TANZANIA’S MEDIATION PROCESS IN THE CONFLICT BETWEEN THE HUTU AND TUTSI PARTIES IN BURUNDI 1993 -2005: A MEDIATION PERSPECTIVE
BY
KANUWA, JUMA MABASA
(210070897)
In fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in (Conflict Transformation and Management) in the Faculty of Arts at the Nelson Mandela University
April 2018
Promoter: Prof. Gavin Bradshaw
DECLARATION
NAME: JUMA MABASA KANUWA
STUDENT NUMBER: 210070897
QUALIFICATION: DPHIL: CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION AND MANAGEMENT
TITLE OF PROJECT: TANZANIA’S MEDIATION PROCESS IN THE CONFLICT BETWEEN THE HUTU AND TUTSI PARTIES IN BURUNDI 1993 - 2005: A MEDIATION PERSPECTIVE,
In accordance with Rule G5.6.3, I hereby declare that the above-mentioned thesis is my own work and that it has not previously been submitted for assessment to another University or for another qualification.
SIGNATURE
JUMA MABASA KANUWA
DATE: 29/03/2018
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I begin my appreciation with the blessings from the Almighty Allah, the most merciful, most beneficent, for having made it possible for many individuals to help me directly and indirectly, hence making the completion of this thesis possible.
My profound gratitude goes to my supervisor, Prof. Gavin Bradshaw, for his guidance, constructive criticism and pertinent comments on the many drafts of the thesis that made me a stronger person intellectually. I also acknowledge the support rendered to me by Ambassador Dr. Mohamed Maundi, Dr. Wetengere Kitojo, Dr. Benard Achiula and Dr. Charles Bekoni of the Mozambique and Tanzania Centre for Foreign Relations for giving me permission to pursue this study, and the Nelson Mandela University research department for giving me a scholarship.
I dedicate this work to my late sister Asha – Rukia Shabaan Kanuwa and, her late sons Abubakar, and Kanuwa who passed away while I was studying. May Allah rest their soul in peace – ameen. I am forever indebted to my father Shaaban Hamisi Kanuwa and my mother Fatma Ramadhani Manyalla who laid the foundation for my career in life. My parents supported me, both morally and financially, to complete this study. I also wish to register my deepest appreciation to my brothers Ramadhani Kanuwa, Ahmed Kanuwa and my sister Mwajuma Kanuwa. My heart-felt appreciations go to my family for their prayers, for believing in my abilities and supporting me every step of my way to accomplish this piece of work, which has been my life’s ambition. I love you a lot my wife Mariam Faraji and our daughters Fatma, Faizah and Barky.
I owe a great deal of gratitude to Dr. Hamza Mokiwa, his wife Dr. Amina and their family for their support and brainstorming during the study. I really thank you a lot Dr. Burhan Mtengwa and Professor Mazibuko for securing me admission at Nelson Mandela University.
ii To the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation and participants, my heartfelt gratitude. The study would not have been possible without your co-operation. Many thanks to Ambassador Charles Sanga and the participants who participated in the study.
iii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS
ABASA Alliance Burundo-Africaine pour le Salut ANADDE Alliance Nationale pour le Droit et le Developpment ANC African National Congress ASP Afro – Shirazi Party AV INTWARI Alliance de Vaillant BPN Burundi Peace Negotiation CCM Chama Cha Mapinduzi CFR Centre for Foreign Relations CNNDD Conseil National pour la Defense Forces la Democratie CNDD-FDD Conseil National pour la Défense de la Démocratie-Forces pour la Défense de la Démocratie CMSN Military Committee of National Salvation COSTECH Commission of Science and Technology EAC East Africa Community EU European Union FRELIMO Front for the Liberation of Mozambique FDD Forces de Defense de la Democratie FRODEBU Front pour Democratie au Burundi FROLINA Front pour la Liberation Nationale GLR Great Lakes Region KANU Kenya African National Union IGAD Intergovernmental Authority on Development IR Intelacustrine Region MNF Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation MIPROBU Mission for Protection and Restoration of Trust in Burundi MPLA Popular Movement for Liberation of Angola MSP-INKIZO Parti Socialiste et Panafricaniste PARENA Parti pour le Redressement National PAFMECA Pan-African Freedom Movement for East and Central Africa PAFMECSA Pan-African Freedom Movement for Eastern, Central and Southern Africa PALIPEHUTU Parti de pour la Liberation du Peuple Hutu PDC Parti Democrate Chretien
iv PIT Parti Independent pour les Travailleurs PL Parti Liberal POLISARIO Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Río de Oro PP Parti du Peuple PRP Parti pour la Reconciliation du Peuple PSD Parti Social-Democrate OAU Organization of Africa Union RADDES Ralliement pour la Democratie et le Developpment Economique RBP Rassemblement du Peuple Burundais REC-H Research and Ethics Committee UBU Umugambwe wa’Bakozi Uburundi UPRONA Union pour le Progres National UPC Uganda People’s Congress UNIP United National Independence Party UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Programme URT United Republic of Tanzania SWAPO South-West Africa People’s Organisation TAA Tanganyika African Association TANU Tanganyika African National Union TNA Transitional National Assembly TPDF Tanzania People’s Defence Force USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics ZANU Zimbabwe African National Union ZANU-PF Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front ZAPU Zimbabwe African People’s Union ZPPP Zanzibar and Pemba Peoples Party
v ABSTRACT
The goal of this research was to examine Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi from 1993 to 2005, from a mediation theoretical perspective. To achieve this, a critical paradigm was used as the way to view the mediation process in the Great Lakes Region. The study also aimed at attaining a grounded theoretical understanding of the topic under study, including an in depth understanding of Tanzania’s history in conflict resolution, the historical causes of Burundi’s deep-rooted social conflict, theories of conflict and conflict resolution, third party intervention and mediation theories and perspectives.
This study is underpinned by Bercovitch’s Mediation Framework and its quest for problem-solving. It is a qualitative study that used documentary review, individual interviews and focus group interviews as data-gathering instruments. The selection of the study sample was carried out according to a purposive approach. The data was collected from minutes of meetings, verbatim reports, letters, journals, books, individual interviews and focus group interviews.
The findings of the study culminated in three major findings which are: the finding of the first research question on Tanzania’s mediation process that Tanzania’s motivation for mediating stemmed from its traditional foreign policy, the effectiveness of the intervention stemmed from its sound understanding of the root causes of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi and because the parties retained ownership of the mediation process. Other success factors were due to the third-party collaboration with International Organizations, and the use of a transformative mediation approach. The finding in respect of the second research question comparing Tanzania’s mediation process with the mediation perspectives of Bercovitch and Burton was that there were similarities which were based on their assumptions in respect of social conflict, responses to conflict, the objectives of mediation, the role of mediator, the mediation action itself, the focus of mediator, timing of mediation and the success of mediation. With regards to the third question, the findings proposed improvements in respect of
vi professionalism of the mediator, a change of mediation culture and attitude, the personality of mediators, diplomatic support for mediation and the institutionalisation and consolidation of conflict management.
The study concluded by proposing a Professional Integration Mediation Practice (PIMP) framework. The PIMP framework was developed, based on the findings of the study, and anticipates the provision of guidance to mediators and facilitators on the use of a more Professional Integration Mediation Practice approach to facilitate a positive mediation process. The PIMP framework further provides a range of advantages in the process of conflict resolution with respect to deep–rooted social conflict. However, there is a need for agreement of international organizations on the use of professional mediators and facilitators in a mediation process. The PIMP framework can go a long way to effectively resolve deep–rooted social conflicts with the appropriate support of international organisations, and the international community as a whole.
vii TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. DECLARATION ...... i
II. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... ii
III. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ...... iv
IV. ABSTRACT ...... vi
V. TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... viii
VI. LIST OF TABLES ...... xiv
VII. LIST OF FIGURES ...... xvi
VIII. LIST OF MAPS ...... xvii
1. CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ...... 1
1.1 Introduction to the Study ...... 1
1.2 Background to the study ...... 1
1.3 Research Aim ...... 9
1.4 Rationale ...... 9
1.5 Problem Statement ...... 11
1.6 Objectives of the Study ...... 12
1.7 Research Sub-Questions ...... 12
1.8 Significance of the Study ...... 13
1.9 Clarification of Terms And Concepts ...... 14
1.10 Research Design and Methodology ...... 16
1.11 Division of Chapters ...... 17
1.12 Conclusion ...... 18
2. CHAPTER TWO: A REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON THEORIES OF CONFLICT AND THE NOTION OF DEEP-ROOTED CONFLICT ...... 20
viii 2.1 Conflict In Society ...... 21
2.2 Types Of Conflict ...... 23
2.3 Theories of Conflict ...... 30
2.3.1 Human Needs theory ...... 30
2.3.2 Social Structural theory ...... 32
2.3.3 Realist theory ...... 33
2.3.4 Deep – Rooted, or Protracted Social Conflict ...... 34
2.4 Conflicts in Africa ...... 37
2.5 Sources of Conflicts in the Great Lakes Region of East Africa ...... 40
2.6 Conflict in Burundi ...... 43
2.7 Conclusion ...... 47
3. CHAPTER THREE LITERATURE REVIEW OF INTERVENTION STRATEGIES AND MEDIATION ASPECTS ...... 49
3.1 Introduction ...... 49
3.2 Conflict Management ...... 49
3.3 Conflict Resolution ...... 54
3.4 Third Party Intervention ...... 59
3.4.1 Conditions Affecting Intervention Processes...... 65
3.5 Tanzanian Intervention Into Burundi’s Conflict ...... 67
3.6 Mediation ...... 69
3.6.1 The Historical Development of Mediation ...... 69
3.6.2 Characteristics and Approaches in the Study of Mediation ...... 70
3.6.3 The Contemporary Practice of Mediation ...... 74
3.6.4 Factors Affecting the Choice of Mediation Strategy ...... 79
3.7 Burton and Bercovitch’s Frameworks of Third Party Intervention ...... 83
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3.7.1 Burton’s Problem – Solving Process ...... 83
3.7.2 Bercovitch’s Mediation Process ...... 84
3.8 Conclusion ...... 88
4. CHAPTER FOUR THE HISTORICAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN BURUNDI AND TANZANIA ...... 90
4.1 Introduction ...... 90
4.2 Historical Background of Burundi’s Conflict ...... 90
4.2.1 Position ...... 90
4.2.2 People Of Burundi ...... 92
4.2.3 Pre – Colonial Period ...... 96
4.2.4 Colonial Period ...... 97
4.2.5 Nationalism Struggle...... 102
4.2.6 Post Independence Period ...... 103
4.2.7 The Root Causes Of Conflict ...... 110
4.2.8 Summary ...... 113
4.3 Introduction to the History Of the United Republic Of Tanzania ...... 113
4.3.1 Position ...... 114
4.3.2 People Of Tanzania ...... 115
4.3.3 Pre – Colonial Period ...... 117
4.3.4 Colonial Domination...... 119
4.3.5 Nationalism Struggle...... 122
4.3.6 The Reasons For Intervention ...... 124
4.3.7 The Foreign Policy Of Tanzania As Motivation For Interventions ...... 128
4.3.8 Different Phases Of Interventions In Burundi ...... 129
4.3.9 The Tanzanian Mediation Process ...... 134
x
4.4 The Burundi Peace Negotiation Outcomes ...... 136
4.5 Summary ...... 136
4.6 Conclusion ...... 137
5. CHAPTER FIVE: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ...... 138
5.1 Introduction ...... 138
5.2 Research Problem ...... 138
5.3 Research Design ...... 139
5.4 Case Study Research ...... 141
5.4.1 Case Study Research and Conflict Resolution ...... 143
5.5 Philosophical Assumptions...... 146
5.5.1 Ontology ...... 148
5.5.2 Epistemology ...... 149
5.5.3 Axiology ...... 150
5.5.4 Methodology ...... 151
5.6 Scientific Knowledge And Lay Knowledge ...... 155
5.7 Sampling Procedure ...... 156
5.7.1 Sampling design and sample size ...... 156
5.7.2 Sample Selection ...... 156
5.8 Data Collection Methods ...... 157
5.8.1 Phase one: Document analysis ...... 158
5.8.2 Phase two: Individual interviews ...... 161
5.8.3 Phase three: Focus group interviews...... 163
5.9 Data Analysis ...... 165
5.10 Research Rigor ...... 166
5.10.1 Piloting ...... 167
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5.10.2 Triangulation...... 167
5.10.3 Member checking ...... 167
5.10.4 Reporting style ...... 168
5.11 Theoretical And Conceptual Framework ...... 168
5.12 Ethical Considerations ...... 169
5.13 Study Limitations ...... 170
5.14 Conclusion ...... 171
6. CHAPTER SIX PRESENTATION OF RESULTS ...... 172
6.1 Introduction ...... 172
6.2 Phase 1: Document Analysis ...... 173
6.3 Phase 2: Individual interviews ...... 183
6.4 Phase 3: Focus Group interviews ...... 220
6.5 Reflections on data collection process ...... 237
6.6 Dealing with data ...... 238
6.7 Delimitations and Limitations ...... 238
6.8 Conclusion ...... 239
7. CHAPTER SEVEN DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION ...... 240
7.1 Introduction ...... 240
7.2 Presentation and discussion of findings from emerging themes ...... 241
7.2.1 Tanzanian mediation process ...... 242
7.3 Phase 2: Analysis of Research Question 2 ...... 259
7.3.1 Comparison of the Tanzanian mediation process and Burton and Bercovitch’s mediation perspectives ...... 261
7.4 Phase 3: Analysis of Research Question 3 ...... 271
7.4.1 The improvement of mediation processes in deep-rooted social conflict. 272
xii
7.5 Conclusion ...... 277
8. CHAPTER EIGHT SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION ...... 279
8.1 Introduction ...... 279
8.2 Summary ...... 279
8.2.1 The mediation process used by Tanzania in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Burundi279
8.2.2 Comparison of Tanzania’s mediation process with the theoretical perspectives on intervention ...... 281
8.2.3 Possible improvement of mediation processes in deeply-rooted social conflict 283
8.3 Conclusion ...... 285
8.4 Recommendations ...... 290
9. REFERENCES...... 293
APPENDIX I: RESEARCH INSTRUMENTS GUIDING INTERVIEW QUESTIONS FIRST INTERVIEW SCHEDULE (PROTOCOL) ...... 321
Background Information; ...... 321
Knowledge about the mediation; ...... 321
Expectation; ...... 322
APPENDIX: II GUIDING INTERVIEW QUESTIONS SECOND INTERVIEW SCHEDULE (PROTOCOL) ...... 323
Knowledge about mediation; ...... 323
Expectation; ...... 323
Outcomes; ...... 323
INFORMATION AND INFORMED CONSENT FORM ...... 332
Initial ...... 332
B. STATEMENT BY OR ON BEHALF OF INVESTIGATOR(S) ...... 336
xiii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1: Major Deadly Conficts in Africa Source; Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, and Miall (2011)…………………………………………………………………………………………..39 Table 3.1 A Contingency Theory of Conflict Management Source: Bradshaw, 2012…..52 Table 3.2: Elements of Intervention; Process versus Instrumental Source; Bercovitch, 1984………………………………………………………………………...... ’’’…………..66-67 Table 4.1:PEOPLES OF BURUNDI, RWANDA AND TANZANIA LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION Source; Sutton, 1965 ...... 93 Table 4.2: Political Administrative Structure of Independent Burundi: 1962 -1966 Source: Ndarubagiye; 1996 ...... 104 Table 4.3: Political Administrative Structure of Independent Burundi under the Micombero Regime Source; Ndarubagiye; 1996 ...... 106 Table 4.4: Political Administrative Structure of Independent Burundi Under Bagaza Regime Source; Ndarubagiye; 1996 ...... 107 Table 4.5: Presidential Election in 1993 Source; Kaduga,1996 ...... 109 Table 4.6: Summary of elections of Jan 1961, June 1961 and 1963 Source; Ayany (1983) ...... 123 Table 5.1:A comparison of the qualitative and quantitative approaches in social sciences Source: Delport & De Vos, (2014) ...... 140 Table 5.2:Philosophical Assumptions with Implication for Practice Source: Creswell (2013), p.2 ...... 147 Table 5.3:Ontology, Epistemology, Methodology and Methods Source: Delport & De Vos (2014) ...... 151 Table 5.4: Differences between Ontology Epistemology and Methodology: Source: Gerber (2009), p. 18-21 ...... 154 Table 5.5: Scientific versus Lay knowledge Source: Babbie (2010)...... 155 Table 5.6: Overview of data collection methods ...... 171 Table 6.1: Phases of data collection ...... 185
xv Table 6.2: Document reviews ...... 174 Table 6.3: Demographic profiles of participants ...... 183 Table 6.4: Summary of individual interviews ...... 216 Table 6.5: Main features of focus group interview ...... 220 Table 6.6: Profile of participants of the first focus group interview ...... 221 Table 6.7 Profile of Participants of Second Focus Group Interview…………………….226 Table 6.8: Second Focus Group Interview…..………………………………….……227-229 Table 6.9: Summary of Focus Group Interview………………… ………………….231-236 Table 7.1: A summary of repeatedly emerging themes ...... 241 Table 7.2: Tanzania’s Model of Mediation Process Source: Field Data, 2016 ...... 257 Table 7.3: A summary of repeatedly emerging themes ...... 259 Table 7.4: Summary of consultation to political groups in Burundi negotiation process Source; BNP, 1996 ...... 268 Table 7.5: A summary of repeatedly emerging themes ...... 271
xvi LIST OF FIGURES Figure 2.1: Manifest and Latent Conflict: The ABC Triangle of Conflict (in Bradshaw 2008: 16, adapted from Galtung1972) p.72 ...... 22 Figure 2.2: The Conflict Cube (Bradshaw, 1992), ...... 32 Figure 3.1: Conflict, Conflict Consequences and Third Party Intervention Source; Bercovich, 1984...... 51 Figure 3.2: Types of Conflict Management Source; Bercovitch, 1984 ...... 86 Figure 3.3: A Framework for the Analysis of Mediation and Behaviour Source; Bercovitch, 1992: 48…………………………………………………………………………...87
Figure 4.1: The Barundi People Organization Chart Source; BNP, 1996 ...... 96 Figure 4.2: Structure of Belgian Colonial Administration Source: Ndarubagiye; 1996.. 101
Figure 5.1: Connections between philosophical perspective and methods design Source; Denzin, & Lincoln:2011.p.7 ...... 152
Figure 7.1: The roots of conflict in Burundi and its impact Source; Field data, 2016 ... 245 Figure 8.1: Professional Integrative Mediation Practice (PIMP) ...... 286
xvii LIST OF MAPS Map 4.1:The Republic of Burundi Source: www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:By-map.png91 Map 4.2:The United Republic of Tanzania Source: www.tanzania.go.tz/home/pages/68, retrieved on May, 2016 ...... 114 Map 4.3: The German East Africa Colony 1890 to 1916 Source: www.wikipedia.org/wiki/German East Africa………………………………………………120
xvii i
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
This thesis deals with the expectations of and the lessons that can be learned from actual conflict management exercises in the attempted resolution of recent deep-rooted social conflict in East Africa. I compare the scholarly views of Bercovitch and Burton on the resolution of deep-rooted social conflict with a case study approach to Tanzania’s intercession strategy and mediation efforts in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi peoples. It is possible to draw valuable conclusions from the intervention in the conflict between these ethnic groups in Burundi. Tanzania’s role as mediator lasted more than a decade, from 1993 to 2005. By judging the strengths and weaknesses of that process against the theoretical work of Bercovitch, Laurie Nathan, and Burton, I hypothesize that theory could be extended since it is applied to an unfamiliar context.
1.1 Introduction to the Study
This introduction presents a background to the study, problem statement or research aim, definition of concepts and their significance. In addition, an overview of the research design and methodology is presented. The rationale of the study is advanced as well as the division of chapters.
1.2 Background to the study
In the 20th century, Africa witnessed the end of colonial domination and the rise of internal conflicts. Many African countries including Nigeria, Congo Brazzaville, Sierra Leone, Guinea – Bissau, Burkina Faso, Angola, and Mozambique experienced internal conflict soon after their independence.
Mazrui and Tidy (1994) argue that some areas of the Great Lake Regions of Africa (Rwanda, Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo [Zaire] and Uganda) experienced the overthrow of the government by military forces. In addition to internal conflicts, other countries such as Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda were characterized by border conflicts
1 which sparked off violence and bloodshed. Tanzania and her neighbouring states of Kenya and Uganda, experienced a military mutiny in 1964. This was lead by Africans who wanted changes within the armed forces. This mutiny was subsequently suppressed by the British army. Tanzania reacted by dismantling the armed forces and forming a democratic army (Tanzania Peoples Defense Force [TPDF]). This was unlike the position in Kenya and Uganda (Mazrui & Tidy, 1994), where the opposite happened.
The formation of a democratic military army in Tanzania aligned her with a foreign policy that encouraged the liberation process in all African colonial possessions. This was the beginning of Tanzania’s involvement in conflict resolution of the oppressed and dominated subjects of Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Angola, Western Sahara, Guinea-Bissau and Palestine (Kaunda, 2003). The Tanzanian army was used to train the military wings of these nations. Additionally, they were allowed the use of military bases for their exercises. The areas of Bigamy (Masuguru, Kongwa, Chunya, and Nachingwea), known as Farm 17, were used as the training grounds of many guerrilla fighters in Southern Africa. During the era of the Cold War, Tanzania, through her foreign policy, remained neutral and mainly allied to the Non-Alignment Movement (NAM). This was done with caution as Tanzania, as a newly independent nation, still needed assistance from both warring parties during the conflict.
Tanzania continued, however, throughout the period between 1960 and 1990, to support the liberation struggle of Southern Africa. Although there were other threats to human security such as famine, drought, poverty, economic dependence, diseases (and political instabilities to nearby neighbouring countries such as Burundi, Congo, and Rwanda), the focus remained on African liberation from foreign domination (Shula, 2014).
The internal conflict of African countries epitomized numerous causes, such as conflict resulting from poor leadership, redistribution of resources, loss of ethnic identity and poor electoral processes (Shule, 2014). Tanzanian authorities did not neglect the conflict resolutions attempted in neighbouring countries. Tanzania involved itself in
2 conflict resolution both before and after her own independence. Her involvement in conflict resolution followed the arguments of Holsti (1983), regarding the types of conflict existing in the world.
Holsti characterizes conflict as having one or more of the following six features, namely: (a) limited territorial conflicts, (b) conflicts over the nature of government, (c) conflicts relating to national honour, (d) liberation conflicts, (e) conflicts relating to imperialism, and (f) those associated with national unification. During the nationalist struggle in 1957, Julius Nyerere, the leader of The Tanganyika National Union, called a meeting at Mwanza to collaborate with neighbouring counterparts with the purpose of endorsing the nationalist struggle in eastern and central Africa. The result of the meeting was the formation of the Pan African Freedom Movements of East and Central Africa (PAFMECSA). The formation of this alliance inspired Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) towards close relationships with nationalist parties such as Uganda People’s Congress (UPC), Kenya African National Union (KANU), Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO), Union Pour le Proges Nationale (UPRONA), Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (ZAPU), United National Independence Party (UNIP), Popular Movement for Liberation of Angola ( MPLA), African National Congress (ANC), Pan African Congress (PAC), Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Río de Oro (POLISARIO) and South-West Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO) (Kanuwa, 2003).
During her struggle for independence, Tanzania has engaged in conflict resolution via various forms of intervention. This included diplomatic mediation and coercion from the 1950’s until the 1960’s. It should be noted that the Tanganyika mainland was a territory governed under a mandate of the United Nations by the British colonial administration. On her road to recovery from domination, Tanganyika negotiated her independence through round-table discussion under the supervision of the United Nations. However, the other territories, consisting of the Tanzanian islands, navigated their independence via coercive or revolutionist means in order to achieve total independence (Mazrui & Tidy, 1994).
3
The achievement of her independence reshaped the approach of Tanzanian conflict resolution strategies towards the continuing liberation struggles in Southern Africa. Following the failure of attempts at mediation to resolve the South African conflict, South Africa’s domination of Namibia, the Portuguese colonial governments of Angola and Mozambique, the Tanzanian authorities moved to support military interventions in these cases.
This factor, and the TANU guidelines, became the catalysts of Tanzania’s voluntary leadership of the liberation movements in Southern Africa (Kanuwa, 2003). After Tanzania’s independence, the city of Dar es Salaam graduated to become the headquarters of the different Southern African nationalist movements. For Tanzania’s efforts in the liberation struggles of many other African countries, African nationalists baptized Dar es Salaam as “the Mecca of Africa” (Kimambo & Temu, 2003).
The end of the Cold War (after the collapse of the Soviet Union [USSR] in 1990) and the focus on the total liberation of Southern Africa, altered the mindset of Tanzania from conflict resolution of foreign domination to the resolution of her own internal conflict. The twist in the conclusion of the Cold War (namely the collapse of the Soviet Union) forced Tanzania to re-examine her own foreign policy (Shule, 2014).
The post-independence foreign policy of Tanzania, inspired by Pan-Africanism, had to be reformed in response to global economic trends. The new Tanzanian foreign policy, which was based on economic diplomacy, focused on the promotion of economic growth and development; whilst ensuring the internal sustainability and peace and security in neighbouring states (URT, 2001). The existence and continuation of frequent internal conflict around the Great Lakes Region of East Africa, was of great concern to Tanzania.
Hyera (2004) advocates the desire and moral obligation of Tanzania to bring peace to Africa generally as an aspiration considered inherent to its nationalist struggle. As a first
4 step in this process, the Tanzanian government intervened in the Rwanda conflict as a mediator in 1993. Then President Ali Hassan Mwinyi formed a committee of negotiators and appointed Ambassador Ami Mpungwe as a mediator (Mpungwe, 1998). The peace process of Burundi began in 1996 under the former President of Tanzania - Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. Mpangala (2004) argues that the example of Burundi differs from other African conflicts simply because the conflict originated from the implementation of Belgian colonial governmental policies. Ngaruko and Nkurunzinza (2005) identified the root causes of the civil conflict that characterized post-independence Burundian history. These included the Belgian colonial policy of ‘divide and rule’ that encouraged racial segregation between Hutu and Tutsi and the radicalization of the Tutsi social elites in the south of the country. This policy further caused a social revolution of the Rwandan people in 1959. The colonial policy replaced all the Hutu chiefs with Tutsi chiefs, marking the marginalization of the Hutu and domination by the Tutsi. After independence in 1962, Burundi politicians maintained ethnic politics as a means of competing for political power and resulting in ethnic conflict (Ndarubagire, 1996).
The ideology of ethnicity, which was developed during the colonial period, came to affect the post-independence period and resulted in periodic violent conflicts between the Hutu and the Tutsi ethnic groups. These led to a coup d’état and mass killings in 1966, 1972, 1988, 1992 and 1996 (Chawe, 2009).
The Burundian conflict was basically ethnopolitical in nature. It was ethnic for the reason that it was fought along ethnic lines between the Hutu and Tutsi people. It was also political since the main perpetrators were political leaders acting for political gain. The Tutsi ruling political class propagated the ethnic factor as a means of gaining political and economic power (Ndarubagire, 1996).
The murder of President Melchior Ndadaye (on 21st October 1993) ignited a political explosion. The late Ndadaye was the first Hutu in Burundian history to be elected President of that country. He was also the first democratically elected President after a
5 free election. Ndadaye came to power following the first multi-party democratic elections held on 1 June 1993, in which he defeated the incumbent, ethnic Tutsi President Buyoya. Ndadaye’s landslide win of 60% of the votes against 39% of opposition votes, changed the political power balance of the modern history of Burundi. The triumph of Ndadaye’s party (FRODEBU) - with 65 seats against Buyoya’s UPRONA (which gained only 16 seats) - was a social revolution of the majority Hutu over the minority Tutsi (Kaduga, 1996).
Tutsi hardliners were opposed to the integration of the Hutu into the mainstream of Burundi society. The democratization processes established by Buyoya and ratified nationally by the verdict of the people (during the Presidential and Parliamentary elections), were not acceptable to the Tutsi hardliners. The democratic changes allowed Hutus to participate in the political management of government as equals, with equal opportunities in education, employment (in civil service), army and judiciary. The economic, social, and cultural life of society were also included in this paradigm shift (Ndarubagire, 1996). The Tutsi extremists in the army, civil service, and at the university refused to accept the election results and elected to strive for the downfall of the government. The predominantly Tutsi army supported by some UPRONA politicians refused to accept President Ndadaye as their rightful commander in chief. In fact, the army chief of staff took President Ndadaye from the presidential palace to military barracks near Bujumbura and then murdered him. The army assasinated several other prominent Hutus and FRODEBU politicians including the Tutsi Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly, the Minister of Home Affairs and the Chief of Intelligence. The rationale behind the killing of the President and the Speaker at roughly the same time, was to create a constitutional crisis and pave the way for a military takeover (MFIC- URT, 1996).
The army’s attempts at bringing about a coup, met with stiff opposition from Hutus and supporters of UPRONA. Moderate Tutsis sympathetic to the democratic rights of the Hutu were eliminated by the army. The FRODEBU minister of agriculture, Mr. Cyprian Ntaryamirwa, appointed as president for the duration of Ndadaye’s term of office, also
6 met with a tragic death. He was killed in a plane crash in Kigali, Rwanda on the 6th April 1994, with the late President Juvenal Habyarimana. The replacement of President Ntyaryamirwa by the speaker of National Assembly, Mr. Sylvester Ntibantunganya, did not create confidence in the Hutu majority (Kaduga, 1996). The President was reduced to a mere figurehead through the appointment of a “Government Convention” by UPRONA and the army. The convention was a form of power-sharing of moderate political parties, including those without parliamentary seats, and the army. In this environment, FRODEBU received fourteen ministerial posts, despite having a majority of sixty-five seats against the sixteen seats of UPRONA. Tutsi-dominated opposition parties retained sixteen ministerial posts. This was a departure from existing constitutional regression in the form of Tutsi-dominated governance (MFIC-URT, 1996). The ministerial dispensation denied the majority party control of the key ministries, namely Defense and Justice. These institutions continued to be dominated by the Tutsi. The premiership went to the opposition (UPRONA). The president could not make any decision without consulting the Tutsi Prime Minister. In fact, no decision was possible without the consent of the military. The power and mandate that FRODEBU received were denied them through Government Convention. The senseless, politically inspired ethnic killings perpetrated by the Tutsi-dominated army and confounded by armed groups from both sides, led to a mass slaughter and the destruction of homes and property (Ndarubagiye, 1996). The number of internally displaced people swelled, with more than 100 refugees crossing into Tanzania on a daily basis. The Burundi crisis was a concern not only to Tanzania but also to the OAU, UN, and the entire peace-loving international community. The hostilities in Burundi threatened the democratic and economic development of the Great Lakes Region. The crisis led to a meeting of the GLR heads of states in Cairo, Egypt from the 28th – 29th November 1995. The former President of Tanzania, Ally H. Mwinyi, convened the meeting. The president of Democratic Republic of Congo (Zaire), Mobutu Seseko, Mobutu (Uganda’s president and a supporter of Ntibantuganya), Bizimungu of Burundi and representatives of Rwanda all attended the meeting. At that meeting, heads of states undertook to take joint action to advance peace, justice, reconciliation, stability and development in the region. This development might justifiably be considered an “African initiative”.
7 Significantly, the heads of states and delegations requested former president Mwalimu Julius Nyerere of the United Republic of Tanzania to act as a mediator in Burundi’s conflict (MFIC-URT, 1995).
Bradshaw (2008) argues that ethnic conflict has become a common form of conflict in the 21st century. It refers to a large-scale form of conflict which is extremely destructive. Such was the case in Burundi, which necessitated the Tanzanian mediation effort.
Since its independence, Tanzania has played a significant role in attempting to resolve conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa, especially so during the liberation struggle of South Africa. After the successful conclusion of liberation struggles in Southern Africa, Tanzania’s involvement in peace building focused more on conflict resolution in the Great Lakes Region. The aggression and large-scale killings in the Great Lakes Region, particularly in the neighbouring countries of Rwanda and Burundi, have challenged Tanzania in terms of its traditional response to conflict.
Indeed, Tanzania’s involvement in conflict resolution was apparent even before its independence (Kanuwa, 2003). Mwalimu Nyerere epitomized Tanganyika’s commitment to African Unity by inaugurating the Uhuru Torch. He declared that. “the people of Tanganyika would like to light a candle and put it on top of Mount Kilimanjaro which would shine beyond our borders, giving hope where there is despair, love where there is hate, dignity where there is only humiliation” (Nyerere, 1967). This was a clear indicator of how Tanganyika opposed any form of human aggression and humiliation (Kanuwa, 2003) and provided the benchmark for Tanzania’s support to conflict resolution and the peace process in Burundi. Tanzania, acting as mediator, decided to provide unwavering support to the conflict resolution process and reaching a peace agreement between the Hutu and Tutsi peoples in Burundi.
8 1.3 Research Aim
This study aims to examine and assess Tanzania's contribution to the mediation process in Burundi by evaluating the former’s attempts to resolve the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi from a mediation and conflict resolution perspective. This study examines how Tanzania became involved in the conflict resolution process and its involvement in the mediation process throughout, including the extent and urgency of its involvement.
The overall research aim is an assessment of Tanzania’s mediation process, in addition to the probable benefits and losses to the country by playing a mediation role in Burundi. What can we learn from this process that can assist other conflict resolution initiatives in this region?
1.4 Rationale
The rationale for this research study draws largely on personal experience and contextual evidence. Between the years 1978 – 1979, my host country (the United Republic of Tanzania) entered into a war with Uganda over border disputes. Although I was a child, the effects of that war were experienced by almost every family, sometimes in different ways.
Against this background, I explored my own situatedness as a researcher. The personal basis for this study was formed by my experience of learning and teaching history in Tanzania, Uganda and in my home town of Tabora. At the time, Tabora was the hub of the camps of refugees from Burundi. As a lecturer of history at the State University of Zanzibar (SUZA), Open University of Tanzania (OUT) and Dar es Salaam’s University College of Education (DUCE) during the years 2003-2010, I have gained an expansive knowledge concerning the causes and effects of conflict along the Great Lakes Region of East Africa.
9
My interest in conflict and international security within the context of conflict resolution intensified when I lectured certificate courses in Area Studies: Africa (04108), Conflict and Security Studies (SST 04206), a Diploma course on National Interest (SST06104) and a Postgraduate Diploma course of International Security and Arms Control (SS 320) at the Tanzania-Mozambique Centre for Foreign Relations. I taught these courses from 2012 until the present. Here I had the opportunity to interact with ambassadors, diplomats, officials of the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation (MNF), political scientists and international relations scholars from diverse institutions of higher learning. The MNF, through the National Committee on Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities of Tanzania, provided training for me by means of its courses aimed at the prevention of genocide and mass atrocities. Most ambassadors, political scientists and military officers attended the dialogues on conflict resolution in the Great Lakes Region of East Africa. Although some were not trained in the “know-how” of the management of conflict resolution, most of them had participated in one way or another in conflict resolution or peacekeeping in different parts of Africa. My learning from them through dialogue and discussions motivated me to conduct this study.
While teaching and attending these dialogues on conflict resolution, I noticed that most of these observers believed in one of two notions: a) the conflict actors are dispensers of conflict while the populace is at the receiving end of the conflict or b) conflict resolution is achievable only through coercive intervention and international sanctions.
The argument that I aim to develop is that such conceptions have the potential to refute citizen autonomy by encouraging too much of the “conflict actor’s” authority during conflict resolution. Conflict resolution is more appropriately anchored by the parties in conflict themselves and the governmental structures which allow for such resolution.
In the Great Lakes Region of East Africa, the anarch of conflict is the result of several contributing issues. These include inadequate governance, economic imbalances and ethnic conflict coupled with undemocratic attitudes (Mpangala, 2004). Most political
10 leaders are products of former rebel movements or undemocratically elected leadership who rarely consider democracy as a necessity for people of the region (Tidy & Mazrui, 1994). However, countries such as Tanzania and Kenya perform well in conflict resolution with high regard for citizen participation in internal conflict management or resolution, despite being under-resourced (Mpangala, 2001). The question arose as to what, and how one might learn from these countries with a view to helping other countries improve their conflict resolution strategies in order to solve their internal and neighbouring conflicts. This initiative serves as the crux of my research question or aim, noted above. As my research paradigm is transformative or human developmental, I intend to develop theory, specifically regarding the application of conflict management instruments in the Great Lakes region of Africa.
The success of conflict resolution in these countries (especially Tanzania) intensified my curiosity to examine Tanzania’s perspective of the mediation process in the Hutu and Tutsi conflict in Burundi. As noted by various scholars in the discipline (Bercovitch, 2003; Khadiagala, 2004; Mpangala, 2000; Zartman,1995), all political leaders possess concepts that influence their people’s actions. For my thesis, I therefore aim to develop a theoretical perspective and an argument from a conflict resolution perspective to evaluate their performance.
The abovementioned framework is intended to provide a motivation for the pursuit of a higher degree in Conflict Management by way of a thesis on conflict resolution within the context of the mediation perspective.
1.5 Problem Statement
There are many works on mediation, but most of these focus on the entry of the mediator, which is the second phase of the process, and the post-settlement phase. However, there is limited research on the assessment of the mediator in the mediation process. As Stephen (1994) points out, most conflict research has focused on the process of mediation and factors that either hinder or speed up the settlement of
11 disputes. Despite a few works that assess the mediator’s practice in mediation in cases of deep-rooted conflict (see for example Maundi, Zartman, Khadiagala & Nuamah, 2006), a ‘gap’ in the extant knowledge remains that needs to be filled. I aim to fill that gap, at least partially, with the results of this thesis. In this chapter and the next, I aim to demonstrate that ‘gap’.
