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Croatia: Three Elections and a Funeral
Conflict Studies Research Centre G83 REPUBLIC OF CROATIA Three Elections and a Funeral The Dawn of Democracy at the Millennial Turn? Dr Trevor Waters Introduction 2 President Tudjman Laid To Rest 2 Parliamentary Elections 2/3 January 2000 5 • Background & Legislative Framework • Political Parties & the Political Climate • Media, Campaign, Public Opinion Polls and NGOs • Parliamentary Election Results & International Reaction Presidential Elections - 24 January & 7 February 2000 12 Post Tudjman Croatia - A New Course 15 Annex A: House of Representatives Election Results October 1995 Annex B: House of Counties Election Results April 1997 Annex C: Presidential Election Results June 1997 Annex D: House of Representatives Election Results January 2000 Annex E: Presidential Election Results January/February 2000 1 G83 REPUBLIC OF CROATIA Three Elections and a Funeral The Dawn of Democracy at the Millennial Turn? Dr Trevor Waters Introduction Croatia's passage into the new millennium was marked by the death, on 10 December 1999, of the self-proclaimed "Father of the Nation", President Dr Franjo Tudjman; by make or break Parliamentary Elections, held on 3 January 2000, which secured the crushing defeat of the former president's ruling Croatian Democratic Union, yielded victory for an alliance of the six mainstream opposition parties, and ushered in a new coalition government strong enough to implement far-reaching reform; and by two rounds, on 24 January and 7 February, of Presidential Elections which resulted in a surprising and spectacular victory for the charismatic Stipe Mesić, Yugoslavia's last president, nonetheless considered by many Croats at the start of the campaign as an outsider, a man from the past. -
The Politicization of Ethnicity As a Prelude to Ethnopolitical Conflict: Croatia and Serbia in Former Yugoslavia
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Dissertations Graduate College 6-2001 The Politicization of Ethnicity as a Prelude to Ethnopolitical Conflict: Croatia and Serbia in Former Yugoslavia Agneza Bozic-Roberson Western Michigan University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations Part of the International Relations Commons, Political Theory Commons, and the Race and Ethnicity Commons Recommended Citation Bozic-Roberson, Agneza, "The Politicization of Ethnicity as a Prelude to Ethnopolitical Conflict: Croatia and Serbia in Former Yugoslavia" (2001). Dissertations. 1354. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations/1354 This Dissertation-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE POLITICIZATION OF ETHNICITY AS A PRELUDE TO ETHNOPOLITICAL CONFLICT: CROATIA AND SERBIA IN FORMER YUGOSLAVIA by Agneza Bozic-Roberson A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan June 2001 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE POLITICIZATION OF ETHNICITY AS A PRELUDE TO ETHNOPOLITICAL CONFLICT: CROATIA AND SERBIA IN FORMER YUGOSLAVIA Agneza Bozic-Roberson, Ph.D. Western Michigan University, 2001 This interdisciplinary research develops a framework or a model for the study of the politicization of ethnicity, a process that transforms peaceful ethnic conflict into violent inter-ethnic conflict. The hypothesis investigated in this study is that the ethnopolitical conflict that led to the break up of former Yugoslavia was the result of deliberate politicization of ethnicity. -
The Beginning of the End of Federal Yugoslavia
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian & East European Studies Number 10 01 Robert M. H ayden The Beginning of the End of Federal Yugoslavia The Slovenian Amendment Crisis of 1989 ~EES THE C E N T E R FOR R US SIAN & EA ST E U RO P E A N S T UDIE S U N IV E RS I T Y OF PITT SBURGH J The Carl Beck Papers in Russian & East European Studies Number 1001 Robert M. Hayden The Beginning of the End of Federal Yugoslavia The Slovenian Amendment Crisis of 1989 &EES TH E C E N T E R F O R RUSS I AN Ill: E AS T E U RO PE A N STU DIES U N I V ERS I T Y O F PITT SB UR GH Robert M. Hayden is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Pittsburgh. He holds degrees in both Anthropology and Law. His research interests have taken him to India and Yugoslavia numerous times to conduct field work. In 1990-91 Hayden was a Fulbright Distinguished Professor at the University of Belgrade. He is the author of Social Courts in Theory and Practice: Yugoslav Workers' Courts in Comparative Perspective (University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990). December 1992 ISSN 08899-275X The Carl Beck Papers Editors: William Chase, Bob Donnorununo, Ronald H. Linden Assistant Editors: Mitchell Bjerke, Martha Snodgrass Cover design : Mike Savitski Submissions to The Carl Beck Papers are welcome. Manuscripts must be in English, double-spaced throughout, and less than 120 pages in length. Acceptance is based on anonymous review. -
Većeslav Holjevac – Forgotten Dissident
