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A History of the USSR-Philippine Cultural Dispatches (1966-1987)

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A History of the USSR-Philippine Cultural Dispatches (1966-1987) PANDEMIC, RESILIENCE, AND THE ARTS The 14th De La Salle University Arts Congress March 11-12, 2021 An Odyssey to the Iron Curtain: A History of the USSR-Philippine Cultural Dispatches (1966-1987) Luis Bienvenido N. Foronda De La Salle University Abstract: Philippine expeditions to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics at the height of the Cold War had not warranted much attention. These relentless efforts were intended to extend courtesy, hospitality, and support between Filipino and Soviet peoples. This article contends cultural diplomacy to be the most developed area in Philippine and USSR relations by tracing the continuities of Soviet foreign policy before during, and after the Détente. In light of stronger bilateral relations as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic, might this article start to examine new documents that have come to light through a history of foreign affairs. The article hopes to recover shared undercurrents in academics, culture, and the arts in the promotion of Philippine and Soviet cultures alike. Keywords: Soviet Union, Détente, the Philippines, cultural diplomacy, diplomatic history Introduction assume that these conflicts threatened commonwealths of democracy and national Not more than fifty years ago did culture securities of non-communist nations. As an effort to serve as a language to bridge nations divided by a prevent further encroachment, these countries were global conflict of identities and ideologies. Philippine quick to assert their independence, reputations, and diplomatic ties with the Union of Soviet Socialist images. Only a few studies on this area have been Republics (USSR), or the Soviet Union were formally carried out despite the vast array of sources that initiated in 1966 during Ferdinand Marcos’ have faded into obscurity over the years. An interregnum of power. Yet the impact of these adequate number of materials from local private bilateral relations had not been weighed in the face collections document the USSR-Philippine cultural of cultural cooperation at the time of the Détente. activities were gathered for this study prior to the Meantime, Soviet aid and influence in other parts of COVID-19 pandemic. Part of the difficulty, however, the world, particularly in developing non-communist involved in this research is the inaccessibility of countries with nationalist frontiers were largely relevant documents and archives in the Russian feared by the United States to become wellsprings of language. communism (Guan-fu, 1983, pp. 72-75). The People’s Republic of China and the Soviet Union’s scramble This study is an attempt to reconstruct a for power gushed with various communist victories sketch of Philippine cultural dispatches to the Soviet that transpired in insular and peninsular territories Union that led to the broadening of Filipino culture, (Singh, 1987, p. 276-295). particularly in the areas of art, history, literature, music, and dance in the USSR. Tracing the At the breach of the Sino-Soviet divergence continuities and changes in USSR-Philippine in 1960, Southeast Asia was a region of great cultural contact from 1966 to 1987, this study uses interest. The Second Indochinese War and cultural diplomacy as a framework of analysis and Konfrontasi are no hollow compliments to North examines regional politics that led to ongoing Vietnamese, Laotian, Cambodian, and Indonesian interactions between the two countries. Careful socialist forces which were all influenced by Marxist, attention must also be paid to the role of these Leninist, and Maoist creeds. It is sufficiently easy to expeditions vis-à-vis to the political climate of Southeast Asia during that time. This is key in DLSU ARTS CONGRESS PROCEEDINGS Volume 5 | ISSN 2012-0311 PANDEMIC, RESILIENCE, AND THE ARTS The 14th De La Salle University Arts Congress March 11-12, 2021 understanding how cultural diplomacy becomes a vindicated by ‘cultural’ diplomacy. Out of this developed area of USSR-Philippine relations. Such confluence, Comintern members emerged with follows after the fact that these inceptive bilateral mutual support from reformed governments in relations are paving a way for local healthcare with Central, and later, East Asia. the adoption of Russia’s Sputnik V vaccines as a cure against the COVID-19 pandemic. This article hopes Teeming with confidence, Premier Nikita to expand more on Soviet cultural policy without Khruschev sought to provide aid as the backbone for having to discuss much of its economic dimensions. developing Third World nations.2 Nations who were It would be remiss to say the least, that the short- in the process of attaining autonomy and sighted frailties of the Cold War included the independence from the clutches of colonial, and manipulation of image as power.1 Finally, the article imperialist regimes (Guan-fu, p. 76-77, 82-86). Such identifies various Filipino groups and individuals sweeping ambitions were not the full story. Though who were representatives