Većeslav Holjevac – Forgotten Dissident
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Yugoslav Experiment 1948-1974
THE YUGOSLAV EXPERIMENT 1948-1974 DENNISON RUSINOW THE YUGOSLAV EXPERIMENT 1948-1974 The Royal iNsnruTE of International Affairs is an unofficial body which promotes the scientific study of international questions and does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author. The Institute and its Research Committee gratefully acknowledge the com ments and suggestions of the following who read the manuscript: Stephen Clissold, Professor Hugh Seton-Watson and Professor Marcus Wheeler. THE YUGOSLAV EXPERIMENT 1948-1974 BY DENNISON RUSINOW Publishedfor — the Royal Institute ofInternational Affairs, London, by the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley and Los Angeles ISBN: 0-520-03730-8 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 76-20032 Copyright ® 1977 by Royal Institute of International Affairs, London First Paperback Printing 1978 Printed in the United States of America 123456789 To Alison and Tamara, the only good reasons^ and to Mary^ the reasonfor reasons PREFACE For more than three decades Yugoslavia has attracted and sustained a level of international interest disproportionate to the size and economic and military importance of a backwater Balkan State with a population of 20 million. Initially inspired by the romantic and dramatic Yugoslav resistance to Axis occupation during World War II, this interest has since 1948 been focused on a remarkable and still unfinished voyage of exploration, otherwise known as 'the Yugoslav road to socialism*, which is the subject of this book. The proclaimed destination may not exist on any of the headings which have been tried; the vessel or its navigators may ultimately prove inadequate to the enterprise; or the landfall, if one is ever made, may prove to be only a small, rather ordinary and sadly familiar island still half a world away from the shores of Communist Cathay. -
The Criminal Law Aspects of the Massacre in the Area of Slatina on September 4Th 1991
Original scientific article UDK 355.012(497.5)”1991/1995” Miljenko Brekalo (Croatia) Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar – Local Centre Osijek THE CRIMINAL LAW ASPECTS OF THE MASSACRE IN THE AREA OF SLATINA ON SEPTEMBER 4TH 1991 Abstract In the period from 1990-19995 the members of the Serb Democratic Party of Slavonia on the territory of the Republic of Croatia had stimulated Serbian people to implement civil disobedience towards the legally elected authorities of the Republic of Croatia; to show national intolerance against Croats and other non-Serb persons. In co-operation with the YNA, they provided arms supply and organized armed rebellion of the Serbian people. The main goal was to disconnect the state territory of the Republic of Croatia, where the RSK was stretching, and to integrate the same into the integral concept of the common state of the Serb people, into Greater Serbia. There is an indisputable fact that the domicile Serb extremists and terrorists, “Šešelj’s men”, “Arkan’s men”, the “White Eagles”, the YNA and other armed rebels and war criminals had committed a criminal offence against humanity, international humanitarian law and criminal offence against the Republic of Croatia, according to the then applicable legislation: the Criminal Code of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, according to the Criminal Code of the Socialist Republic of Croatia, according to the General Criminal Code of the Republic of Croatia. In the course of war the actors of armed rebellion did not respect the provisions of the international humanitarian law, in particular the provisions and the protocols of the Geneva Conventions. -
Civil Strife in Yugoslavia
S. HRG. 102-12 CIVIL STRIFE INYUGOSLAVIA: THE UNITED STATES RESPONSE HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPEAN AFFAIRS OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED SECOND CONGRESS FIRST SESSION FEBRUARY 21, 1991 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 40-336 WASHINGTON : 1991 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office US. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402 :M I-a COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS CLAIBORNE PELL, Rhode Island, Chairman JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware JESSE HELMS, North Carolina PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana ALAN CRANSTON, California NANCY L. KASSEBAUM, Kansas CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut LARRY PRESSLER, South Dakota JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts FRANK H. MURKOWSKI, Alaska PAUL SIMON, Illinois MITCH McCONNELL, Kentucky TERRY SANFORD, North Carolina HANK BROWN, Colorado DANIEL P. MOYNIHAN, New York ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah CHARLES S. ROBB, Virginia GERYLD B. CHRiSTIANSON, Staff Director JAMES P. LUCIER, Minority Staff Director SUBCOMMITrEE ON EUROPEAN AFFAIRS JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware, Chairman PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland LARRY PRESSLER, South Dakota PAUL SIMON, Illinois HANK BROWN, Colorado CONTENTS Page Bentley, Hon. Helen, U.S. Representative from Maryland .....................................48 Prepared statem ent ................................................................................................. 62 Bonutti, Dr. Karl B., President, Slovenian-American Heritage Foundation, -