94 Prispevki za novejšo zgodovino LVIII – 3/2018 1.01 UDC : 929HOLJEVAC V.:323.281»1918/1945« Josip Mihaljević* Većeslav Holjevac – Forgotten Dissident IZVLEČEK VEĆESLAV HOLJEVAC – POZABLJENI DISIDENT Hrvaški politik Većeslav Holjevac (1917–1970) velja za enega najuspešnejših županov mesta Zagreb. Kljub temu sta njegova osebnost in politično delo javnosti danes malo znana. Njegove zasluge na kulturnem področju so šle večinoma v pozabo, prav tako pa tudi dejstvo, da je bil edenn najpomembnejših hrvaških disidentov. Njegov primer razkriva vprašanje hrvaškega gibanja za nacionalno reformo, znanega pod imenom Hrvaška pomlad. Zaradi močnega značaja ga ni bilo strah braniti lastnih stališč celo v bojih s tovariši komunisti, ki so zasedali pomembnejše funkcije v hierarhiji Zveze komunistov Jugoslavije, kar je povzročilo njegov politični zaton. Članek predstavlja ključne trenutke njegovih disidentskih in politič- nih nesoglasij s tovariši, zaradi katerih si je v partiji prislužil status odpadnika. Prav tako obravnava trditve, da naj bi Holjevac postal vodja Hrvaške pomladi. Ključne besede: Većeslav Holjevac, disident, Zveza komunistov Jugoslavije, Komunistična partija Hrvaške, Hrvaška pomlad ABSTRACT Croatian politician Većeslav Holjevac (1917–1970) has been remembered as one of the most successful mayors of the city of Zagreb. However, his character and political work are scarcely known to the public today. His merits in the cultural sphere are mostly forgotten, as well as the fact that he was one of the most important Croatian dissidents. His case deli- neates the issue of the Croatian national reform movement known as the Croatian Spring. Due to his solid character he was not afraid to defend his standpoints, even in the fights with communist comrades who were higher in the hierarchy of the League of Communists * Research Fellow, PhD, Croatian Institute of History, Opatička 10, 10000-Zagreb, Croatia, [email protected] Josip Mihaljević: Većeslav Holjevac – Forgotten Dissident 95 of Yugoslavia, which caused his political decline. -
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4 Contemporary accounts of Croatian national identity According to Benedict Anderson , ‘communities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined’.1 This chapter investigates how the Croatian nation was imagined in the 1990s. It focuses on four sets of accounts that attempted to provide contemporary resonance to the abstract frames of national identity discussed in the previous chapter. These accounts attempted to either interpret what it meant to be Croatian in order to secure support for a political programme, or – as in the case of the dissident intellectuals – to challenge such accounts. However, they all attempted to give resonance to abstract ideas in the contemporary context. After a discussion of the so-called ‘Franjoist’ narrative offered by President Franjo Tuœman and his party, I will discuss alternative conceptions of identity that were articulated by opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and the Croatian diaspora. I argue that each of these ‘political entrepreneurs’ drew upon, and offered interpretations of, the historical statehood thesis in order to legitimise their programmes or to challenge the manifestos of others. The abstract frames discussed in the previous chapter therefore presented common frames of reference with which to seek legitimacy for political practices or to use to question that legitimacy. One of the central themes of this chapter is that different accounts of national identity (which draw upon a common stock of narrative or makes use of similar ‘frames’) inform political discourse and compete with each other. As Michael Billig argued: Different factions, whether classes, religions, genders or ethnicities, always struggle for the power to speak for the nation, and to present their particular voice as the voice of the national whole, defining the history of other sub-sections accordingly. -
Civil Strife in Yugoslavia
S. HRG. 102-12 CIVIL STRIFE INYUGOSLAVIA: THE UNITED STATES RESPONSE HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPEAN AFFAIRS OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED SECOND CONGRESS FIRST SESSION FEBRUARY 21, 1991 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 40-336 WASHINGTON : 1991 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office US. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402 :M I-a COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS CLAIBORNE PELL, Rhode Island, Chairman JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware JESSE HELMS, North Carolina PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana ALAN CRANSTON, California NANCY L. KASSEBAUM, Kansas CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut LARRY PRESSLER, South Dakota JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts FRANK H. MURKOWSKI, Alaska PAUL SIMON, Illinois MITCH McCONNELL, Kentucky TERRY SANFORD, North Carolina HANK BROWN, Colorado DANIEL P. MOYNIHAN, New York ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah CHARLES S. ROBB, Virginia GERYLD B. CHRiSTIANSON, Staff Director JAMES P. LUCIER, Minority Staff Director SUBCOMMITrEE ON EUROPEAN AFFAIRS JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware, Chairman PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland LARRY PRESSLER, South Dakota PAUL SIMON, Illinois HANK BROWN, Colorado CONTENTS Page Bentley, Hon. Helen, U.S. Representative from Maryland .....................................48 Prepared statem ent ................................................................................................. 62 Bonutti, Dr. Karl B., President, Slovenian-American Heritage Foundation, -