This study attempts to contribute towards an assessment of Tanzania’s mediation process in conflict resolution of the conflict between Hutu and Tutsi and assess the process that guided the mediators in attempting to reach conflict resolution, as noted above. While much has been written on this Hutu-Tutsi conflict, little research has been conducted into Tanzania’s perspective on the mediation process. The study, therefore, seeks to examine Tanzania’s perspective on the mediation process in the Hutu and Tutsi conflict in Burundi, according to frameworks and guidelines as advocated by recent mediation scholarship (Burton, 1991 & Bercovitch, 2003).
1.6 Objectives of the Study:
The proposed research is guided by the following objectives: 1) To explore the mediation process utilized by Tanzania in resolving the conflict or in contributing towards the resolution of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people in Burundi. 2) To evaluate Tanzania’s mediation process in Burundi against the dominant precepts of Bercovitch and Burton’s guidelines for international mediation and conflict resolution. 3) To develop alternative mediation guidelines for deep-rooted social conflict.
1.7 Research Sub-Questions
The research is guided by the following research questions: 1) What mediation process did Tanzania use in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict resolution in Burundi? 2) How does Tanzania’s mediation process compare with the mediation
12 perspectives of Bercovitch and Burton? 3) How can mediation processes in deeply-rooted social conflict be improved?
1.8 Significance of the Study
This study commenced fully cognizant of the knowledge that the settlement that had been reached after the mediation, has not been a lasting solution to the conflict in Burundi. The formation of the transitional government is in place and yet some parties in the conflict are still dissatisfied with the government in power. The accord that led to this arrangement is embodied in the Arusha Agreement.
Furthermore, in reaching the agreement in Arusha during the mediation process, not all parties bothered to sign the agreement. Certain adversaries in the conflict either withdrew from the mediation process or refused to sign the agreement, due to their dissatisfaction with the process. The significance of this study is to generate detailed knowledge and understanding about the mediation processes between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi in particular, and the perspectives of mediators in conflict negotiations in Africa in general. In the 21st century, violence and conflicts still characterize Africa, due either to internal or cross-border conflicts. Many of these conflicts are long standing. I identified a corresponding need to assess the mediation process and its challenges and to develop improved initiatives to this end. This study aims to provide insight into how mediators work and how different methodologies of mediation are likely to perform within a specific context. In addition, through an extensive literature review concerning mediatory procedures and expertise in that field, this study provides and strengthens critical knowledge regarding mediation processes, a burning issue in Africa. Domestic and regional conflicts in Africa need to be addressed and resolved by Africans; simply because they have resulted in mass killings and other disasters. Tanzania, through President Mwalimu Nyerere, has demonstrated a good example of how a mediator can play an effective role in facilitating a peaceful agreement and settlement. The Hutu and Tutsi conflict resulted in a series of massacres, the worst being the massacre in Burundi in 1972 (Mazrui and Tidy,
13 1994), which preceded the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, where more than 800,000 people were massacred (Semtawa, 2006).
The frequent killings in Burundi and Rwanda underline the imperative to intervene and resolve the long-standing conflict between the Hutu and the Tutsi peoples. Conflicts in these countries have seriously affected the socio-economic development of the Great Lakes region of Africa. Originally, Tanzania appealed to the Organization of Africa Unity to intervene in the Hutu and Tutsi conflict in order to stop the killing in Burundi, as early as the 1970’s (Melady, 1974).
Finally, Tanzania became involved as a mediator to facilitate a peace settlement, as mentioned above. Firstly, by exploring the parameters of a specific case study in conflict settlement through the peaceful method of mediation (Tanzania’s intervention in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict) this study will contribute significantly to the literature on this topic. Secondly, more generally, it aims to contribute to literature on the subject of conflict resolution and mediation in the context of deeply-rooted conflict. Thirdly, the findings could facilitate an improved process of mediation. Lastly, the findings of the study may be a catalyst for further debate on the mediation process and mediators’ practices.
1.9 Clarification of Terms and Concepts
It is important here to clarify key terms and concepts as they are used and understood in this study. Actor refers to a state or a non-state, formally organized or organized group (www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/definitions/, 2016). Conflict refers to a state of human interaction where there is disharmony or a perceived divergence of interest, needs or goals. There is an interest, need or goal which cannot be achieved due to interference from the other person(s) (ACCORD, 2001). Conflict Management means that conflict is a dynamic social process, moving from an initial, latent stage, to maturity and termination (Bercovitch, 1984).
14 Conflict resolution means terminating conflict by methods that are analytical and getting to the root of the problem (Burton, 1961). Deep-rooted conflict refers to both the causes and the nature of the conflict, which is long-standing and difficult to resolve (Burton, 1990). Dyad is made up of two armed and opposing actors. In state-based conflicts, a dyad is defined as two actors (with one or more being the state government), that have a stated incompatibility (www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/definitions/, 2016). Arbitration refers to a process of conflict resolution in which the parties take their dispute to an impartial third party, who provides them with a decision which enables them to end their conflict (Schellenberg, 1996). Interventions mean to enter into an ongoing system of relationships to come between or among persons, groups, or objects for the purpose of helping them (Moore, 1996). Third Party Interventions refers to the intervention into a dispute of a person or an agency whose purpose is to act as an instrument for bringing about peaceful settlement (Harbottle, 1980). Parties in conflict refer to individuals, groups, organizations, nations, or other systems in conflict. Mediation refers to the intervention in negotiation or conflict of an acceptable third party who has limited or no authoritative decision-making power but who assists the involved parties in voluntarily reaching a mutually acceptable settlement of issues in dispute (Moore, 1996). Mediator refers to the third party, a person not directly involved in the dispute, who enters in order to settle or resolve it (Moore, 1996). Negotiation refers to the talks held between at least two of the disputing parties in a conflict (www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/definitions/, 2016). Party refers to a government of a state or any opposition organization or alliances of opposition organizations in conflict (www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/definitions/, 2016). Scientific inquiry refers to the methods and activities that lead to the development of scientific knowledge (Lederman, 2009).
15 1.10 Research Design and Methodology
This study adopts a qualitative methodology approach using an intrinsic case study design that examines Tanzania’s mediatory process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi. An intrinsic case study approach was deemed appropriate since I wished to gain a better understanding of the mediation process between the Hutu and Tutsi (Yin, 2015) and its use of a small number of participants (Creswell, 2013).
The report adopts purposive sampling, as participants were selected according to selected criteria relevant to the research sub-questions (Ivankova, Creswell & Clark, 2008). A study sample of two officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Tanzania - one from civil society and a scholar of political science and international relations (from a higher learning institution) - were purposefully selected after their acceptance to be interviewed.
Of these, two were identified to have informed views of the mediation process and the other had inexperienced views. The five informants formed the study sample and the interview centred on Tanzania’s intervention in the mediation process between Hutus and Tutsis. A group of thirteen people was selected to form a focus group discussion to give their views about the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi of Burundi. Documents, including articles, books, minutes, letters and resolutions of mediation processes were reviewed. This will be explained further in Chapter Eight, where I advance my conclusion and recommendations. The three methods of collecting the data used were documentary review, focus group discussion and open-ended individual interviews. The analysis of data was made using appropriate qualitative techniques, explained further in the methodology chapter.
1.11 Division of Chapters
The first chapter provides an introduction and background to the study, the problem statement and aims, and the definition of concepts, including the significance of the
16 study, as well as an overview of the research design, methodology and the rationale of the study.
Chapter Two will present different literature reviews on conflict theories, including the notion of deep-rooted and protracted social conflict from various scholars in the field. These include Burton (1990), Jeong (2010), Zartman (1991), Bercovitch (2007), Anstey (2006), Pruitt (2005), Schellenberg (1996), Moore (1993), Lederach (2004), Deustch (1993 ), Azar (1989 ), Steadman (1991) and others. This chapter focuses on the origins and causes of conflict by analyzing different theories of conflict. The literature surveyed in this study has been used as a mechanism to assess origin causes of deep-rooted conflict between Burundi’s Hutu and Tutsi peoples.
Chapter Three will present a literature review of intervention strategies as well as the aspects of mediation. I include the work of scholars such as Burton, Jeong, Zartman, Nathan, Bercovitch Anstey, Pruitt, Schellenberg Moore, Lederach, Deutsch, Azar, Khadiagala, Steadman, and others. This chapter focuses on analyzing different types of conflict intervention. The literature surveyed in this study was used as a mechanism to discuss the approaches and strategies of mediation and the qualities of good mediators.
Chapter Four will present the historic relationship between Burundi and Tanzania. It will be presented in two sections:
The first section will present a brief history of Burundi, based on the origins of the Burundian people. This section focuses on the pre-colonial societies, the historical background of the Hutu and Tutsi conflict and the origins of people (from the pre- colonial period and during colonial domination). It poignantly encompasses the last five decades of conflict experience introduced by different regimes. These regimes were comprised of leaders such as Mwami Mwamabutsa IV (1962 - 65), Mwami Ntare Charles Ndizeye V (1965 - 66), Micombero (1966 - 76), Bagaza (1976 - 87), Buyoya (1987 - 93), Dadaye (1993), Ntaryamira (1993 - 94), Ntibantunganya (1994 - 96) and Buyoya (1996- 2005).
17 The second section will present a brief historical background of the United Republic of Tanzania. It will portray the initiatives of Tanzania in the mediation process of the aforesaid conflict.
Chapter Five presents the research methodology, the overview of the qualitative research method and theoretical framework. The research methodology explained in this chapter is one which the researcher considers to be appropriate in answering his research question. It outlines the appropriate procedure with which to investigate the problem and shows the sources of data used in the study. It also analyses the philosophical assumptions and interpretive framework used in this qualitative research. In addition, it discusses in detail the qualitative philosophical assumptions used in the study.
Chapter Six presents results from the participants on the assessment of the Tanzanian mediation processes in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi (based on mediation perspectives).
Chapter Seven presents analysis, interpretation of the data and discussion of the major findings, revealing the mediation process of Tanzania from a mediation perspective.
In Chapter Eight the findings, conclusion and recommendations of this study will be presented.
1.12 Conclusion
This chapter provided an overview of the assessment of the Tanzanian mediation process attempting to resolve the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi peoples in Burundi. The objectives of the research, specific research questions and focus of inquiry for the study were outlined. The chapter concludes by unpacking the definitions of terms and concepts used in this study. The chapter that follows, presents a literature review relating to various conflict theories in addition to the notion of deep–rooted and protracted conflicts in order to provide the theoretical underpinnings of the thesis as it proceeds.
18 CHAPTER TWO: A REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON THEORIES OF CONFLICT AND THE NOTION OF DEEP-ROOTED CONFLICT
This chapter presents an overview of certain prominent theories of social conflict that inform this study. In this regard, I will be providing an overview of John Burton’s ideas regarding deep-rooted social conflict, and the variants thereof of scholars working in the same field, such as Edward Azar. In this regard, their ideas concerning the frustration of basic human needs as a causative factor in deep-rooted social conflict, will also be highlighted. Conflict scholars such as Jeong (2010), Zartman (1991), Bercovitch (2007), Anstey (2006), Pruitt (2005), Schellenberg (1996), Moore (1993), Lederach (2004), Deutsch (1993), Steadman (1991) and others have also provided additional insights into this form of conflict and its management. The choice of these particular theoretical insights is based on the fact that the Burundian conflict, displaying as it does perceived communal differences, and frustrated basic human needs clearly falls into the category of deep-rooted social conflict. The reader should note that theory relating to the management of conflict will not be dealt with here, but rather in the next chapter, though there may be an unavoidable degree of overlap.
The chapter focuses on causes of conflict by considering, synthesizing and analysing different theories of conflict. It must be understood that, notwithstanding the useful efforts of scholars such as Dahrendorf (1958), Fink (1968), Blalock (1989), Isard (1992) and Sandole (1998) to produce multi-factorial explanations of the phenomenon, there is as yet no general theory of conflict. As an extremely complex field of human activity, there are but partial theories of the phenomenon. Each tends to focus on only some aspects of conflict. It will therefore be necessary for us to include a number of different partial theories to underpin the study. The literature surveyed in this study was used as a framework for assessing the original causes of deep-rooted social conflict between Burundi’s Hutu and Tutsi peoples. We begin by examining some selected, well-known understandings of the place of conflict and its significance, as discussed in the theoretical literature.
19 2.1 Conflict in Society
This section addresses the more general, and definitional aspects of social conflict, and its role in society. Human conflict has been defined by various scholars in different ways. In general, conflict has been defined as a disagreement or misunderstanding between two people, groups or nations. Pruitt and Rubin (1986) define conflict as a means of supporting divergent interests, or the belief that the conflicting parties’ current aspirations cannot be achieved simultaneously. The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD [2001]) defines conflict as a state of human interaction where there is disharmony or a perceived divergence of interests, needs or goals. These interests, needs or goals cannot be achieved, due to interference from dissenters, or third parties.
Okeke (2006) also defines conflict as a special kind of social interaction, process, or “interaction” relationship between parties who have mutually exclusive or incompatible values, a struggle between opposing forces, opposing ideas, or interests. He refers to opposition between two simultaneous, but incompatible, desires or inclinations sometimes leading to emotional dispute.
According to Jeong (2010), conflict is manifested through an adversary’s social action, involving two or more actors who maintain an expression of differences, often accompanied by intense hostilities. The conditions of scarcity (for instance caused by soil degradation or depletion of water in river basins or lakes in Central Africa) and value incompatibilities can become a continuing source of contention. In Rwanda and Burundi, and other African states, ethnicity, combined with scarcity of resources have created social disturbances which resulted in armed conflict and destruction of the lives of innocent people.
Galtung (2000) defines social conflict as a complex phenomenon, which refers to the behaviour and attitudes of parties, as well as a structural foundation of contention amongst social collectives. Galtung’s by now famous ABC conflict triangle helpfully
20 explains the relationships between behaviour, attitude and contradiction. Frustration is a source of conflict in terms of attitude, describing the incorporated situation, when interaction with behaviour (arguing, lying, hurting or fighting), tends to prompt conflict (Bercovitch, 1984).
Figure 2.1: Manifest and Latent Conflict: The ABC Triangle of Conflict
BEHAVIOUR
Source: (in Bradshaw 2008: 16, adapted from Galtung 1972) p.72
In line with Galtung’s thinking, Jacob Bercovitch (1984) explains conflict as a phenomenon which is much broader than that implied by its physical connotation alone. Conflict is used to describe inconsistency, as well as the process of attempting to find a solution; it has both physical and moral implications(;), embracing opinions as well as situations, and a wider range of behaviour.
In similar vein, Burton (1990) explains further how the notion of conflict can be used to provide direction in studying social conflict. He defines conflict as a “kind of behaviour on the part of a person, group or nation that goes beyond the normal disagreement and confrontation that characterize much of the usual social, economic and competitive life of society”. In this regard, he makes a distinction between conflict and disputes. Overtly, conflict is behaviour that is, or has the potential of being, destructive to persons, 21 properties, and systems. The issues that lead to conflict are not the ordinary ideas, choices, preferences and interests which are argued and negotiated as part of normal social living. They are sources, deeply rooted in human behaviours.
Human conflict can be viewed as the disagreements, misunderstandings or differences between individuals or groups, regarding interests, attitudes, beliefs or the redistribution of resources. The catalyst of conflict is influenced to a great extent by the behaviour of society. There is often a need to mediate conflict before it causes a negative impact on the society. However, before addressing the matter of intervention, there is a need to understand the different types of social conflicts. This is important for our study, as each type responds best to certain forms of intervention, and less well to others. I discuss the most important types of conflict below.
2.2 Types of Conflict
The classification of social conflict has been categorized into different aspects and domains by different academics. Scholars of international relations deal with the conflicts amongst states, and focus on war, territorial border disputes, and national interests. There happens to be another view of conflict in the field of industrial relations, focusing on the conflict between labour and management. Here the concentration is on labour law, negotiation and mediation (Bradshaw 2008:19). On the other hand, conflict has been viewed in its social aspect regarding family affairs such as divorce, inheritance or child abuse. To quote Bradshaw: ‘As a trans-disciplinary field of conflict management has emerged, the literature has taken up the issue of conflict in different domains, by listing these various arenas of social conflict. Generally speaking, the conflict field has been divided up into a number of different types according to the specific domains in which it occurs’ (Bradshaw 2008:19).
There are consequently a number of different classificatory schemes presented by some of the important scholars of social conflict. According to Bradshaw, conflict can be categorized into four broad categories, with some categories being sub-divided. The first category of conflict is intrapersonal. This is conflict within the individual concerning
22 decisions, or choices that are difficult to make. The second category is interpersonal conflict; this is a conflict among individuals within a family or a community; for instance, a conflict between parent and child over responsibilities within the household. The third category is an intergroup conflict; this is a broad category of conflict or disagreement between two or more parties or groups over a certain interest. It might be public disputes regarding the environment or issues of development, industrial conflict, ethnic conflict, or class conflict, or civil war.
The final category is conflict among states; this is conflict sometimes referred to as international conflict, the most extreme version of which is known as warfare, and can be defined as a violent disagreement between two states over a certain interest such as the course of a border; for example, the well-known border disagreements between Nigeria and Cameroon (Bradshaw 2008). On the subject of international strife, on the other hand, Wallenstein (2002) identifies three general forms of conflict: interstate, internal, and state-formation conflicts. Interstate conflicts are disputes between nation- states or violations of the state system of alliances. The international community, however, has become increasingly concerned with a rise in the frequency and intensity of internal conflicts, which is contributing to the expanding nature, sophistication, and, at times, legitimization of interventionist policies. Examples of internal and state-formation conflicts include civil and ethnic wars, anti-colonial struggles, secessionism, autonomous movements and territorial conflicts, including battles over the control of a government.
Different conflict classifications are also presented via the scholarly work of Deutsch (1973), Holsti (1996) and Mitchell (1981). Firstly, Deutsch describes five basic types of conflict issues:
(a) Resources (b) Preferences (c) The nature of relationship (d) Values (e) Beliefs.
23 Secondly, Holsti (1996), focusing on international conflict, gives prominence to six different types of issues:
(a) Limited territorial means (b) Nature of government (c) National honour (d) Liberation conflict (e) Imperialism (f) National unification.
Thirdly, Mitchell describes five basic types of issues which lead to conflict in most states as: resources, sovereignty, issues of survival, honour, and ideology.
Finally, Singer (1996) classifies conflict based on the political status of conflicting parties. He maintains his original distinction between (a) interstate wars and (b) colonial wars, but adds two further classes of non-interstate conflict: (c) civil conflicts (which may be an insurgent or revolutionary group within the recognised territorial boundaries of the state), and (d) complex intra-state wars in former colonial states, where the dispute may come from culturally defined groups. In these groups, members identify with one another, and the group, on the basis of shared racial, ethnic, linguistic, religious, or kinship characteristics (such as in the situation of Hutu and Tutsi in both Burundi and Rwanda).
Holsti (1996) later adapted his new, revised classification of conflict. He had earlier (1989) categorized international (interstate) conflict in terms of 24 issues, grouped into five composite sets: conflict over territory, economics, nation-state creation, ideology, and human sympathy (i.e. ethnicity or religion). He concluded that the incidence of the first two groups was in decline, but that the last three were increasing. He now focuses on non-interstate war and bases his taxonomy on types of actors and/or objectives, ending up with four categories of conflict:
24 (a) State versus state wars (for example the border dispute between Tanzania and Uganda ended in the war of 1978/79) and armed interventions involving significant loss of human life (the Kenya army in Somalia, fighting against Al- Shabab, and the Ugandan and Rwandan armies in the Democratic Republic of Congo fighting against M.23); (b) The decolonizing wars of national liberation movements such as those in Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Angola; (c) Internal wars based on ideological goals (e.g., the Sendero Luminoso in Peru, and the Monteneros in Uruguay), and; (d) State-nation wars, including armed resistance by ethnic, language and/or religious groups, often with the purpose of secession or separation from the state (e.g. Al-Shabab in Somalia, Boko-Haram in Nigeria and the Tamils in Sri Lanka).
Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, and Miall (2011) explain that conflict is a universal feature of human society. It finds its origins in economic differentiation, social change, cultural formation, psychological development and political organization, all of which are inherently conflictual, and become overt through the formation of conflict parties which come to have, or are perceived to have, mutually incompatible goals.
The discussion of basic types of conflict situations in terms of the burning issues at stake has been extended by Deutsch (1968), Holsti (1996) and Mitchell (1981). Deutsch portrayed five types of conflict issues as mentioned above: resources, preferences, nature of a relationship, values, and beliefs. Holsti, who on the other hand, concentrated on international conflict, gave prominence to six types of issues: (a) limited territorial issues, (b) issues related to the nature of government, (c) matters of national honour, (d) liberation conflict, (e) imperialism, and (f) national unification.
The most useful classification in respect of the nature of issues, especially issues relating to state- and interstate conflict, appears to be from Mitchell. He describes five basic types of issues as follows:
25 (a) Issues of resources (b) Issues of sovereignty (c) Issues of survival (d) Issues of honour (e) Issues of ideology.
An opposing explanation of the root cause of internal conflict in Africa refers to the cases where the community wrongly perceives structural imbalances in control of resources, ownership, and resource distribution. The issues of power and authority become crucial, as each group employs its capacity to maintain a position of privilege (Anstey, 1991). Thus, in the instance of Burundi, because of the presence of three ethnic groups (Tutsi, Hutu and the Twa), the power struggle between the Hutu and Tutsi led to them fighting each other. The primary issue at stake was control over decision- making and political positions in the state.
Conflict theories are theories of human social conflict propounded by sociologists, social psychologists, anthropologists and political scientists regarding how they can be expressed and resolved (Bradshaw 2008). Conflict theories emanate largely from the causes of conflict. There are four different causes of conflict in a society or nation. Firstly, conflicts can be caused by individual characteristics based on nature or attitude. This type of conflict can be altered by changing the aggressive attitudes of the individuals concerned. The second cause of conflict arises from the process of interaction between individuals or groups. Such conflicts can be resolved by changing the process of interaction, developing new ways to handle conflict and avoiding unproductive confrontation. Thirdly, the social structural approach shows how conflict stems from the formation and organization of society. Such conflicts can be resolved through social reform or revolution, whereby the society is changed in order to eliminate the primary tensions. The fourth approach to conflict is by means of using a mathematical approach and logic, setting up models and identifying points of equilibrium. These activities help to give a formal description of the conflict condition and are sometimes called formal theory (Schellenberg 1996:12,13).
26 The conflict theory adopted by this study is a social structural approach which indicates that the Hutu and Tutsi conflict emanates from the Burundian colonial formations and organization. The Belgian colonial government through their policy of “divide and rule” created a division of social organization based on ethnic groups which continue to form the basis of much of the tensions and stresses in that country to this day. Ethnic conflict is one of the commonly recognised conflict types and will therefore enjoy our more detailed attention below.
Irobi (2005) identifies two causes of ethnic conflict. Firstly, the failure to distribute resources equitably is a common cause of many ethnic conflicts in Africa. People are competing to access jobs, education, good social services and amenities. The second cause of ethnic conflict is a psychological one whereby an ethnic group feels insecure and afraid of disappearing or being dominated by another ethnic group. In order to ensure their existence, the insecure group tends to react by fighting.
According to Bradshaw (2008), ethnic conflict has become a common form of conflict in the 21st century. Large-scale conflict is extremely destructive and very common in many parts of the world. In Africa itself, it is common in sub-Saharan Africa, for example in Burundi and Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, Kenya and Southern Sudan. Schneckener (2004) notes that parties in ethnic conflict might attempt to eliminate their opponent through the process of genocide or ethnocide, forced population transfer or forced integration.
Gurr and Harff propose a fourfold categorisation of ethnic conflict, including ethnonationalists, indigenous peoples, communal contenders and ethnoclasses. Each of these gives rise to a different form of conflict, which may be exacerbated, or complicated where religious difference compounds a situation (1994).
In a related view, Bradshaw (2008) argues that people with different values, such as ideologies or religions, may experience conflicts over these. He comments that many conflicts in the world are based on differences in values. In Africa, ethnic conflict has
27 become very common. Ethnic conflict originates from a tendency of one group to feel that they are ‘superior’ to another. A good case study is the situation in both Burundi and Rwanda, where there is a struggle for dominance between the Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups. The conflict Cube, noted below, shows up relationships between values, data, structure and needs, in relation to the outbreak of a conflict.
Cultural ethnocentrism has been linked to the sources of conflict in societies. Cultural ethnocentrism is the belief that some cultures are superior to others, regardless of whether they are presently in their own countries or in a host state. Consequently, anything that contravenes the norms of their culture can be a source of conflict. The theory contends that ethnic or racial images of a deep-rooted nature can become sources of conflict in society, especially in multi-ethnic or plural societies, where public institutions or public policies that guarantee tolerance of polycentric culture are inadequate.
Herisse (n.d.) demonstrates that the ideology of superiority of one ethnic group over another, the belief that they possess unique values and rights, often breeds conflict. This ideology serves as a struggle for power and wealth. It has an impact on individuals who attempt to find personal security, thereby promoting conflict. The Burundian conflict has been affected by the ideology of ethnocentrism or superiority of one ethnic group over the other.
2.3 Theories of Conflict
A theory is an overview of a phenomenon, an explanation of how or why something occurs. Indeed, any statements that explain what is measured or described, any general statements about cause or effect are theory based (Hauss, 2010). The study of conflict has led to the formation of various theories within the social sciences. As we have mentioned above, there is as yet no general theory of social conflict. There have been many partial theories, bearing the hallmarks of the specific disciplines from which they originate. There are two main types of theories: the empirical theory seeks to explain why certain
28 phenomena occur and therefore, focuses on the relationship between cause and effect. Normative theories, on the other hand, are designed to prescribe what should be done when dealing with those phenomena (Hauss, 2010). These theories try to provide a better understanding of the approach to studying conflict. I list some of the more influential theories of conflict that provide a useful illumination of the Burundian conflict in the section below.
2.3.1 Human Needs theory Human motivation requires some development of humanity; some groups are culturally specific, while others are of a transitory nature. These motivations are socially and politically significant. The three categories of motivations may be policy viewpoints that are universal to human groups (the cultural, and those that are transitory). These motivations can be viewed as needs, values, and interests. Needs are a fundamental part of a human being (in the world). Australian scholar John Burton, who was struck by the intractability of certain conflicts, and their resistance to traditional means of conflict settlement, postulated that the underlying issues in these conflicts had to somehow be different to the basic disputes that seemed amenable to negotiation and mediation. He proposed that these conflicts, that were often characterised by transculturalism, were based on frustrations of basic human needs. Because human needs constitute such a fundamental driver of human behaviour, their influence on conflicting parties allowed for no concessions in the commonly understood approaches to negotiation and mediation. The satisfaction of basic human needs is considered to be critical to growth and development (Burton, 1990). Human needs in individual and identity groups are a fundamental factor, and needs will be pursued by all means available within the norms of society; unless satisfied, they will likely lead to behaviour that is outside the legal norms of the society. For Burton, this explained why negotiation or mediated negotiation, which frequently required concessions resulting in needs satisfactions, often broke down. Although Burton was influenced by Maslow’s notion of basic human needs, he presented his own version of the needs theory that rejects the element of hierarchy that is at the centre of Maslow’s proposition. Basic human needs are relentlessly pursued, whether they are physical, or psychological in nature. For Burton,
29 this explained how frustrations of identity, control and security needs in some conflicts often took precedence over issues such as immediate threat to life and limb.
Whenever there is oppression, discrimination, underprivilege and isolation, the defense of a sense of values is important to the needs and defense of personal security. Interest refers to the occupational, social, political and economic aspiration of the individual, and identifies a group of individuals within a social system. The interest motivation as a driving force is connected to the individual’s needs and values gains (Pruitt & Rubin, 1986). Burton (1990) argues that interest motivation contains a different level of incentive for human beings, absent when conflicts threaten identity needs, and undermine the social cohesion as a sense of sharing (that is necessary for a society which strives to achieve equality). The interrelationships of a human being’s needs, values and interests can be viewed in the reproduction of Bradshaw’s conflict cube below.
Figure 2.2:The Conflict Cube
relationships
data needs values interests
structures
Source : (Bradshaw, 1992)
30 2.3.2 Social Structural theory The structural theory of conflict is drawn from the explanation of two sources: firstly, it links Karl Marx’s dialectical school of thought with the expanded contributions of Engels and Lenin. Marx propounds a theory of an economic base for explaining the cause of conflict between different classes in society (Schellenberg, 1996: 80-82). The Marxian conflict perspective holds that there is a structured form of conflict in the society, which is generated from the relationships between those who own private property and the means of production (the bourgeoisie) and those who are separated from this process of materialism, but work for the propertied class under exploitative and subordinate arrangements (the proletariat). Marx takes the argument further - that such exploitative and authoritarian power of the bourgeoisie will evolve into conflict in which the proletarians will ultimately revolt and overthrow the propertied class, to establish a socialist order that would place the masses (workers) in control (Ebimaro, 2008, Schellenberg, 1996:82, 83). Perhaps the most undeniable factor of social conflict is anchored in economic disparities among states, between individuals and groups. Economic disparities are generated from two main sources. Firstly, they may result from the natural accumulation of wealth, due to hard work and frugality in the good usage of resources (over others). Secondly, this may also have been generated from the wrongful exploitation of national resources arising from contradictions of democracy in underdeveloped states, by the economic and political elite, or the activities of multi-national Corporations (MNCs) supported by their own, or by host governments. For example, the Tutsi of Burundi were favoured by the colonial government, enabling them to possess greater wealth, in comparison to the Hutu and Twa groups. On the eve of Burundi’s independence, the majority of those who possessed fertile land, large numbers of cattle, who formed the elite and were educated, and who held colonial government offices, were Tutsi (Buyoya, 2011).
The economic differences between the Hutu and Tutsi remained clear, even in the post- independence period. This situation instigated mobilisation amongst the Hutus in order to fight for economic benefits for all the people of Burundi (Ndarubagire, 1996). This theory to some extent reflects what happened in Burundi. There was a structural conflict
31 whereby the relationship between Hutu and Tutsi was antagonistic. The Tutsi group owned land, big business and held decision-making posts in government, while the Hutu people were deprived of the enjoyment of the resources of their nation. This domination and exploitation by the Tutsis caused the Hutu and Twa to mobilize, by joining forces in order to overthrow the Tutsi clan from their position of dominance.
2.3.3 Realist theory Realist theory is mostly associated with the behaviour of states, in international relations, in the pursuit of “national interest”. States are the major actors or units of analysis in the interaction of states. They are also associated with self-interest (inherent in human nature) in the process of social relations. Accordingly, states, just like human beings, are “engaged in an inescapable interdependence in the world’s affairs and no state can wholly shape others to its own will but adjusts to the world to soothe their purpose while adjusting” (Deutsch, 1978). A central concern of international Realism is power and the pursuit of power. In the anarchical international society, there is no central authority to manage the interactions of states. They are therefore frequently thrown back upon their own means to establish their security. This results in all states having to expand their own sources of power (military, economic, etc) in order to secure themselves. This, in turn leads to arms races, and other forms of competition that are likely to decrease the net security of all the states in the system. Given its modern groundwork by scholars such as E.H. Carr (1939), and Hans Morgenthau (1978), Realism has been the dominant approach to international conflict by states since the period between the two world wars. The logic of Realism is therefore that to maintain peace, states have to prepare for war. Although Realism is largely pertinent to international relations, it draws from the classic works of scholars such as Machiavelli, and Thomas Hobbes, whose purview spoke to the broader terrain of politics more generally. In Hobbes’ perspective, the natural state of human beings was a power struggle, pure and simple. In this view, conflict in society is still generic to innate tendencies leading to anger, demonstrations and aggression, especially when such anger and might coalesce into uniting a group of people (Ebimaro, 2008).
32 2.3.4 Deep – Rooted, or Protracted Social Conflict The notion of protracted social conflict, sometimes referred to as deep-rooted conflict, was developed by basic human needs theorists such as Burton and Edward Azar, and should be regarded as an outflow of Burton’s take on basic human needs. Azar contends that many conflicts in the underdeveloped parts of the world are characterized by an unclear demarcation between internal and external sources and actors. There are also various causal factors and dynamics, reflected in changing the goals, actions, and targets of such conflict. Finally, these conflicts do not show clear starting and terminating points (Azar, 1986). Burton made a distinction between what he termed ‘disputes’, and what he termed ‘deep-rooted social conflict’. The former were simple conflicts of interest, which were easily settled. Deep-rooted social conflict, on the other hand was, according to him, the result of frustrated basic human needs. Such conflict was extremely difficult to settle and needed to be properly resolved. As has been mentioned above, negotiation and mediation alone were insufficient to take on this form of conflict. Edward Azar, a colleague of Burton’s, developed the notion of a deeper, more difficult conflict much further, and wrote of protracted social conflict, which he gave four core characteristics.
In the first place, protracted social conflict displays a communal aspect, and he referred to the fact that it displays some aspects of what we generally call ethnic conflict. There would normally be some identity group (or groups) involved. Secondly, Azar includes Burton’s notion of frustrated basic human needs as one of the characteristics of such conflict. The third characteristic relates to the fact that a skewed governmental provision of services along communal lines would likely drive the conflict further. The final characteristic of protracted social conflict relates to the fact that it becomes internationalized, often flowing across state boundaries, which makes for outside interference, and consequently, difficult conflict management (Miall et al 2000:71-77).
Burton (1990) argues that deep-rooted conflict refers to both the causes and the nature of a conflict. A conflict of some negotiable interest is manageable without severe consequences by a bargaining process that may leave one side, or both, disappointed.
33 But a deep-rooted conflict, in which there are issues at stake that are not negotiable, requires a more sophisticated means of resolution. He draws attention to serious and deep-rooted conflicts, as distinct from superficial ones. South Africa’s transition from apartheid to a democracy evidenced a deep-seated social conflict. Burton further contends that proper analysis is vital to determine whether a superficial conflict may result in consequences and/or deeply rooted origins of conflict. For this reason, Burton calls on conflict resolution professionals to seek rigorous theoretical training. Consequently, those disputes that appear to be relatively superficial demand handling with a full awareness of the nature of human conflict. Burton therefore envisaged that a constructive intervention role could be played by scholars in the social sciences, who had a good understanding of the working of social conflict. In this regard, he wrote of the role of the ‘scholar practitioner’.
34 Azar (1989) argues that deep–rooted conflict is common in the under-developed world that is characterized by a demarcation between internal and external sources and actors. Azar further explains the nature of deep-rooted conflict as follows: “the communal content of deep-rooted social conflict; societies are characterized by multi- communal composition, in the sense of politicized ethnic, religious, linguistic or cultural identity groups”. In other words, a denial of basic human needs leads to deep-rooted social conflict.
Needs theorists (Burton, 1961 and Azar, 1989) argue that the survival of human beings depends on their ability to satisfy their basic human needs. If one group enjoys a surplus of “need satisfaction”, the needs of other groups will remain partially satisfied or unsatisfied, and grievances are likely to occur due to deprivation. Usually, in an authoritarian government, deep-rooted conflict and the level of satisfaction or deprivation of basic needs are influenced by the intervening or facilitating role of the state. Many states experiencing deep-rooted conflict tend to be characterized simply by the failure to satisfy basic human needs.
Resolving deep-rooted conflict frequently requires a form of facilitation, which results in an escalation in the dialogue between the parties. The escalation of verbal conflict is designed to bring to the surface strongly felt issues, rather than attempting to reduce tensions by moderating language and promoting improved relationships. In practice, it is often only at the point of seeming deadlock that the analysis reveals the underlying issues generating the conflict. Focusing on areas of agreement and smoothing over differences can be a serious obstacle to achieving a lasting agreement (Burton, 1990).
When role players come together as representatives of factions, communities or nations, this consensus-manufacturing approach can have serious consequences. Recorded cases of deaths and suicides of representatives are present in the research literature dealing with ethnic and community conflicts. The reasons are obvious. If a facilitated interaction results in altered perceptions and values by those who are participating, their re-entry problems when they return to those whom they represent
35 can become acute (Bercovitch, 2000).
There can be no solution to a conflict unless the perceptions and values of those who are represented are taken into account, as political realities, in facilitated discussions. Either a representative must be provided with evidence of false perceptions and the need to alter attitudes that they can convincingly convey to their constituents, or the options offered must be the original demands made by the constituency (Bercovich, 1984).
In the following sections I will be illustrating aspects of conflict in Africa general, in the Great Lakes region, as well as conflict in Burundi, in particular to make a case for its protractedness.
2.4 Conflicts in Africa
As is the case elsewhere, African conflicts have multiple origins. Stedman (1991) argues that conflict in Africa arises from the problem of meeting the basic needs of populations, competition for state power, access to, and distribution of resources, and the question of “good democracy”, security and survival. Thus, conflict in Africa today arises primarily from a crisis of internal governance. The implication is that many systems of governance in African countries are not transparent; or are characterised by regionalism and favouritism in respect of certain groups. These situations lead to resistance against the advantaged group and result in fighting and often the removal from power of those who were dominant.
Meredith (2006) clearly illustrates the condition of Africa in an observation that although the continent has great diversity, African states have much in common as they share the hazards and difficulties they have faced. Indeed, after fifty years of independence, African states are still suffering the misfortune of social conflict. The continent of Africa has been engaged in multiple decades of conflict since attaining independence from
36 their former colonial rulers. Although many African states gained independence, their nationalist struggle left wounds that have not yet healed. The twentieth century in Africa was characterized by intractable conflicts caused by exploitation and injustice (Malan, 1997). The extent of African conflict can be appreciated by reference to the figure below.