Party Outcomes in Hybrid Regimes in the Western Balkans and Beyond
Party Outcomes in Hybrid Regimes in the Western Balkans and Beyond By Ivan Vuković Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Supervisor: Professor Zsolt Enyedi Budapest, May 2014 Abstract Most political parties that had been ruling in hybrid regimes lost power as these regimes ceased to exist i.e. democratized. Yet, some of these parties remained politically dominant notwithstanding the regime change. This PhD thesis aims to offer a plausible explanation of their different political fates (here defined as party outcomes). Its main focus is on the incumbent parties in hybrid regimes that existed in Serbia, Croatia, and Montenegro during the last decade of the 20th century. In addition, the thesis looks at a larger population of similar cases with the ambition to contribute to a better general understanding of the diverging party outcomes. The thesis puts forward a theoretically innovative model explaining the party outcomes, founded upon the two assumptions: (1) the diverging fates of dominant parties in hybrid regimes are determined by these parties’ (lack of) institutionalization; (2) (the lack of) their institutionalization is determined by the salience of the national question in the process of political mobilization leading to the regime establishment. Process tracing method is employed to test the presence in the three cases under observation of the thus constructed causal mechanism linking the hypothesized conditions (nationalist mobilization and the lack of party institutionalization) and party outcome (the loss of power). The theoretical relevance of the results of the analysis, supported by numerous causal process observations (including, among others, 27 in-depth interviews), is subsequently assessed within a broader empirical domain. -
The Formation of Croatian National Identity
bellamy [22.5].jkt 21/8/03 4:43 pm Page 1 Europeinchange E K T C The formation of Croatian national identity ✭ This volume assesses the formation of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. It develops a novel framework that calls both primordialist and modernist approaches to nationalism and national identity into question before applying that framework to Croatia. In doing so it not only provides a new way of thinking about how national identity is formed and why it is so important but also closely examines 1990s Croatia in a unique way. An explanation of how Croatian national identity was formed in an abstract way by a historical narrative that traces centuries of yearning for a national state is given. The book goes on to show how the government, opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and diaspora change change groups offered alternative accounts of this narrative in order to The formation legitimise contemporary political programmes based on different visions of national identity. It then looks at how these debates were in manifested in social activities as diverse as football and religion, in of Croatian economics and language. ✭ This volume marks an important contribution to both the way we national identity bellamy study nationalism and national identity and our understanding of post-Yugoslav politics and society. A centuries-old dream ✭ ✭ Alex J. Bellamy is lecturer in Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Queensland alex j. bellamy Europe Europe THE FORMATION OF CROATIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY MUP_Bellamy_00_Prelims 1 9/3/03, 9:16 EUROPE IN CHANGE : T C E K already published Committee governance in the European Union ⁽⁾ Theory and reform in the European Union, 2nd edition . -
Who Killed Josip Reihl-Kir
Who killed Josip Reihl-Kir Part 1 © Daniël Verhoeven All Rights Reserved This is a first Draft. This is still going to change lot. But I want to take in account remarks of readers. They can sent them at [email protected] Introduction .............................................................................................. 4 On the road from Osijek to Tenja ................................................................ 5 Interview with the widow Jadranka Reichl-Kir .............................................. 14 Second trial against Antun Gudelj .............................................................. 18 From “Brotherhood and Unity” … .............................................................. 24 … to “diversity and conflict” ....................................................................... 28 1990 free elections ................................................................................... 34 The Log Revolution .................................................................................. 38 Introduction “My name is Miro Bajramovic and I am directly responsible for the death of 86 people. I go to bed with this thought, and - if I sleep at all - I wake up with the same thought. I killed 72 people with my own hands, among them nine were women. We made no distinction, asked no questions; they were "Chetniks" [Serbs] and our enemies. The most difficult thing is to ignite a house or kill a man for the first time; but afterwards, everything becomes routine. I know the names and surnames of those I killed.” -