The Role of Presidents in Croatia and Serbia, 1990-2015
The Role of Presidents in Croatia and Serbia, 1990-2015 By: Mislav Ilija Vulić Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Zsolt Enyedi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary (2015) Abstract Both Croatia and Serbia introduced a semi-presidential system of government in 1990. In Croatia this choice was motivated by a need to have a decisive and efficient decision- making institution in light of the upcoming instability and war. In Serbia introduction of semi- presidentialism was motivated primarily by the need of Slobodan Milošević to be legitimized as a national leader. Croatian semi-presidentialism in 1990s was of a presidential- parliamentary subtype because the President had autonomous power to appoint and dismiss the Government. Serbian semi-presidentialism was of a premier-presidential subtype because the Government was accountable solely to the Assembly. In both countries tendencies towards authoritarianism emerged. The death of Franjo Tuđman and the resignation of Slobodan Milošević ended the authoritarian rule but the two countries diverged in how they dealt with the institutional framework of semi-presidentialism. In Croatia the Constitution was amended immediately after the change of government. In Serbia it remains the same even today with only minor alterations. The present system of government in Croatia can be characterized as parliamentary while system of government in Serbia can be characterized as semi-presidential. The key difference does not emerge from constitutional powers but from the fact that Croatian President is forbidden to be a member of the political party or its president, while in Serbia this possibility exists, and can be used to position the President as a central figure in the political system. -
Current Situation in Croatia
105th CONGRESS Printed for the use of the 1st Session Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe Current Situation in Croatia March 21, 1997 Briefing of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe ABOUT THE ORGANIZATION (OSCE) The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the Helsinki process, traces its origin to the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in Finland on August 1, 1975, by the leaders of 33 European countries, the United States and Canada. Since then, its membership has expanded to 55, reflecting the breakup of the Soviet Union, Czechoslova- kia, and Yugoslavia. (The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Serbia and Montenegro, has been suspended since 1992, leaving the number of countries fully participating at 54.) As of Janu- ary 1, 1995, the formal name of the Helsinki process was changed to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The OSCE is engaged in standard setting in fields including military security, economic and environmental cooperation, and human rights and humanitarian concerns. In addition, it undertakes a variety of preventive diplomacy initiatives designed to prevent, manage and resolve conflict within and among the participating States. The OSCE has its main office in Vienna, Austria, where weekly meetings of permanent representatives are held. In addition, specialized seminars and meetings are convened in various locations and periodic consultations among Senior Officials, Ministers and Heads of State or Government are held. ABOUT THE COMMISSION (CSCE) The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), also known as the Helsinki Commission, is a U.S. Government agency created in 1976 to monitor and encour- age compliance with the agreements of the OSCE. -
The Formation of Croatian National Identity
bellamy [22.5].jkt 21/8/03 4:43 pm Page 1 Europeinchange E K T C The formation of Croatian national identity ✭ This volume assesses the formation of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. It develops a novel framework that calls both primordialist and modernist approaches to nationalism and national identity into question before applying that framework to Croatia. In doing so it not only provides a new way of thinking about how national identity is formed and why it is so important but also closely examines 1990s Croatia in a unique way. An explanation of how Croatian national identity was formed in an abstract way by a historical narrative that traces centuries of yearning for a national state is given. The book goes on to show how the government, opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and diaspora change change groups offered alternative accounts of this narrative in order to The formation legitimise contemporary political programmes based on different visions of national identity. It then looks at how these debates were in manifested in social activities as diverse as football and religion, in of Croatian economics and language. ✭ This volume marks an important contribution to both the way we national identity bellamy study nationalism and national identity and our understanding of post-Yugoslav politics and society. A centuries-old dream ✭ ✭ Alex J. Bellamy is lecturer in Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Queensland alex j. bellamy Europe Europe THE FORMATION OF CROATIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY MUP_Bellamy_00_Prelims 1 9/3/03, 9:16 EUROPE IN CHANGE : T C E K already published Committee governance in the European Union ⁽⁾ Theory and reform in the European Union, 2nd edition . -