Table 2.1: Major Deadly Conflicts in Africa
Location Inception Principal Conflictants Deaths Algeria 1992 Govt. of Algeria vs FIS, GIA etc (Islamic > 60,000 Angola 1975/1992 Govt. of Angola vs UNITA > 500,000 Burundi 1993 Govt. of Burundi vs Hutu etc militia > 100,000 Chad 1966 Govt. of Chad vs CSNPD, MDD > 100,000 Egypt 1992 Govt. of Egypt vs Gamaat Islamiya > 1,000 Kenya 1992 Govt. of Kenya vs tribal resistance > 1,500 Liberia 1989 Govt. of Liberia/ECOWAS Vs. NPFL, > 200,000 Krahn factions etc. Rwanda 1990 Govt. of Rwanda vs Hutu death squads > 800,000 Sierra Leone 1989 Govt. of Sierra Leone vs (Executive > 20,000 outcomes) Revolutionary United Front Somalia 1991 USC (Mahdi) vs USC (Aidid) etc. > 400,000 South Africa 1996 ANC vs IFP >15,000 Sudan 1983 Govt. of Sudan vs SPLA, NDA > 1.5 m Uganda 1994 Govt. of Uganda vs Lord's Resístanse > 1,000 Army etc. Western Sahara 1973 Govt. vs POLISARIO >15,000 Zaire (DR. 1993 Govt. Zaire vs ADFLCZ etc. > 20,000 Congo) Source; Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, and Miall (2011)
Conflict is common amongst people, and it has proven impossible to avoid conflict in every society in Africa. The major causes of these conflicts are incompatible needs and demands between two groups. Sometimes one group fears loss of identity to another
37 group. These conflicts have caused a number of deaths as shown in the above chart. Women were raped and sexually molested while innocent civilians were injured and displaced from their native lands (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse and Miall, 2011).
Lederach (2004) argues that the internal conflict of one nation tends to incorporate neighbouring countries. The flow of conflict to neighbouring countries takes the form of opposition movements, flows of weapons and money, and displaced refugee populations which tend to cross immediate, rather than distant borders. Thus, internal conflicts contribute to regional instability. This point has been made by Azar, and has been highlighted by him as one of the four attributes of protracted social conflict. This argument can be proven in the Great Lakes region. The internal conflict in Burundi and Rwanda has affected neighbouring countries such as Tanzania (Shule, 2014). Lederach suggests that a good way of dealing with internal conflicts is through reconciliation between the antagonist parties. He believes that successful conflict resolution can be achieved through intervention, whereby each group gains an understanding of the other. In general, therefore, much of African conflict displays aspects of protractedness.
2.5 Sources of Conflicts in the Great Lakes Region of East Africa
The Great Lakes Region of Africa has been characterized by conflict since the attainment of independence in the early 1960s. However, during the 1990s and early 2000s, there were increases of armed conflict which led to population displacement with severe humanitarian consequences. Rutinwa (2002) comments that discord in the Region of the Great Lakes of East Africa has been the leading cause of refugees in the continent. The conflicts that erupted in the 1990s resulted in the forced accommodation of 50% of the refugees in Africa. The World Refugees Survey conducted by the USA has shown that by December 2000, the nations of the Great Lakes Region produced 845,000 refugees from Burundi, 350,000 from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), 55,000 from Rwanda and 20,000 from Uganda. This region is accommodating 1,317,000 refugees of whom 543,000 were hosted in Tanzania, 276,000 in the DRC, 233,000 in Kenya, 230,000 in Uganda, 29,000 in Rwanda and 6,000 in Burundi. This
38 shows that this region has seen the greatest magnitude of conflicts in Africa. The sources of conflict in the region are discussed below.
Mpangala (2000) refers to colonialism as the genesis of conflict in the region. The colonial governments introduced the system of governance of “divide and rule” by sowing the seeds of division among Africans through ethnic divisions. Various scholars such as Kimambo (1983), Illife (1979) and July (1994) show how colonialism introduced ethnicity as a tool for dividing Africans in order to rule them. This can be seen in Rwanda and Burundi, where Belgium succeeded in separating people who shared the same culture and language, by isolating them from the same clan. The colonization distorted the peace and harmony of the region during the liberation struggle. During that process, ethnicity of politics began and even the formation of various nationalist political parties occurred.
In the post-independence period, some of the nations in the region were characterised by poor governance and leadership. Immediately after independence, the nations within the region were haunted by the colonial legacy of ethnicism, where there was marginalisation of certain groups in the distribution of the national cake. This resulted in unequal development within the societies in social, political and economic spheres. Some countries such as Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo (Zaire), and Uganda witnessed changes of leadership enforced undemocratically within the first five years (Mpangala, 2000).
The impact of globalization and socio-economic changes in the 1980s and 1990s led to the growth of conflict within the region (Wangwe, 2000). The World Bank and International Monetary Fund introduced economic reforms to the region through different programs. The Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) introduced various measures to improve the economy of the region. However, the measures led to the negative impacts of unemployment, increase of poverty and competition for resource ownership. This change caused the formation of classes within the societies and led to the outbreak of conflict.
39
The introduction to multi-party politics and conducting of multi-party elections posed a new cause of conflict for the region. The democratisation of plural politics during the early 1990s was not easily accepted by some of those affected, causing conflict. The ruling parties in other countries were not ready to accept this transformation. For example, in Kenya, the government in power refused to accept changes until the people began to riot and conduct rallies. Multi-party general elections frequently resulted in the growth of conflict. The unrest of the 1990s in Kenya, Zanzibar and later Burundi in 1993 resulted from this kind of scenario (Reyntjens, 1993).
In these regions, there is a form of unresolved conflict which still persists; this results from colonial territorial border demarcation, which seldom took realities such as human settlement patterns into consideration. This has resulted in border disputes that have been a thorny issue amongst the communities living adjacent to these borders. The border dispute between South Sudan and Uganda is about land; yet farmers from the Moyo district encroached onto the South Sudanese land. Kenya and Uganda are in conflict about the ownership of the Migingo Island in Lake Victoria. The border dispute between Kenya and Ethiopia has left more than forty people dead and two thousand displaced from their homes. The conflict is linked to pasture resources for cattle and the right to fish in and around Lake Turkana. In addition, there is conflict between Kenya and Somalia; their dispute is based on the location of the maritime border (East African Newspaper, 2014).
The Ugandan and DRC dispute over Rukwanzi Island has lasted for more than five years and revolves around the ownership of an island located in Lake Albert (East Africa Newspaper, 2014). The Elemi triangle border dispute concerns a conflict between Sudan and Kenya, over the areas of the northwest corner of Lake Turkana which has about ten thousand to fourteen thousand square kilometres of barren land (available for nomadic communities who use it during the dry season to graze cattle). This area generated renewed interest, as the discovery of oil was expected. Tanzania entered into a war with Uganda in 1978 and 1979 over a border dispute; presently Tanzania is also 40 in dispute with Malawi over the ownership of the Lake Nyasa. This serves as evidence that the region, which is dealing with seven unresolved conflicts, is in constant threat of t clashes over these border disputes, which could erupt at any moment. The efforts initiated by Tanzania, Malawi, Kenya and Uganda to resolve these conflicts are all at a deadlock. Intervention is needed to resume negotiation before is too late (East Africa Newspaper, 2014).
In the Great Lakes Region therefore, we see evidence of communal or ethnic tension, frustrated human needs (for identity and security), skewed governance, and international intervention, that have all contributed to the protractedness, or deep- rootedness of conflicts in the Great Lakes Region of Africa.
2.6 Conflict in Burundi
Since her independence, Burundi has remained gripped in an ethnic conflict, rooted in the pre-colonial and colonial history of the country. Before colonial rule, there was a socio-political system already in existence which was unjust, as it was governed by a minority group (Lemarchand, 1997). Tutsi ethnic groups had seized all political and economic power from the Hutu, who were in the minority. The colonial powers, firstly the Germans and later the Belgians, further promoted this dominance of Tutsis over Hutus (BNP, 1996).
In Rwanda, more than eight hundred thousand innocent civilians were massacred in the first six months of 1994, following the plane crash which killed the presidents of both Rwanda and Burundi. In Burundi, the replacement of the president who died, led to the ethnic–political tension between the Hutus and Tutsis. The ethnic groups of Hutu and Tutsi contended with one another to seize state power, in order to favour their own ethnic groups or kinsmen. Under such circumstances, those people excluded, opted to fight to defend their interests and identity. As a result, there was an influx of refugees from across the neighbouring borders. For example, Tanzania hosted more than a million refugees in the years between 1990 and 2005. Indeed, Tanzania hosted more
41 refugees than any other country in the continent (Mpangala, 2004).
Out of a population of 5.6 million, the Tutsis (an estimated four percent of the population), dominated the majority in political, administrative and economic terms. The Hutu and Twa ethnic communities represented eighty five percent of the ruling authorities. The army was dominated by Tutsi soldiers, often with an entire officer corps under the command of Tutsis (Kaduga,1996).
The supremacy of the latter group was equally manifested in domains of judiciary, civil services and the business community. To be born a Tutsi guarantees better education, good employment, and a better business opportunity for that person. This is not the case with the Hutus, who are condemned to the peasantry (Ndarubagiye, 1996). In economic terms, the Tutsi group constitute the “haves” while the Hutus consist of the “have not’s”, notwithstanding the fact that both share a common culture, a common language, and the same clan names.
The modern history of Burundi from the Belgian colonial administration to the post– independence era has witnessed some aspect of an “apartheidization” process of the political and socio-economic order of the society. The Hutus have been relegated to second-class citizens in their own community. This represents a decadent, oppressive society of the minority against the majority that was bound to collapse and led Burundi into mass atrocities and disaster (MFIC-URT, 1996).
Of the political parties that took part in politics prior to independence, UPRONA were the most prominent and promising. They were founded in 1958 and led by the progressive Prince Louis Rwagasore, who drew a lot of inspiration from TANU of Tanganyika, led by Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, with whom there was a lot of collaboration at national and international levels. Prince Rwagasore being a member of the royal family held a lot of appeal for the Tutsis. Playing the leading role in true independence, he had the support of the majority, who after all were fed up with colonial injustice. He
42 was married to a pure Hutu woman who endeared him to the Hutu. He stood for justice and national unity (BNP, 1996).
At the election just before independence, his party was overwhelmingly victorious and he became Prime Minister. He would have shaped a united, peaceful and prosperous Burundi. Unfortunately for Burundi, he was assassinated within about three weeks of his appointment as Prime Minister. This tragic incident threw Burundi into chaos, complete with atrocities and genocidal massacres (BNP, 1996). Mpangala (2000) argues that the coup d’état of 1966 by Micombero, which abolished the monarchical system and the proclamation of the one-party system, was the landmark of Tutsis dominating the Hutus. Tutsis marked their dominance by controlling the state organs such as the military, parliament, police and judiciary, and marginalization of the Hutus. Hutus were discriminated against with regard to education, from primary schools to a secondary level education. In 1972, systematic genocide and mass massacres were committed by Micombero against the Hutus.
Kaduga (1996) argued that the Hutus were the victims of the ethnicization of power similar to apartheid, which was practiced in South Africa by a minority government of whites against a majority of Africans. The Tutsi came either from the Bahima clan or from Bururi, the province of the three former military leaders (Micombero, Bagaza and Buyoya). Hutus were victims of regionalism and tribalism. Besides the exclusive management of power, the discrimination in the setting up of socio-economic infrastructure in different administrative territories was a source of grievance to the population. Indeed, social services, production, and commercial enterprises were built in the northern, central, eastern and western parts of the country. The productive regions that exported crops of coffee, cotton and tea were not developed, and perhaps even deliberately neglected. Kaduga attempts to show that Burundi had a deep–rooted problem, originating from unequal distribution of the national fiscus for the development that triggered conflict from the marginalized class of Hutus.
43 Ndarubagiye (1996) referred to the Burundian conflict as characterized by a lack of justice, and backward civilization on all levels of the Hutu and Tutsi societies before becoming ethnic. He blamed the governments which ruled Burundi after independence for failing to promote education for the people. Ndarubagiye concluded that what had happened between the Hutus and Tutsis was a lack of civic and human rights, including education, which could have promoted harmony and peace between these societies. A lack of education, to the minds of many people in Burundi, subverts the nation toward ethnic conflict in order to seek privileges. Sutton (1964) has shown that the Hutus and Tutsis are interlacustrine Bantu people belonging to the same linguistic language. If these groups are viz. “the same people”, the cause for conflict is obviously a lack of education.
Lemarchand (1997) points out that the Burundi conflict has been based on four myths. The first version is based on the social-class relation to production; here the Hutus were crop cultivators and the Tutsis cattle keepers. Tutsis forced the Hutus to attend to the cattle in exchange for milk. This was the beginning of the Hutus serving the Tutsis, which had led to class exploitation. The second version concerns the outcome of colonial rule, through the implementation of the “divide and rule” policy which had been introduced by Belgium. It has been argued that Belgium promoted Tutsi superiority, in education and governing posts, while the Hutus were reduced to the very lowest level. The 1972 massacre has been portrayed as another cause of the conflict. It has been argued that the massacre was planned by the Tutsis to eliminate the Hutus; however, others believed that the Hutus, haunted by past history, plotted to overthrow the Tutsi supremacy. The last discourse concerns the imperialist plot of creating division and subjugation within the community. This argument could describe the cause of the conflict, however, it could be viewed that the genesis of all of this is poor governance.
Buyoya (2011) argues that before the arrival of Europeans, the people of Burundi lived and shared the same history. They spoke the same language and shared the same religious cult. He blames the Europeans for distorting the way of life of the Burundian people, and for the introduction of the ethnic-racial perspective. This divided the
44 Burundian society as one group was considered superior (from an Asian origin), (Hamitic race), whereas the other group was considered to be the inferior Bantu (Hutu).
Such a notion has been greatly criticized by various scholars (Sutton ,1964, Itandala 1995 Luanda ,1995 and Mafeje,1992) as “Hamitic theory”. This theory was clearly a colonial or European perspective, considered to show that civilization and development had been brought to Africa.
Again, the particular case of conflict in Burundi displays all of the attributes of protracted, or deep-rooted social conflict listed by Edward Azar (1990). The ethnic dimension is clearly evident (even if it has been constructed during the colonial and post-colonial eras). The frequent denial of basic human needs satisfactions are palpable, the skewed governance in favour of specific groups is apparent, and the ramifications of the spill-over of conflict across borders are also obvious.
2.7 Conclusion
In conclusion, the arguments of Azar (1986), Burton (1990), and Bradshaw (2008) clearly show a direct connection, and provide confirmation that protracted social conflict, also referred to as deep-rooted conflict, is at work. The explanation above demonstrates that the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people in Burundi is a deep- rooted, or socially protracted conflict. The genesis of their conflict was instigated by the Belgian colonial government during the era of colonization, in union with the “ethnic- politics” of Burundian politicians during the post-independence period. Resolution of this conflict type requires very careful third-party intervention.
The following chapter will examine and review the literature of intervention strategies and mediation aspects. It will intensively cover the mediation framework of problem- solving as advocated by Burton (1990), and mediation strategies by Bercovitch (2003), among others, as conflict resolution methods, and demonstrate the need for mediation in order to achieve peaceful settlements, especially because the dispute originated from deep-rooted social conflict. 45
Burton (1990) and Bercovitch (2003) and their approaches to resolving deep-rooted conflict are concerned with increasing values and beneficial outcomes, and decrease costs and harmful outcomes of parties in conflict. Conflict resolution requires professionals who received rigorous training.
I include the work of Bercovitch, as he is generally regarded as the leading scholar of the theoretical aspects of international mediation. His work over the better part of four decades speaks for itself. One might also argue that Bercovitch’s take on mediation is fairly representative of the field. It is well-aligned with the work of other prominent scholars, such as Zartman, for instance. In this regard, it forms a good touchstone for a critique of a particular case, such as that of Burundi. I additionally include the work of Laurie Nathan, because of his prominent critique of the track record of African high- level mediation. I will draw my conclusions as to whether Nathan’s critiques are also valid in respect of the Tanzanian intervention. My inclusion of Burton – someone who one might regard as a radical theorist of conflict resolution - brings a criticism of mediation in general, for valid theoretical reasons, especially in cases of deep-rooted social conflict such as that of Burundi. Weighing the Tanzanian intervention against this higher requirement, will allow me to draw a deeper, and more extensive evaluation of the case, and hopefully, a richer set of recommendations for future practice.
46 CHAPTER THREE: LITERATURE REVIEW OF INTERVENTION STRATEGIES AND MEDIATION ASPECTS
3.1 Introduction
This chapter is devoted to a literature review of conflict management, including views of conflict resolution and third party intervention. Various scholars have written in regard to conflict management, conflict resolution, third party intervention and mediation. The purpose of this chapter is to critically assess the work of Burton, Laurie Nathan and Bercovitch as a theoretical framework against which an African case study could be judged. Laurie Nathan, in particular, as I argue below and in the next chapter, has been very critical of African peace interventions (such as the use of prominent African statesmen as mediators in deep-rooted conflict). Although Burton’s work is on conflict management in deep-rooted conflict and Bercovitch’s on mediation as one form of conflict management in particular, within that general context, the work of these three scholars could be used fruitfully side-by-side. Empirically, this general scholarly critique of African peace intervention or conflict management efforts has been confirmed by the fact, generally known, that almost no African peace initiative has yet produced a sustainable resolution of deep-seated social conflict. This is true for both South Africa’s transition to democracy in 1994 and, we specifically note that, the Burundian conflict has, tellingly, flared up again recently, in 2015, 2016, and 2017, resulting in a constitutional crisis, episodes of violence, and the generation of more than a quarter of a million refugees. My approach is to use such a framework to serve as a guideline to assess the mediation process between the Hutu and Tutsi peoples of Burundi as a case study. How will the largely European-conceived (although Nathan is South African) theory of these three seminal figures in peace studies or conflict management fare in an African setting evincing deep-rooted social conflict?
47 3.2 Conflict Management
The conflict management literature describes conflict as a dynamic social process, moving from an initial, latent stage, to maturity and termination (Bercovitch 1984). Conflict management concerns an increase in values and beneficial outcomes, and decrease in costs and harmful outcomes. The objective of conflict management is not to eliminate, prevent or control conflict but rather to increase its value and benefits, whilst decreasing its costs and dissatisfaction as shown below (Fig.3.1).
48 Figure 3.1: Conflict, Conflict Consequences and Third Party Intervention
SOURCES OF CONFLICT
1. Limited resources 2. Different values 3. Incompatible
CONFLICT
DESTRUCTIVE BENEFICIAL CONSEQUENCES CONSEQUENCES
1. Violence 1. Adjustment
2. Destructive behaviour 2. Growth
3. Hostility 3. Adaptation 4. Stereotyping THIRD PARTY 4. Innovation INTERVENTION 1. Functions
2. Behaviour OUTCOMES OUTCOMES 3. Structure 1. Settlement 1. Domination 4. Attributes 2. Resolution 2. Conquest or 3.Other acceptable imposition agreements 3. Withdrawal
Source; Bercovich, 1984 The goal of conflict management is to terminate the negative outcomes of issues. Conflict management involves styles of management which are both endogenous and exogenous. Endogenous refers to the type of conflict management undertaken by the parties to a conflict such as negotiation. While exogenous conflict management can be
49 regarded as binding and voluntary, the binding aspect refers to the modes of arbitration and adjudication and the voluntary aspect refers to specific third party intervention. The Tanzanian intervention into the Burundi conflict, as noted above, was a mediation effort, and it is this intervention strategy which I intend to examine critically.
Figure 3.2 Types of Conflict Management
CONFLICT MANAGEMENT
1 2
Conflict management Conflict management at the level of behaviour At the level of attitudes
MANIFEST LEVEL LATENT LEVEL
Bargaining negotiation Creative decision-making ENDOGENOUS Conflict settlement Conflict resolution
EXOGENOUS Mediation, arbitration Third-party problem solving Conflict settlement Conflict resolution
Source: Bercovich ,1984
50 Gavin Bradshaw (2010, 2011) has also offered a contingency theory of conflict management in which specific interventions are tailored to particular types/forms/phases of conflict for maximum effect.
Table 3.1: A Contingency Theory Of Conflict Management
CONFLICT CONFLICT MANAGEMENT BASE EXAMPLE TYPE OPTIONS (CAUSE) Environmental Value-exploration
Developmental Value-sharing
(LOW Values Cultural Communal Ideological dialogue
North vs South
Food, Shelter, Problem-solving Security, Identity, workshops, Needs CONFLICT Participation, Third Party
MANAGEMENT Control Consultation SYSTEMS
Oppression Restructuring, DESIGN & Structure Unfairness
DISPUTES Transformation IMPLEMENTATIO Inequality N
SALIENCE) Relationship- building exercises
CONFLICT Domination DEEP ROOTED SOCIAL Relationships Truth & Betrayal Reconciliation
Team-building Misperception Research, Data Misunderstanding Commissions of
SALIENCE)
Miscommunication Inquiry Negotiation,
(HIGH Interests Resource distribution Mediation Source: Bradshaw; 2012 As the representation above indicates, there are different conflict types, that play themselves out in the world. Bradshaw (2011), has identified six such types in his conflict cube model. But each specific conflict type is not necessarily equally responsive 51 to any management effort. We have seen for instance, how Burton and his colleagues show that needs-based conflicts are unresponsive to negotiation and mediation, because of the resistance in the human psyche to compromise (which is always required in negotiation, and by extension, mediation) on their basic needs. Value-based conflict is equally resistant to negotiation and mediation, but this is not to say that such conflicts are simply ‘untreatable’. With the correct techniques, sensitively approached, and patiently applied, eventually most conflicts will ultimately yield.
3.3 Conflict Resolution
There are methods available for peaceful settlement of international conflicts. These methods are listed in Article 33 of the United Nations (UN) Charter, which calls for the “parties to any dispute, to seek a solution by negotiation, inquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration and judicial settlement to resort to regional agencies, or other peaceful means of their choice. The continuance of this is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security”. The UN Charter identifies, in essence, the existence of three basic methods for the peaceful management of international conflicts. These are:
a) Direct negotiation among the conflicting parties; b) Various forms of mediation, good offices, and conciliation; and c) Binding methods of third-party intervention (e.g. arbitration and adjudication) (Bercovitch, 2003).
Burton (1990) argues that conflict resolution translates into terminating conflict by methods that are analytical, and which get to the root of the problem. Conflict resolution, as opposed to the mere management or settlement thereof, points to an outcome that, in the view of the parties involved, is a permanent solution to the problem, addressing the source of problems. Conflict resolution attempts not only to simply resolve the immediate social conflict (the immediate family, or ethnic dispute), but also provides insight into the basic nature of the problem, therefore contributing to the elimination of
52 its source, and the prevention of further instances. This is particularly true of deep- rooted social conflict, which is evidenced by the fact that no instance of African conflict resolution has yet been sustainably managed, as I observed above. Deep-rooted social conflict frequently requires a form of facilitation that reinforces an escalating dialogue between parties. The escalation of verbal conflict is designed to bring to the surface the strongly felt issues, rather than attempting to reduce tensions by moderating language and promoting improved relationships. In practice, it is often only at a point of seeming impasse that analysis reveals the underlying issues that generate the conflict. Focusing on areas of agreement and smoothing over differences can be a serious obstacle to the achievement of a lasting agreement (Burton,1990).
Schellenberg (1996) identifies five different methods that may lead to conflict resolution. It should be noted that the choice of methodology depends on the nature or level of escalation of conflict. The first method involves coercion by forcing parties in the conflict to a particular conclusion. The second method consists of negotiation, or bargaining, involving the parties in a process of discussion and seeks to bring them into voluntary agreement. The third method advocates adjudication, whereby the power of the state and its legal system is used to provide an authoritative conclusion. The fourth method is mediation, whereby a third party is used to help the conflicting parties to arrive at a mutually satisfactory agreement. Arbitration is the fifth method - here a third party is requested by both parties to make a decision on the issues in dispute.
Each method can be effective, depending on the nature of the conflict. However, the mediation approach is one of those generally deemed appropriate to the resolution of deep–rooted conflict. Mediation in conflict resolution involves adversaries among groups within societies and identifies symptoms of ethnic violence, to get to the root of the problem. It has the tendency of eliminating unwanted behaviours and attitudes through mutual agreement, before solving the problem. In case of the Hutu and Tutsi conflicting parties in Burundi, mediation was regarded as the appropriate method of resolving their deep-rooted conflict. I have, in this study, however, brought in the ideas of John Burton, and his colleagues at the Analytical Conflict Resolution School, as well as that of Laurie
53 Nathan regarding his specific critique of African mediation efforts, precisely because of the critical stance that they have towards the use of mediation and negotiation in attempts to manage deep-rooted social conflict.
According to Deutsch (1973), successful conflict resolution involves, among other things, of the availability of cognitive resources. Any factors that broaden the range of ideas and alternatives available (cognitively) to the participants in a conflict are invaluable. Deutsch maintains that at international, intergroup and interpersonal levels, far more training is available for waging or suppressing conflict than for resolving it.
The involvement of professionals who received training in conflict resolution, is likely to lead to a successful resolution of conflict. However, there is a problem in Africa since the African Union (AU) has no organ of conflict resolution and is known to favour the use of prominent politicians as amateur, albeit high profile mediators, notably Thabo Mbeki, over that of professional mediators.
Cooperative problem solving can be defined as a process in which conflict is viewed as a common problem, in which the conflicting parties have a joint interest in reaching a mutually satisfactory solution. Deutsch provides a number of reasons, describing why a cooperative process is likely to lead to productive conflict resolution. Cooperative processes aid open and honest communication of relevant information between participants. They encourage the recognition of the legitimacy of ‘the other's interests’ and of the necessity to search for a solution that is responsive to the needs of both sides. These processes also lead to a trusting and friendly attitude, which increases sensitivity to similarities and common interests, whilst minimizing differences. Though it is a good argument, there is difficulty of imitating cooperative to (meaning not clear) the adversaries in conflict. Cooperative problem solving needs to be initiated by a third party accepted by both primary parties in conflict. Through the mediation approach, there is a reasonable chance of creating cooperative problem solving. Burton’s (1984, 1990) work has indicated that standard mediation will however not sufficiently achieve this. He has taken problem-solving to another level, separating it from the other elements of
54 mediation. We will therefore additionally draw on Burton’s perspectives as we evaluate the Tanzanian intervention in Burundi’s conflict. Lederach (2004; p.11-12) argues that the internal conflict of one nation tends to draw in, or incorporate, neighbouring countries. The flow of conflict between neighbouring countries takes the form of opposition movements, flows of weapons and money, and displaced refugee populations that tend to cross immediate, rather than distant, borders. Internal conflicts therefore contribute to regional instability. This argument is reflected in the African Great Lakes region. The internal conflict in Burundi and Rwanda has affected neighbouring countries such as Tanzania and the DRC. Lederach (2004; p.12) suggests that a good way of dealing with internal conflicts is through reconciliation between the antagonist parties. He believes that successful conflict resolution can be achieved through intervention, whereby each group gains and comes to understand the other. Though Burundi’s conflict is deep-rooted, based on ethnic conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties, it has incorporated neighbours directly and indirectly. Neighbouring states have been affected by an influx of refugees and a proliferation of small arms to their countries. Tanzania is affected by the suffering of the Burundian people and through her foreign policy was obliged to intervene to resolve the conflict between the parties.
Conflict resolution can be viewed as problem-solving by preservation of the interest of social stability (Burton, 1990). Lederach elaborates further, in proposing that problem– solving is mainly dealt with by identifying causes and analysing them. Solving deep – rooted social conflict does not only require settlement, it needs to eliminate attitudes, behaviour and build trust among adversaries. The parties in conflict should be brought together before a third party to enable them to reach a mutual agreement and settle their differences (Burton, 1990). In particular, as I pointed out above, the management of deep-rooted social conflict in Africa, including the Burundian ethnic massacre, does not have a good track-record of sustainability.
55 Problem–solving can be clearly divided into four characteristics as shown below:
1) The solution of conflict is not the end product, rather it establishes the relationship of issues which have a set of problems. Problem-solving may achieve economic growth or increase leisure. Its achievement may lead to a set of anticipated and unanticipated problems, such as inequalities and class conflict, or the problem of adjustment in order to increase leisure. It is a continuing process rather than a final determination. 2) There is a requirement for new knowledge, new techniques and a change in the conceptualisation of a problem. When deviance cannot be contained by coercion, a different strategy is called for, based on a quite different analysis and theory of behaviour. 3) The total environment is part of the problem-solving methodology, subjected not merely to internal interaction. The interaction can be compared to a broader environment, over which there can be little or no control. The atmosphere may change size and shape over time, for example, employer and employee relationships that occur in a wider political, economic and social environment, are affected by, and affect the environment. 4) Addressing the sources and origins of deep-rooted social strife can enable or contribute to the efficiency of problem-solving. The disturbed individual who commits an offence or wrongdoing has a history that makes this a high probability. This includes for example, people who have felt from their early years that they have been discriminated against, nations and communities that feel they have not been accepted as equals and those in society who feel continuously regarded as inferior because of colour, religion or sex. When there is a conflict, people tend to point to the immediate causal factor and fail to position the motivation and the rejoinder in the total causal setting.
Pruitt (1981) argues that third party intervention in conflict is necessary in order to influence each party in the conflict to regard with special consideration the position of the other party. Burton (1990) is of the view that the most important objective of third party intervention is to help parties in conflict to identify, tackle and resolve their basic 56 conflict issue, by adopting the problem–solving method.
Ramsbotham, Woodhouse and Miall (2011) argue that in general there has been a shift from seeing third-party intervention as the primary responsibility of external agencies, towards appreciating the role of internal ‘third parties’ or indigenous peacemakers, instead of outsiders offering a forum for addressing conflicts in one-shot mediation efforts. However, as both Burton and Nathan’s critique of mediation efforts have pointed out, professional outsiders are essential to bring some form of durability to the settlement process. Nathan argues for better training and support, whereas Burton argues for the use of a panel of scholar-practitioners. The emphasis is on the need for building constituencies and capacities within societies and to learn from domestic cultures in regard to the management of conflicts in a sustained way, over time. However, it should be noted that mediation is a way forward, opening doors to alternative approaches of conflict resolution.
The view that African conflict should be resolved by Africans themselves, rather than external agencies, is not without value, but should also be reconsidered critically, bearing in mind its track record. Involving Africans in third party intervention provides the opportunity to resolve the conflict simply because they know the environment, culture and tradition of the parties in conflict. Tanzania, under Mwalimu Nyerere as facilitator, enjoyed that advantage. Nyerere knew much about the origins of the Burundian conflict. He entered into mediation with the motive of removing symptoms of violence by encouraging adversaries to give up their differences and attitudes, and looking forward to building the nation of Burundi.
3.4 Third Party Intervention
Third party intervention refers to the intervention in a dispute by a person or agency having the role of acting as an instrument of peaceful settlement, creating structure whereby the foundation of a lasting settlement is put in place (Harbottle, 1980). The term ‘third party’ describes someone who is external to a certain conflict and who
57 interposes between the parties in conflict in order to help them with their conflict management (Gulliver 1979). This normally occurs when:
a. A conflict is long, drawn out and complex; b. The parties reached a deadlock within their own conflict management effort; c. Continuation of the conflict is seen as an aggravating factor of all concerned, and; d. There exists some communication or cooperation between the parties.
Maundi, Zartman, Khadiagala and Naumah (2006) argue that the objective of intervention is not to assist either party to gain outright victory over its adversaries, but rather to break the impasse and bring the parties to the level where they can settle on a win-win outcome. The entry of the third party transforms the conflict structure and allows a different pattern of communication, enabling the third party to filter, or reflect the messages, attitudes and behaviour of the conflicting parties. This intervention can repress the feedback cycle. A powerful third party entry changes the communication structure and power balance. Such third parties may change the parties’ behaviour as well as their communication by careful use of the “carrot and stick” (positive and negative enticement) and may support one outcome rather than another. Of course, by taking action, powerful third parties may find themselves enmeshed in the conflict as a principal party. They may additionally find that their acceptability as an honest broker is rejected by one or more of the parties.
Schellenberg (1996:p.191) identifies five approaches of conflict intervention. Firstly, coercion as a resolution of social conflict refers to the successful application or threat of physical force. Coercion can occur without the use of force. Anytime one faces influence that cannot be questioned, whether backed up by force or not, there is vulnerability to coercion. As Max Weber taught, there are different bases upon which authority can be built, and any one of them can offer the possibility of inducing people to do something contrary to their wishes. Force can sometime resolve a conflict, or at least serve to
58 dictate a temporary resolution. Coercion however does not always coerce. Often the resort to force just makes the conflict less manageable. Authority can be used to dictate conflict resolution without force, but this depends on a prior legitimacy of such authority, such as through the accepted power of the state.
Secondly, negotiation and bargaining are also processes used to resolve conflict. Negotiation can occur when there is a combination of conflicts of interest, and interests in common between parties. Negotiation is the most common method applied to the settlement of conflicts. Although the most formal kind of negotiation may require specialists and special settings, however, everybody negotiates something on a daily basis. Negotiation has become increasingly important in the modern world. Trends toward increased individualism, reliance on markets for economic decisions and democratic political institutions all tend to expand the voluntary discretions available for most people, and therefore also open up opportunities for negotiations. Negotiations most likely to be effective are those in which the parties focus on mutual problem solving, rather than who may be winning or losing (Schellenberg, 1996; p.182, Fisher and Ury, 1981).
The purpose of negotiation is to control the interests in conflict, in order to form an effective working relationship between parties. This working relationship is sometimes embodied in formal agreements, although often informal products of negotiation are as important as an explicit written agreement. A number of key concepts assist in the understanding of the basic negotiation process. They include initial offers, reservation prices, subjective bargaining tactics, the importance of each party’s BATNA (the best alternative to a negotiated agreement), and the conflict point (Schellenberg, 1996: 153). Negotiation is often regarded as the most fundamental of the techniques of conflict management, because the parties do it for themselves without the assistance of any third party.
Thirdly, adjudication refers to a court settlement. Anyone who seeks to make use of this as a means of resolving conflict should be encouraged to seek the advice of a skilled
59 attorney. However, the efforts of an attorney are often applied more to negotiate an out- of-court settlement than win a case in court. Although most cases are settled without a trial, those cases processed in court provide the framework for negotiations that resolve other cases. The effectiveness of adjudication is contingent on both the coercive power of the state to enforce judgments in selected cases, and the ability of parties, and their clients, to negotiate voluntary settlements, for most cases. Adjudication therefore is not independent of coercion, or negotiation, as an approach to resolving conflicts (Schellenberg, 1996:183).
Fourthly, mediation is less likely to reveal success with complex issues than with simpler issues. Where hostilities have developed to high degree, mediation is less likely to prove successful. These points are well illustrated by considering the role of mediation in international relations. One study of 364 attempts at international mediation since 1945, yielded the following results: in only 17 cases (5%) mediation was fully successful. In 64 cases (18%) mediation was partly successful, involving a cease fire or partial settlement. In 283 cases (77%) mediation was either not accepted to begin with or unsuccessful in its application (Schellenberg:1996). In attempting to analyze the differences between successful and unsuccessful attempts, the study indicates, the conflict intensity, complexity and dispute duration were key factors to unsuccessful mediation. A more recent study (Beber 2012: 397, 398) confirms the ubiquitous nature of mediation in international conflict, as well as the favour that it receives from the United Nations as follows:
In modern civil wars, the ‘‘most common outcome’’ is a peace process involving international mediators (citing Sisk, 2009: 1), and in an effort to make mediation even more prevalent, the United Nations established a dedicated mediation support unit in 2006 and a mediation support standby team—a team of negotiation experts ready to be dispatched at a moment’s notice—in 2008 (United Nations, 2009).
The above is largely confirmed by the NGO ‘Communities in Transition’ whose 2014 report indicates that 64% of post-Cold War international crises involved mediation. They
60 also indicate that mediation is a good indicator for a reduction of tensions after conflicts.
The key features of mediation are: it is essentially assisted negotiation, the mediator is perceived as a neutral third party, mediation is voluntary, disputants retain ownership as primary participants in the conflict, and mediation is private and confidential (Schellenberg, 1996: 182-183). Mediation appears to be the most common method used in the settlement of conflicts. Moreover, this was the method of conflict management adapted in Nyerere’s intervention in the Burundi conflict.
The most formal kind of negotiation may require specialists and special settings; however, everybody negotiates something daily. Negotiation has become increasingly important in the modern world. Trends toward increased individualism, reliance on markets for economic decisions and democratic political institutions all tend to expand the voluntary discretions available to most people, and therefore also opportunities for negotiations. Negotiations most likely to be effective are those in which the parties focus on mutual problem-solving, rather than who may be winning or losing (Schellenberg, 1996; 182, Fisher and Ury, 1981).
Fifthly, arbitration is a process of conflict resolution whereby the parties take their dispute to an impartial third party, who provides them with a decision which enables them to end their conflict. The main forms of arbitration include voluntary versus compulsory arbitration (based on whether or not the parties are bound in advance to seek arbitration), nonbinding versus binding arbitration (based on whether or not parties are required to accept the arbitrator’s decision) and interest versus rights arbitration (based on whether basic understandings are at stake, or only interpretation of previously determined agreements). Forms of arbitration are extremely varied and can be applied to many different circumstances. The popularity of arbitration continues to grow (Schellenberg, 1996:182-183). This is in part due to the fact that it has many of the same advantages as mediation (such as privacy and flexibility) whereas at the same time sharing with adjudication the prospect of an authoritative decision.
61
Cheldelin (2008: 295) argues that other forms of conflict resolution such as arbitration and adjudication are usually used when mediation seems to have failed. Arbitration is another form of conflict resolution whereby one or more neutral experts or impartial third parties are selected to hear both parties in conflict and come to a decision which may be binding or non-binding, depending on the conditions agreed for the arbitration. If the decision is binding, no follow-up litigation can occur and if such is in fact non-binding, the parties may choose to enter the legal process.
