richard . The Republic of Armenia . Vol . I . Berkeley - Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1971 .

8 . Kazamzadeh, Firuz, The Struggle for Transcaucasia (1917-21) . New York, 1951 .

9 . Lang, David Marshall, A Modern History of Soviet Georgia . New York : Grove Press, 1962 .

10 . Matossian, Mary K ., The Impact of Soviet Policies on Armenia . Leiden : Brill, 1962 .

11 . Menadbe, Akakii, Nekotoryevoprosy razvitiiaGruzinsko i natsional ' noi gosudarstvennosti . Tbilisi : Metsnierieba , 1970 .

12 . Nove, Alec and J .A. Newth, The Soviet Middle East : A Communist Model for Development . New York : Praeger, 1966 .

13 . Shaginian, Marietta . Journey through Soviet Armenia . Moscow : Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1954 .

14 . Suny, Ronald G ., The Baku Commune 1917-1918 . Princeton, N .J . : Princeton University Press, 1972 .

C . Secondary Sources : Article s

15 . Dadrian, Vahaku N ., " Nationalism in Soviet Armenia : A Cas e Study of Ethnocentrism , " in George W . Simmonds, ed ., Nationalism in the USSR and Eastern Europe in the Era of Brezhnev and Kosygin . (See I, 11, above) .

16 . Dobson, Richard B ., " Georgia and the Georgians," in Zev Katz , et alii, eds ., Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities, pp . 161-188 (See I, 7, above) .

Section VI : TRANSCAUCASIA R 18

17 . Huddle, Jr ., Frank, " Azerbaidzhan and the Azerbaidzhanis , " in Zev Katz, et alii, eds ., Handbook of Major Sovie t Nationalities, pp . 189-209 . (See I, 7, above) .

18 . Matossian, Mary K ., " Armenia and the Armenians , " in Zev Katz , et alii, eds ., Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities , pp . 143-160 . (See I, 7, above) .

19 . , "Communist Rule and the Changing Armenian Cultura l Pattern," in Erich Goldhagen, ed ., Ethnic Minorities in the Soviet Union, pp . 185-197 . (See I, 5, above) .

D . Most Important Unpublished Work s

20 . Suny, Ronald G ., " Georgia Since Stalin : A Case Study in Soviet Nationality Polic y" (32 pp . unpublished pape r presented at the 1978 Annual Meeting of the Midwes t Slavic Conference, Bloomington, IN, )

VII . PERIODICALS AND ARCHIVE S (Traditional scholarly periodicals are not listed) .

A . Genera l

1. Nationalities Papers (Charleston, Illinois )

2. Radio Liberty Research Bulletin (Munich )

3. Soviet Analyst (London )

B . The Soviet Balti c

4. Baltic Events (formerly : Estonian Events) (Irvine, Calif . )

5 . BATUN/UBA Newsletter (New York : Baltic Appeal to the Unite d Nations/United Baltic Appeal )

6. Laiks (New York )

7. Lituanus (Chicago )

8. Teataja (Stockholm )

9. Tevyne (New York )

10. Vaba Eesti Sona (New York )

11. Vienybe (New York )

C . The Ukrain e

12 . ABN Correspondence (Munich )

13 . America (Philadelphia) Section VII : PERIODICALS/ARCHIVE S R1 9

14 . American Digest of the Soviet Ukrainian Press (New York )

15 . Harvard Ukrainian Studies (Cambridge, Mass . )

16 . Suchasnist ' (Munich )

17 . Svoboda (Jersey City, N .J . )

18 . Ukrainian Quarterly (New York )

19 . Ukrainian Review (London )

D . Transcaucasia

20 . Ararat Quarterly (New York )

21 . Armenian Mirror-Soectator (New York )

22 . Armenian Reporter (New York )

23 . Armenian Review (Boston )

24 . Bedi Karthlisa (Paris )

25 . Caucasian Review (Munich )

26 . Georgica (London ) E . Archive s c/ . Archives of the Baltic Appeal to the United Nation s

28. Archives of the Committee for a Free Estoni a

29. Archives of the Committee for a Free Latvi a

30. Archives of the Committee for a Free Lithuani a

31 . Archives of the Estonian, Latvian and Lithuania n legations in the United State s

32. Archives of the Joint Baltic-American Committe e

33 . Archives of Helsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Committee , Washington, D .C .

34. Archives of Prolog Research Corporation, New York R20

A d d e n d a

I, 3a . Aspaturian, Vernon S . The Union Republics in Soviet Diplomacy : A Study of Soviet Federalism in the Service of Soviet Foreign Policy . Geneva : Droz, 1960 .

IV, 9a . Varpas (The Bell) - 3rd Lithuanian samizdat periodical, publishe d by Revolutionary Liberation Front of Lithuania .

Finis