Tito's Yugoslavia
The Search for a Communist Legitimacy: Tito's Yugoslavia Author: Robert Edward Niebuhr Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1953 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2008 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of History THE SEARCH FOR A COMMUNIST LEGITIMACY: TITO’S YUGOSLAVIA a dissertation by ROBERT EDWARD NIEBUHR submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December, 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE ABSTRACT . iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . iv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS . v NOTE ON TRANSLATIONS AND TERMS . vi INTRODUCTION . 1 1 A STRUGGLE FOR THE HEARTS AND MINDS: IDEOLOGY AND YUGOSLAVIA’S THIRD WAY TO PARADISE . 26 2 NONALIGNMENT: YUGOSLAVIA’S ANSWER TO BLOC POLITICS . 74 3 POLITICS OF FEAR AND TOTAL NATIONAL DEFENSE . 133 4 TITO’S TWILIGHT AND THE FEAR OF UNRAVELING . 180 5 CONCLUSION: YUGOSLAVIA AND THE LEGACY OF THE COLD WAR . 245 EPILOGUE: THE TRIUMPH OF FEAR. 254 APPENDIX A: LIST OF KEY LCY OFFICIALS, 1958 . 272 APPENDIX B: ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF JNA, 1963 . 274 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 275 INDEX . 289 © copyright by ROBERT EDWARD NIEBUHR 2008 iii ABSTRACT THE SEARCH FOR A COMMUNIST LEGITIMACY: TITO’S YUGOSLAVIA ROBERT EDWARD NIEBUHR Supervised by Larry Wolff Titoist Yugoslavia—the multiethnic state rising out of the chaos of World War II—is a particularly interesting setting to examine the integrity of the modern nation-state and, more specifically, the viability of a distinctly multi-ethnic nation-building project. -
Međunarodne Studije, God
Međunarodne studije, god. 13, br. 2, 2013, str. 9- 1 Međunarodne studije god. 13, br. 3-4, 2013 Neorealizam (recenzija: Čehulić Vukadinović, Luša) 2 Monika Begović UKD 327 ISSN 1332-4756 MEĐUNARODNE STUDIJE Časopis za međunarodne odnose,vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju God. 13, br 3-4/2013. Godišnje izlaze četiri broja časopisa Naklada / 200 primjeraka Časopis ima inozemne recenzije Prilozi objavljeni u časopisu referiraju se u CSA/ Worldwide Political Science Abstracts, Sociological Abstract Social Services Abstracts Nakladnici Centar za međunarodne studije Hrvatske udruge za međunarodne studije, Zagreb Visoka škola međunarodnih odnosa i diplomacije Dag Hammarskjöld, Zagreb Euroavangarde d.o.o. Zagreb Uredništvo Goran Bandov, Luka Brkić, Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović, Jadranka Dujić Frlan, Gordan Grlić Radman, Drago Lovrić, Mladen Nakić, Jadranka Polović, Ivo Šlaus, Radovan Vukadinović Glavni i odgovorni urednik Radovan Vukadinović Izvršni urednici Jadranka Dujić Frlan Luka Brkić Lektura i korektura Iva Čupić Tajnik Kristijan Kotarski Klasifikacija članaka prema UDK Blaženka Peradenić-Kotur Tehnički urednik / prijelom Tiskara Zelina d.d. Međunarodno izdavačko vijeće Dr. Nadia Arbatova, Russian Academy of Science, Moscow Dr. Theodore Columbis, ELIAMEP, Athens /Dr. John Groom, Kent University, Canterbury Dr. Charles Chudde, University of Boston Dr. Anton Grizold, Fakultet za družbene vede, Ljubljana Dr. Shi Ze, Institute for International Relations, Beijing Dr. Lidija Georgieva, University St. Cyril and Methodius, Skopje Dr. Dragan Simić, Fakultet političih nauka , Beograd Dr. Dragan Vukčević, UDG, Podgorica / Dr. Stefano Piloto, University of Trieste Dr. Peter Stania, International Institute for Peace, Vienna Međunarodne studije, god. 13, br. 2, 2013, str. 9- 3 međunarodne studije god. 13, br. 3-4, 2013 Neorealizam (recenzija: Čehulić Vukadinović, Luša) 4 Monika Begović Međunarodne studije, god. -
Magyars and Serbs: the 'Southlands'
Magyars and Serbs: the 'Southlands' The 1941 occupation of the Southlands and the 1942 round up E n ik ő A. Sajti On 10 April 1941, four days after Germany attacked Yugoslavia and the day Croa tia seceded from the state, Lt Col. Nenad Krnjajic commander of the 14th Garrison Regiment stationed in the Palic area in the Vojvodina region of Serbia, noted in his regimental journal: "Windy and cloudy; sleet. It is peaceful on our sector of the line. Minor Hungarian troop movements in the border area. On the radio the news is bad everywhere... The Germans broke through at Bela Crkva and are pushing forward... Lt Col. Ruzic, commander of 13th Garrison Regiment, informed me that Lt Col. Ivovnur [a Croat - E.S.], his second-in-command, has deserted."1 The next day, on the orders of Miklós Horthy, the Regent of Hungary, units of the Hungarian Third Army and the Mobile Corps crossed the Hungarian-Yugo- slav border. The main military objective, besides re-annexing the Baóka (Bácska) region to Hungary, was to