Adjudication can be used as a binding form of settlement, at least in the short term by an expert appointed by the parties in conflict with the intention or reaching a legal peace agreement (http://www.alankchuck.org/adjudication.htm). However, according to Goldberg et al. (1999), arbitration and adjudication are processes which result in a win- lose solution. This can be a useful method in international conflict between one state and another, such as Cameroon and Nigeria over the Abakassi peninsular. It is a difficult method to employ in regard to instances of deep-rooted conflict since these involve authorities, persons and groups, as well as frustrations of basic human needs. In the case of Burundi’s conflict, adjudication could not be easily applied. The only appropriate method would be an intervention which enabled the parties in conflict to resolve their problem under supervision of a third party (Tanzania).
My own theoretical position is that beyond these features, there are great variations in the nature of mediation for different kinds of conflict. It should be noted that different societies and cultures emphasize different approaches to mediation. In fact, there is no simple recipe for successful mediation. Beyond some generally applicable principles, efficiency varies greatly from one form of mediation to another, from one case to another, and finally from one society or culture to another. As this thesis deals specifically with mediation in the African cultural context, I suggest that the following features of mediation are present in its local usage: the use of prominent African politicians as amateur mediators, an aversion for professionally trained mediators and the attempt to use insiders rather than outsiders to chair mediation efforts (although
62 Nyerere was strictly speaking an outsider in the Burundian strife). I argue that assessing the strengths and weaknesses of this mediation process, assessed against the scholarly critique of Burton, Bercovitch and Nathan, is the crux of my conceptual framework.
I subsequently consider the conditions crucial to intervention efforts.
3.4.1 Conditions Affecting Intervention Processes
Each conflict has specific characteristics which may affect the conflict resolution and effectiveness of third party intervention. The variables which may make differences are: the nature of the issue, the nature of the parties, the nature of their relationships, and the experience of conflict management as indicated in the table below (Buckingham 1982).
63 Table 3.2: Elements of Intervention; Process versus Instrumental
Process Instrument Focus emotion, perception, power, authority, resources communication rights & duties Units Individual group, organization, state Function conceptual, diagnostic tactical, procedural, informational Feedback immediate, direct long time, mediated, indirect Base empathy, effect resource, expert, legitimacy Effective one Improved functioning, Reduced personal a) Person Changed perception antagonism
None reduced boundary
–role conflicts, facilitating b) Role concessions
induced trust, openness reduced tensions, cooperation and problem increased situational c) Situation solving symmetry and
responsiveness
Conflict resolution
compromise,
d) Outcome(if accommodation, successful settlement
Phase i) entry – clarify nature of i) identification – establish conflict expectations
64 ii) diagnosis – ii) convention – bring collect and together relevant analyse parties information iii) intervention – action to iii) intervention – loosen constrains on establish new parties rules and roles iv) organization – design iv) evaluation – structure to rationalise asses agreement intervention, plan future Source; Bercovitch, 1984
3.5 Tanzanian Intervention into Burundi’s Conflict
Tanzanian intervention into conflict resolution has a lengthy history since the liberation struggle in Southern Africa as the third party under the umbrella of the Front Line States and culminating in the present problem of conflicting independent African states. During the liberation struggle of Southern of Africa, especially in the Portuguese colonies of Mozambique, Angola and white regime dominations of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa, Tanzania intervened as a third party by using coercive conflict resolution. Tanzania’s role in the armed liberation struggle of Southern African states under colonial oppression, was a precursor for its presently assumed role of mediating conflict between recently-achieved independent African states. The nationalist parties from these nations were given the military training and military bases to launch their military attacks on their colonial governments (Kanuwa, 2003).
The Burundian crisis concerned not only Tanzania but also the OAU, UN and the global peace-loving international community. The hostilities in Burundi threatened the democratic and economic development of the entire Great Lakes Region (GLR). In response, the GLR heads of states met in Cairo, Egypt on 28th – 29th November 1995.
65 This meeting was convened by the former President of Tanzania, Ally H. Mwinyi, the president of Zaire, Mobutu, Uganda’s president, and enjoyed the support of Ntibantuganya and Bizimungu of Burundi and Rwanda respectively. The heads of states at that meeting promised to take joint action to advance peace, justice and reconciliation, stability and development in the region. That could be regarded as an example of African initiatives to advance peace or conflict management among Africans themselves, although my aim is precisely to problematize that process. This was quite significant since the heads of states and delegations requested Tanzania’s former president, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, to act as a mediator in the Burundian conflict (MFIC- URT, 1995).
At a subsequent meeting in Tunis on 16-18 March 1996, the progress made towards the achievement of the commitment undertaken in Cairo, Egypt, was reviewed. It was agreed that additional measures would be taken to meet the commitments, and leaders pledged that their countries would undertake further action to achieve their common goal for the region. In the spirit of the Tunis Declaration, the head of state of Burundi and his delegation emphasized their commitment to end the climate of insecurity and impunity that had paralyzed the country. The Burundian delegation committed itself to move with speed and determination to launch a process leading to new institutional structures agreed upon and supported by all citizens, to ensure protection of the rights of all Burundians, and their participation within the political and economic life of the nation. Former president of Tanzania, Mwalimu Dr. Julius K. Nyerere was given a mandate, endorsed by the heads of states of the region and by the international community. The parameters of this mandate were to assist the people of Burundi in finding the means to achieve peace, stability and reconciliation within Burundi as a basis for a lasting political settlement (MFIC-URT, 1996).
Despite the Cairo and Tunis Declarations and commitments, both Mwanza (I and II) peace talks failed to provide any signature of parties to a settlement of conflict in Burundi. Due to the reluctance of the UPRONA government, Tanzania enforced economic sanctions on Burundi. They proposed that sanction measures be undertaken
66 in order to block some selected imports, notably military hardware (and its spare parts), military vehicles, and various luxury goods, including motor vehicles. Sanctions also included an embargo on hard liquor, aimed at its consumption by the top military and government leaders and Tutsi bourgeoisie. Economic sanctions were applied to break down the resolve of the Tutsi dominated UPRONA government (Mpangala; 2004. 254). As such, the process was not purely a mediation-centred one but also included an element of coercion to lay the foundation for the subsequent mediation efforts.
Tanzania shares a common border with Burundi. The total outbreak of civil war forced many people of Burundi to take refuge in Tanzania, as opposed to Zaire, simply because there was law and order in the former as opposed to the neighbouring countries of Zaire and Rwanda. Usually when there is chaos, it is natural that one would wish to flee to a chaos-free area (Tanzania case in point). In that context, Tanzania was motivated towards intervention to prevent or contain a Burundian crisis (MFIC-URT, 1996).
In view of the significance of mediation, as one tool among many conflict management instruments, for this study, I proceed now to consider the scholarship on mediation in greater detail so as to lay the foundation for its critique in the chapters following.
3.6 Mediation
3.6.1 The Historical Development of Mediation
The term mediation, etymologically speaking, originated from the Latin word root “to have”, which means ‘shared equally or divided into two’. In ancient times, whenever people were in dispute, there was a process of finding solutions between them through a neutral third party. Mediation has a long history in all aspects of life; it has been embraced by different cultures such as Christian, Islam, Jewish, Confucian, Buddhism and other cultural beliefs (Moore, 1996). In Christian communities during biblical times, mediation was practiced by religious and political leaders to resolve disputes in the
67 community. Jesus Christ was considered as a supreme impartial mediator invaluable to the solving of disputes (1 Timothy, 2007). Islamic culture also has a tradition of mediation, in existence since the time of the prophet Muhammad (PUH). Prophet Muhammad (PUH) during his time was very famous and popular as “hakim al haq,” which is Arabic for true mediator, impartial in the mediation process. He performed mediation via the teaching of the Holy “Qur’aan”, the teaching verses delivered to him by Allah (God). He instructed his followers to solve disputes by observing shari’a, the Islamic law according to the Holy book of Qur’aan (Almuntada;1997).
Mediation has been practiced traditionally by different societies before being transformed and developed by professional scholars. It was practiced in China, Japan and Asian societies through religion and philosophy to inculcate a degree of harmony within societies (Moore 1996). In African societies it was practiced widely during the pre- colonial societies, whereby the head of state was considered to be the mediator. The head of the state (who was a chief or king) was expected to solve disputes within society. For example, in many Tanzanian pre-colonial societies, the head of state was known as “Mtemi”. This word is derived from the word “kutema” which means to cut-off or end the matter (Kimambo & Temu 1996: 68). This trend was transformed after the colonial intrusion when the secular law was introduced in many African societies. With the rise of secular law, introduced by Western colonial powers, the range and number of the people who practice mediation increased. The increase of disputes in communities and inter-states led to the development of the diplomatic intermediaries who could modify conflict and resolve resolutions via mutual consent (Moore, 1996).
3.6.2 Characteristics and Approaches in the Study of Mediation
Bercovitch (2005:47), perhaps our most articulate scholar on mediation, has classified and put forward seven characteristics which can be considered to be common to all levels of mediation as listed here below:
68 Mediation is an extension and continuation of peaceful conflict management. Mediation involves the intervention of an outsider — an individual, a group, or an organization, with values, resources, and interests of their own — into a conflict between two or more states or other actors. Mediation is a non-coercive, non-violent and, ultimately, non-binding form of intervention. Mediators enter a conflict, whether internal or international, in order to affect it, change it, resolve it, modify it, or influence it in some way. Mediators bring with them, consciously or otherwise, ideas, knowledge, resources, and interests of their own or of the group or organization they represent. Mediators often have their own assumptions and agendas about the conflict in question. Mediation is a voluntary form of conflict management. The actors involved retain control over the outcome (if not always over the process) of their conflict, as well as the freedom to accept or reject mediation or mediators' proposals. Mediation usually operates on an ad hoc basis only (i.e., a particular mediation effort or series of efforts are undertaken by one or more actors, and then mediation ceases with or without an agreement).
Bercovitch argued that the characteristics of mediation alone are not sufficient for understanding mediation. Mediation, as discussed by Bercovitch, needs more elaboration in order to understand clearly. Anstey (2008) has proposed the following definition:
Mediation is a form of third party intervention into disputes directed at assisting disputants to find mutually acceptable settlement. Although they may operate from a high or low power base, they are not accorded authoritative decision-making power, but are empowered to facilitate settlement searches through the use of negotiation process. (p.245)
Through the definition above it is very clear that mediation requires a better understanding of the process. Gulliver (1979) clearly elaborated the role of a mediator in
69 the mediation process. He contends that;
Therefore he is not, and cannot be neutral and merely a catalyst. He not only affects the interaction but, at least in part seeks and encourages an outcome that is tolerable to him in terms of his own ideas and interests. He may even come into conflict with one or both parties…..the strong Western, cultural stereotype and moral notion of the purely impartial mediator is neither invariably correct in practice in our own society nor valid cross-culturally. (Gulliver; 1979, 213-4)
Mediation is a process which requires a systematic procedure for resolving conflict. Each conflict depends on different strategies for resolving it.
Gulliver further refers to the literature on international mediation discussed by many scholars who reflect vast diversity in terms of approach and perspective (see Kolb & Rubin 1991). These approaches are divided into different categories; from a scholarly point of view regarding policy implications, to the reflections of the mediators themselves, and studies suggesting that academics act as third parties in mediation efforts.
Scholars have grouped studies of mediation into different categories. For instance, Wall and stack (2001) have differentiated “general theories,” “context-specific theories” and “extended context theories”. Sometimes these approaches offer implications for practical involvement or they focus on descriptions and theory development. The following can be identified as the three main traditions in the study of international mediation:
1. The first group of studies is essentially prescriptive and is devoted to offering advice on what constitutes good conflict management in real-world situations (e.g. Fisher and Ury ;1981). These studies have been developed by scholars associated with the Program on Negotiation at Harvard University, and have generated books and manuals on how mediators and negotiators should
70 behave, what constitutes good negotiation or mediation, and how serious conflicts or otherwise can be resolved. 2. Mediation studies based on theoretical notions and the participation of academic practitioners in a variety of actual conflicts, with the aim of testing ideas and developing a basic theory for the resolution of social conflicts. These studies use a variety of interaction and problem-solving techniques to combine political action with scientific experimentation and thus contribute to the development of a set of rules that can address all (not just international) conflicts. Some of this research (Burton, 1983, 1990, 1993; Fisher,1987; Kelman, 1992) has generated valuable insights, but much of it is still in a pioneering phase. 3. The third set of studies is based on actual descriptions and empirical examinations of mediation cases. These studies seek to develop theories and to offer general guidelines through: (a) the detailed description of a particular case of international mediation (e.g. Ott, 1972; Rubin ,2012); (b) laboratory and experimental approaches to mediation (e.g. Bartunek et al., 1975; Rubin, 1980) to discover how parties and mediators behave in controlled circumstances; and (c) a contingency framework that relies on large-scale systematic studies. This approach draws on numerous cases of international mediation to formulate and test propositions about effective mediation and to assess the conditions under which mediation can be made to work better (e.g. Bercovitch and Rubin, 1992; Touval and Zartman, 1985). This contingency approach has its roots in the social-psychological theories of negotiation as developed by Sawyer and Guetzkow (1965) and modified by Druckman (1977). According to Bercovitch, this is the approach that he believes can yield the most significant insights and policy advice on mediation.
The choice of mediation is determined by the characteristics of the dispute, the nature of the social environment and the identity of a mediator (Assefa, 1987). Mediation is a balanced political process, representing a strategic commitment between the parties
71 and the mediator. Under certain conditions, this can end violence and hostilities, or even facilitate a peace agreement and a transformation of the conflict. The contingency framework allows for appropriate interventions to be identified for specific conflict types.
Mediation processes in conflict resolution are influenced by the nature of the dispute, attitudes and behaviour of adversaries. The mediator’s professional skills could work better in resolving the problem rather than using a “panel of wise men”. There is a need for developing an approach to involving mediators who are professionals in mediation.
3.6.3 The Contemporary Practice of Mediation
Rubin (2012) contends that mediation is practiced when two parties or people are in conflict and a third party attempts to end their dispute or fight. Mediation in international relations has played a very important function in building international diplomacy. Every individual, group, organization or state either formally or informally engaged, invited or uninvited, powerful or less powerful, can mediate an international conflict. The truth is that mediation is performed by individuals. Mediation could be supported by a regional organization such as OAU and UN, but it is facilitated by an individual. As noted above, in the Burundi conflict, the former president of the United Republic of Tanzania, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, was a mediator. Similarly, the successor in the talks was former president of South Africa, Nelson Mandela, who also served as mediator on in Burundi. It is of course (as I highlighted above) a practice of which conflict management scholars, in particular Laurie Nathan, are critical.
Touval and Zartman (1985) argue that mediation is a form of third party intervention for the purpose of resolving conflict through negotiation between parties. It must be accepted by both parties who are ready to cooperate diplomatically with the mediator to resolve their grievances. Mediation is a common process of peacemaking or conflict resolution in which the intervener does not use force. While conflict resolution differs from one case to another, mediation intends to help both parties to reach a compromise without either participant ‘winning’ or ‘losing’. Mediation can be distinguished from other forms of negotiation, as the mediator helps adversaries to communicate by providing an 72 environment conducive to trust. The mediator proposes compromise and may negotiate and bargain to induce adversaries to change their standpoint.
The basic objective of mediation should not simply be reaching a settlement of conflicting issues. Mediation in deep-rooted conflict requires eliminating all the causes of the problems by addressing the basic, underlying issues which led to conflict among the adversaries. Different choices and strategies of mediation are employed depending on the nature of the conflict.
Maundi, Zartman, Khadiagala and Naumah (2006) contend that mediation is a form of transitional phase in the broader process of negotiation. Negotiation refers to the peaceful means of resolving conflict through meaningful dialogue. Mediation plays the role of facilitating the dialogue between conflicting parties. The notion of conflicting parties being unable to conduct negotiation by themselves introduces an external component to the conflict which is the third party. Mediators could be distinguished persons, representing state and intergovernmental organizations, from Non- Governmental Organization (NGO) or private persons. This perspective on the status of the negotiator is a common feature of African mediation efforts, including Tanzania’s intervention in the Burundian conflict as I indicated above. According to Nathan (1999) and Burton (1990) this approach is incorrect because the deep-rooted conflict involves authorities, people and groups, in a context of frustrated basic human needs. It is therefore difficult for parties to reach mutual agreement without the intervention of a third-party. I propose that the mediation process can be advanced by encouraging mediators to seek rigorous training.
Ramsbotham, Woodhouse and Miall (2011) explain that where two parties react to one another’s actions, it is easy for a spiral of hostility and escalation to develop through positive feedback. The entry of a third party may change the conflict structure and allow a different pattern of communication, enabling the third party to filter or reflect back the messages, attitudes and behaviour of those in conflict. This intervention may weaken the feedback spiral. Although all third parties make some difference, ‘pure’ mediators
73 have traditionally been seen as ‘powerless’ – their communications are powerful, but their efforts bring no new material resources to bear. In other situations, there may also be powerful third parties whose entry into the fold alters not only the communication structure but also the power balance. Such third parties may change the parties’ behaviour as well as their communication by judicious use of the carrot and the stick (positive and negative inducement); and may support one outcome rather than another. Of course, by taking action, powerful third parties may find themselves drawn into the conflict as the irresponsible party.
Pruitt (2005: 257) maintains that third parties or mediators in most peace processes occupy positions along a communication continuum. Mediators provide political cover for the principal actors in conflict by smoothing the communication without the principal actors being exposed. The political cover is especially important when conflict has escalated. The third party should enable a process for finding solutions by enabling trust-building exercises to facilitate the process. When parties in conflict trust or begin to trust one another, they speak the same language, in contrast to those who are further apart. Pruitt’s argument is that for conflict resolution to be effective, there needs to be a good mediator who can bring together parties in conflict. An essential quality needed by any mediator is impartiality, where the mediator has neither internal nor external biases, bearing in mind that it is humanly impossible to be entirely bias-free in the conflict resolution process. Beber (2012: 399) makes the important point that:
Biased mediators are relatively less effective at resolving disputes than their unbiased counterparts, because only an unbiased mediator can credibly share conflict-relevant insights. Disputants will sometimes attribute statements by a biased mediator to the third party’s preferences rather than the underlying facts, which is not the case with unbiased mediators.
74 Bercovitch (2002: 288) identifies three theories or methods which are used by mediators to enable actors in conflict to reach peace agreements. Firstly, one method of intervention employed by mediators is transforming the bargaining structure from a dyad into a triangle. In a triangle relationship, the outcome of the contest may be determined by the formation of a coalition of two against one. It becomes in the parties’ interest to reconvert the triadic relationship back into dyad by forming a coalition with the mediator, bringing in the third party without destroying the appearance of neutrality. The triangular structure enhances the mediator’s bargaining power with parties due to the potential of joining one party in coalition against the other.
Secondly, in the role of mediator as communicator and formulator, the mediator takes the position of being a bridge in the discussion. The mediator serves as a messenger to restore broken communication. He/she is required to carry messages from one actor to another. In this role, the mediator is a passive channel and repository, using palatable wording, and sympathetic presentation to smooth the communication process. In case of any breakdown of communication, the mediator can take on an active role as formulator. The mediator is required to be innovative in his/her thinking by finding formulas or resolutions which will be acceptable to the actors, thereby terminating the conflict (Bercovitch, 2002).
Thirdly, a final method is presented by the mediator acting as a manipulator. The mediator utilizes power, influence, and persuasion that can bring parties to move to an agreement. The influence, or power dynamic necessary to bring parties to reach agreement is very crucial in the mediation process. The mediator should have the ability to move the parties in the indicated direction, to help parties out of their dilemmas and bring them to an agreed settlement (Bercovitch, 2002).
Moore (1993: 288) identifies factors which influence the choice of mediation strategies. They include the stage of the conflict, the parties' abilities and willingness to resolve their dispute, the balance of power between the parties, the negotiation procedures in use, the complexity of the issues and the expectations of parties. Having reached
75 settlement and generated a range of settlement options, the parties then need to evaluate these options. Moore (p.288) describes two evaluative tools: the settlement range and the best alternative to a negotiated agreement (BATNA).
A party's settlement range is defined by the range from target point to resistance point. The target point is their optimal outcome. The resistance point is set by those outcomes which are too costly or not beneficial enough to accept, that is, below the party's BATNA.
There are four basic strategies mediators can use in the final bargaining stage. In the first, incremental convergence strategy, the parties each make small concessions until they reach a mutually acceptable compromise. When positional bargainers use this strategy, the mediator's main task is to make the parties comfortable with making concessions. In the second, leap-to-agreement strategy the parties engage in some preliminary bargaining and might be moved to accept a comprehensive proposal. In the third agreement-in-principle strategy, the parties first seek agreement on general principles and then seek to apply those principles to the situation at hand. This strategy is particularly helpful in preventing negotiation deadlocks. Finally, when the parties cannot reach a substantive agreement, they may use a procedural strategy. As Moore suggests (1993: 288) "Procedural solutions are process decisions that parties make to resolve disputes without directly deciding the issue. Generally, the process determines a substantive answer".
Bercovitch (2005) argues that success in mediation is a quality that may be applicable to either the process or the outcome of mediation, or both. In other words, success may be achieved if the parties in conflict feel empowered or feel that their concerns are addressed respectfully. There may be no successful outcome, but the parties still feel they have achieved success in the procedural aspect of the process. Similarly, there may be a process of mediation marred by many procedural disagreements and dissatisfaction; however, this may still lead to a cessation of violence, or even a formal agreement.
76
Mpangala (2004:14) stresses that mediation between the parties in conflict is the measure of ensuring successful peace-building in a society. The parties involved in conflict need to discuss and resolve their differences and reach a mutual agreement to avoid future problems. The implementation of negotiation should ensure that there is mutual agreement on the areas that caused conflict, for instance, the areas of socio- economic development to avoid regional imbalances. The democratization process also needs to be accommodated (Mpangala, 2004:16).
On the study of the Great Lakes Region (GLR) of Africa, Mpangala (2000) revealed that intervention into Hutu and Tutsi conflict required a neighbourly mediator, familiar with the parties in conflict. The finding of the study shows that a neighbouring mediator might be in a position to understand the root causes of the conflict, but as the literature indicates, this should not be the only qualification for a mediator by far and especially so in cases of deep-rooted social conflict. This argument is supported by Kameir (2008) on the study of conflict resolution in Burundi. For precisely this reason, Kameir indicates that a neighbouring country such as Tanzania could be a good facilitator and mediator in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi. Kameir contends that Tanzania’s involvement in the mediation process was due to her historical involvement in the liberation and peace-building exercises in Southern Africa. In my critique of African mediation efforts in Chapter Six, in particular the Burundi genocide, I consider these features of the Tanzanian intervention.
3.6.4 Factors Affecting the Choice of Mediation Strategy
In the choice of potentially successful mediation strategies, there are a number of factors affecting the process, however the most important factors are noted below:
1. The intensity of a conflict - the major factor affecting the nature of conflict management, and any surfacing pattern of mediation. Conflict intensity refers to as the ruthlessness of conflict, the level of hostilities, the number of sufferers, the level of antagonism and intensity of feeling, the types of issues at stake, and the
77 strength of the parties' negative perceptions (Kressel and Pruitt, 1989). The level of conflict intensity determines what type of mediation strategy should be applied. Rubin (1980: 389) concurs and it is his view that if the intensity of conflict is low, there is room for the parties concerned to heal their own differences. Therefore, there is no need for third-party intrusion. If the parties failed to do so, the mediator becomes a vehicle for facilitating negotiations. In high-intensity and dangerous conflicts, an immediate measure should be to prevent further escalation and to achieve this, third parties as mediators are required and adopted with higher levels of mediation involvement (Bercovitch & Gartner, 2006).
2. The type of issues in conflict might be examined to identify the fundamental nature of a conflict. Spontaneously, we expect this to be an influential factor in a mediator's choice of strategy. Issues represent the focal point of what divides the parties, and what exactly the issues in conflict are all about, and how we can identify and conceptualize their presence. By way of example, if conflicts are internal or inter-state, the issues tend to be based on identity, autonomy, and ethnicity. These are subjective and emotional issues and often include fear, bitterness, and distrust that are hard to negotiate. They need an acceptable mediator who may resort to communication strategies that build up the confidence and trust of the parties and give them an incentive to pursue peaceful conflict management. In contrast, conflicts over issues such as security, resources, and defense, involve more concrete issues that are easier to work with. Here, a mediator may press for concessions on tangible issues in order to achieve conflict termination or a resolution. Each type of issue in a conflict elicits a different form of mediatory behaviour (Bercovitch, 2005).
3. The internal characteristics of the parties allow us to observe how each party's political and economic structure affects the process of mediation. Parties with similar political systems or social structures (ethnic, cultural, or religious groups organizing society) may be more agreeable to serious, active mediation, while
78 parties with different political, economic, or social systems may be more likely to distrust each other, simply because they have less in common and perceive the other as a threat to their identity and legitimacy. Actors from different political systems may also possess different norms, protocols, and processes for the mediation process. In this case, a mediator may be required to engage in communication strategies, establish channels of communication, educate the parties in the skills of negotiation, and help them clarify the unclear situations or positions.
4. The former relationship and experience of the parties can be examined in order to determine how past experiences of conflict and conflict management affect current behaviour, and determine choice of mediation strategy (Leng, 2000). Repeated mediation efforts by the same mediator may establish some norms of interaction and to a large extent determine what each party may expect, and how they behave. In an environment of risk and uncertainty, mediators may use information from previous efforts, or build on any rapport they may have had with the parties. The issue here is that the conflict experience and mediation may greatly influence the choice of strategy. Previous mediation efforts can establish norms, and a certain rapport between the parties, and this can affect current disposition and behaviour. The way mediation is currently conducted has been developed and strengthened by the element of previous experience.
5. Mediation, identity and rank portray the official position of a mediator. These aspects affect the choice of strategy. These are mediators who have the potential to utilize resources, using leverage and influence so that others can rely on their legitimacy or reputation. The identity of the mediator determines to a large extent what a mediator can do. Mediators' use of a strategy is not accidental; it is the consequence of many multifaceted factors. One of these factors relates to the official position and status of different mediators. Some mediators have a limited range of resources available, while others might have a fuller range of strategies
79 available to them. Individual mediators and NGOs might only be able to rely on communication strategies because they do not have access to other resources.
6. The timing of mediation intervention. Mediation in the long run is a voluntary process, it may be initiated, suggested, appealed for, or offered, by the disputants, the mediator, or different actors and concerned parties. The perceived need or justification for mediation is influenced by the disputants' and the mediator’s understanding of the role of the mediator in resolving the conflict. The mandate of the intervener and the legitimacy and authority of mediator’s behaviour are to some extent determined by who initiates the mediation process and the timing of intervention (Kaufman & Duncan, 1992).
7. The mediation environment, the de facto dimension influences mediation behaviour and choice of strategies. The choice of mediation environment may be determined by the demands of the parties, their powers, resources, goals, and their willingness to negotiate, the extent of constituency and media pressures, or it may be the product of a mediator's strategy to control a particular conflict situation. Sometimes the specific environment in which mediation takes place may determine the type of behaviour a mediator employs. The mediation environment, with the variety of opportunities and constraints that it provides, may be a powerful factor in understanding the dynamics of mediation behaviour. An ideal mediation environment will support rather than hold back parties' mediation efforts and interactions and provide the mediator with opportunities to manage and control the entire process (Touval, 1982).
The factors noted above determine the acceptability of a specific mediator, the role, bounds, and prospects within which a mediator may act to manage the conflict and the type of strategies employed (Kolb, 1983; Raiffa, 1982). The commencement of mediation, and choice and acceptance of a mediator are reliant to a great extent on the parties', the mediator's, or other third parties’ discernments of the resources and skills
80 that a mediator may have to offer. The expectations of the outcome of the dispute may be influenced by the intervention of a specific mediator, and the level of commitment and necessity of the parties involved in attaining a settlement (Kolb, 1983). The Burundian conflict is a good test case to reconsider these attributes of an apparently successful intervention process (particularly mediation) in an attempt to draw out the advantages and disadvantages of this approach so as to benefit future and current conflicts in Africa.
3.7 Burton and Bercovitch’s Frameworks of Third Party Intervention
This study aims to assess Tanzania’s mediation process in conflict resolution between the Hutu and Tutsi peoples in Burundi against the background of scholarly mediation perspectives. To achieve this goal, the study will interrogate facilitators and the mediator team of the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation, and comment on the mediation process in relation to conflict and mediation perspectives underpinned by the work of Burton (1986), Nathan (2010) and Bercovitch (2003).
3.7.1 Burton’s Problem – Solving Process
There is a feature of problem–solving which demands that one deals with the totality of a problem and deal with the sources of the conflict in order to define the problem- solving process. According to Burton, there are four processes involved in problem- solving:
1. Situation: conflict resolution seeks to study the conditions by which observations of the pattern of behaviour in intimate and analytical interactions are checked in detail. The reality observed is relevant to the participants. The reality perceived by the participants of conflict can lead to an increase of knowledge required in problem-solving.
2. Perception enables them to assess their perceptions of each other and the relevance of their conflict tactics in terms of possible consequences, as well as to explore alternatives available once perception and reassessment have taken 81 place.
3. Attitude, communicating relevant patterns of the behaviour drawn from the situation and theoretical knowledge: this should play a scientific role, by being neutral or impartial. The third party should engage in clarification and interpretation of the facts and events.
4. Rationale - the third party applies general theories regarding human conflict behaviour to the particular situation examined, thereby helping the parties to analyze. It is detailed analysis by the parties that leads to the resolution of a conflict (Bercovitch, 2003).
3.7.2 Bercovitch’s Mediation Process
The international mediator operates within a framework system of exchange and influence. The framework of that system can be described as the communication, experiences and expectation of disputing parties, and the resources and interest of the mediators. The relationship between these frameworks determines the nature and effectiveness of mediation. Whether or not mediators are individuals, states or institutions, the hope is to influence, change or modify these parameters.
This consideration can be regarded as the major pillar of international mediation. It is one aspect of mediation which can be considered to improve performance and efficiency. Rubin and Brown (1975) observe a number of roles mediators fulfil and how they achieve their objectives. They propose a set of roles that distinguish between formal and informal roles, individual and representative roles, invited versus non-invited roles, advisory versus directive roles, content versus process roles, permanent versus temporary roles, and conflict resolution versus conflict prevention roles.
Susskind and Cruickshank (1987) refer to mediation as “assisted negotiation” and
82 introduce the roles of mediator as facilitator, suggesting option and monitoring. Their explorations of the role of mediator are related to the stages of negotiations.
The specific behavioural approaches to mediation for this study which is pointed out by Bercovitch (1992) are outlined below:
1) Communication – facilitation strategies i. make contact with parties ii. gain the trust and confidence of the parties iii. arrange for interaction between the parties iv. identify issues and interest v. clarify situation vi. avoid taking sides vii. develop rapport with parties viii. supply missing information ix. develop a framework for understanding x. encourage meaningful communication xi. allow positive evaluation 2) Formulation strategies i. choose meeting site ii. control pace and formality iii. control physical environment iv. establish protocol v. suggest procedure vi. highlight common interest vii. deduce tension viii. control timing ix. deal with simple issue first x. structure agenda xi. keep parties at the table xii. help parties save face xiii. keep process on issue 83 3) Manipulation strategies i. change parties’ expectation ii. take responsibility for concession iii. make substantive suggestions and proposal iv. make parties aware of costs of non- agreement v. supply and filter information vi. suggest concession parties can make vii. help negotiators to undo a commitment viii. reward party concessions ix. help devise a framework for acceptable outcome x. change expectations xi. promise resources or threaten withdrawal xii. offer or verify compliance with agreement
Bercovitch (1992) comments that it is not easy for mediators to choose any strategies or tactics apart from those listed above. Mediators are required to follow the required mediation protocol in order to succeed.
84 Figure 3.3: A Framework for the Analysis of Mediation and Behaviour
Antecedent Current Condition Consequent Condition (Prior to (Mediation Strategy conditions mediation) and behaviour (Post-mediation)
Nature of dispute Identity and rank of Mediation outcome mediator
1) Subjective 2) Objective
Outcome Nature of issues Mediation strategy and behaviour Process Nature of parties
Nature of relationship
Source; Bercovitch, 1992.
Writing specifically on mediation in the context of international political conflicts, prominent, and highly experienced scholar-practitioner Laurie Nathan makes several useful and critical observations. He indicates for instance that ‘…international mediation has suffered from an acute lack of professionalism, expertise and rigour’ (Nathan 2010:1). Drawing on his experience which is largely on the African continent, Nathan identifies areas such as the appointment of relatively inexperienced peacemakers, a lack of adequate support to those peacemakers, a lack of training for those individuals likely to be involved in such activity, no evaluation process for mediation, and no coherent strategic concept in respect of such mediation. Mediators are often chosen without due regard for their peacemaking skills, or even their credibility with conflicting
85 parties, or an ability to communicate in the languages of the parties. Collectively, these issues will undermine the trust in the mediator that is essential for successful agreement outcomes. Additional problems relate to the non-availability of appointed mediators for full-time deployment in the task. Too often, mediators in deep-rooted conflicts are only available sporadically, and this detracts from their effectiveness (Nathan 2010: 2). These weaknesses, coupled with the lack of institutional support for mediation processes, result in a lack of learning, and a simple repetition of previous approaches, based simply on the personality of the mediator. These criticisms, because they are so pertinent to the current practice of mediation, will be taken on board in our final assessment of the Tanzanian mediation intervention in Burundi.
In this study, I chose to explore the work of Burton, Nathan and Bercovitch on mediation strategies as a general theoretical framework, since they examine the mediation process in a scholarly way. This framework not only provides the mechanism of problem-solving but paves the way forward for conflict management, in the sense that it provides for the prevention of future conflict eruption if it can draw out the lessons to be learnt from the Burundian strife against this scholarly assessment. Both Burton and Bercovitch provide the mechanism of enabling parties in conflict to agree or reach possible agreement to a mutual settlement based on a win-win situation. Nathan’s critique of African mediation interventions adds a further valuable layer to this conversation.
3.8 Conclusion
This chapter covered arguments forwarded by various scholars such as Moore, Schellenberg, Burton, Zartman, Pruitt, Steadman and Bercovitch on mediation strategies.As it is my aim to employ the work of Burton, Bercovitch and Nathan to protracted social conflict in an African context, an overview of their theoretical contributions to the body of conflict management scholarship is offered. This project is based on a case study of the Tanzanian intervention in the Rwandan genocide. Bercovitch’s work on mediation as a specific form of conflict management, Burton’s invaluable ideas on needs-based intervention in deep-rooted social conflict and
86 Nathan’s critique of African peace interventions (specifically the enduring use of prominent statesmen as mediators) are seminal to an understanding of this intervention. Even though I admit that needs-based conflict, as the Rwandan deep-rooted conflict proved to be, is resistant to mediation and negotiation as tools to manage conflict of this sort, the assumption is that, in time, even these difficult forms of clashes will be amenable to resolution.
Burton suggests an analytic approach to deep-seated or protracted social conflict that lays bare the origin of the conflict with a view to escalating dialogue between the parties. Although Bercovitch argues for mediation as a vehicle for conflict resolution, Burton emphasizes the importance of problem-solving within the context of mediation as a means to manage deep-rooted social conflict. The idea is to promote the common interest of social stability as a carrot to settlement of conflict. Laurie Nathan has critiqued the practice of using prominent African politicians (notably Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki) as mediators in protracted social conflict, without support. These perspectives are valuable in an African context since the resolution of deep-rooted social conflict in Africa has a poor track record. This includes the case study of the Burundi-Rwanda crisis under scrutiny in this project. My theoretical framework, although primed on the work of Burton, Bercovitch and Nathan, is a critical assessment of the value of third party intervention in deep-rooted African conflict. I provide a comprehensive overview of mediation as an intervention initiative as well as scholarly views on third party intervention to facilitate an overview of the literature on the topic. To this end, I consider and select a case study methodology directed at the Tanzanian intervention in the Burundian conflict driven by this theoretical frame. Chapter Five is devoted to a consideration of my research design and methodology. The objective is to draw defensible conclusions from this exercise in Chapter Eight.
The next chapter will discuss the historical relationship between Burundi and Tanzania. It will present the motivational factors which led to the engagement of Tanzanian involvement in the mediation process of conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi.
87 CHAPTER FOUR: THE HISTORICAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN BURUNDI AND TANZANIA
4.1 Introduction
This chapter discusses the historical relationship between Burundi and Tanzania. It is divided into two sections- the first section will present a brief history of Burundi based on the origins of the Burundi people. This section focuses on the pre-colonial societies, the historical background of the Hutu and Tutsi conflict and the origins of people (from the pre-colonial period during colonial domination). It poignantly encompasses the last five decades of conflict experience introduced by different regimes. The second section will present a brief historical background of the United Republic of Tanzania. It will portray the initiative of Tanzania to the mediation process of the aforesaid conflict.
4.2 Historical Background of Burundi’s Conflict
This section provides the historical background of the Burundi, a brief overview of pre- colonial societies, a review of the period of colonial domination and the post – independence period. Much will be discussed in this section about the development and experiences of conflict over the past five decades, which has left thousands of the population as migrants and further thousands of people dead.
4.2.1 Position
The Republic of Burundi is one of the smallest countries in Africa. Burundi is located in Eastern Africa, between longitude o and o east of Greenwich, Latitude o and o, south of the Equator. The country occupies an area of 27,834 sq. km. The Republic of Burundi is landlocked and has an equatorial climate. Burundi is a part of the Albertine Rift, the western extension of the East African Rift. The country lies on a rolling plateau in the centre of Africa. The average elevation of the central plateau is 5,600 feet (1,707 m),
88 with lower elevations at the borders. The highest peak, Mount Heha at 8,810 feet (2,685 m), lies to the southeast of the capital, Bujumbura (BNP,1996). The source of the Nile River is in Bururi province and is linked from Lake Victoria to its headwaters via the Ruvyironza River. Lake Victoria is also an important water source, which serves as a fork to the Kagera River. Another major lake is Lake Tanganyika, located in much of Burundi's southwestern corner. Burundi is bordered by four countries. To the north it is bordered by Rwanda. To the west Burundi borders on the Democratic Republic of Congo. To the east and south east, it borders Tanzania.