Who Killed Josip Reihl-Kir
Who killed Josip Reihl-Kir Part 1 © Daniël Verhoeven All Rights Reserved This is a first Draft. This is still going to change lot. But I want to take in account remarks of readers. They can sent them at [email protected] Introduction .............................................................................................. 4 On the road from Osijek to Tenja ................................................................ 5 Interview with the widow Jadranka Reichl-Kir .............................................. 14 Second trial against Antun Gudelj .............................................................. 18 From “Brotherhood and Unity” … .............................................................. 24 … to “diversity and conflict” ....................................................................... 28 1990 free elections ................................................................................... 34 The Log Revolution .................................................................................. 38 Introduction “My name is Miro Bajramovic and I am directly responsible for the death of 86 people. I go to bed with this thought, and - if I sleep at all - I wake up with the same thought. I killed 72 people with my own hands, among them nine were women. We made no distinction, asked no questions; they were "Chetniks" [Serbs] and our enemies. The most difficult thing is to ignite a house or kill a man for the first time; but afterwards, everything becomes routine. I know the names and surnames of those I killed.” -
Serbia and the Serbian Rebellion in Croatia (1990-1991)
Serbia and the Serbian Rebellion in Croatia (1990-1991) By Harry Jack Hayball Thesis submitted to Goldsmiths College, University of London, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy April 2015 Supervised by Professor Jan Plamper 2 Declaration All the work presented in this thesis is my own. Harry Jack Hayball Declaration 3 Abstract It is often suggested that the Serbian rebellion in Croatia in 1990-91 was orchestrated by Serbia, and, in particular, by its president Slobodan Milošević personally. Despite the popularity of this interpretation, however, the literature on the break-up of Yugoslavia is yet to offer a focused study of Serbia's role in the descent into conflict in Croatia. Many sources that have become available in recent years remain unused. Through a critical and cautious use of such sources, including extensive interviews with participants in the conflict and contemporary documentation, this thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature and to update our knowledge of this important aspect of the bloody disintegration of Yugoslavia. Honing in on Belgrade's relationships with Serb political and military/paramilitary leaders in Croatia, as well as Serbia's direct involvement in and attitude towards the road to war, it concludes that the existing focus on Milošević's Serbia has been misplaced. Serbia's stance towards Croatia was hardline, but Belgrade's influence over the Croatian Serbs was limited and its direct involvement in events minimal. Milošević did not have a grand plan to orchestrate violence in Croatia, and the leaders of the Serbian rebellion in Croatia were fundamentally independent and autonomous actors, who, far from being Milošević's puppets, were often in conflict with him. -
Kriza Vlasti U Zagrebu 1995. - 1997
Kriza vlasti u Zagrebu 1995. - 1997. Stanišak, Ivan Master's thesis / Diplomski rad 2021 Degree Grantor / Ustanova koja je dodijelila akademski / stručni stupanj: University of Zagreb, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences / Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Filozofski fakultet Permanent link / Trajna poveznica: https://urn.nsk.hr/urn:nbn:hr:131:595889 Rights / Prava: In copyright Download date / Datum preuzimanja: 2021-09-27 Repository / Repozitorij: ODRAZ - open repository of the University of Zagreb Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences SVEUČILIŠTE U ZAGREBU FILOZOFSKI FAKULTET ODSJEK ZA POVIJEST KRIZA VLASTI U ZAGREBU 1995. - 1997. UZROCI I POSLJEDICE (diplomski rad) Student: Ivan Stanišak Mentor: dr. sc. Ivica Šute, izvanredni profesor Zagreb, prosinac 2020. 1 Sadržaj 1.Uvod.........................................................................................................3 2.Ciljevi rada i metodologija.......................................................................4 3.Spajanje grada i županije..........................................................................5 4.Izbori u listopadu 1995 godine.................................................................9 5.Situacija u gradu nakon izbora................................................................13 6. Vrijeme pregovora.................................................................................21 7.Izbor Joze Radoša za gradonačelnika.....................................................24 8. Korespodencija Pantovčak-gradska Skupština......................................26