to the USSR to bring the Soviet Union offered economic and military about a ‘new image’ of Philippine involvement agreements, it strategically chose to which countries during the Cold War. it offered aid (Birgerson, 1997, pp. 214-16). Soviet competition antagonized capitalist and Maoist Cultural Diplomacy and the Iron control of these regions driving ever-growing nationalist frontiers to fan out in every direction. Curtain Soviet cultural diplomacy was not limited to The goals of Soviet foreign policy do not veer nurturing aesthetic and intellectual proportions of away from the greater body of Marxist writing – a Marxist-Leninist creeds, too, was the exercise of ‘cultural revolution’ will try to engulf the world in power through image. Gouldin-Davies (2003) argues communism. It is enriched by an advocacy of a class that often scholars have blithely disregarded war, best represented by eliminating private means cultural diplomacy as a linchpin in Cold War-era of production within a regime, thereby replacing it relations largely for the fact that it has not been with communal efforts. Vladimir Lenin, one of its considered part of “high politics.” This is to suggest early proponents, rationalized that Soviet power that “low politics” includes escaping direct military was an extension of the people’s power against a confrontation, less important for the state’s survival class system of bourgeoise oppression. (Zvorykin et while remaining ideologically dominant. Such al., 1970, pp. 9-13). The removal from power of the diplomacy warrants culture and heritage as the Czarist Romanovs in the 1917 October Revolution common ground in pursuing foreign affairs with sat well with the Russian peasantry who demanded other nations. The USSR used this as a tool to equal treatment from their commercial patricians. converse with scientific and humanitarian dialogue by taking part in cultural and educational exchanges Lenin saw this collective dominance as a meant to enhance Lenin’s “productionist vision of a refashioning of society as he saw it fit where socialist future,” (pp.193-195). Able to draw note capitalist countries can make the necessary efforts under his sway, the state-sponsored Agentstvo to secure a successful transition to socialism. In two Pechati Novosti or APN Novosti Press Agency began years, Lenin gathered socialist supporters from all to use this power as an olive-branch to its around Europe creating an alliance of communist advantageous allies. parties called the Communist International, or Comintern. Each member nation-state was Novosti was a collective of scholars, represented by a delegation in the Executive journalists, and writers with contacts to friends of Congress that stressed the news of Russia’s the Soviet Union abroad. Novosti monopolized revolutionary cause to their people (Raymond, 1969, foreign intellectuals by opening its publication pp. 363-364). Soon, the Comintern turned into an floodgates to spread pertinent materials that were of international platform where Soviet compatriots interest to other nations. On one hand, Novosti espoused diplomatic ties with other nations invited foreign delegations to visit the USSR to 1An edifice complex as where the exercise eager capacity to provide aid to the Third World gave of state-power is merely a reflection of state-image. it an edge to support its allies and inundate their 2 It is sufficiently easy enough to assume markets with Soviet goods. that the USSR was not equipped to compete with resilient capitalist countries. The Soviet Union’s DLSU ARTS CONGRESS PROCEEDINGS Volume 5 | ISSN 2012-0311 PANDEMIC, RESILIENCE, AND THE ARTS The 14th De La Salle University Arts Congress March 11-12, 2021 gather confidence on the part of the two countries. the door unlatched for the transmission of ideas and On the other, committees within the Foreign Affairs identities. Cultural identity was such a crucial Ministries arranged cultural tours and exhibitions dimension to the Soviet Union, that as it welcomed within the Soviet Union. The Agency commissioned reform and diminished antagonism over other Soviet artists, dancers, musicians, and scientists to Western convictions, the USSR fell and the Cold propagate prominent impressions of the USSR to War ended. foreign lands. Its passive nature, however, leaves consequence of their prevailing concern for the Culture as Influence in Ante-Détente region’s security, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) was formed in Southeast Asia 1967 with five member-states including the Philippines. Almost immediately the USSR began The USSR’s interest in Southeast Asia was engaging with ASEAN. It established embassies in reactive to pressures on two frontiers: the nuclear countries and instantaneously formed contacts as arms race against the US; and the Sino-Soviet US interventions ebbed in the region (Birgerson, hegemony. Truly, this was the pervading conflict for 217-218). It came as no surprise as Marcos had the former until when tensions were more relaxed welcomed the idea of trading with the Soviet Union during the Détente – a period of US-USSR and Eastern Bloc in January 1968. negotiations (1967-1979).
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