Map 0.1: The Republic of Burundi
Source: www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:By-map.png
89 4.2.2 People of Burundi
Burundi has a distinct history in the Bantu interlacustrine states (Fig 4.1) of the Great Lakes Region of East Africa. The history of the people of Burundi began in the middle of the 17th century with the immigration of the Tutsi from western Tanzania’s Ha ethnic group (Sutton, 1965). A section of Bantu from the Ha pre-colonial state migrated to the western part and later formed the Urundi state.
90
Table 4.1: Peoples of Burundi, Rwanda and Tanzania Linguistic Classification
AFRICAN NIGER –CONGO
LANGAUGE
FAMILY DIVISIONS Benue – Congo REPRESENTED IN EAST AFRICA
LINGUISTIC BANTU
GROUPS
AND
SUB-GROUPS
IN
EAST AFRCA Interacustine Bantu Highland Bntu
INDIVIDUAL Jita kuria
EAST Kerewe shashi
AFRICAN Kara Zanaki Zinza TRIBES Haya Ngurumi
Rwanda Ikoma Hutu Tutsi Rundi Meru Twa
Ha Chagga Hangaza Gweno Subi Vinza Jiji Source; Sutton, 1965
91 Mwami Ntare Rushatsi who led the Tutsi migrants, established the Rundi Kingdom in the centre of the present Burundi. During the reign of the monarch Rugamba II, he extended Burundi’s borders beyond the present size. In the 1890’s the Germans occupied the Urundi kingdom and integrated it with the German East Africa territory. Germany ruled Burundi until 1916, when they were displaced by the Belgians after the First World War (BNP 1996).
It was not until the 1920s that the boundaries of Burundi started to be recognized after the agreement between the European nations of Belgium and Britain and not until 1962 that Burundi attained her independence to form the Republic of Burundi. The Burundi nation has not emerged miraculously. The nation emerged as a result of pre- colonial societies’ development of the Urundi empire, nationalist struggle and attaining of independence (Mpangala, 2000). There is a need to study the history of Burundi and the Burundi people, their modern history and current affairs of the country in order to understand the deeply rooted nature of their conflict.
Burundi has about 6.5 million people. The population is made up mainly of the Hutu, a Bantu people, traditionally farmers, who constitute about 85 percent of the inhabitants. A tall, Bantu-speaking people, the Tutsi constitute about 14 percent of the population and are pastoralist. Inhabitants known as the Twa constitute about 1 percent and are mainly hunters and gatherers. In respect of religious beliefs, Christians constitute 67 percent of the population (of these 65 percent are Catholics), Muslims comprise 10 percent and the remaining 23 percent follow various types of traditional religions (Mpangala; 2003). However, Buyoya (2011: 3) disputes this distribution of the population by arguing that no census has ever been done to prove it. Before the arrival of the Europeans, the people of Burundi were living in social groups of (the) Bahutu, Batutsi and Batwa (Buyoya: 2011).
92 Figure 4.1: The Barundi People Organization Chart
Clans
Source; BNP, 1996
These groups lived in the same society and shared the same history. They spoke the same language which is Kirundi and shared the same religious cult “Kubandwa”. The earliest inhabitants of Burundi were the Twa, who were hunters and gatherers. The second group consisted of Bantu who migrated into the Great Lakes interlacustrine region between the last century BC and the first century AD. The Bantu developed an iron-based technology and an economy based on crop cultivation and husbandry of livestock. The last group to arrive was pastoralist and included the Hima and Nilotic people. The interaction of Bantu agriculturalists and pastoralists led to the formation of centralized states at the Great Lakes interlacustrine region (Mpangala, 2004: 33).
The first kingdom to be established was Bunyoro in the 15th century. Other Great Lakes interlacustrine region kingdoms resulted due to the spread and expansion of the Bunyoro kingdom. The development of the Bunyoro kingdom led to the rise of the Chwezi Dynasty, which was formed by the Hima pastoralists who adopted the Bantu language (Mpangala, 2004). The Hima were pastoralists who moved south-westwards
93 where they founded the kingdoms of Ankore, Toro, Ruanda and Urundi. Luanda (1995: 2-5) and Itandala (1995) strongly refute the theory that Tutsi were people of Hamitic origin who migrated into the Great Lakes interlacustrine region from Ethiopia. They both criticized that theory, declaring it to be a “myth” which has no proof. Their argument is supported by Mafeje’s (1991:17) study which put forward that although the rest of the kingdoms in the Great Lakes interlacustrine region, with the exclusion of Buganda and Busoga were formed by (Hima and Bito) immigrants and Bantu agriculturalists, there is no proof that pastoralist immigrants were Hamitic people (Mpangala, 2004: 34). However, Mafeje (1991) argues that the formation of Burundi cannot be separated from the formation of centralized states in the Great Lakes interlacustrine region. It has been pointed out that by the 19th century, more than ten centralized states had been formed, which included Bunyoro, Toro, Ankore, Busoga, Buganda, Buhaya, Buzinza, Buha, Ruanda and Urundi.
4.2.3 Pre – Colonial Period
4.2.3.1 Political Organization
The pre-colonial societies in the Urundi Kingdom were politically organized and based on the monarchical system under a “Mwami “(King) and their brothers and cousins “Baganwa” (Princess) (Ndarubagiye, 1996: 17). The Ba-tutsi clans of Banyaruguru were more closely associated with the kinship than Bahima. The Banyaruguru tended to marry within their clan, hence it was very difficult for the throne to be held either by the Bahima or Bahutu clans. The King, or “Mwami” was the head of the state and assisted by sub-chiefs from small chiefdoms, in most cases dominated by Ba-tutsi and few Ba- hutu (Buyoya, 2011:15). The king has a mandate to distribute land to the people because it was assumed that all land belonged to the king. Under the hierarchy of political organization in the kingdom of Urundi, in addition to chiefs and sub-chiefs, there were royal administrators, “Bashangantahe”, who were composed of prominent people who were elders and wise men. Bashangatahe were advisers at all levels and sometimes formed a court to settle disputes in their society, such as disagreements over land or cattle theft. They were given the responsibility of safeguarding peace within the community (Ndarubagiye,1996:18). During that time all people lived peacefully and 94 accepted the political ancestry system.
4.2.3.2 Socio – Economic Organization
Burundian people worked together at their farming and cattle herding. The land was under the Mwami who was the king. The king could expel someone from the land and force them to seek land elsewhere. The pre-colonial society of Burundi was dominated by Ganwa aristocracy, constituted of both Hutu and Tutsi. There were slight differences in production activities between the Hutu and Tutsi. It is not true that the Hutu were agriculturalist while the Tutsi were pastoralist. Indeed, most of the cattle were property of the Tutsi. The Hutu were mixed farmers; they kept cattle and cultivated crops (Lemarchand, 1997: 9). The Tutsi entrusted their cattle to the Hutu, which brought the Hutu and Tutsi together in a complex relationship of the rights and obligations of the Ubugererwa and Ubugabire. Ubugererwa means that the letting of a small section of land is allowed to a person who has no land, or has a small piece of land to feed his family. In return that person has to fulfil certain conditions. Ubugabire means the lending or donation of cows to someone who had none, and the beneficiary of the lending or donation had to do work in lieu of rent to the lending family (Ndarubagiye, 1996). This society was described as a feudal society by the missionaries who arrived during colonial penetration (Mpangala, 2003: 27).
4.2.4 Colonial Period
At the end of the 19th century, Burundi did not escape the wave of foreign domination. Prior to that time, there were several attempts made by Arab traders to invade Burundi. However, a Tutsi King, Mwami Mwezi Gisabo and his Bezi princes (Ntarugera, Rugema, Sebudandi and Nangongo) strongly opposed and suppressed the Arabs’ attempts. The outbreak of epidemics, famine and Germany’s threat to conquer Burundi forced Mwami Mwezi Gisabo to sign an agreement with Germany in acceptance of their domination (Lemarchand, 1997:41).
95 Germany integrated Urundi, Ruanda and Tanganyika under the territory known as German East Africa. Though Burundi was under German domination, the system of administration was different from other parts of German East Africa. Germany established a system of indirect rule to govern Burundi through protection agreements with the ruling Tutsi aristocracies (Mpangala, 2004). After the First World War, Belgium took over the colonial administration of Burundi. Belgium introduced the ethno-racial perspectives on the hierarchy of races, intended to divide the Burundi society. They decided to categorize society into superior and inferior groups. The superior group, assumed to have an Asian background (the Hamitic race) was the Tutsi. The inferior races were the Hutu and the Twa, who were regarded as pygmoides. These categorizations were based on various physical and mental features (Buyoya, 2011: 7- 28). Secondly, Belgium wanted to transform Burundi by producing a Tutsi ruling class of literate and educated Tutsi. Belgium built a special school of Astrida (Butare) for the Ganwa sons who were Tutsi. Hutu’s sons were not allowed to join that school, Belgium did that to create an education gap between the Tutsi and Hutu in the future.
Thirdly, the position of the ruling class had become rigid and exclusively accessible to the educated group, who were Tutsi. According to Buyoya, it should be remembered that the Ganwa aristocracy which dominated the power of the monarchy constituted both Hutu and Tutsi people. Belgium brought about a change to the system by bringing in this measure. Another measure introduced was to create and widen the gap between Hutu and Tutsi by means of the abolition of land chiefs who were normally Hutu chiefs. This measure had the effect of giving exclusive rights to the Tutsi aristocracy to own land. The intention of the Belgian colonial government was to separate these two groups - the Bahutu and Batutsi - and cause antagonistic relationships. The groups once lived as agriculturalists and pastoralists without tension or violence (Mpangala, 2004). To Belgium the division of these groups through their policy of divide and rule allowed them to exploit them effectively.
Indeed, colonial rule in Burundi tore apart the mutual relationship of Bahutu and Batutsi by planting the seeds of hatred between these groups. The introduction of an ethnic
96 ideology based upon social Darwinism and biological determinism led to discrimination within Burundi society. Social Darwinism, which advocates survival of the fittest, was later propounded by anthropologists to become the survival of race based upon traits of the physical features of the body such as eyes, height, hair or size of nose to signify superiority (Mpangala, 2000). Tutsi who were, thin, taller and had long and thin noses were categorized as a superior class and therefore had the right to dominate those who were fat, short and had smaller bulbous noses, who happened to be the Hutu and the Twa. In biological determinism, this was a racist ideology categorizing biological groups into categories of intelligence, temperament and character. The Tutsi enjoyed this biological ideology simply because in its terms many of them were favoured to go to school and acquire education and were hence regarded as intelligent (Mpangala, 2004).
97 Figure 4.2: Structure of Belgian Colonial Administration
The King of Belgians
The Belgian Prime Minister
The Minister of Colonies
The Governor of Congo
The Vice – Governor and Governor of Rwanda – Urundi
The Residents of Urundi
Indigenous Administration European Administration Mwami (King of Burundi) Tutsi Administrator Belgian Chiefs of Chiefdoms Hutu and Tutsi Office Supervisor Belgian Sub – Chiefs Hutu and Tutsi Technical Agent Belgians Indigenous Judges Tutsi Technicians Hutu and Tutsi Indigenous Assessors Tutsi Public Servants Hutu and Tutsi Indigenous Clerks Tutsi Secretaries Hutu and Tutsi Heads of Villages Tutsi Teachers Hutu and Tutsi
Source: Ndarubagiye; 1996
In Burundi, the ideological instrument of ‘divide and rule’ during colonial domination brought hatred to the groups who had largely enjoyed a peaceful relationship before the colonial rule. The societies of Bahutu, Batutsi and Batwa who had previously respected each other, became the worst of enemies (Buyoya, 2011).
98 4.2.5 Nationalism Struggle
The measure of separating the Hutu and Tutsi continued, even during the nationalist struggle. In 1950, when the Tutsi and a few Hutu decided to fight for their independence, the Catholic Church, through the influence of colonial government, started to favour the Hutu. This was a change of tactics; it should be remembered that it was the missionaries who had given superior education to the Tutsi compared to that of the Hutu (Itandala,1995:19). The Catholic Church referred to the Hutu as victims of deprivation imposed by the oppressed Tutsi power. Their support was intended to free the Bahutu from the slavery of the Batutsi (Buyoya, 2011). However, the church’s real objectives were to weaken and sabotage the nationalist movement by instigating ethno-political discrimination.
Ethnic politics began during the formation of nationalist parties. The Parti de I’Unite et du Progres National (Union for National Progress), UPRONA, was formed and was a nationalist non-ethnic party, under Prince Rwagasore, a Tutsi chief of Chiefdom and first son of Mwami Mwambutsa IV, and his friend Paul Mirerekano, a prosperous Hutu agronomist (Mpangala,2000). Prince Louis Rwagasore made a special appeal to the Hutu by taking their daughter as wife. UPRONA supported the continuation of the monarchical system. These two personalities were to lead people towards independence, regardless of their ethnic origin (Ndarubagiye, 1996). The Peoples Party (PP), an ethnic nationalist party, was largely comprised of Hutu, supported by the Catholic Church and Belgian government, as well as the Parti Democrate Chretien (Peoples Democratic Congress), PDC, an extremist ethnic nationalist party supported by Tutsi of “Bezi” (Prince), the son of “ Baranyaka” Prince Jean Ntitendereza, and supported by Belgian settlers. At the first election of communal authorities in 1960, the PDC emerged victorious against UPRONA. However, UPRONA complained to the UN that the election was not free and fair. Their complaint was received positively and a legislative election was scheduled for September 1961 (Lemarchand,1997:63).
The 1961 election can be regarded as a power struggle for supremacy among two Tutsi
99 royal families, Mwami Mwezi Gisabo and Mwami Mwambutsa; the former’s sons were known as Bezi princes and the latter’s sons as Batare princes. During the September 1961 election, UPRONA defeated the PDC, winning 58 out of the 64 contested seats. The victory of UPRONA gave a mandate to the nationalist leader, Prince Louis Rwagasore, who was the then Prime Minister, to form a government which was to lead Burundi to independence. Burundi politicians had decided to continue with the monarchical system at the head of state with old king Mwambutsa IV on the throne. The state of instability began even before independence. One month after parliamentary elections, on October 1961, a non-ethnic nationalist leader of UPRONA, Prince Louis Rwagasore was assassinated by suspected allied colonialist and extremist leaders of the PDC (Ndarubagiye, 1996).
4.2.6 Post Independence Period
The relationships of the Burundi people were affected even during the post independence period. Burundi attained her independence on 1st July 1962, the government formation characterized by ethnicised politics. Ethnicised politics means that the ideology of ethnicity has been used by politicians in competing for political power, resulting in the ethnic conflict (Mpangala, 2004). The ethnic conflict in Burundi has been experienced for decades since independence.
4.2.6.1 Leadership from 1961 up to 1966
For four years after independence, the Burundian government was headed by seven different Prime Ministers. They are Andre Muhirwa (Tutsi), Pierre Ngendandumwe (Hutu), Albin Nyamoya (Tutsi), Pierre Ngendandumwe (Hutu) again, Joseph Bamina (Hutu), Leopold Biha (Tutsi) and Michael Micombero (Tutsi). Two Hutu who were Prime Ministers were assassinated. These were Pierre Ngendandumwe and Joseph Bamina (Mpangala, 2000).
100
Table 4.2: Political Administrative Structure of Independent Burundi: 1962 -1966
Head of State: Mwami (the King) Tutsi Speaker of Parliament Hutu and Tutsi Prime Minister Hutu and Tutsi Ministers Hutu and Tutsi Executives Officer and Cadres Hutu and Tutsi Army Officers and Troops Hutu and Tutsi Source: Ndarubagiye; 1996
101 In the post- independence period, Burundi continues to maintain a traditional monarchy under King Mwambutsa IV, however the king failed to contain the deteriorating political situation. After the abortive coup in 1965, King Mwambutsa IV fled to Europe, his son Charles Ndizeye took over the throne and was crowned as Mwami Ntare V the following year (Ndarubagiye, 1996).
4.2.6.2 President Michael Micombero (1966 to 1976)
In 1966, Mwami Ntare Charles Ndizeye V appointed Michael Micombero as government leader. A few months later, Micombero overthrew the monarchical government and declared his intention to abolish the monarchical system. President Micombero, who was a Tutsi army officer, changed the political system and declared Burundi to be a one party state. UPRONA was the only authorized political party and changed its character from non-ethnic party to a functioning power base for the Tutsi. This was the landmark of the continuation of ethnicised politics by giving Tutsi dominance. Opposition leaders and Hutu ran away to seek asylum in the neighbouring countries. The Tutsi captured all the state machinery and political positions. The few Hutu who remained in government were dominated and oppressed (Lemarchand,1996).
The rough treatment towards the Hutu reached its high point in 1972, when Micombero invited Mwami Ntare Charles Ndizeye V to return to Burundi and had him murdered. He launched a military campaign against the Hutu who were systematically eliminated through genocide and mass massacres, resulting in the extermination of all the Hutu leaders, educated elites, high ranking officers, civil servants, priests, nuns and students all over the country. It is estimated that nearly 300,000 Hutu lost their lives. The continuation of ethno-politics in Burundi saw the birth and development of Hutu opposition movements such as the Parti de pour la Liberation du Peuple Hutu (PALIPEHUTU), Umugambwe wa'Bakozi Uburundi [Burundi Workers' Party (UBU) and Tabara (Buyoya, 2011).
102
Table 4.3: Political Administrative Structure of Independent Burundi under the Micombero Regime
President of the Republic Tutsi Prime Minister Tutsi Minister for Defence Tutsi Minister of Justice Tutsi Ministers 90 % Tutsi since 1972 Army Chief of Staff Tutsi Administrator of Security Tutsi Top Executives Officer and Officers 90 % Tutsi since 1972 Army Officers and Troops 90 % Tutsi since 1972 Source; Ndarubagiye; 1996
Micombero warped the government structure into segregationist, regionalist and clanist tendencies; all representing the Tutsi ethnic group. He favoured Tutsi from the Bururi province, especially those of the Bahima clan (Ndarubagiye, 1995). Micombero turned to alcoholism and was irresponsible with state affairs. President Micombero survived in power for ten years up to 1976. He was overthrown by Colonel Bagaza from Bururi.
4.2.6.3 President Jean Baptiste Bagaza 1976 to 1987
Jean Baptiste Bagaza, was a Burundian soldier. Like his predecessor, he promoted the Tutsi from Bururi but trusted only the two sub-clans of Bahima, namely the Bashingo and Banyazi (Ndarubagiye, 1996). All positions in the army and government posts were held by these clans. He came into power by means of a military coup in November 1976. Though he started his regime with several reforms, he slowly became autocratic, unpopular and dictatorial towards the citizens and the Catholic Church. This attitude later gave rise to the coup against him.
103
Table 4.4: Political Administrative Structure of Independent Burundi Under Bagaza Regime President of the Republic Tutsi Prime Minister Tutsi Speaker of the Parliament Tutsi Parliament 80% Tutsi Ministers 80% Tutsi Top Executives Officer and Officers 90 % Tutsi Army Officers and Troops 100 % Tutsi Source; Ndarubagiye; 1996
The appointment of President Bagaza did not change anything for the Hutu people; they continued to be deprived of all government activities, especially the top positions. President Bagaza did not take the trouble to solve the Hutu – Tutsi problems. He announced to the world that there was no land available for those refugees who wanted to return to their motherland and he implied that the available land resources were to be given to the few Tutsi and not to others (Hutu and Twa). Later on, Colonel Bagaza even became unpopular in the Tutsi ranks. He was removed from power by a coup d’état in early September 1987 (Ndarubagiye, 1996).
4.2.6.4 President Pierre Buyoya 1987 to 1993
Pierre Buyayo, like his predecessor, was a soldier. A coup d’état put Major Pierre Buyoya, a Tutsi from the Bahima clan, who originated from the same province as his predecessor, Bururi, into power. President Buyoya came to power with reformist ideas of how to solve the Hutu-Tutsi problem. Buyoya distinguished himself from the regimes of Micombero and Bagaza by accusing them of corruption, violation of the constitution and having poor economic policies. He suspended the 1981 constitution and set up a Military Committee of National Salvation (CMSN). During his regime, he released 600 political detainees and lifted the restrictions imposed on the Catholic Church. He worked
104 hard trying to eliminate tribalism and ensure political reforms. He appointed a new cabinet in October 1988 in which the Tutsi and Ba-Hutu had equal representation. He set up a committee of National Unity which was instructed to find out the causes of conflict and formulate permanent policies to reconcile the Tutsi and Ba-Hutu groups (Lemarchand,1996).
In August 1988, the massive tribal killing of Hutu happened as a result of President Buyoya’s regime not giving priority attention to the tensions between the different ethnic groups. The incident was provoked by the army, of whom the majority was Tutsi and Ba-hutu civilians, when they suppressed Hutu’s in the two communes of Ntega and Marangara in north of Burundi. The incident caused the death of thousands which led to an international outcry recalling the genocide of 1972 (Merady,1972; Lemarchad,1996; Ndrubagiye,1996).
The pressure of the Hutu being isolated by the Buyoya regime and being denied to return to their homeland, encouraged many Hutu to join the “PALIPEHUTU” - the party for the Liberation of Hutu People which had been formed four years earlier. The opposition within the country and donors’ threats forced the Buyoya regime to abide by appointing the Hutu Prime Minister Adrien Sibomana. He formed a government of 12 Hutu Ministers and 12 Tutsi Ministers. The appointment of Sibomana did not change anything. The situation of the Hutu remained the same. During the 1990’s the Franco – African summit made resolutions that military regimes should give their people their civic rights. The political winds pushed President Buyoya to accept a multiparty policy and change the constitution accordingly (Ndarubagiye, 1996).
4.2.6.5 The Democratic Presidential Election in 1993
Acceptance of multiparty elections led to the formation of opposition parties such as FRODEBU, PRP, RADDES, PP, RPB, ANADDE, PIT, ABASA, PARENA and INKINZO. Many of these political parties were unpopular; only FRODEBU and UPRONA had a firm foundation. Later on, after negotiation among political parties, it was agreed upon that the presidential election should be scheduled for June, 1993. The election was
105 conducted and accepted by international observers as free and fair. The results were as follows:
Table 4.5: Presidential Election in 1993
Melchior Ndadaye FRODEBU 65% Pierre Buyoya UPRONA 32% P.C Sendegeya PRP 1% Source; Kaduga,1996
The most interesting aspect of the election to note was that there were 16 constituencies. The FRODEBU (a Hutu-majority political party) moved to give six (6) seats to Tutsi candidates and UPRONA (a Tutsi majority party) invited three (3) Hutus to stand for election. Six and two candidates were respectively elected. The first democratically elected President Melchior Ndadaye survived in office for no more than 100 days before he was assassinated by Tutsi army officers in October 1993. However, the coup d’état was received with disappointment by civilians. The assassination of President Ndadaye who was a Hutu, prompted the Hutu outrage which resulted in the massacre of an estimated 350,000 lives (Kaduga,1996).
The assassination of Ndadaye was a great disappointment to all well-meaning people within and outside of Burundi. The Hutu reaction caused alarm within the Tutsi military. What followed was the beginning of a dark period. Some kind of civilian rule was imposed through what was considered as a gentlemen’s agreement to allow the FRODEBU to form the new government and Cyprien Ntaryamira to become president. However, the new president did not stay long in office. In April 1994 he died in a plane crash with Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana (Malai, 2009; 28).
The death of President Cyprien Ntaryamira again caused violent unrest in Burundi, which lead to a number of deaths. The national assembly changed the constitution and formed the convention government under President Sylvestre Ntibantunganya. The convention government operated under a power sharing arrangement between the 111 FRODEBU and the Tutsi military wing. This situation led to the deterioration of internal security in Burundi because of the political disorder and continuation of massive killings in Rwanda (BPN,1996).
4.2.6.6 The Second Regime of President Pierre Buyoya
The political disorder triggered by the assassination of Ntaryamira’s Hutu presidency gave the opportunity to the Tutsi military wing to operate by forcing the power-sharing political system until 1996. Major Pierre Buyoya replaced the Hutu president in a coup, when the Hutu rebels killed about 300 Tutsis on July 20, 1996, and army soldiers killed at least 126 Hutu refugees on January 5, 1997. In 1998, Buyoya and the opposition-led Hutu parliament reached an agreement to sign up to a transitional constitution, and Buyoya was sworn in as president. The Arusha peace talks began on 15 June 1998 (BNP 1996).
4.2.7 The Root Causes Of Conflict
The continued existence and salience of ethnicity in conflicts involving state power in Burundi is rooted both in the colonial and post- colonial periods. Belgian colonial rule in Burundi was instrumental in constructing ‘ethnicity’ (in the form of Hutus and Tutsis) to enable these colonial masters to oppress and dominate the entire population by the policy of ‘divide and rule’. Indeed, because the conflict within Burundi began to threaten even the security and economic development of neighbouring countries, they decided to make an effort to rescue the situation in 1994 (Mpangala, 2000). The social divisions in Burundi that led to the rise of other factors, which created political instability, are discussed below.
4.2.7.1 Power Struggle and Poor Leadership
Since the assassination of Prince Louis Rwagasore, Burundi has experienced power struggles and poor leadership characterized by egotism, selfishness and self- centeredness within the UPRONA party. The Kamenge riots in 1962 were a warning
112 sign of the absence of effective leadership (Lemarchand, 1997:63). This leadership had personal interests above those of the nation. This type of leadership was corrupt and unresponsive to the needs of the people. This factor led to discontent, unrest and rise of conflicts. The argument is supported by the former president of South Africa, Nelson Mandela, who noted that “the essence of a weak leadership without the vision to bring unity” was the genesis of the conflict in Burundi (Mwansasu, 2004:22- 224).
Closely related to poor leadership is the failure of the state to perform its core functions. Mazrui (1994) identifies the functions of the state as:
“…first, sovereign control over territory; second, sovereign oversight and supervision of the nation’s resources; third, effective and rational revenue extraction from people, goods and services; capacity to build and maintain an adequate infrastructure (roads, postal services, telephone system, etc) fifth, capacity to render basic services such as sanitations, education, housing, hospitals and sixth, capacity for governance and maintenance of order”( Mazrui,1993: 443)
The state in Burundi has failed to discharge its core functions and the breakdown of law and order is an indicator and probably the tip of an iceberg of the state’s failure (Mwansasu, 2004: 217). This situation promotes the rise of opposition groups fighting against the ruling government which was dominated by individuals of the minority Tutsi group.
4.2.7.2 Economic difficulties
Another cause of the Burundi conflict has been economic hardship. The majority Hutu and minority Tutsi have been struggling violently for political power and economic resources. They have used ethnicity as a platform for political and economic competition (Maundi,2000). Burundi is among the poorest countries in Africa and its economy is highly dependent on agriculture; it is very densely populated (Burundi Peace Negotiation Report, 2000). Nyerere was quoted by Mpangala saying that the socio-
113 economic situation of Burundi was one of the root causes of the conflict:
“The strife in Burundi (and Rwanda) is cast in ethnic terms. in my view it is not; it is really about resources. The struggle for political power by the excluded majority and the clinging to power by the minority through military means is about resources. Those with political power have access to land, jobs in the government and private sector and business. If a miracle was to take place and Burundi or Rwanda became Singapore, you would not hear anything about ethnic strife” (Mpangala, 2000:135).
The Tutsi minority has monopolized political and economic activities since the colonial time and therefore, the Hutu had to fight for political and economic power (Mpangala, 2004: 256-60).
In the I980’s and 1990s, the Burundian economy was affected, which led to increasing poverty, food insecurity, low savings, low human development, a heavy debt burden, undiversified exports and undeveloped economic infrastructures. These factors led to slow economic growth. The post-independence Burundian economy continued to depend heavily on agriculture as 90 percent of their population depended on it. Earnings from exports depended on coffee and tea which constituted 89 per cent of all exports. The remaining 11 % consisted of industrial and other sectors (Mpangala, 2003).
Burundi is a land-locked country and it is one of the most densely populated countries in Africa. Ninety percent of the growing population depends on agriculture and should the arable land become scarce, it faces serious problems in terms of development. Burundi ranks among the five least advanced countries in the world (UNDP: 2004). Moreover, the military activities take up large areas of land. And because the military was dominated by the Tutsi, it is perceived that the Tutsi took land from the Hutu (I.C.G. report, 1998). Furthermore, thousands of Burundians fled abroad and others live in internally displaced persons’ (IDP) sites. There is a generalized tendency towards despoilment of lands and a series of illegal land sites. The land issue has been crucial 114 since 1972, and it is true to conclude that the despoilment of land that has always followed the massacres, exacerbates the already delicate land issue.
4.2.7.3 Spread of weapons
The spread of weapons is another cause of conflict in Burundi. Amnesty International (1998) asserts that there existed an extensive network that delivered weapons from the production site to Burundian warring parties. The flow of arms to Burundi made the Burundi conflict unstoppable. Also, the Buyoya regime failed to stop the continuation of the killings in Burundi. The government started a self-defense programme for the Tutsi civilians. Weapons which were used to kill the Hutus were then provided to the civilians. The programme also increased the violations of human rights (Human Rights Report: 1998).
4.2.7.4 Ethnicity
Ethnicity is the root cause of the Burundi conflict stemming from the colonial and post- colonial periods. During the colonial period, there was a breakdown of pre-colonial equilibrium among the ethnic people of Burundi. There was also a discriminatory system which offered different opportunities to the Burundian people. The policy of divide and rule and the policy of indirect rule exercised by Belgium gave power to the Tutsis to dominate the Hutus (Mazrui, 1993: 454). Belgium enabled the Tutsi to feel that they were superior and had the right to rule over, and dominate the Hutu. They were classified as lower class and were denied all privileges which were enjoyed by the Tutsi, such as to own land, and fill leadership, administrative posts and undertake business ventures. During the colonial era, erosion of some basic traditions occurred, including cultural norms and values that were the building blocks of the unity, solidarity and cohesion of the fabric of Burundian society. There was also disruption of the traditional socio- political system under the monarchy and this led to the erosion of the bonds that had provided the foundations of Burundi’s political stability (Mazrui, 1993: 802-806).
115 4.2.7.5 Undermining legitimacy and illegitimacy of governing Institutions
In the post-colonial period, the causes of conflict in Burundi were the governing institutions. These were accentuated by poor conception of power, a lack of good leadership, lack of respect for the law and for political opponents. It was also aggravated by the assassination of great Burundian leaders like Rwagosore, Ngendandurnwe and Ndadaye. There was impunity for those who committed political and human rights crimes, and those who practiced regionalism, patronage, cronyism and corruption. Foreign powers’ struggle for influence and their interference also played a role (Nzongola-Ntalaja, 2002). Poverty, which led to a lack of basic needs, had an impact on the conflict. Finally, the lack of appropriate action by the UN to rule on the genocide perpetrated since independence was a factor (Nzongola-Ntalaja, 2000).
4.2.8 Summary
This section identified the history and root causes of the Burundi conflict. It examined the pre-colonial societies, colonial domination, nationalism struggle and post- independence period. Each part of the discussion has explored in detail the social relationship between the Hutu and Tutsi. The chapter illustrated clearly how the mutual relations of these ethnic groups started to deteriorate and reach a climax of genocide and mass atrocities.
The next section examines the history of Tanzania, from the pre-colonial period, the colonial rule of Germany and Britain, the nationalism movement, the post-independence period, how Tanzania supported the nationalist struggle of Burundi and the foreign policy oriented towards strengthening peace and stability in the neighbouring countries.
4.3 Introduction to the History of the United Republic of Tanzania
This section is about the history of the United Republic of Tanzania, reasons for intervention, the foreign policy of Tanzania in international relations, the multi-phased account of Tanzania’s intervention into Burundi, Tanzanian foreign policy and motivation 116 for intervention in the Hutu and Tutsi conflict in Burundi.
4.3.1 Position
The United Republic of Tanzania is a nation in East Africa located between longitude 29° and 41° East of Greenwich, Latitude 1° and 12°, south of the Equator. The country occupies an area of 945,087 sq. km. Tanzania is blessed as it is endowed with good climatic conditions and different topographical features which influence the climate of the country. For instance, it has an abundance of water sources such as rivers and lakes, for example Rukwa, Manyara, Tanganyika, Nyasa and Victoria. Tanzania is the land of the highest free-standing mountain in Africa and the Great Rift valley in western and central parts of the country (www.tanzania.go.tz).
The United Republic of Tanzania was formed out of the union of two sovereign states, namely Tanganyika and Zanzibar. Tanganyika became a sovereign state on 9 December, 1961 and became a Republic the following year. Zanzibar became independent on 10 December, 1963 and the People's Republic of Zanzibar was established after the revolution of 12 January 1964. The two sovereign republics became the United Republic of Tanzania on 26 April 1964. However, the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania is a unitary republic consisting of the Union Government and the Zanzibar Revolutionary Government. Tanzania is the biggest (land area) among the East African countries (i.e. Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania).
Tanzania has a spectacular landscape of mainly three physiographic regions, namely the Islands and the coastal plains to the east, the inland saucer-shaped plateau and the highlands. The Great Rift Valley that runs from the northeast of Africa through central Tanzania is another landmark that adds to the scenic views of the country. Tanzania is bordered by eight countries. To the north it is bordered by Kenya and Uganda. To the northwest the country borders with Rwanda and Burundi. To the west Tanzania borders with Democratic Republic of Congo. To the south there is Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique.
117 Map 0.2: The United Republic of Tanzania
Source: www.tanzania.go.tz/home/pages/68, retrieved on May, 2016
4.3.2 People Of Tanzania
The people of Tanzania trace their background from their former nations of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The origin and distribution of Tanzania’s people is discussed here in detail in order to understand the historical ties of these people since the pre-colonial societies, and how they picked up the pace for the unification after their independence.
118 4.3.2.1 Tanganyika
Tanganyika was a colony of Germany and later on, after the First World War, it was a mandate territory of the League of Nations under British colonial rule. Tanganyika is a multi-ethnic society which comprises of more than 120 ethnic groups. However, the people of Tanganyika, out of 120 ethnicities, can be grouped into three main groups namely the Cushitic, Bantu and Nilotes (Sutton,1965). The first group of Cushitic people arrived in Tanganyika from the Ethiopian highlands in 100 B.C. and settled along Mount Kilimanjaro, in the Ngorogoro valley and northern highlands and Rift Valley. Many of them engaged in hunting and gathering and later turned out to be cattle keepers. Later on they intermarried with new-comer groups of Bantu and Nilotes, which changed their life pattern (Sutton, 1965).
The Bantu and the Nilotes came into Tanganyika either by the wave of migration or conquest (Sutton, 1965). Both of these ethnic groups embrace abundant bands and sub-groups of people. The Bantu migrated from the west or south and established agriculture in the areas unsettled by hunter - gatherers (Sutton, 1965). The Bantu settlement in Tanganyika extended to northern-eastern, central Usandawe, and in the west on the Ugandan border, at Uvinza and at Kalambo Falls on the Zambia border (Sutton, 1965).
The Nilotes are basically divided into three main branches and smaller branches. The first Nilotes in Tanganyika are the “Highlands branch”. These Nilotes extended to northern Tanganyika and are called Mangati and Wataturu. The second Nilotes are the “Plains branch”. This branch included the Maasai and Tatoga who competed with Cushitic and lost, two centuries ago. The Tatoga in Tanganyika still maintain their identity in Mbulu and Singida. The third branch is “River-lake” Nilotes. This branch is found along the eastern shore of Lake Victoria in the Mara region. The Luo pushed the Bantu southward and by intermarrying, absorbed some of the local Bantu (Sutton, 1965).
119 4.3.2.2 Zanzibar
Zanzibar once was a protectorate colony of Britain, situated in East Africa in the Indian Ocean. It consists of two large islands - Unguja and Pemba. Zanzibar has a multiracial society which consists of the Hadimu, Tumbatu, Pemba, Shirazi, the mainland Africans and Arabs. However, it is believed that the earliest inhabitants of Zanzibar are the Hadimu who are majority to the central – eastern part of the island. It is believed that the Hadimu are of a different ethnic origin and arrived in Unguja before colonization. The Tumbatu extended their settlement to the northern part of Unguja. Tumbatu arrived in Unguja from the country of Basra. They settled at Chongowe and Tumbatu Island. The Pemba people are Africans and Asiatic, it is believed that Shirazi immigrants from Persia arrived in the 12th century and Bantu people, particularly the Segeju group arrived. Lastly there was the Shirazi community. This community sometimes tends to be identified as Hadimu, Pemba, Tumbatu or Arabs. Without these four ethnic groups, there is no Shirazi community. This community wanted to differentiate themselves from the mainland Africans. The mainland African people is another group of people who come from different countries of East Africa. The Arabs arrived in Zanzibar in various communities, first the Shihiri raiders, secondly Omani Arabs who come from Muscat and other parts of Persia. Thirdly, the Arabs from the Mazrui clan who came before the Portuguese, and then fourthly, a community consisting of Swahili and Shirazi with some Arab blood (Ayany,1983).
4.3.3 Pre – Colonial Period
During the pre-colonial period, Tanzanian societies were divided into two organization groups- there were centralized states, and states without a centralized system. The permanent crop cultivators and mixed agriculture communities were well organized in the form of clans or kinship political units (Mpangala, 2000). The organization of kinship political units led to the formation of centralized systems or states. The Makua organized themselves under political unit based or clan; the head was known as “Mwene”. The Nyakusya organised themselves under the clan umbrella of “Malafyale”. In Central Tanzania, the organization of Gogo and Nyamwezi were under the political 120 unit of “Watemi”. In the Western part of Tanzania among the people of Buha, Buhaya and Buzinza, the political unit organization was based upon the clan “Omukama or Mwami”. The states without centralized political systems in Tanzania were mainly found along the coast and partly the northern area. The pastoralists, due to their nomadic ways of life (such as Maasai), organized themselves into the form of an age system, whereby the distribution of labour was based on age and sex. People of Unguja and Pemba, and other people of the Coast such as Zaramo, Kutu and Kwere did not have a centralized political system but have their own system of administration (Kimambo and Temu,1996).