secure the rear of the German troops, advancing in the direction of Belgrade. That was done without any major engagement with the Yu goslav army, and within three days they had recaptured the Danube-Tisza inter fluve, the Bács and the southern Baranja 'Triangle', thereby closing the era of Hun garian territorial gains. The last sentence of Lt Col. Krnjajic's journal entry for 13 April runs: "As the best solution, I have ordered the destruction of all war material and am dispersing the unit."2 In an autobiographically inspired novel by Attila Balázs, a writer from Vojvo dina, István Szilágyi, Hungarian army soldier recalls the reoccupation of Baóka in the following terms: They waited until every single one had closed ranks on the top of the hill, from which a far prospect opened onto the Bácska. -
Serbia and the Serbian Rebellion in Croatia (1990-1991)
Serbia and the Serbian Rebellion in Croatia (1990-1991) By Harry Jack Hayball Thesis submitted to Goldsmiths College, University of London, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy April 2015 Supervised by Professor Jan Plamper 2 Declaration All the work presented in this thesis is my own. Harry Jack Hayball Declaration 3 Abstract It is often suggested that the Serbian rebellion in Croatia in 1990-91 was orchestrated by Serbia, and, in particular, by its president Slobodan Milošević personally. Despite the popularity of this interpretation, however, the literature on the break-up of Yugoslavia is yet to offer a focused study of Serbia's role in the descent into conflict in Croatia. Many sources that have become available in recent years remain unused. Through a critical and cautious use of such sources, including extensive interviews with participants in the conflict and contemporary documentation, this thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature and to update our knowledge of this important aspect of the bloody disintegration of Yugoslavia. Honing in on Belgrade's relationships with Serb political and military/paramilitary leaders in Croatia, as well as Serbia's direct involvement in and attitude towards the road to war, it concludes that the existing focus on Milošević's Serbia has been misplaced. Serbia's stance towards Croatia was hardline, but Belgrade's influence over the Croatian Serbs was limited and its direct involvement in events minimal. Milošević did not have a grand plan to orchestrate violence in Croatia, and the leaders of the Serbian rebellion in Croatia were fundamentally independent and autonomous actors, who, far from being Milošević's puppets, were often in conflict with him. -
What's in a Name in a War
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Jurajda, Štepán; Kovač, Dejan Working Paper What's in a Name in a War IZA Discussion Papers, No. 10331 Provided in Cooperation with: IZA – Institute of Labor Economics Suggested Citation: Jurajda, Štepán; Kovač, Dejan (2016) : What's in a Name in a War, IZA Discussion Papers, No. 10331, Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA), Bonn This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/149190 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu IZA DP No. 10331 What’s in a Name in a War Štěpán Jurajda Dejan Kovač October 2016 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor What’s in a Name in a War Štěpán Jurajda CERGE-EI and IZA Dejan Kovač CERGE-EI Discussion Paper No. -
Theorising Return Migration
MAX WEBER PROGRAMME EUI Working Papers MWP 2011/20 MAX WEBER PROGRAMME THE SILENT REPUBLIC: POPULAR MUSIC AND NATIONALISM IN SOCIALIST CROATIA Dean Vuletic EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE MAX WEBER PROGRAMME The Silent Republic: Popular Music and Nationalism in Socialist Croatia DEAN VULETIC EUI Working Paper MWP 2011/20 This text may be downloaded for personal research purposes only. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper or other series, the year, and the publisher. ISSN 1830-7728 © 2011 Dean Vuletic Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Abstract This paper explores the development of popular music and its relationship to the political situation in Croatia and Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1991, and how global musical trends were used to construct and reinvent Croatian and Yugoslav cultural and political identities. It begins with a discussion of the suppression of patriotic music in the early decades of socialist Yugoslavia, when the regime attempted to create a supranational culture that would unify Yugoslavia’s constituent nations. It then analyses the national cultural revival in Croatia in the late 1960s that prompted a political movement known as the Croatian Spring, when the pop singer Vice Vukov incorporated Croatian patriotic themes into his songs. In the years following the crushing of the Croatian Spring in 1971, Croatian nationalism was again suppressed in politics and music, and because of this stifling of political opposition Croatia was dubbed “the silent republic.” For the rest of the 1970s the political function of pop and rock music was reflected in its glorification of Yugoslavia and its leader, Josip Broz Tito.