The major activities of the pre-colonial societies were crop cultivation, pastoralist, trade and commerce, fishing and iron smithing. The societies of Nyamwezi, Makua, Yao, Buha, Buzinza and Buhaya developed tremendously into Long Distance Trade from the interior of the Congo forest and the present Mozambique and Zambia, to the coast of the Indian Ocean after the 11th century. The main commodities which were imported from the interior were gold, salt, iron tools, ivory and animal skins, while from the coast, commodities such as beads, mirrors and porcelain were exported to the interior. Kilwa was the major gold trade centre from Sofala since the 13th century. The famous Arab traveler Ibn Battuta visited Kilwa, the commercial centre of the coast in 1332 (Kimambo,1996). To a great extent, these commercial activities developed many societies and opened the link between Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The migration of Shiraz from Somalia to Kilwa in the 14th century, promoted the commercial linkage with Zanzibar. In the 15th century Zanzibar gained commercial strength, especially after the arrival of Arabs from the Persian Gulf, who established a settlement at Unguja.
The arrival of the Portuguese in Mozambique affected Kilwa, being the major exporter of gold which came from Sofala. In addition, Kilwa was affected by the rise of Mombasa and Zanzibar as commercial states which were supported by the Arabs. The coming of the Arabs may have weakened the Kilwa states but promoted the development of Bagamoyo and interior states such as Nyanyembe, Mirambo, Ukimbu, Uvinza and Buha states. The Arabs started to push their caravans into the interior of the mainland.
121 In 1825, a wealthy Khoja businessman, Mussa Mzuri was the first Arab to reach Tabora from the coast (Kimambo,1996). This great development of Arabs to penetrate into the interior, benefited a lot of African rulers who managed to expand and consolidate their states. The Arabs from the coast who were interested in the ivory trade, introduced the slave trade in order to get porters to carry their goods and commodities from the interior. The trade partnerships between the Arabs of Zanzibar and the African rulers of Tanganyika developed well until the scramble and partition of the Berlin conference of 1884/85.
4.3.4 Colonial Domination
The European interest towards East Africa concluded during the Berlin Conference, where(by) it was agreed to divide East African societies amongst the British, Germany and the Sultan of Zanzibar. This discussion focused mainly on the German colonial power and the Sultan of Zanzibar. It was agreed that Germany should dominate all the societies in the interior including the Ruanda, Urundi, Buhaya, Buha, Uvinza, along the Lake Tanganyika to the south up to Kalambo Falls near Zambia, along the Ruvuma River and the coast of the Indian Ocean on the east. The Sultan was allowed to control the off- shore islands of the Indian Ocean and Zanzibar island. In 1886, the Anglo – German treaty was signed to impose the official boundaries of German East Africa. However, the treaty was rectified in 1890 to the famous Heligoland treaty whereby Germany was given an ocean outlet for export and import activities as shown on Map 2.
The German intervention in the African political system was problematic. German colonial domination can be looked at from two sides. The first side is the colonial domination of the states of Urundi and Ruanda, where Germany ruled indirectly through the African chiefs. The second part is the domination of Tanganyika which was characterized by resistance. They met with the resistance from African rulers who were not to be dominated by the foreign rule. According to Gwasa (1996), African reactions were diversified, and influenced by local conditions. The political systems were the major factor to determine how Africans reacted. The societies which were well
122 organized in the form of clan or kinship political units, developed efficient military states. During the penetration in the early 1890’s, Germany experienced active resistance from Mtemi Isike of Nyanyembe, Chief Mkwawa of Hehe, Abushiri bin Saliam, Bwana Heri of Pangani, Hassan bin Omari Makunganya of Kilwa in 1894 and Machiga chief of Usagara. The societies which were not developed into centralized political units, used passive resistance to denounce Germany’s colonial domination. Regardless of the African resistance, Germany managed to colonize Tanganyika (Gwasa, 1996).
123 Map 4.3: The German East Africa Colony 1890 to 1916
Source: www.wikipedia.org/wiki/German East Africa
121 Germany managed to defeat all the resistance with the expense of a lot of blood and alliances of African rulers who betrayed their fellow Africans such as Mangi, Rindi or Manda against Mangi Sina of Kibosho in 1891. Mangi Meli of Moshi against Mangi Marealle of Marangu, Chief Malele of Sangu and Bena against Hehe.
Though Germany succeeded in suppressing many African revolts, the African resistance continued during the establishment of the colonial economy. The Matumbi refused to pay taxes and in 1989 they fought against the Germans in the War of Pumpkins (Ngondo ya mayowa). The Majimaji resistance had two turning points for both Germans and Africans. To the Germans, it was to review their intervention strategies and model of ruling Africans, while the Africans had to modify their nationalist movement.
The Majimaji resistance united more than 16 ethnic groups to fight together against foreign domination. It started in 1905 at the eastern coast of Rufiji and later spread to the southern highlands up to 1907 (Gwasa, 1996). Indeed, Majimaji’s resistance was a platform of unity and solidarity to the people of Tanganyika, which overcame the hindrance of ethnicity towards the nationalist struggle. German colonial rule, even though suffering strong opposition, continued to build economic infrastructure such as roads, social services, railways and systems of administration. However, in 1914 they entered into the First World War and Tanganyika was conquered in 1916 by the British. The resumption of Britain as a colonial ruler changed the pattern of the ruling system of Tanganyika. The British learned a lot about Tanganyika through the experience of Germany’s rule. Britain avoided much intervention in Africa; apart from the fact that Tanganyika was a mandated territory, the British were not interested in developing much of the colony compared to their other colonies. Tanganyika remained British until the nationalist struggle in the 1950s. However, Zanzibar was ruled by the Sultan; the Heligoland treaty of 1890 to a great extent increased the influence of Britain in Zanzibar. Britain turned Zanzibar into a protectorate colony; however, the Sultan was given the internal authorization to rule (Kimambo and Temu,1996).
122 4.3.5 Nationalism Struggle
The nationalism movement in Tanzania has two faces - the first one is nationalism of mainland Tanzania, which was characterized by non- ethnic struggle. The second face is that of Zanzibar which was characterized by ethnic struggle and violence.
4.3.5.1 Nationalism Movement of Tanganyika
The development of nationalism began after the Germans’ colonial intervention. The people of Tanganyika opposed foreign domination through resistance, however, the Majimaji resistance changed the focus from violence to mass nationalist dialogue. The political development emerged after the formation of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA) in 1924, which was more a civil society association than political party (Mpangala, 2000). TAA developed nationalist objectives and established a link with ethnic associations to form a strong foundation. This association spread all over Tanganyika and opened branches in all regions.
The ending of the Second World War brought significant changes to the nationalism movement. TAA, which was the civil servant association, transformed into a political party known as Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in 1954. The formation of TANU as territorial political party, led to the formation of ethnic political parties such as the racially based parties of African Nation Congress (ANC) and drew supporters from Africans with a bias against Asians and Whites, and the United Tanganyika Party (UTP) which directed its attention to the mainly White Settlers. The ideological party of African Muslim National Union of Tanganyika (AMNUT) was a religious party formed to defend the interest of Muslims (Kimambo and Temu,1996).
The nationalist movement of Tanganyika was dominated to a great extent by TANU which was non-ethnic, non-racial and non-religious. It was supported by many members from different ethnic and religious groups. TANU extended its influence and support to the five nationalist parties of neighbouring colonial territories of Zanzibar, Burundi, Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda to form the Pan African Movement of East and Central
123 Africa Congress (PAFMECA). It was during the nationalism struggle and the forming of PAFMECA when Julius Nyerere, the leader of TANU, and Prince Louis Rwagasore, the leader of UPRONA from Burundi, built their friendship. TANU increased its supporters all over the country and led Tanganyika to independence in 1961 (Mpangala, 2000).
4.3.5.2 The Nationalism Movement and Revolution in Zanzibar
The nationalism movement in Zanzibar was divisive from the very formation of nationalist parties. The politics of Zanzibar was affected by racial discrimination and ethnicity. There was racial discrimination of Africans, Indians and Arabs. The Africans were sub–divided into the Shiraz and those who originated from Tanganyika. The formation of political parties followed this trend, such as the African Association (AA), Indian Party (IP), Shiraz Party (AP), The Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP), Zanzibar and Pemba Peoples Party (ZPPP). Later on, the African Association (AA) and Shiraz Party (AP) formed a coalition of Afro-Shiraz Party (ASP) in 1954 (Mpangala, 2000).
The formation of the ASP brought challenges to the ZNP, which was supported by the Arabs and ZPPP, whose majority of members came from Pemba. The political tension amongst these three nationalist parties was tight as indicated on the table below, though in all three elections the ASP won a majority of votes but could not take the majority of seats.
Table 4.6: Summary of elections of Jan 1961, June 1961 and 1963
Elections Jan 1961 June 1961 1963
Total No. of Total No. of Total No. of
votes Seats votes Seats votes Seats
ASP 40.2% 10 49.9% 10 54.3% 13
ZNP 35.8% 9 35.0% 10 20.8% 12
ZPPP 17.0% 3 13.7 3 15.9% 6
Source; Ayany (1983)
124 ZNP and ZPPP decided to make a coalition after the election of 1963 to get the majority 18 parliamentary seats, which enabled them to form a government. Britain granted independence to Sultan Jamshid bin Abdullah in December 1963. This independence was disputed by the majority of Africans. The leaders of ASP under Abeid Karume plotted the revolution, which succeeded in 1964 by forming a majority African government.
4.3.5.3 The Union
The governments of Tanganyika and Zanzibar agreed to form a united government from their two governments according to the agreement signed in April 1964 before the President and Chairperson of the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar, Abeid Karume and the President of Tanganyika, Julius Nyerere. The new nation formed was known as the United Republic of Tanzania, a combination of the two names. There is the union government which deals with union matters and mainland governance, and the revolutionary government which governs Zanzibar. The union matters to be dealt with are defence and security, home affairs, foreign affairs and international cooperation, monetary and finance, constitution and legal affairs, and higher education.
4.3.6 The Reasons for Intervention
The United Republic of Tanzania believed in the principle of human rights. The violence in Burundi threatened the security of Tanzania. Tanzania was also concerned about the people of Burundi. The then president of Tanzania Mwl. Julius Nyerere petitioned the Chairperson of OAU, the president of Nigeria (Olesequin Obassanjo) about the need for intervention in the 1972 Burundian killings. The upheavals in Burundi pushed Tanzania to intervene in their conflict in order to find a possible solution to stop the killing (BNP. 1996).
4.3.6.1 Historical Ties
Tanzania and Burundi have long historical ties; the people of the western region of Tanzania, which is Kigoma, share traditions and customs with the Hutu and the Tutsi of
125 Burundi since they belong to the same group of interlacustrine Bantu (Sutton, 1965). During the pre-colonial period, the people of Kigoma engaged in trading activities with the people of Burundi. The formation of the Buhaya, Buha and Buzinza states was a result of the development of the Hinda kingdom on the side of Tanzania, while the side of Burundi led to the formation of Bahima and Bahutu (Mpangala, 2000). Around 1800 AD there were two kingdoms of Haa, the first one located in the north and the second in the west. In 1840 the northern Mwami Ruhaga of Ha entered into war with his son-in- law Mwami Ntare II of Burundi, who seized the province of Buyongoma. After the death of Mwami Ruhaga, his sons divided the kingdom into Muhambwe and Buyungu. In 1850, Mwami Ntare II was defeated and his kingdom divided into the Heru, Bushingo and Luguru chiefdoms. This is evidence that Ha of Tanzania and Hutu of Burundi have been kith and kin since the pre-colonial period (Mpangala, 2003).
During the early years of the colonial period, Burundi and Tanganyika were known as German East Africa while under the German colonial rule. The Germans considered Urundi to be a province, which was organized by having the political system under one strong ruler, hence Germany decided to use indirect rule as a system of governance. This was done purposely as a means to implement the colonial policy of “divide and rule”. The Germans were aware that the Buha and Bahutu were blood related and that they were military states. To weaken their bond, it was better to separate them. Tanganyika, Burundi and Rwanda came to be separated in 1921 after the end of First World War, after Germany was defeated (Kimambo and Temu,1996). These three colonies were regarded as mandate territories under the League of Nations. For a long time, the people of both parts were living in harmony. The rise of conflict did not please Tanzania, hence they were forced to intervene to restore peace.
4.3.6.2 Insecurity of the Western Regions
The people of Kagera, Kigoma, Katavi and Tabora have experienced insecurity for many years due to the Hutu and Tutsi conflict. This conflict endangered public safety along the borders of Tanzania and Burundi; the gun fighting in Burundi sometimes crossed the border and injured or caused the death of Tanzanians. Some of the 126 refugees from Burundi crossed the border while they carried loaded guns and other small arms. Some of these arms tend to land in the hands of criminals who used them for robberies, wh ich made people insecure. In order to maintain security, Tanzania was forced to intervene in the peace settlement, due to the conflict of Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi.
4.3.6.3 Environmental Degradation
The western region of Tanzania depends on rain from the Congo forest, brought by clouds along the lake. Tanganyika and the Western forest hence influences rain in the western and central regions of Tanzania. Conflict in Burundi forced many refugees to cross the border to Tanzania to seek asylum in the western region of Tanzania, in the following different camps: Mtambire of Kibondo, District Mishamo and Katumba at Mpanda District of Rukwa Region. The refugees cleared thousands of hectares of forest in order to secure areas of settlement and cultivation. The clearance of the forest led to environmental degradation and affected the availability of rainfall in western Tanzania, threatening food sources and security. In order to stop that, Tanzania has no alternative but to ensure that a peaceful settlement is reached in Burundi for the sake of environmental security.
4.3.6.3 Nyerere’s Influence
Mwalimu Nyerere was a revolutionary leader and was totally opposed to any forms of oppression and exploitation (Kanuwa, 2003). He was a charismatic leader who devoted much of his time to helping others. During the nationalism struggle, Nyerere once met with the nationalist leader of Burundi, Prince Rwagasore and he told him that he was lucky for having the nation to himself (Mayengo, 2015). Nyerere was a close friend of Prince Rwagasore. He admired Burundi simply because there were only three ethnic groups which shared the same culture, language and customs, unlike Tanganyika which had more than 120 ethnic groups. Nyerere put a lot of effort into the conflict resolution of Burundi by providing places of safety for refugees who escaped the bloodshed during the 1960s and 1970s. He sought international assistance for peace settlement between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi. 127 4.3.6.5 Impact of Refugees in Kigoma Region
The refugees’ influxes in the Kigoma region have been persistent since the 1950s but the most severe influx was reported in 1993 following the failed coup d’état in Burundi. There were about 370,000 registered refugees from Burundi in the Kigoma and Kagera regions (URT, 1998). In 1996 there was another influx from both Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (the then Zaire), following political unrest in Burundi, civil strife and rebel fighting in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Mpangala, 2000). The peace which prevailed after the overthrow of the Mobutu government made it possible for voluntary repatriation under the tripartite agreement of a total of 53, 971 Congolese refugees. As of July 1998, the registered refugees numbered about 210,000 (URT, 1998).
However, the arrivals of refugees from Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo entering the Kigoma region created a seriously unfavourable impact on the local communities (URT, 1998). The most severely unfortunate one is the infiltration of arms from some refugees and militants which has resulted in the rise of armed and highway robbery, thus increasing social insecurity in the communities. In transit, the refugees camp in local peasant fields, and cut coffee and banana trees to provide shelter and firewood. They use local water sources, sometimes drying them up (URT, 1998).
The use of forests, trees and natural grasses by the refugees has made a very remarkable impact on the Burundi conflict in the Kigoma region. Areas of up to 6 km from camps have been cleared of most or all trees, which engenders environmental degradation. Farming households in direct contact with the refugees are affected in several ways. In some cases, their banana and coffee trees have been damaged. In other cases, cassava, maize and banana are stolen by the refugees (URT, 1998).
Many local households near the entry points and along the transit route host refugees, feeding them and providing other services. All these transactions lead to insecure food positions for local communities. The enormous assistance efforts increase the amount
128 of transportation on specific roads, ports and airports in the region. The main, regional and district or rural roads which were designed and built for trucks of up to 8 tons and light traffic were enforced to carry heavy load trucks of up to 40 tons or more per day (URT, 1998). As a result, there is an extensive weakening of main, regional districts or rural roads to such extent that bridges and culverts collapse. With the frequent rains, many of these roads have become impassable. Schools on the refugee transit routes and near the entry points are used as temporary camps by the refugees, resulting in damage to some of the buildings and facilities such as desks, tables and windows also being taken away (URT, 1998).
The arrival of refugees caused an increase in to the number of cases of communicable diseases such as dysentery, cholera, meningitis and AIDS in the region (URT, 1998). Health facilities in rural areas were used while district hospitals of Kibondo, Kasulu and Kigoma continued to supply emergency medical services. Village water supplies such as wells and springs are also affected, either by being overused and drying up, or being polluted. The arrival of the refugees in the Kigoma region required an urgent response from the international community and the government of Tanzania to mitigate future damage to the affected local communities (URT, 1998).
4.3.7 The Foreign Policy of Tanzania As Motivation for Interventions
Tanzania’s New Foreign Policy states clearly that the nation shall manifest itself in active international engagement, guided by the following principles: safeguarding the sovereign, territorial integrity and political independence of the United Republic of Tanzania, defense of freedom, justice, human rights, equality and democracy, promotion of good neighbourliness, promotion of African Unity, promotion of deeper economic cooperation with our development partners and support for the United Nations in its search for international economic development, peace and security.
One principle of Tanzania’s foreign relations was the catalyst of its intervention in the mediation process in Burundi. The principle ‘f”, article 31 clearly puts the position of
129 Tanzania regarding her neighbours, which is securing her borders and sustaining good neighbourliness, maintaining peace and stability, promoting trade, investment and economic co-operation and using the existing historical bonds and geographically strategic positions for social, political and economic advantage to the people and the neighbourhood.
Principle “g”, article 32 clearly states that: in promotion of peace and stability, both in and outside the African continent, the United Republic of Tanzania shall strive to co- operate with other countries with a view to rendering its full support to the effort at preventing, managing and resolving intra- and inter-state conflicts, coordinating collective regional action in preventive diplomacy and, where necessary, in peace- making, peace-building and peace-keeping.
4.3.8 Different Phases of Interventions in Burundi
The peace process in Burundi, led by the United Republic of Tanzania under the former President Julius Nyerere, passed through different initiatives even before the beginning of the process. Several steps were taken, such as a calling of several summits, economic sanctions or embargoes and military intervention. All these steps were taken to soften up the Bujumbura government and persuade it to enter into negotiation. At the beginning, the Burundi government was reluctant to enter into a peaceful settlement process. However, the threats of preliminary measures encouraged President Pierre Buyoya to join the negotiation table.
4.3.8.1 Mwanza I Meeting
The meeting took place from 22–26 April 1996 with increased violence, killing with impunity and political instability in the background. The meeting included nine small parties, and the two major ones, FRODEBU and UPRONA, and failed to arrive at a common statement signed between FRODEBU and UPRONA on the actual situation in Burundi. UPRONA failed to accept the paragraph that enforced all parties to have a total commitment and an adherence to the use of a political constitution for the achievement of political objectives. The clause underlines the return to constitutionalism 130 as the basis for a lasting and sustainable settlement to the political problem. The clause was misconstrued by UPRONA to exclude the political gains realized through the establishment of the “Convention of Government”. The inclusion of the “Government Convention” was thus underlined by UPRONA as an important element not to be left out. UPRONA also wanted Nyangoma‘s CNDD to be listed among the groups to be condemned for continued killings. FRODEBU found the need to mention the CNDD irrelevant since its military wing, FDD has already been listed. Thus, the statement was not signed as scheduled (BNP, 1996).
4.3.8.2 Mwanza II Meeting
The Mwanza II meeting had the task of accomplishing the unfinished business of Mwanza I. The meeting took place against a background of a further deterioration of internal politics, and more killing of the prominent Hutu leaders and moderate Tutsi leaders. In spite of the guarantee given to Mwalimu Julius Nyerere by the Prime Minister, the Minister of Defense and the President himself about the maximum cooperation to be accorded to him in Mwanza II, to accomplish the unfinished work of the previous meeting, UPRONA in particular has proved to be unreasonably difficult and highly uncooperative.
The Burundi government, contrary to their commitment, disobeyed the Tunis Declaration and failed to take concrete steps to bring to an end the climate of insecurity and impunity that continued to paralyze the country. UPRONA, with the Burundian army which it has turned de facto into an armed wing, became more arrogant. There was therefore an urgent need to devise some contingency plans to revive the peace negotiation, which was at a deadlock. The Head of East African countries and facilitator Mwalimu Nyerere decided to take measures into his own hands by calling summits in order to enforce the UPRONA government to return to the table of discussion. There were several summits called upon as discussed here below.
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4.3.8.3 Summits 4.3.8.3.1 Summit I Tanzania used summits of Heads of States in the regional initiative peace settlement in Burundi. The summits were attended by countries, institutions and the facilitator. Several summits took place. The first summit, also known as Arusha I, was convened in Arusha on 25 June 1996. This summit considered the possibility of using military intervention, only to be pre-empted by a request from the government of Burundi for security assistance. The summit accepted the request and a Technical Committee was set up to study the requirements of implementing the appeal. This regional initiative was supported by the OAU summit in Younde in Cameroon.
4.3.8.3.2 Summit II Summit II was convened in Arusha on 31 July, 1996. Burundi did not attend. The summit condemned the coup d’état carried out by Buyoya. It required the regime in Burundi to lift the ban imposed on political parties. The summit also required it to restore the National Assembly which had been banned and to agree to participate unconditionally in peace talks with other groups. It also required the regime of Burundi to restore democracy. The East African community imposed sanctions on the Burundian government to force them to come to the negotiation table. The sanctions were biting (Hyera, 2004) and on 12 September, the government was not allowed to conduct any exportations apart from a small amount for basic human needs. Buyoya’s gesture met with a response from the neighbours, who then removed restrictions on fertilizers and seeds. However, they emphasized that the action taken by President Buyoya did not meet all demands, especially that of unconditionally participating in peace talks with other groups.
4.3.8.3.3 Summit III The third summit was convened on 12 October 1996 in Arusha. Zambia had also joined the regional peace initiative, as well as imposing sanctions against Burundi. Zambia attended this summit. President Buyoya sent a communication to the summit, agreeing 132 to participate in peace talks with all groups unconditionally. Buyoya requested further lifting of sanctions (Hyer, 2004).
4.3.8.3.4 Summit IV Summit IV was held on 16 April 1997 in Arusha. President Buyoya was invited and more sanctions on food products, educational items, medicines and all agricultural items and inputs were removed.
4.3.8.3.5 Summit V This summit was held in Dar es Salaam in September I997. The summit wanted to dwell on the failure of the meeting of all parties convened in Arusha on 25 August 1997. It was also informed of the Burundian government and some of the parties’, especially UPRONA’s, refusal to support the peace efforts. This was so because they had no confidence in the Facilitator and did not want Arusha as a venue for peace talks. As a result of this, the government of Burundi did not attend the summit. However, the summit insisted that Mwalimu continue to facilitate the talks and the venue had to stay the same. Moreover, the summit decided to maintain the existing sanctions (BNP, 1996).
4.3.8.3.6 Summit VI Summit VI was convened on 21 February 1998 in Kampala. President Buyoya attended this summit and was required to brief the summit of the steps taken by his government since the fifth summit. The summit came to the conclusion that no significant progress had been made (Hyera, 2004).
4.3.8.4 Economic Sanctions
Tanzania also used economic sanctions against Burundi to resolve the crisis. Through regional initiatives, sanctions were imposed on Burundi during Summit II held in Arusha
133 on 31 July 1996. The purpose of applying an economic embargo on Burundi was to bring down and/or force the Buyoya regime to participate in the peace process with other parties. The economic sanctions on Burundi had the desired effects. The sanctions affected the Burundian economy. The Gross Domestic Production contracted by 3% in I995 and by 7.4% in I996. The embargo caused the fall of production levels of basic crops like cereals, vegetables and bananas. Shortages of agricultural inputs ensured that malnutrition and diseases increased. Between 1993 and I997, coffee production declined from 35,000 to 20,000 tons. The industries which were dependent on imports suffered. Imports fell from 15.4 billion BUF ($36,600,000 and 3,294,000 ECU) to 7 billion BUF ($16,600,000 and 1,494,000 ECU) between the second and third quarter in 1996. The exports fell from 6.4 billion BUF ($ 15,200,000 and 13,680,000 ECU) to 1.6 billion BUF ($ 3,800,000 and 3,420,000 ECU) in the same span. As a result of this, the Government revenue declined, with devastating effects on social services. Unemployment also increased. The embargo resulted in the increase of the average price of food by 30%, resulting in starvation of some Burundians (BNP, 1996).
Foreign assistance also fell from an annual amount of US$ 400 million to a mere trickle (Mwansasu, 2004: 217). On the other hand, Burundi survived the effects of the sanctions, for it resisted and found new trading partners like South Africa. Other ways were also found to bypass the sanctions. This became possible because some neighbouring countries kept their borders open. For example, coffee passed through Angola and South Africa to the foreign market (SWP, 1999). The sanctions had given rise to corruption and it benefited the ruling classes of militia, businessmen and politicians. This was counterproductive, for the sanctions were meant to weaken the ruling classes. Because the economy weakened due to the embargo, the resources became scarce and hence increased competition for them. This again is counterproductive to the resolution of the Burundi conflict. The embargo also restricted international travellers from entering and leaving Burundi. This prevented the flow of information to the outside world and in a way the government’s behaviour in observing and preserving human rights by hidden ways (SWP 1999).
134 4.3.8.5 Military Intervention
During Summit I, the Regional Heads of state had agreed upon the option of military intervention in Burundi. The military intervention option was first conceived by the UN and OAU. The President of Burundi also favoured this option. The Summit was about to implement the military intervention option, only to be pre-empted by a request from the government of Bujumbura for security assistance, which was accepted by the summit. However, this led to resistance by the military and other forces in Bujumbura and it culminated in a coup d'état by the former President Major Buyoya on 25 July 1996 (Hyera,2004: 59).
4.3.9 The Tanzanian Mediation Process
4.3.9.1 First Round Talks
Tanzania used mediation as another measure of resolving the Burundi conflict under the Facilitation of Mwalimu. J.K. Nyerere, who did not live long enough to complete his work. The successor of Mwalimu Nyerere was the former president of South Africa Nelson Mandela, who became the facilitator (Butiku, 2004: 68). From 1995 onwards, Tanzanian mediators, facilitators and other Tanzanian leaders used their time and resources to resolve the Burundian conflict. The first formal round of Burundi peace talks was held in Mwanza from 22 to 26 April 1996. This is known as the Mwanza I talks. The Facilitator called the parties to the conflict to enter into negotiations. The main parties, UPRONA and FRODEBU which were those mostly represented in parliament, attended the Mwanza talks. And it was agreed that other parties to the conflict would later join in the process. At the talks, the leaders of these parties made a joint statement which emphasized three points. The first is that there could be no solution to the conflict in Burundi through the use of arms or other forms of violence, because the nature of the conflict is political; the second is that they condemned violence, political killings and assassination as a means of achieving political power or settling differences with political opponents; and finally they reiterated their total commitment and adherence to the use of political and constitutional means for the achievement of political objectives.
135 However, it arose that UPRONA and FRODEBU differed on how to interpret the above joint statement (Hyera, 2004) and hence did not sign it. The Mwanza I talks, however, were a positive sign, for they managed to convene the major warring parties, who were ready for talks.
4.3.9.2 Second Round Talks
The second round of the Burundi Peace talks took place in Mwanza again from 3 to 9 June 1996. UPRONA proved to find more problems with the talks, and as a result the joint statement was not signed. Due to this failure, the Facilitator decided to make consultations with Presidents Mkapa of Tanzania, Museveni of Uganda and Moi of Kenya. After these consultations, regional summits were convened to sustain the Burundi peace process, described in section 4.2 above.
4.3.9.3 The Parties Talks 1998
In June 1998, seventeen parties were represented at the first round negotiation in Arusha. The parties, under the mediation of Mwalirnu Nyerere, signed a joint statement which came to be known as “The 21 June 1998 Declaration” (Butiku, 2004). After signing the declaration, the parties identified major agenda items and a committee was formed for each agenda. The first agenda was on the nature of Burundi’s conflict and the problems of genocide, exclusion and their solutions; the second agenda was on democracy and good governance, constitutional arrangements, questions of justice and the fight against impunity, judiciary, system of administration and transitional institutions; the third agenda was on peace and security. Prior to the peace talks, the four most important items reflected on the agenda were public security, defence, cessation of hostilities, and the possibility of a permanent ceasefire. Other agenda items included the rehabilitation and resettlement of refugees and displaced persons, and the guarantees of implementation of the agreement emanating from the Burundi peace negotiations.
Each committee was given a task of making specific recommendations including draft protocols. These were then to be submitted to the plenary session for discussion and
136 approval as the final decision of all the parties. Butiku (2004) asserts that the seriousness showed by the parties to the commitment to peace talks is attested by appending their signatures to the Declaration. However, the SODEJEM did not sign the declaration. Moreover, other parties like the Government, UPRONA, AV-lNTWARI, INKANZO, PIT, PRP and PSD entered reservations into some provisions of the Declaration. These provisions were a suspension of hostilities to take effect not later than 20 July 1998, “and an undertaking to return to Arusha on 20 July 1998 to commence the second session of the Negotiation”. The reservations on suspension of hostilities were a negative aspect of the peace process. Mwalimu Julius Nyerere died in October 1999.
The Eighth Regional Consultative Summit Meeting of the Heads of States and Government of the Great Lakes Region held on 1 December 1999, designated Nelson Mandela as the Facilitator of the Burundi Peace Process. He was to continue with the work which the late Mwalimu Nyerere had started, using the same framework, machinery and the Facilitator‘s Team. Also, Arusha was to continue to host the peace talks. Nelson Mandela expressed his displeasure over the unsatisfactory snail’s pace of negotiations. He also emphasized the need to include in its talks the armed groups of CNDD-FDD and PELIPEHUTU-FNL (Butiku, 2004: 105-106). Nelson Mandela also invited different statesmen to the peace talk sessions in Arusha. In March 2000 he invited the President of the Republic of Nigeria, Olesegun Obasanjo. President Obasanjo was to share with delegates the experience of disengagement of the military from politics. The President of USA, Prime Minister of Belgium and Foreign Minister of UK were able to address the plenary session in February 2000 by satellite.
4.4 The Burundi Peace Negotiation Outcomes
The Arusha peace talks culminated in reaching and signing the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi on 28 August 2000. The signing ceremony of the Agreement was attended by many African Heads of State and Government, Bill Clinton, the then USA President, the UN Representatives, European Union Representatives. The then OAU Secretary General Salim Ahmed Salim, and the Heads of Diplomatic Missions to 137 Tanzania were all present. The facilitator, after consultation with the international organs, decided to continue working with the parties which were ready to sign the agreement. Even though there were some issues which were not resolved, and some political groups were still in need of some consultation (Mwansasu, 2004). The Arusha peace and reconciliation agreement which was signed on 28 August 2000, was a significant agreement in the history of African negotiations, involving many political parties. The agreement resulted after three years of negotiation and dealt with the following five issues: the protocol on the nature of conflict, the problem of genocide and exclusion and its outcome, the protocol on democracy and good governance, the protocol on peace and security for all the protocol on rebuilding and development and the protocol on the guarantee and enforcement of the agreement (Buyoya, 2011).
Notwithstanding the fact that it was a successful agreement in its own right, Arusha was followed by a series of further agreements, a process which ended in 2003, simply because the armed political parties, CNDD – FDD and PALIPEHUTU-FNL did not take part in the first agreement. The ceasefire agreement between the transitional government and both CNDD- FDD and PALIPEHUTU-FNL was signed in Dar es Salaam on October 7 and December 2, 2002. The Pretoria protocol agreement which concerned the arrangement of political defense and security power in Burundi was subsequently signed on 8 October 2003 (Buyoya, 2011). The Arusha peace and reconciliation agreement managed to lay the foundation for bringing together the people of Burundi. Arusha has remained an indispensable pillar of stability and security in Burundi (Vandeginste, 2015). The implementation of the Arusha accord led to the formation of a transitional government for a 36 month period, of which UPRONA was to govern for 18 months and FRODEBU for the remaining months. Furthermore, there were other internal arrangements of power distribution with regard to cabinet ministerial posts, parliamentary seats and the army. The distribution was as follows: the Hutu were given 60% and the Tutsi 40%, while the Twa received 2 parliamentary seats. Although the Arusha Agreement did, to some extent bring peace to Burundi, in the run-up to the democratic election, the transitional governments of Presidents Pierre Buyoya and Domitien Ndayizeye escaped several coups d’état (Buyoya, 2011). This indicates that there were some groups who did not accept the Arusha Aagreement.
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The Arusha peace and reconciliation agreement has been criticized in respect of the following aspects: firstly, the ethnic power-sharing representation was a weakness which created room for future conflict. In this regard Lemarchand (2004) argues that the distribution of power engineered in the Accord was disproportional. In his view, the Hutu deserved to have at least 70% of positions since they constituted 85% of Burundi’s population. Secondly, the protection of minorities left to the military was not appropriate since the army consisted mainly of people from the major ethnic groups, meaning that attention is likely to be paid to their respective ethnic groups rather than to the minorities (Vandeginste, 2015).
A third critique concerns the terms relating to attempts at military coups. There was no clear mechanism for this prohibition and it is therefore no wonder that the transitional government experienced several attempted military coups. Consequently, the Arusha Accord did not provide a clear and gradual process of transformation of ethnic and regional imbalances in the process of avoiding the outbreak of future conflict (Vandeginste, 2015). In conclusion, the Arusha Accord put forward a number of democratic principles, without providing any clear mechanism of monitoring and evaluation, while neglecting some concerns of small political groupings and civil society at large.
4.5 Summary
This section discussed the historical background of Tanzania, the pre-colonial period, colonial domination and nationalism struggle. The motivation factor of the foreign policy and other factors now lead Tanzania to intervene in the conflict of Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi. It showed in detail how the negotiation process proceeded and the outcome of the mediation settlement. Special attention was given to the outcomes and critiques of the Arusha Accord.
4.6 Conclusion
A lot has been written about conflict resolution and mediation processes in the Great
139 Lakes Region of East Africa, especially on the conflict between Hutu and Tutsi of Burundi. However, there are certain gaps, including the role played by Tanzania in the mediation process that must be filled. This study attempts to document the mediation process of Tanzania in the conflict. The objective is to expand our understanding of the mediation process in conflict resolution in Burundi. It also assesses the mediation process of Tanzania, compared with mediation perspectives of John Burton and Jacob Bercovitch. The history of Tanzania’s involvements in the conflict resolution in the Great Lakes Region of East Africa has come a long way since the early beginning of the 1960s. Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict resolution and peace settlement between Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi remains incomplete until the process is assessed, and the ‘gap’ filled. This study intends to ‘fill in’ that ‘gap’ uncovered in previous chapters and perceived during the mediation process.
The next chapter presents the research design and methodology. It explores various philosophical assumptions and the data collection methods which underpin the qualitative research design employed.
140 CHAPTER FIVE: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
5.1 Introduction
This chapter discusses the research methodology used by the researcher and presents an overview of the qualitative research method and theoretical framework. The research methodology explained in this chapter enabled the researcher to reach his objective. The chapter indicates the appropriate procedures followed and shows the sources of data that have been used in the study. It also analyses the philosophical assumptions and interpretive framework used in this qualitative research. It discusses in detail the qualitative philosophical assumptions used in the study which are: ontology, epistemology, axiology and methodology. Each philosophical assumption is explained based on its function in conducting the qualitative research and focus is placed on the question, characteristics and implication for practice.
5.2 Research Problem
The problem under focus in this study is the mediation processes employed in attempting to resolve the Hutu and Tutsi conflict in Burundi between the years 1993 and 2005 by Tanzania’s mediation approach. Many papers have been written on mediation, but most of them focus on the entry of the mediator, the second phase of the process and the post settlement phase. However, there is only limited research on the assessment of the mediator in the mediation process. As Stephen (1994) pointed out, much conflict research focuses on the process of mediation and what factors hinder or speed up settlement of disputes. However, there are only a few works that assess the mediator’s practice (see for example Maundi, Zartman, Khadiagala & Nuamah, 2006) and therefore there is still a gap which needs to be filled.
Focusing on the mediation perspective, the study attempts to contribute towards an assessment of Tanzania’s mediation process in conflict resolution between Hutu and
141 Tutsi, and assesses the process that guides the mediators in conflict resolution. While a lot has been written on this Hutu and Tutsi conflict, little research has been carried out into Tanzania’s perspective on this mediation process. This study therefore seeks to examine Tanzania’s perspective of the mediation process in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Burundi according to frameworks and guidelines as propounded by recent work published on mediation (Burton, 1990 & Bercovitch, 2003).
5.3 Research Design
Creswell (2014) defines ‘research design’ as a plan and procedures for the study, providing the overall framework for collecting the data. He outlines the detailed steps of the study and provides guidelines for systematic sampling techniques, the sample size, instruments and data-gathering options from broad assumptions to detailed methods of data analysis. This study adopts a qualitative research methodology, using a case study design that explores Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi in the years 1993 - 2005.There are two approaches to doing research namely: the quantitative and qualitative paradigms. Each approach has its own methods of inquiry. The quantitative approach has the objective of clarifying the trends or explaining the relationships between variables, while qualitative research is centred on the analysis of information so as to create qualitative explanations (Nieuwehuis, 2010).
The following table provides a more detailed comparison of the qualitative and quantitative approaches:
142 Table 5.1:A comparison of the qualitative and quantitative approaches in social sciences
Qualitative Approach Quantitative Approach
Epistemological roots in phenomenology Epistemological roots positivism
Purpose is constructing detailed descriptions Purpose is testing predictive and cause – of reality effect hypotheses about social reality
Methods utilise inductive logic Methods utilise deductive logic Suitable for a study of a relatively unknown Suitable for a study of phenomena which terrain; seeks to understand phenomena are conceptually and theoretically well developed; seeks to control phenomena Participants’ natural language is used in order Concepts are converted into operational to come to a genuine understanding of their definitions; results appear in numeric form world and are eventually reported in statistical language The research is flexible and unique and The research design is standardised evolves throughout the research process. according to fixed procedure and can be There are no fixed steps that should be replicated followed and design cannot be replicated exactly Data sources are determined by information Data are obtained systematically and in a richness of settings; types of observation are standardised manner modified to enrich understanding The unit of analysis is holistic, concentrating The unit of analysis are variables which are on the relationships between elements, atomistic (elements that form part of the contexts, etc. The whole is always more than whole) the sum Source: Delport & De Vos, (2014)
140 The above table provides a more detailed comparison of the qualitative and quantitative approaches. From the table, it is clear that the qualitative approach is most preferable for this study. Qualitative research contains four key considerations for successful results: the theoretical underpinning of the approach, characteristics of qualitative research and the art of asking “why” (Yin, 2013). Furthermore, qualitative research deals with the qualitative methods used to collect the information or data such as observation, interview, focus group discussion and documentary review.
5.4 Case Study Research
The term “case study” has multiple meanings, whether to describe a research method or a unit of analysis (Creswell et al., 2010). The case study research could be positivist, interpretive or critical, depending on the philosophical assumptions of the researcher (Creswell et al., 2010). Case study research engages the study contained by the real life, contemporary context or setting (Yin, 2013). Stake (2005) emphasizes that a case study is bounded by time and place, while others look at case studies as a strategy of inquiry, a methodological and comprehensive research strategy (Denzil & Lincoln, 2005; Yin, 2013). Case study research is a qualitative approach in which the researcher investigates or explores real life, a contemporary bounded system or multiple bounded systems (cases) over time through detailed, in-depth data collection using multiple sources of information such as observation, interviews, documents and reports a case description and case themes (Creswell, 2013). As mentioned above, this is a case study aimed at exploring Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi during the period 1993 - 2005.
The qualitative case study research method has proven to have different characteristics, such as the case study research that begins with the identification of a specific case. This case may be of an individual, group, an organization or a partnership, community, or a relationship. The case study has a goal or objective. The qualitative case study usually has the objective of understanding a specific issue, problem or concern and the case is selected to best advance understanding. In addition, the qualitative case study represents the in-depth understanding of the case; hence the fact that the researcher 141 collects information via multiple sources. The information can be collected from individuals, groups, verbatim reports, minutes of meetings, memoirs, books, letters or resolutions. There is a different approach of data analysis in case studies. The analysis depends on the nature of the case; extensive analysis could comprise multiple or single cases, depending on the nature of the research. The analysis in case study involves description of the case by identifying the themes or issues or specific situations to study in each case (Creswell, 2013).
In spite of the fact that the case study approach seems to be a good one in qualitative research, it has its own challenges. When identifying the case, a selected case may be broad or narrow in scope, depending on the specific aspect under investigation. The researcher must decide which bounded system to study. Selecting the case requires the researcher to establish a rationale or purposeful strategy for selecting the specific case and gathering information on it.
The qualitative case study approach is deemed appropriate to this study as it provides rich information about the phenomenon (Creswell, 2009; Fair-Brother, 2007; Ivankova et al., 2008) and uses a small number of participants (Creswell, 2009). Additionally, the responses to research questions are meant to be explanatory in nature as the researcher needs to be able to identify consistent themes and on the basis of the findings reached, analyze the Tanzanian mediation process in the conflict between Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi (Yin, 2015). Since, in the case of Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict between Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi, the information that was gathered was provided by data from thirty five participants, it can be thought as a collective case study (Stake, 1995). The rationale for using a multiple participant design is to expand the perimeter of the inquiry by “potentially contrasting results for predictable reasons” (Yin, 1994: 46).
Yin (2015) presents three types of case study: the intrinsic, explorative and explanatory. An intrinsic case study is also called descriptive; its main objective is to provide a better understanding of the case under study. The explorative case study
142 allows the researcher to explore the phenomenon under study without necessarily giving a single outcome. The explanatory case study allows the researcher to offer an explanation of causal relationships. This particular study is explorative and intrinsic in nature because it gives rich information and uses a limited number of participants (Creswell, 2013; Punch, 2013; Yin, 2015). The case study is also suitable for this study because it allows me to report the findings in no particular way (Creswell, 2014). The rich documentaries are presented in an abstract form to allow the reader to ‘review the information of participant or documents’.
5.4.1 Case Study Research and Conflict Resolution
Levy (2002) argues that studies of conflict resolution have been developed into scholarly work on case study methodology by a number of scholars (Brady & Collier, 2004; George & Bennett, 2005; Blatter & Blume, 2008). George and Bennett (2005) define a case study as the detailed examination of an aspect of an historical event to develop or test historical explanations that may be wide-ranging to other events. The hypothetical orientation of contemporary case study research leads to discussions of the various roles of case studies in theory development. This leads to analysis of the different types of case studies as discussed below.
5.4.1.1 Types of case studies
The classification may be based on the theoretical purpose or function of case studies as proposed by Lijphart (1971) and Eckstein (1975), which have been reasonably prominent. These are proposed types and in practice many case studies combine a number of these aims:
1. Theoretical/idiographic case studies are descriptive studies of individual cases that aim to understand and interpret a single case as an end in itself, rather than to develop broader theoretical generalizations. They are fundamentally inductive as opposed to deductive. The scholar allows the facts to “speak for themselves”, so that the explanations come into view in a “bottom-top” fashion.
143 2. Theory-guided/idiographic case studies explain and/or interpret a single case. However, that interpretation is clearly structured by a theory or well-developed conceptual framework that focuses attention on some theoretically specified aspects of reality and ignores others. This is investigative history rather than total history. According to Van Evera’s (1997) argument, the broader project of exploring case studies have replaced a former focus on the theoretical explanation of individual cases. However, case studies that are obviously designed to contribute to the construction and testing of theoretical generalizations about a broader class of behaviour, are more common and influential. 3. Hypothesis generating case studies have an added, explicitly theoretical purpose. They examine a particular case or several cases for the reasons of developing general theoretical propositions, which can be tested via other methods. By allowing an intensive assessment of individual historical experiences, case studies can contribute to theory development by suggesting additional causal variables, causal mechanisms, and interaction effects. In addition, they help to suggest important contextual variables, thus to identify the scope of conditions under which particular theories are valid. These are important steps in the theory-building process. The function of case studies in generating hypotheses is to improve interaction of theory and data in case study analysis. The preliminary point is a theory, which the political analyst uses to understand a case, and proof from the case is then used to put forward important improvements in the theory. Theory can be tested on other cases or other aspects of the same case. A fine example of this trend, is Zartman's (1995: 307) collection of comparative case studies on the ending of civil wars, which contains offerings by multiple authors. The theoretical lessons generated by the study were the result of an ongoing dialogue between the conceptual framework guiding the project and evidence from specific cases. 4. Deviant case studies focus on empirical differences in established theoretical generalizations in order to explain those differences. In the process, case studies improve the existing theory that failed to anticipate the inconsistency, by
144 identifying omitted variables, interaction effects or alternative causal paths, or by specifying the possible conditions under which a particular theory is valid. The conclusion is that unusual cases give support to the hypothesis and generate meaning in case studies. An unusual case strategy can be usefully combined with statistical methods, in that some of the most significant deviations from the regression line in a statistical analysis are ideal cases for selection for more thorough examination by case studies. 5. Theory-testing case studies are functional in the explanation of individual historical experiences and play a causal role in the formation of hypotheses. Case studies can also be used to assess hypotheses and theories. The basic prerequisites are that the hypotheses to be tested are clearly stated and expressed in a form that leaves them open to empirical falsification, and, ideally, that the researcher specifies in advance the types of evidence that would misrepresent the hypothesis. Lijphart (1971) proposes the categories of theory- confirming and theory-infirming in the interpretation of case studies. These can be combined into a single theory-testing category. 6. Plausibility probes is one direction which many qualitative methodologists have followed. Eckstein (1975), in suggesting plausibility as a parameter in the assessment of case studies, argues for a different category in case studies as a method. The aim is to propose or set down law-like relationships in the positivist sense of scientific causal laws (nomothetic), since most likely what is being probed is the equivalent between the elements of a particular case and some broader theoretical proposition.
It appears therefore, that there are a number of different objectives of case studies. It is significant to be clear about the specific objective of a specific case study, because different theoretical (or descriptive) purposes have need of different types of research designs. If the aim is the idiographic one of explaining a particular case, whether through an inductive analysis or an analysis driven by a clear theoretical framework, then it could be argued that the single case of Burundi was selected to explore the problem-solving intervention in the Hutu and Tutsi conflict.
145 In this case selection, I chose an explanatory case study based upon theory-guided research in conflict resolution, since to some extent that allows me to provide an explanation of causal relationships, and explain and/or interpret a single case. However, that interpretation is clearly structured by a theory or well-developed conceptual framework that focuses attention on some theoretically specified aspects of reality and ignores others. It is more important to use case studies for the purpose of establishing scientific control over extraneous variables.
5.5 Philosophical Assumptions
An understanding of philosophical assumptions behind the qualitative research is important and belongs within the overall process of research. Philosophy means the use of abstract ideas and beliefs that inform research. Philosophical assumptions are the initial ideas on which a research project is based. The researcher tends to bring in certain assumptions, theories, paradigms and perspectives when doing research. Then the researcher engages with data collection and interpretation and the evaluation of data. These four assumptions made by researchers - see for example Denzin & Lincoln, 2005; Guba & Lincoln, 1998; Lincoln, Lynham & Guba, 2011; Crotty, 1998; Neuman, 2000 - are beliefs about ontology (the nature of reality), epistemology (what is knowledge and how knowledge claims are justified), axiology (the role of value in research), and methodology (the process of the research) as articulated in the table 5.1 below.
146 Table 5.2: Philosophical Assumptions with Implication for Practice
Assumption Question Characteristics Implications for Practice (Examples)
Ontology What is the nature of Reality is multiple as Researcher reported reality? seen through many different perspectives views as themes developed in the findings Epistemology What counts as Subjective evidence Researcher relied on knowledge? from participants; quotes as evidence How are knowledge claims researcher attempted from participant; justified? to lessen distance collaborated, spent What is the relationship between himself or time in the field with between the researcher herself and that being participants, and and that being researched became an “insider” researched? Axiology What is the role of values? Researcher Researcher openly acknowledges that discusses values that research is value- shape the narratives laden and that biases and includes his or her are present own interpretation in conjunction with interpretations of Participants Methodological What is the process of Researcher used Researcher worked research? inductive logic, with particulars What is the language of studied the topic (details) before research? within its context, and generalizations, used an emerging described in detail the design context of the study, and revised questions from experiences in the field Source: Creswell (2013)
5.5.1 Ontology
Ontology is a philosophical belief system about the nature of social reality, what can be known and how. Therefore, ontology in the social world is taken to mean the kinds of things that exist. Guba (1990) refers to ontology as the nature of the ‘knowable’ or the
147 nature of ‘reality’. Assumptions of an ontological kind concern the very nature of social entities being investigated. One example of this line of thinking is the Tanzanian mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi during1993 to 2005. This mediation perspective is a concept of ontology based on the justification of the idea of the nature of reality of the things that came into being or that came into existence. In this study, the ontological way of thinking serves as a justification for the validity of mediation in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict. The history of Burundi is the underlying motif for this justification of mediation as an applicable conflict management tool.
On reality, Creswell (2015) points out that the researcher believes that research could be answered most truthfully and thus his or her assumption of how reality should be viewed. Bryman (2004) identifies two ontological positions concerning social research - ‘objectivism’ and ‘constructionism’. According to Bryman, objectivism entails that the social entity in question adheres to an external objective reality independent of the researcher’s awareness. At the opposite extreme, there lies constructionism which implies that social entities can and should be considered to be social constructions built upon the perceptions and actions of social actors. These contrasting sets of ontological assumptions are also known as the nominalist - realist debate, a name which was proposed by Burrell and Morgan (1979).
As this study is driven by qualitative research, issues as to the nature of reality and its characteristics are related, hence multiple realities do exist. According to Creswell (2014), qualitative researchers conduct studies with the intention or objective of reporting these multiple realities. Evidence of multiple realities include the use of multiple forms of evidence in themes using the actual words of different individuals and presenting different perspectives (Creswell, 2015). This calls for qualitative research which is underpinned by the outlook that reality and truth are biased social constructs (McMillan & Schumacher, 2010). I believe that there are multiple realities regarding the way Tanzania experienced the mediation process between the conflicting Hutu and Tutsi peoples in Burundi. I entered the world of conflict management with the view that
148 due to the conflict eruption in the Great Lakes Region, good governance might be the solution to the problem- solving of deep-rooted conflict in the region. When I went to the field to collect data and interact with the participants, I used a critical lens to evaluate and review the documents on the Burundi negotiation process to provide information and insights useful in understanding the mediation process that was followed. In addition, critically examining their views, reviewing documents and publishing the thesis will hopefully contribute towards improving the mediation process.
5.5.2 Epistemology
Epistemology refers to the nature of the relationship between the knower and what can be known, i.e. knowledge and how it is acquired (Druckman, 2005). Epistemology brings the qualitative researcher closer to the participants being studied. This facilitates subjective evidence assembled based on individual views. This is how knowledge is known - through the subjective experience of people. It is important to conduct studies in the field where people live and work. This is an important context for understanding the viewpoint of the participants. The longer the researcher stays in the field, the more they gain first-hand information (Creswell, 2013).
I understand that society and societal behaviour are firmly based on the history and experience of the people in the mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi. As a society, Burundi is ever varying, though there is some form of socio-political and economic control that may attempt to prevent it from doing so (Habermas, 2005). This study was conducted within the interpretive paradigm which according to Creswell (2014), aims to examine the Tanzanian mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi from 1993 up to 2005, based upon the scholarly mediation perspective.
149 Table 5.3: Ontology, Epistemology, Methodology and Methods
Paradigm Objectivism Interpretivism Constructivism Positivism Modernism Postmodernism Realism Impressionism Ontology The life world of The real world can be There is no real world or subject can be discovered by means of truth out there, only a discovered in an a systematic, narrative truth. Reality can objective manner interactive thus only be known by methodological those who experience it approach personally Epistemology Interpretation arises Knowledge arises from Those who are personally from observation of the understanding of experiencing it construct the researcher. With symbolic and meaning knowledge through a the right methods (symbolic process of self-conscious meaning can be interactionism) action. discovered. Methodology For example, classic Grounded theory Newer forms of ethnography and ethnography; auto- phenomenology ethnography, collaborative inquiry (PAR), appreciative inquiry, personal-reflexive ethnography, narrative inquiry. Methods of For example Data is gathered by Interviewing, participant data collection participant means of participant observation, human observation and observation, human documents, personal and analysis interviewing documents and narratives, lived interviewing, and are experience, poetic analysed systematically representations and fictional texts.
Source: Delport & De Vos (2014)
5.5.3 Axiology
Axiology deals with the nature of values and poses the important question of what value is. Researchers are required to bring values to their work and it is expected of qualitative researchers to make their values known. In this study, I brought the value and necessity of using professional international mediation process in to problem- solving of the deep-rooted conflict. Axiological assumptions characterize qualitative
151 researchers and how they include their assumptions in their practice. In qualitative research, the researcher reports on both the value-laden nature of the study as well as the values and biases of the value-laden data collected from the field (Denzin, 1998).
5.5.4 Methodology
Methodology is the process used to collect information and data for the purpose of doing research. Methodology is an explanation of social reality or elements of it that broadens further than what has been investigated empirically. Methodology is the connection between the philosophical framework and methods design as illustrated by the drawing below:
Figure 5.1: Connections between philosophical perspective and methods design
Methodology (Theoretical Perspectives)
Ontology and Epistemology Methods Design (Philosophical Perspectives)
Source; Denzin & Lincoln, 2011:7
There are three methodological approaches in qualitative research. These are the post- positivist, interpretive and critical approaches. Post-positivism hypothesizes that the social world is a model and that causal relationships can be discovered and tested through reliable strategies. On the other hand, the interpretive position assumes that the social world is constantly being constructed through group connections, and that a
152 social reality can be understood through the perspectives of social actors ensnared in meaning-making activities. Finally, the critical perspective examines social reality as a continuing construction. However, it goes further to suggest that the discourse created in shifting fields of social power shapes both social reality and the study thereof. There are two approaches when using theory - deductive and inductive. The deductive approach is emphasized in post positivism, and tests theory or hypotheses against the data. An inductive approach, on the other hand, is emphasized in interpretive and critical belief systems, and generates theory directly from the data (Creswell, 2013).
Qualitative research methodology is generally characterized as inductive, emergent, and shaped by the researcher’s experience in collecting and analyzing data. It is possible that in the middle of the process of data collection, the type of research question might change and shift focus to reflect a question better suited to serve the research process. In reaction, the data collection strategy planned before the study, sometimes needs to be modified to come up with new questions. In data analysis, the researcher follows a path of analyzing data to develop an increasingly in-depth understanding of the topic of study (Creswell, 2013).
When planning to undertake this study, the main objective was not to conduct research on the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi, but to use their case, since it has lasted for many decades, against which to critically examine the methods of conflict resolution. A case study was decided upon in order to be inclusive. John Burton (1990), founder of the human needs theory of conflict, argued that the solving of deep-rooted conflict requires a thorough understanding of the sources or origin of conflict, values of the parties, and their needs and interests. This aimed at promoting a problem-solving approach to conflict management. I made a decision to be open to the participants of the mediation process and interact with them freely. Creswell (2013) indicates that the epistemological assumption underlying the conduct of qualitative research demands that researchers try to get as close as possible to the participants being studied. Having knowledge about the Tanzanian mediation process with regard
153 to the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people of Burundi, enabled me to treat the participants equally and according to the principle of social justice. I listened without disturbing them, which gave them the opportunity to own and share their perception and experience on their own terms.
Table 5.4: Differences between Ontology Epistemology and Methodology
Ontology This is the theory that influences the intellectual outlook of the researcher when undertaking scientific research. It is also the world point of view of the researcher. This signifies that the ideology, academic background, religious belief, cultural views, value-based judgment etc, have an influence on the interpretation of the researcher about the world. This theory focuses on the reality that shapes the viewpoint of the researcher. Epistemology This theory focuses on “knowledge acquisition”. It is an approach that enables both natural and social scientists to understand how knowledge is manufactured in the scientific world. While it is not a synonym for methodology, it influences the methodological choices of the researcher. This framework helps the researcher to understand how scientists know what they know. Methodology This theory guides researchers in both natural and social sciences on how to conduct research. Methodology is not a synonym of methods; it is more than a method. It is underpinned by philosophical assumptions informed by epistemology. Source: Gerber (2009:18-21)
A deeper understanding of ontology and epistemology enables social scientists to separate scientific from lay or ordinary knowledge. It is important to make a distinction between scientific and lay knowledge because the researcher has carried out an empirical study with the objective of producing the facts. Social scientists should always rely on the principles of objectivity when presenting research findings (Ntsikelelo, 2013). The word “science” is applicable to the social sciences when evidence is produced to support a rational argument (Babbie, 2010).
154 5.6 Scientific Knowledge and Lay Knowledge
Lay knowledge is unsystematic knowledge about that which surrounds and pertains to human beings. In other words, Lay knowledge is an ordinary way of thinking such as common sense and value-based statements.
Table 5.5: Scientific versus Lay Knowledge
Scientific Knowledge Lay Knowledge
Scientific knowledge is evidence based. It is This kind of knowledge refers to common supported by empirical or theoretical evidence. It sense, unscientific statement and is expected to be validated by the scientific subjective views or natural wisdom. It is community or academia. Scientific knowledge related to value judgments. In most cases follows a systematic approach in order to the sources of lay knowledge are culture, produce valid statements. This approach religion, morality, community values emanates from ontological, epistemological and (community-based knowledge) and thorough methodological approaches of the personal experiences. Lay knowledge is academic or scientific community. Natural and also described as ordinary knowledge. social scientists are expected to be critical at all This type of knowledge does not follow a times when obtaining scientific knowledge. All systematic approach for examining issues statements should be questioned before they are in general. accepted. Statements must withstand “the test of time”. Scientific knowledge should be peer- reviewed before being available to the public. Scientific statement must be explained rationally. The explanation should also be objective not biased. Source: Babbie (2010).
Ordinary knowledge or Lay knowledge is informed by common sense. Arguments are accepted on the basis of the authority of the person while scientific knowledge is evidence based. It is supported by empirical or theoretical evidence. It is expected to be validated by the scientific community or academia. In this study, both forms of knowledge have 171 been used to collect the information. However, in analysis and interpretation of data scientific knowledge has been used to give empirical explanations based upon evidence.
5.7 Sampling Procedure
According to Punch (2013), the sampling process is very crucial in research, as it affords the researcher a means of describing the informants and determining their number. The concept of sampling is to select a small set for observation, which is expected to give an idea of the total population of the intended study. The study adopted a purposive sampling approach, since participants were selected because of some defining characteristics that made them the holders of the data needed for the study (Maree, 2010).
5.7.1 Sampling design and sample size
In this case study, I used specified sampling to select knowledgeable and experienced participants according to pre-selected criteria relevant to a research question (Maree, 2010). The method allowed selection of critical cases and information, in which the relations and issues to be studied became clear (Flick, 2009). Maree (2010) further claims that the sample size may or may not be fixed prior to data collection and very often depends on the availability of resources and time available for research. In this study, participants who were selected represented the population based on their experience as officials of the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation, which was the primary actor in the Burundi mediation process, the role of the communities which are located along the Tanzania and Burundi border, civil societies and scholars and the former officials of the Tanzanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
5.7.2 Sample Selection
This study sample included 14 citizens of Tanzania who were affected by the Burundian conflict and who live along the Burundi border, government officials, the advisors and 172 officials of the Nyerere Foundation, simply because the foundation were given the task of facilitation on behalf of Tanzanian government, and diplomats from the Tanzanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs who participated in the mediation process between the Hutu and Tutsi of Burundi to present the national interest. I sought to understand the type of mediation process adopted by Tanzania to mediate the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi of Burundi.
5.8 Data Collection Methods
Though qualitative research design has different methods of data collection which to some extent tend to differ from one to another, they have the common characteristic of gathering information in the real world and involve the social sciences. The three sources of data used in this study are namely: documentary analysis, individual interviews and focus group interviews (Creswell, 2013). The collection of data was done in three phases (table 5.6).
Table 5.6: Overview of data collection methods
Research Research Research Nature of the Instruments Question Question Question Empirical Material 1 2 3 Document Phase 1 Transcription Analysis/Review Individual Audio-recorder & Phase 2 Interview transcription Focus Group Audio-recorder & Phase 3 Interview transcription
5.8.1 Phase one: Document analysis
In phase 1, data was collected from participants using documentary analysis.
173
Documentary analysis was deemed appropriate as it is an efficient method for gathering background information and historical insights (Green, 2009). With regards to documentary review, a survey of collections of meeting minutes, letters, agreements, reports, speeches and information from books was drawn from different sources. Such information and insights are useful in understanding the historical roots of conflict within a given context. This methodology is less time-consuming and therefore more efficient.
Documents provide additional research data. Information and insights derived from documents are valuable additions to a knowledge base. Many scholars have documented the mediation process of the Hutu and Tutsi conflict. Researchers therefore can browse library catalogues and archives for documents to be analyzed as part of the research process without the authors’ permission (Paluck & Green, 2009). This makes documentary analysis an attractive option for qualitative researchers. It is argued by Paluck and Green (2009) that information contained in documents can suggest some questions that need to be asked and situations that need to be observed as part of the search. For example, in this study, I used documentary analysis to help generate new interview questions as the triangulation of the finding and assessment of the Tanzanian mediation process in conflict resolution between Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi.
Documents provided a means of tracing change and development. Where various drafts of a particular document were accessible, the researcher compared them to identify the changes. Even delicate changes have reflected substantive developments in a study (Yin, 1994). For example, the genesis of Hutu – Tutsi conflict began as a theory of ‘divide and rule’ imposed during the colonial rule of Belgium in early 1920s. However, there was a conflict dynamic developed after the attainment of independence, whereby each ethnic group wanted to dominate the other group. The researcher also examined periodic and final reports of the mediation process of the conflict between Hutu and Tutsi to get a clear picture of the mediation process used by Tanzania in its intervention. Additionally, documentary analysis is less costly than other research methods, and is
174 often the method of choice when the collection of new data is not feasible. The data contained in documents has already been gathered; what remained was for the content and quality of the documents to be evaluated.
However, documentary analysis is not always advantageous. An incomplete collection of documents results in subjective information (Yin, 2015). In an organizational context, the available documents are likely to be aligned with the desires and wishes of the author or managerial interests. In a case like this, the information reviewed was crosschecked through other sources, such as individual interviews from the informants who participated in mediation, or scholarly books and journal articles. However, they may also reflect the emphasis of a particular theme rather than cross-examine the whole process. For example, in the case of this study, the documents analyze Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict resolution between Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi. Many documents are available at the Nyerere Foundation library, however there was need to link that information with external sources, such as the book written by the former President Buyoya.
5.8.1.1 Administration of the documentary review
During the documentary review, themes of the study were prepared according to the research questions. The review took place at the Nyerere Foundation library and Mozambique-Tanzania Centre for Foreign Relations because it was thought that the environment would be conducive to the subject matter and the easy accessibility of documentary evidence was a consideration. The following factors were considered to ensure a successful review:
Permission to use libraries was sought before the documentary review began. All institutions accepted the request to use their libraries. The writing pad and pens were prepared prior to the review of documents. Permission was sought to use the archives of the Nyerere Foundation to access the authentic documents of the mediation process.
175 The written pad files were carefully labelled with dates and pseudonyms, such as BNP 1. This represented the title of the document of mediation process, i.e. BNP 1 = Burundi Negotiation Process Document 1.
Both institutions permitted the researcher to use their libraries and archives being used during working hours. Having secured their permission and their respective free time, I used four months to review the documents under the study. In average, I spent 4 to 6 hours per day on the activity. At the end of the documentary review, I thanked the institution for their participation in the study.
5.8.1.2 Why documentary review?
I used the documentary review because of the accommodating nature of this study. Documents were also accessible; many of them were kept to one area of the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation archives. There are plenty of verbatim reports and views or experiences of participants and actors in the mediation process. Information contained in the documents provides a clear picture of participants’ views on the topic under study. Furthermore, they were suitable in the study because they allow the researcher to generate new research questions which were used for key informant interviews. With such information from the review, I was able to identify contradictory statements in the interviews and when needed, I probed further to provide a clearer picture.
5.8.2 Phase two: Individual interviews
Phase 2 is comprised of the individual interviews. According to Punch (2013), the interview is one of the main data collection tools in qualitative research. The interview is a two-way conversation in which the interviewer asks the interviewee questions to collect data. It is a very good way of accessing people’s perception, meaning and definition of the situation and constructions of reality. Structured and semi-structured interview schedules have been designed for the purpose of acquiring data and information from the participants. Structured interviews refer to a situation in which the interviewer asked each respondent a series of pre-established questions with a limited
176 set of response categories (Fontana & Frey, 1990). The interviewer controls the interview and all information is recorded according to a coding scheme. There is very little flexibility in the way questions are asked (Fontana & Frey, 1990). It requires the participants to answer a set of predetermined questions. This method has the following advantages: it allows the probing and clarification of answers, and it also generates inquiry (Fontana & Frey, 1990).
Norman and Yvonna (2005) also argue that unstructured interviewing can provide greater scope than other kinds, given its qualitative nature. In this study, participants were given an opportunity to read the interview script before they started to respond to questions and the researcher recorded all responses in a notebook. Norman and Yvonna (2005) further state that note-taking is important since interviewing allows re- tooling amid interviews, to be able to consistently analyse data, to look for patterns or inconsistencies. Data generated from the interviews has formed a second set of data and provides answers to research question 1 and 2.
5.8.2.1 Administration of the individual interviews
During the interview, each participant was asked to respond to the three questions appearing in the guiding interview questionnaire guide shown in Appendix: I. The interviews took place at the participants’ respective preferred locations; they were chosen as a site after taking into consideration matters of privacy, a good environment and easy accessibility on the side of both the participants and the researcher. To minimise prejudices or threats during the interviews, I asked all respondents similar interview questions (Appendix: I) and additional questions depended on what experience the informant had of the mediation process.
The following factors were considered to ensure a successful interview:
Permission to use an audio-recorder was sought before the interview. All four participants declined its use. The writing pad and pens were prepared prior to the interview.
177 The seating arrangement was positioned close enough to the participants to ensure that both interviewer and interviewee correctly hear and understand questions and responses; A notice “Do not disturb, interview in progress” was posted on the door to make sure silence was observed and the interview session was not interrupted; and.
The written pad files were carefully labeled with dates and pseudonyms, such as Nya- Nya1. This represented the name of the participant and the interview, i.e Nya -Nya1= Nyamizi – interview
All five participants agreed to be interviewed during working hours. All interviews with key informants took place in the first two weeks of December 2015 and first three weeks of January 2016. The duration of these interviews was approximately 1 to 2 hours. The interview stopped when additional questions yielded no new insights into the phenomena of interest (Taylor & Bogdan, 1998), or what Monette, Sullivan, and Dejong (2011) refer to as “a point of saturation”. At the end of each interview, I thanked the participants for taking part in the study interview.
5.8.2.2 Why individual interviews?
I used individual interviews because they accommodate the nature of this study. They were also suitable since it has afforded each participant a space for privacy and a special opportunity to tell their own views or experience without interference by others, as would be the case in a focus group interview. Boyce and Neale (2006) emphasize that in-depth interviews are good at yielding complete information regarding the participants’ views on the topic under study. They are also suitable because they allow the researcher and the participants to meet face-to-face. This allows the researcher to read non-verbal cues, sense any contradictory statements and be able to probe where necessary.
5.8.3 Phase three: Focus group interviews
The Focus group method has become a common method of gathering information in order to obtain opinions, values and beliefs. The Focus group is a carefully planned
178 discussion designed to obtain perceptions on a defined area of interest in a permissive, non- threatening environment. Focus group interviews involve a special group selected because they have certain characteristics in common that relate to the topic of the focus group (Krueger, 1994). I used focused groups as a tool to produce suitable information which was important to the understanding of the mediation process, based on discussion of participants. According to Fontana and Frey (1990), the advantages of using focus group interviews do not differ much from oral history, simply because oral history captures information on a variety of people who have been ignored, oppressed and or forgotten. Based on that, the focused interviews were of use to this study due to the perceptions of the discussants, based on their historical experiences of the affected people in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict and the way they perceived mediation. It was the duty of the moderator to probe, have high face of validity and enables the researcher to increase the sample size of qualitative studies (Krueger, 1994). Apart from that, the Focus group was used to explore and clarify views and perceptions of the participants on a given topic.
Kruger and Casey (2000) insisted that Focus group interviews generate qualitative data that provide insight into the attitudes, perceptions, and opinions of participants. It has the benefit of making it possible for the researcher to observe the interactive process taking place among participants. Sometimes the presence of the researcher may influence the behaviour of those observed.
Phase 3 comprised of two Focus group interviews with twenty seven residents; fourteen residents were from the Heru Juu village and thirteen residents from Heru Chini village in the Kigoma region of Tanzania. The interviews elicited information on Tanzania’s mediation process and substantiated the key information gained through the literature review (Gubrium & Holstein, 2002). The interview was approximately one hour long. This may seem brief, given the number of participants. Limited time allocated to each focus group was due to the following: data collection in developing countries such as Tanzania is subjected to obstacles such as the fear of the participants of being arrested because of their disclosure of sensitive information; this reveals their ignorance
179 regarding the research process, and the efforts made to protect participants, but must be respected nevertheless. Nearly 33% of selected participants failed to appear at the interview session and most did not engage much, an additional factor being that it is not a common practice in the area. At the end of the interviews, I used member checking which “is a crucial technique for establishing credibility” (Lincoln & Guba, 1985: 314). This technique allowed the participants to assess intentions, correct errors, and volunteer additional information. In addition, participants were given the assurance of remaining anonymous and therefore, pseudonyms were used to ensure that their anonymity remained intact.
5.8.3.1 Administration of the focus group interview
Twenty seven out of the forty selected participants were present for the two sessions. The session took place after the documentary analysis and individual interviews were completed. Interviews were used to explore the awareness of Tanzanians about their intervention as mediator and to cross-examine the historical ties with Burundi’s people. A focus group interview was conducted at the villages of Heru Juu and Heru Chini in Kigoma because they were deemed to be a convenient point for all the participants and the researcher. The focus-group interview was one hour long for each group. All the interviews were audio-recorded before being transcribed. As in the in-depth interviews, the data collection yielded a number of transcribed pages. Some data could not be used because of risk to the anonymity of the participants. Some pages of transcribed data collected could be compressed seeing that some responses were not relevant to the study. Copies of the interview with the participants are in Appendix II.
5.8.3.2 Why focus group interviews?
I used focus group interviews because of the nature of this study, which requires lay knowledge to get a sense of community-based knowledge about deep-rooted conflict among Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi. They were appropriate, since it afforded each participant an opportunity to tell of their own views or experience and enabled the researcher to acquire the general experience and knowledge of participants toward the
180 Tanzanian mediation process. Creswell (2013) emphasizes that focus group interviews are good at yielding complete information regarding the participants’ views about the topic under study. They are also suitable because they allow the researcher and the participants to meet face-to-face. This allows the researcher to sense any contradictory statements to be looked into and where necessary, acquire the in-depth historical information about the basis of the reason which pushed Tanzania to intervene in the Hutu – Tutsi conflict in Burundi.
5.9 Data Analysis
All data collected from the three data sources from documentary analysis, interviews and focus group interviews were analysed qualitatively using open, axial and selective coding (De Vos, 2010). Axial open coding refers to the creation of categories pertaining to a certain segment (line/ paragraph) of transcript (Mouton, 2003). These were followed by axial coding where data were put back together, focusing on specifying a category, hence giving it more precision. Lastly, core categories were selected during selective coding.
Compilation and processing of data collected started immediately after completion of the field work. The information or data gathered from the field was examined by uncovering, extracting important variables, detecting abnormalities and underlying assumptions. It involved scrutinizing the information and making inferences.
Specifically, the data collected from focus group interviews were then summarised. Then I analysed key findings, validated by noting frequent responses, explanations, interpretations and conclusions followed later. For the data collected through individual semi-structured interviews, the major themes were analysed, classified, re-read and the text recorded, placing the codes which were used by Microsoft Word in coding.
5.10 Research Rigour
181 Holloway and Wheeler (2010: 251) define rigor as “the means by which we show integrity and competence”. In their classic work on naturalistic inquiry, Lincoln and Guba (1985: 290) explored the basic question of qualitative research rigour, namely “How can an inquirer persuade his or her audiences (including self) that the findings of an inquiry are worth paying attention to, worth taking account of?” They argue that it is impossible to attain absolute truth that is perceived by everyone. This is because each person has her/his own personal perspective over an issue at hand. Debates on whether concepts of ‘validity’ and ‘reliability’ belong to a positivist and dualist mindset are ongoing. As such these debates do not apply considerations relevant to qualitative research (Carey, 2012). Therefore, terms such as ‘credibility’ and ‘trustworthiness’ are more appropriate (Akerlind; Bowen & Green, 2005; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 1998). Reliability of the study relates to summary of observation, but on the other hand validity confirms precision of measurements and whether they are actually measuring what they are supposed to In order to achieve research rigour in this study, the following strategies were used:
5.10.1 Piloting
For both individual and focus group interviews, I used a self-developed interview protocol as it was most appropriate for eliciting information needed to answer research questions 1 and 2. The self-developed interview protocol was piloted to two people who were respectively a scholar and a politician, as well as four people living along the border of Tanzania to Burundi. Necessary changes were made before administering it to the study sample.
5.10.2 Triangulation
I used triangulation as an approach for promoting research rigour. Triangulation may be defined as the use of two or more methods to collect data (Cohen, Manion & Morrison, 2011). Creswell and Miller (2010) view it as a validating procedure to achieve convergence among different sources of information to form themes or categories in a study. They further contend that the greater the number of the viewpoints on the same issue, the greater the chance of its validation. In this study, multiple data sources, i.e., 182 individual interviews, document analysis and focus group interviews, were used to triangulate qualitative information and better understand the ‘real world’ development processes. As each way of obtaining data had its relative advantages and disadvantages, the limitations of some methods could be counterbalanced by the advantages of others. For this reason, I think bias in this study was reduced and thus greatly increased the validity of the research findings (Cohen, Manion & Morrison, 2011).
5.10.3 Member checking
Member checking is a technique that allows the participant to assess intentions, correct errors, and volunteer additional information to the captured record. According to Lincoln and Guba (1985), the use of member checking is a crucial technique for establishing credibility in qualitative research. I employed the technique to return transcribed scripts from the individual interviews and group discussion to participants to confirm that they were true reflections of their views. In some cases, I had to read to participants telephonically so as to verify the captured record.
5.10.4 Reporting style
When reporting, I often used direct quotes from the participants in order to reduce the threat of contaminating the data during my interpretation of it. This quest for ‘verisimilitude’ brings the reader closely into the worlds of the respondents. In my final report, I talked for the participants but maintained their voices in the research report, and corroborated what they had said in the interviews with what was observed in the classrooms.
5.11 Theoretical and Conceptual Framework
This study is underpinned by an understanding of the mediation process advocated by critical scholarly works on mediation and conflict intervention (Burton, 1990) and Bercovitch (2003). With respect to documentary review, a survey of collections of
183 meeting minutes, letters, agreements, reports, speeches and information from books was drawn from different sources.
According to Anstey, various scholars have analysed different mediation processes (Folberg & Taylor, 1984; Zartman & Touval, 1985; Pruitt & Kressel, 1985; Moore, 1986). However, the theoretical and conceptual framework of this research borrowed the principles of the mediation process as outlined by Bercovitch as follows: mediator acceptability (disinterested mediators, interested mediators, maintaining acceptability, and dispute type and mediator acceptability), objectives of the mediation, strategies and tactics of mediation (timing of entry, content and process tactics and effectiveness and choice of tactics) and mediator power (mediator power and mediator responsiveness). The study will also use the shortcomings listed by Burton (1990), in respect of problem- solving to the deep-rooted conflict where mediation process and mediator should follow the following procedure: mediators should not only be politicians or famous people; there is a need to involve professionals in solving the problem of deep-root conflict; the parties must consent to adhere on matters which helps to solve their differences and forget their behaviour or attitudes during mediation process. Conflict cannot be resolved quickly and easily; the parties must own the settlement; mediators should not apply punitive measures and mediation is a specialised activity.
Furthermore, Zartman (1991: 307) asserts that “conflict should be managed and resolved rather than totally eradicated. The necessary measures can be taken to prevent the rise of conflict in future”. I argue that conflict resolution is not like a game where one side is expected to win. The moment when one side wins, it should be noted that the game would go on with the other side not appreciating the victory. Management and resolution can be achieved by involving both parties in mediation. A mediator should be involved in discussion and attempt to remove all undesirable problems through mutual agreement. However, mediation needs to be facilitated by external parties to avoid bias. The mediator should be familiar with the conflict (Zartman, 1991).
A mediation process cannot remove or avoid ethnic conflict; however, it can achieve 184 settlement or agreement by having free and fair elections and forming a unitary government. According to Bradshaw (2008), mediators can encourage negotiation processes of parties in conflict to reach an agreement, by influencing them with caution and impartiality towards settlement agreements. This process can be successful by using mediation processes to achieve a win–win outcome. With regard to this study, the Tanzanian mediation process to resolve the conflict between Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi has been assessed under the mediation process guidelines as propounded by Bercovitch (2003) and Burton (1990).
5.12 Ethical Considerations
The following were ethical guidelines that have been followed throughout the research and presentation of data:
Firstly, as part of ethical considerations, necessary permission was obtained from the relevant authorities (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011) such as the Nyerere Foundation, Ministry of Home Affairs, Centre for Foreign Relations and other participants. Each participant signed a consent form and their names and identities were kept confidential. Most importantly, the research and its tools had gone through the ethical research process of the Nelson Mandela University.
Secondly, the information gathered from the field and informants were interpreted and presented honestly and objectively. Individuals were informed of the nature of the study beforehand. I informed participants that participation in the study was completely voluntary and participants were allowed to withdraw at any stage.
Thirdly, their anonymity and confidentiality were guaranteed to the informants. They were guaranteed beforehand that information concerning informants would not be disclosed. Throughout the research, I honoured such undertakings.
Lastly, I conducted research based on academic professional standards. I identified myself as a researcher to those who were expected to provide useful information. Necessary precaution was taken to avoid biases or distort results by both the 185 researcher and informants.
5.13 Study Limitations
Data collection in developing countries such as Tanzania is subjected to some obstacles. Firstly, the nature of the study and some information required from part of them were regarded as sensitive information being disclosed (see annex vi). A second obstacle arose from the fact that some participants feared to appear in Focus group interview sessions. The group interviews in Heru – Juu and Heru Chini villages were faced with the fear of some selected participants, and nearly 33% of selected participants failed to appear at the interview session. It is speculated that they feared to participate in the interview activities because it is not a common practise in their areas. Their failure to turn up meant that I missed their contributions.
However, the information collected from documentary reviews and individual interviews produced such a rich source of information that, to a great extent, it managed to close that gap.
5.14 Conclusion
This chapter presents the research design, methodology and related matters. Since the ‘why’ of the peace process pursued in the Rwandan genocide is paramount in critically assessing the outcomes of the Tanzanian intervention, a qualitative research approach has obvious advantages over a quantitative one. Various philosophical considerations (ontology, axiology, epistemology) are considered to orient the study.
In preparing the ground for the presentation of the results in the next chapter, I explored a number of possible case study methods before settling on an idiographic case study as a preferred methodology. Care is taken to align my choice of methodology with my research question, i.e. what we can learn from the Tanzanian conflict management intervention in the Rwandan deep-rooted social conflict within a scholarly perspective. Such a choice opened the door for analysis which is driven by a clearly formulated 186 theoretical framework (informed by the work of Burton, Nathan and Bercovitch). By drawing a distinction between ‘lay knowledge’ and ‘scientific knowledge’, I am able to formulate a sampling design, selection and size. This exercise is then further developed to justify and enhance my data collection methods. This includes documentary analysis, semi-structured individual interviews and finally, focus group interviews. The rationale and justification for these research decisions are explored in some depth. Ethical considerations and limitations of the study are also brought under scrutiny. Finally, I propose a number of ways in which the validity of my study could be emboldened, viz. triangulation, pilot studies, member checking and reporting style adaptation.
As I have explained my research engine in this chapter, in the next chapter I am able to gainfully present the research findings following from the methods and procedures decided and justified in this chapter.
187 CHAPTER SIX: PRESENTATION OF RESULTS
6.1 Introduction
This chapter provides the results of the research findings of this study using three data sources namely: interviews, focus group interviews and documentary analysis. The questions investigated were designed to unearth the extent to which this specific case of African mediation conforms to the theory of mediation (Bercovitch), meets the requirements of Analytical Conflict Resolution (Burton), and might benefit by the recommendations brought by Nathan (2010). My literature review in Chapters Two and Three covered this theoretical ground. The following three research questions guide this study: RQ 1: What mediation process did Tanzania use in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict resolution in Burundi? RQ 2: How does Tanzania’s mediation process compare with the conflict resolution and conflict management perspectives of Bercovitch, Burton and especially Nathan’s critique of African mediation processes? RQ 3: How can mediation processes be improved in deep-rooted conflict in Africa?
Table 6.1: Phases of data collection
Phases Instruments Nature of the Research Research Research empirical question 1 question 2 question 3 material Phase Document Transcription 1 Analysis Phase Individual Audio recorder & 2 Interview transcription
Phase Focus Group Audio recorder & 3 Interview transcription
188
6.2 Phase 1: Document Analysis
Phase one involved collection of data from letters, memoirs, official reports and minutes of the meetings, dissertation and theses, agreements, verbatim reports, speeches, policies and a review of the constitution of Burundi. I began with documentary reviews of the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation Archives, Tanzanian National Archives, Centre for Foreign Relations and National Library in Tanzania. This phase was intended to provide provisional answers to research questions 1, 2 and 3.
189
Table 6.2: Document reviews
Main research Key research question Source of information Findings Question The problem is not because minorities are not protected in the constitution, the
problem is that the Hutu of Rwanda started to kill the Tutsi in 1959, and then
Mirerekano Paul followed this way in 1965
by promoting Hutu power in Burundi. He a) When did you first Letter of Mathias Hitimana, chairman attacked the Royal Palace by means of the become aware of the of PRP to Mwl. J.K Nyerere, Brussels army and police, also killing Tutsi people in conflict between the Hutu 5th May 1996 Murravya province, You may know that and Tutsi people? RQ1 What mediation Kayibanda, by radio Kigali promoted the process did Tanzania Hutu power every day; that is how the use in the Hutu-Tutsi problems came to Burundi and forced conflict resolution in Micombero to overthrow the king in 1966. Burundi? It was in his mind to stop this escalation, but it was too late, The majority Hutu had from time immemorial been denied their rightful place
b) What do you understand in the political and economic life of the of the causes of conflict country. Their glimmer of hope was BNP 1, Mwalimu’s Initiative on Burundi between the Hutu and the extinguished twice-during Rwagasore and Tutsi in Burundi? Ndadaye. Whatever the cause, the Tutsi had genuine fear for their lives under a Hutu dominated
174
Main research Key research question Source of information Findings Question government. Summary of talks between Mwwalimu Nyerere and Mr. Charles Mukasi,
Chairman of UPRONA party of Burundi, held at Msasani on After the death of Rwagasore, for the first
07/01/1996, as by Bertha Somi (Mwl. time Tanzania received refugees from
c) How did the Hutu/Tutsi Discussion/ Interviews with Burundi. conflict in Burundi affect Rwandese/Burundian leaders & D’salaam was the main port for Burundi. Tanzania? Miscellaneous Documents. The conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi led Records of the talks between the Tanzania to lose about US$ 3 million a facilitator of the Burundi Peace year. Hence, the conflict was costing Negotiations, Mwalimu Julius K. Tanzania substantially. Nyerere and the Burundian Government Delegation on 10th July, 1998 at Butiama, Musoma Tanzania went to great lengths in trying to d) Are you aware of any realize a peaceful settlement through the measure undertaken by Arusha meeting. Former president Mwinyi Department of Africa & Middle East, Tanzania to meet the tried to bring together the entire leadership The Burundi Conflict: Prospects for challenges posed by the of the Great Lake Region before the fateful Military Intervention and the role of the conflict between the Hutu plane crash that killed both the Rwandese United Republic of Tanzania. and Tutsi people in and Burundi presidents when they were Burundi? coming from attending a meeting in Dar es Salaam.
175
Main research Key research question Source of information Findings Question The sanctions imposed on the Pierre Buyoya government after escaping to
attend the Mwanza I negotiation meeting. The sanctions were actual simply because
it affected the Burundi government hence
forced to return on the negotiation process of Mwanza II. Economic sanctions should
be applied with limited objectives, to start Department of Africa & Middle East, with, of breaking down arrogance e) If so, what do you know of The Burundi Conflict: Prospects for manifested by UPRONA in Mwanza I and II, those measures? Military Intervention and the role of the so that the aforementioned Tutsi dominated United Republic of Tanzania. party could be more co-operative and speed up the peaceful settlement of Burundi conflict. That statement was proposition given by the Ministry of foreign affairs and international cooperation to the president of the United Republic of Tanzania showing the way of dealing with Burundi conflict. RQ 2: How does a) Do you know who or what The Burundi crisis has been a great Department of Africa and Middle East, Tanzania’s mediation organization led the concern not to Tanzania alone but to the The Burundi Conflict: Prospects for process compare mediation between the Hutu OAU, EAC UNO and the entire peace Military Intervention and the role of the with the mediation and Tutsi? loving international community, it was United Republic of Tanzania. perspectives of Tanzania government who led the
176
Main research Key research question Source of information Findings question Bercovitch and negotiation process through ministry of Burton? foreign affairs and Mwalimu Nyerere. Even when the health of Nyerere was deteriorating, Tanzania sent her ambassador Sanga to request President Mandela to take over. Burundi was isolated diplomatically, Tanzania closed the Bujumbura high
commission and ordered the ambassador of Burundi in Tanzania to close their embassy
at Dar es Salaam. There is a need to
isolate the Bujumbura regime b) If yes, what do you think Department of Africa and Middle East, diplomatically. A regional meeting should be has specifically been done The Burundi Conflict: Prospects for convened in Arusha that will involve the to reach peace Military Intervention and the role of the Heads of States of all Great Lake States, agreements? United Republic of Tanzania notably Tanzania, Zaire, Rwanda, Uganda and include Kenya, Ethiopia, and Zambia. The OAU, EU, UNO should attend as observers. This meeting is to be convened by Tanzania, with Mwalimu Nyerere as a facilitator who should be used to drum up support against Bujumbura regime. c) What did Tanzania do to Records of the talks between the The Minister of Foreign Affairs (Hon. persuade the people of facilitator of the Burundi Peace Severin Ntahomvukiye) informed the
177
Main research Key research question Source of information Findings question Burundi to accept mediation? Negotiations, Mwalimu Julius K. facilitator that the government of Burundi Nyerere and the Burundian would like to resume normal diplomatic Government Delegation on 10th July relations between Tanzania and Burundi 1998 at Butiama, Musoma. for the mutual benefit of the two countries – BNP, Record of Mwalimu Julius K. breaking diplomatic ties. Nyerere’s visit to Burundi from 7th to 9th D’salaam was the main port for Burundi, it March 1996 – Part I General stopped importing and exporting Burundian Summary. goods. Different Burundi groups thankful to Mwalimu and Tanzania for having laid a basis for alternative (dialogue) before the threat and expressed their gratitude for what Mwalimu and Tanzania did to discourage military intervention.
Tanzanian foreign policy advocated the BNP, Main Session, 1996 sustainability of peace and stability of MFIC, Traditional Foreign Policy and neighbouring nations. c) Do you think Tanzania was New Foreign Policy Many Burundian refugees have secured right to intervene in conflict Department of Africa and Middle East, sanctuary in Tanzania for more than 40 resolution between Hutu The Burundi Conflict: Prospects for years. and Tutsi? Military Intervention and the role of the As a neighbour state Tanzania stands a United Republic of Tanzania good chance to intervene in the conflict. As neighbouring state, Tanzania stood a good
178
Main research Key research question Source of information Findings question chance to intervene the conflict of Burundi simply because the conflict has affected Tanzania directly. Tanzania and Burundi sharing a border strip, the migration of refugees has caused pollution of environments and threatened peace and stability to the citizens who are living along the border of western region. Tanzania and Burundi sharing the nationalism struggle history, their nationalist parties of TANU of Tanganyika and UPRONA of Burundi were so close and they were helping each other during the struggle. Tanzania was not happy seeing her neighbouring state was in bloodshed. The government of Tanzania felt that they have responsibility to rescue Burundi from the suffering of conflict defence of freedom, justice, human rights d) What do you think MFIC, Traditional Foreign Policy and New equality and democracy; motivated Tanzania to be Foreign Policy support for the United Nations in its search involved in peace BNP, Records of Mwalimu Julius K. for international peace and security; settlement? Nyerere’s visit to Burundi from 7th to 9th March 1996 Promotion of Good Neighbourliness; Promotion of African Unity; RQ 3: How can a) What was Tanzania’s MFIC, Traditional Foreign Policy and Support of international communities such
179
Main research Key research question Source of information Findings question mediation processes source of power in the New Foreign Policy as AU, EAC, EEC and UN. in deep rooted- mediation process? Department of Africa and Middle East, defence of freedom, justice, human rights, conflict be improved? The Burundi Conflict: Prospects for equality and democracy; Military Intervention and the role of the support of the United Nations in its search United Republic of Tanzania. for international peace and security; Mistrust of political groups for each other; BNP, Audience with Defence Minister Reluctance of Bujumbura Government to b) What were the challenges at Du Nil Hotel – Bujumbura on 21 May enter negotiation; facing Mwalimu Nyerere 1996. The Coup de Etat during the mediation BNP, Report of the first round of The Nyangoma group process? Burundi Peace Talks (Mwanza I) from Small political groups such as 22nd – 26th April,1996 PALEPHEHUTU BNP 2; Consultations between Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, Facilitator Consultation with each political group of the Burundi Peace Process, and the (caucus). leaders of the PP Party, Mr. Niyonkuru Break the negotiation for some time. c) When mediation seemed to Schadrack and Mr. Ndikumugongo Consultation with the Great Lakes Region collapse, what effort was Severin, which took place in Arusha on Leaders. made by Mwalimu Nyerere 16th June 1998. Economic sanctions – helped the to revive the talks? BNP 3, Consultations between the Bujumbura government to come to the Facilitator of the Burundi Peace negotiation table. Process, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, and the leaders of the RPB, Mr. Balthazar Bigirimana and Mr Philipe
180
Main research Key research question Source of information Findings question Nzobonariba, held in Arusha on 17th June 1998. BNP4, Consultations between the Facilitator of the Burundi Peace Process, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere and the leadership of the FROLINA Party, which took place in Arusha on 17th June 1998. BNP 5, Consultations between the Facilitator of the Burundi Peace Process and BNP 6, Mazungumzo baina ya Mwenyekiti wa CNDD, L. Nyangoma na Mpatanishi wa Burundi Mwalimu J.K.Nyerere, Butiama Tarehe 5.7.98
d) In looking at the measures taken by Mwalimu Nyerere Economic sanctions – helped the during the mediation Department of Africa and Middle East, Bujumbura government to come to the process, would these in The Burundi Conflict: Prospects for negotiation table. Consultation with each your opinion be regarded Military Intervention and the role of the political group gave Mwalimu an opportunity as helpful or useful or United Republic of Tanzania. to convince them to return to the negotiation appropriate in respect of table. theories of mediation?
181
Main research Key research question Source of information Findings question Mwalimu managed to extend the circle to include representatives of religious
e) What are the main denominations (Catholics, Anglican, achievements, if any, of BNP, Record of Mwalimu Julius K. Lutherans and Muslims). Mwalimu Nyerere in Nyerere’s visit to Burundi from 7th to 9th Different groups (Political groups, mediation between the March 1996 – Part I General Parliament, Religious leaders, Speaker, Hutu and Tutsi people of Summary. President Ntibantunganya and his Burundi? government, and the army) Mwalimu met and declared their immediate availability for dialogue.
182 6.3 Phase 2: Individual interviews
Phase two involved individual interviews with participants. These interviews were conducted face-to-face and were audio recorded. The researcher began by scheduling the interviews for the participants of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
Table 6.3 (below) provides demographic profiles of the participants. For the purposes of confidentiality and anonymity, positions and place of work of participants were given pseudonyms. The five participants are referred to as ‘Mr Mayengo from Ministry ‘A’, Ms. Nyamizi’ from NGO “B”, ‘Mr Uradingoma College “C”, ‘Mr Kassele from Civil Society “D” and ‘Mr. Manyalla from Civil Society “E”.
Table 6.3: Demographic profiles of participants
Participant Gender Age group Place of Work Position Retired Mr. Mayengo M 61-70 Ministry of “A” Ambassador Ms. Nyamizi F 51-60 NGO “B” Deputy Secretary Mr. Uradingoma M 41-50 College “C”, Academician Mr. Kassele M 41-50 Civil Society “D” Chairperson Mr. Manyalla M 51-60 Civil Society “E” Executive Secretary
Ambassador Mayengo’s interview Ambassador Mayengo has more than 30 years of experience in diplomacy. His distinguished diplomatic career includes the positions of diplomat and ambassador. He served as a Tanzanian diplomat in different missions including the Burundi Negotiation Process under the chairmanship of Mwalimu Nyerere. Ambassador Mayengo responded to the following questions as shown below:
Research question 1: What mediation process did Tanzania use in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict resolution in Burundi?
183 a) When did you first become aware of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people?
“The problem of Burundi began since after their independence. The first Prime Minister Loius Rwagasore was assassinated soon after he emerged victorious towards independence. The assassination of Rwagasore followed the series of massacres of Hutu and sometimes of Tutsi.”
b) What do you understand of the causes of conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi?
“The major cause of Burundi conflict is ethnicity, there is a fear among the Hutu and Tutsi leaders that if one ethnic group attains power, it will dominate and humiliate the other ethnic group. The second cause is scarcity of land. Burundi is a small nation. The major economic activities depend on land, especially in respect of crop cultivation and cattle keeping. The Barundi population is increasing hugely while the land portion has not increased. This has created land scarcity; hence fighting for the ownership thereof. The third cause is economic factors, in terms of the employment opportunities, accumulation of the wealth and distribution of the national cake. All these in Burundi are determined by the ethnic groups; there are no equal opportunities for all ethnic groups.”
c) How did the Hutu/Tutsi conflict in Burundi affect Tanzania?
“Tanzania is affected in many ways such as the skirmishes along the border and conflict of Burundi affected Tanzania greatly since it distorts
184 the peace and security of Tanzania’s citizens living along the border. From an economic point of view, Burundi uses the Dar es Salaam port for the import and export of her goods and commodities. If there is conflict within Burundi the import and export businesses for Burundi goods will either decrease or be stopped and hence affect the income generation to the Dar es Salaam port. Burundi is a market for goods and commodities produced by Tanzania. Any internal conflicts affect the market chain of goods to Burundi.
The people of Tanzania and Burundi are kin and kith, that is to say they are brothers and sisters since the pre-colonial period. Historically the Barundi people are the branch of Haa people from Tanzania who migrated west in the 18th century. Any conflict of Barundi in one way or another affects the people of Tanzania, based on historical ties.
The conflicts of Burundi affect environmental security in Tanzania. Firstly, whenever conflict erupted many Barundi people crossed the border to Tanzania and cleared many acres of forest for the construction of their houses and firewood for cooking. Secondly, some refugees tend to pollute the Lake Tanganyika water for lack of latrines, and thirdly, they crossed with large numbers of cattle which threatened soil erosion.”
d) Are you aware of any measures undertaken by Tanzania to meet the challenges posed by the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people in Burundi?
“Yes, I know the measures undertaken by Tanzania.”
185 e) What do you know of those measures?
“The measures taken by Tanzania are appealing to the international community such as AU, EAC, EEC and UN to take initiatives to intervene in the conflict. Apart from that, Tanzania has accommodated thousands of refugees from Burundi since 1972.”
Research question 2: To what extent was the Tanzanian mediation process informed by the theoretical perspectives advanced by Bercovitch, Nathan and Burton? a) Do you know who or what organization led the mediation between the Hutu and Tutsi?
“Yes, I know, Mwalimu Nyerere under the umbrella of AU and UN led the mediation process of Hutu and Tutsi of Burundi.”
b) What do you think has specifically been done to reach a peace agreement?
“Mwalimu Nyerere managed to unite all parties in conflict to enter into the Burundi Negotiation Process. He managed to get the parties in conflict, when they were in the negotiation process, to think about the future of Burundi and not the interest of their ethnicity. He gave ownership of the mediation process by allowing parties to generate their resolutions. He managed to generate patience and tolerance among conflicting parties during the negotiation process.”
186 c) What did Tanzania do to persuade the people of Burundi to accept mediation?
“Tanzania, since the beginning of the eruption of the Hutu and Tutsi conflict in the late 1950’s, accommodated the first refugees from Burundi. In 1959 Tanzania foresighted that peace of neighbouring countries means the peace of Tanzania. During the eve of Tanganyika’s independence in 1969, Mwalimu Nyerere declared that all the people who were within the country during that night are citizens of Tanganyika. The Tanzania was having the sympathy to people of Burundi for what they were passing through. The government of Tanzania looked through her record of democratic changes of power through democracy means peacefully. Hence, Tanzania wanted Burundi to have similar experience of changing power without violence. sympathy and good record of democratic changes of regime after a certain time were the push factors persuading the people of Burundi to accept Tanzania as a mediator.”
d) Do you think Tanzania was right to intervene in the conflict resolution between the Hutu and Tutsi?
“Yes! I think Tanzania was right to intervene in the conflict because it has lasted for a long time and many people lost their lives.”
e) What do you think motivated Tanzania to become involved in the peace settlement process?
“Mwalimu Nyerere wanted unilateral action from Tanzania as the Tanzanian government took a foreign policy execution about peace settlement to her neighbours. Mwalimu lived in his words about the 187 TANU benchmark. When the first genocide occurred in Burundi in 1972, Mwalimu told Micombero to stop killing Hutu. The Hutu and Tutsi conflict were affecting Tanzania since many refugees flowed in to seek sanctuary in Tanzania and appealing to the international community to put sanction to the Micombero regime”. Tanzania appealed to the international community to seek assistance of accommodating massive influx of refugees to the western part of Tanzania.”
Research question 3: How can mediation processes be improved in deep- rooted conflict? a) How do you feel about the Tanzanian involvement in the mediation process of the Hutu and Tutsi?
“I feel proud.”
b) Do you think the involvement of Tanzania has made any impact in the conflict resolution between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi?
“Yes, the Tanzanian involvement in conflict resolution between Hutu and Tutsi has made impact since the parties in conflict managed to meet and discuss their grievances and mutually they decided to reach a peaceful settlement.” c) What is your opinion about the involvement of Mwalimu Nyerere in the mediation process?
“I think Mwalimu was the right person for the mediation process simply because he was a retired president who served a nation with a multi – ethnic population peacefully; he had knowledge about governance. He was the peace maker since the nationalism struggle; he was a person who preferred justice to all.”
188 d) What was Tanzania’s source of power in the mediation process?
“Ooh yes, Tanzania got support from international organizations such as the UN, EEC and EAC. She has historical ties since the pre-colonial period, during the colonial rule and during the nationalism struggle. Tanzania is the gateway for the importation and exportation of goods and commodities. It has a long history of presidents changing power regardless of their ethnicity.”
e) Do you think the peace agreement of Burundi has any lesson for neighbouring countries?
“It has many lessons such as: unity of a nation is necessary for its development. Nationalism and patriotism does not come naturally, it is created. The new World has so many changes. The African leaders should change their political mindset about governance leadership and being the servant of the people. Resources (especially land) management is a crucial phenomenon; there is a need to have good governance of resources. There is a need of diversification of economy to other sectors.”
f) How were delegates and negotiators protected during the mediation process?
“The Tanzanian security institutions provided security for all parties while attending negotiation meetings. This is the reason which led many political parties to attend the negotiation process since they felt that they are more secure in Tanzania than any other place.”
Summary of Ambassador Mayengo Ambassador Mayengo’s responses to the interview questions, presented in Table 6.3 (above) reveal that he held contradictory conceptions of mediation, meaning that
189 although he expressed some views that were consistent to some extent with the Burton- Nathan-Bercovich mediation perspectives, he also displayed inexperience with mediation perspectives. For example, he expressed experience with mediation for items 1(b), (c), (e), 2(b), (e), 3(d) and (e) and informed inexperience for items 2(d),(c) and 3(a) and (c). Little if any understanding of Nathan’s seminal critique of African mediation, notably his dislike of prominent statesmen as mediators (explored in Chapter Three), is apparent.
Interview with Ms. Nyamizi Madam Nyamizi has more than 20 years’ experience in a Non-Governmental Organization (NGO). Her public administration career includes being an administrative officer and community development facilitator. She served as administrative officer at a newspaper company, and later on she joined NGOs which deal with refugees.
The following section provides her responses to the interview questions. Research question 1. What mediation process did Tanzania use in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict resolution in Burundi?
a) When did you first become aware of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people?
“I became aware for the first time that there was problem in Burundi after observing the Barundi refugee camps at Ulyankuru and Kigwe at Tabora region, Mishamo and Katumba at the Katavi region. I was told that these camps were opened during the early 1970’s after the ethnic conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi. The Hutu decided to seek refugees’ settlement in Tanzania escaping the persecution of Tutsi regime under Micombero.”
190 b) What do you understand of the causes of conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi?
“The root causes of conflict according to my understanding began during the Belgium colonial rule through the colonial policy of divide and rule. Belgium’s colonial government discriminated against the Barundi according to their physical appearance. The tall and thin people were called Tutsi and were given a lot of privilege, while the short and fats that were many were called Hutu; the less privileged class. This discrimination was the genesis of conflict even to the nationalism struggle. Secondly, unequal distribution of land resources. The major means of production in Burundi is land, however since the colonial rule and up to the post independence period, land ownership was dominated by the minority Tutsi while the majority Hutu and Twa occupy a small piece of land. Another cause is poor governance based on nepotism and corruption. The high posts are occupied by the Tutsi while Hutu were segregated from all decision- making posts. The last cause is unfair elections; the Tutsi politicians were not ready to surrender political power to the Hutu even if the Hutu candidates emerged victorious through the ballot box. However, it should be noted that these causes were also at some time practiced by the Hutu. During the 1970’s the Hutu launched the Hutu revolution which aimed to kill all Tutsi in order to capture state power.”
c) How did the Hutu/Tutsi conflict in Burundi affect Tanzania?
“This conflict has affected Tanzania in different aspects. For instance, socially, Tanzania and Burundi share a significantly long border. The conflict between Hutu and Tutsi has distorted the peace and security of
191 Tanzania’s citizens living along the border region as they live in fear and threat that they can at any time be ambushed. So many incidents have happened in the Kigoma regions, such as proliferation of small arms, which has increased the hijacking of cars and buses. The rate of armed robbery has increased and many people in rural areas either passed away or got injured due to hand grenades. Apart from that the frequent crossing or coming of refugees to Tanzania caused instability in controlling epidemic diseases such as cholera, amoeba and malaria.
Economically, there has been a steady decrease of production activities for the people who are living along the border of Burundi. Farmers fear to cultivate their farms because they are afraid to lose their lives while rebels sometimes crossed the border to search for food and confiscate heads of cattle. This has led to retardation of economic development and investment in the Kigoma region. Frequent clashes of Barundi and locals are scaring the investors from investing in the areas where security is fragile. The imports and exports of Burundi pass through the Dar es Salaam harbour to a great extent; therefore, such conflicts affect trade activities in Tanzania.
Regarding the environment, the flow of large numbers of refugees from Burundi has impacted environmental preservation in the Kigoma region. Hundreds of acres have been cleared by refugees for settlement, in searching for building materials and firewood for cooking.”
d) Are you aware of any measure undertaken by Tanzania to meet the challenges posed by the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people in Burundi?
“I am aware that Tanzania tries her level best to see that the people of Burundi sort out their differences via peaceful means without bloodshed.”
192 e) What do you know of those measures?
“Tanzania has tried to take different measures to meet the challenges of the Hutu and Tutsi conflict. Firstly, early in 1972 when there was a clash between the Hutu and Tutsi, the former President of Tanzania appealed to the Organization of African Union to intervene in the Burundi conflict and stop the mass killing of innocent people. Secondly, in humanitarian perspective the government since her independence has been accommodating the settlement of Burundi refugees. Lastly, the second former President of Tanzania, Ally Hassan Mwinyi during 1994 started the negotiation of parties in the Burundi conflict to reach a mutual settlement through mediation.”
Research question 2. To what extent was the Tanzanian mediation process informed by the theoretical perspectives advanced by Bercovitch, Nathan and Burton?
a) Do you know who or what organization led the mediation between Hutu and Tutsi?
“The former first President of Tanzania Mwalimu Nyerere is the one who led the mediation under the Government of Tanzania, the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation (MNF) and with the support of regional integration such as East Africa Community (EAC), African Union (AU), European Economic Union (EEU) and United Nations (UN).”
b) What do you think has specifically been done to reach a peace agreement?
“I think the important thing was to influence all parties in the Burundi conflict to attend the negotiation process in Tanzania.”
193 c) What did Tanzania do to persuade the people of Burundi to accept mediation?
“Well, Tanzania consulted all leaders of parties in conflict and influenced them to have negotiation meetings to sort out their differences. Secondly, all parties in conflict were ensured of their security while attending the negotiation meeting. In addition, the history of Tanzania being a nation of more than 120 ethnic groups, but having survived without violence for many decades, and the historical relationship between these states since the pre-colonial period.”
d) Do you think Tanzania was right to intervene in the conflict resolution of Hutu and Tutsi?
“Yes, Tanzania was right to intervene between the Hutu and Tutsi due her foreign policy which clearly stated that Tanzania will maintain the peace and security of her neighbouring states. In connection to that Tanzania has a history of conflict resolution in Africa. During the liberation struggle of Southern Africa, Tanzania was among the six frontline states which openly supported liberation movements against white regime domination in Southern Africa.”
e) What do you think motivated Tanzania to be involved in the peace settlement process?
“There are several reasons that motivated Tanzania to be involved in the peace process. Firstly any dispute or conflict happening to the neighbouring states in one way or another distorted the peace and security of Tanzanians living along the border. Secondly, the support from international organisations such as the East African Community and African Union encouraged Tanzania to be involved in peace settlement. Thirdly, the historical relationship during the nationalism
194 struggle through PAFMECA/PAFMECSA. The foreign policy of Tanzania is very clear about helping to solve the disputes of neighbouring countries.”
Research question 3. How can mediation processes be improved in deep- rooted conflict?
a) How do you feel about Tanzania’s involvement in the mediation process of the Hutu and Tutsi?
“I felt proud about Tanzania’s involvement in the mediation process of Barundi simply because for the first time after more than 30 years the parties in conflict met at Mwanza and Arusha in Tanzania to discuss their differences. For the first time in the history of their conflict, they reached mutual agreement and signed the peace settlement.”
b) Do you think the involvement of Tanzania has made any impact in the conflict resolution between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi?
“I think the involvement of Tanzania had an impact on the conflict of the Hutu and Tutsi. Tanzania helped to give them an insight on how a nation with more than 120 ethnic groups can exchange power through elections without considering the ethnicity of a person. Tanzania shows parties in conflict by her own example how good governance and democracy can be implemented. Lastly, all parties during the negotiation process were treated equally without considering the political members of the party.”
c) What is your opinion about the involvement of Mwalimu Nyerere in the mediation process?
195 “To me, Mwalimu Nyerere was the right person to be mediator since he has a good history in that, though he is coming from a small ethnic group, he was able to rule for 24 years without strong opposition. He was a retired state leader with the experience of leading a nation. Being a mediator enabled him to be neutral without any interest.”
d) What was Tanzania’s source of power in the mediation process?
“The source of power of Tanzania in the mediation process was the support of international communities such as EEC, EAC and UN. Apart from that, Burundi relies on the Dar es Salaam port for their importation and exportation of goods and commodities.”
e) Do you think the peace agreement of Burundi has any lesson for neighbouring countries?
“Yes, there is a lesson for neighbouring countries. For example, differences between parties can be satisfied with a solution which has been mutually agreed upon, rather than those imposed by judge or arbitrator. Parties who have reached their own agreement are generally more likely to comply with its terms. Parties who negotiate their own settlement have more control over the outcome of their dispute.” f) How were delegates and negotiators protected during the mediation process?
“Tanzania’s security machinery was responsible to ensure that all delegates and negotiators were well protected during the mediation process. They were separated into different areas for accommodation purposes, and each group was secured with a tight security presence for 24 hours. They were provided an escort when they were attending and returning back to their premises for accommodation.”
196 Summary of Madam Nyamizi Analysis of Madam Nyamizi’s responses to the interview questions, presented (above) discloses that she has mixed ideas of mediation, meaning that although she expressed some views that were reliable to some extent with the Burton-Bercovich-Nathan mediation perspectives. She also showed inexperience of mediation perspectives. For example, she articulated experience with mediation for items 1(a), (b), (c), (d), 2(a), (c), (e) and 3(a),(c)(d),(e),(f), and seems naïve in respect of items 2(b),(d) and 3(b).
Interview with Mr Uradingoma Mr. Uradingoma has more than 15 years’ experience in the field of Political Science and International Relations. He has served as a lecturer in numerous higher learning institutions in Tanzania.
Research question 1. What mediation process did Tanzania use in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict resolution in Burundi? a) When did you first become aware of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people?
“I was aware since 1990’s when the conflict in Burundi erupted for the second time after the 1970’s genocide of Hutu in Burundi.” b) What do you understand of the causes of conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi?
“The causes of Burundi conflict can be discussed from three dimensions that can be categorized as internal and external. Internal causes are built into the division and fear among the Hutu and Tutsi groups such that if one group ascends to power, it will dominate and humiliate the other group. The second cause is about who owns what and who has many opportunities. Scarcity of land, the major economic activities depend on land; especially on crop cultivation and cattle keeping. The third dimension is the power relations- who has power 197 over others? This has created the fighting for the power struggle in order to put someone into power to serve their own interest. External causes are characterised by multinational cooperation to induce the conflict. Traditionally the Hutu and Tutsi are cattle keepers and crop cultivators. Burundi has limited land and the population is small. The discovery of cobalt has erupted the conflict. The poverty of the people has led them to have a desire to own big portions of land through their power for the interest of the multinationals cooperation. Ethnicity has been used to deepen the divisions and impose hate and rage among the Hutu and Tutsi groups in Burundi.”
c) How did the Hutu/Tutsi conflict in Burundi affect Tanzania?
“Tanzania is affected in many ways. Take for example, Tanzania as receiving state is the best sanctuary for the safety of refugees of neighbouring countries but the people living along the border are the same kin and kith. Proliferation and penetration of small arms and light weapons has led to the rise of crime in Tanzania. Environmental pollution whenever conflict erupted, Barundi crossed the border to Tanzania and cleared many acres of forest for the construction of their houses and firewood for cooking and they crossed with large numbers of cattle which threaten soil erosion.”
d) Are you aware of any measure undertaken by Tanzania to meet the challenges posed by the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people in Burundi?
“Yes!”
198 e) What do you know of those measures?
“The mediation has been enforced by Tanzanian foreign policy. At the beginning, the policy has declared to safeguard human rights. As member of the OAU, now the AU, Tanzania has the obligation to intervene in the conflict of neighbouring countries. Tanzania was the only government in East Africa which has legitimacy and was accepted by other nations.”
Research question 2. How does Tanzania’s mediation process compare with the mediation perspectives of Bercovitch, Nathan and Burton?
a) Do you know who or what organization led the mediation between the Hutu and Tutsi?
“Yes, I know; at the beginning the OAU decided as their duty to mediate but as the days went on they strengthened the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation effort under the umbrella of the AU and championed the mediation process in the conflict of Hutu and Tutsi of Burundi.”
b) What do you think has specifically been done to reach a peace agreement?
“Mwalimu Nyerere managed to unite all the parties in the conflict to enter into the Burundi Negotiation Process through a humanistic approach. He was telling the political parties’ leaders that peace is not about ‘you politicians’, it is about the people of Burundi. By using Mwalimu Nyerere’s wisdom and charismatic character he achieved the parties in conflict to reach peace agreement.”
c) What did Tanzania do to persuade the people of Burundi to accept mediation?
“Tanzania since the beginning of the eruption of the Hutu and Tutsi in the late 1950’s
199 has accommodated refugees from Burundi. In 1959 Tanzania foresaw that the peace of neighbouring countries is the peace of Tanzania. During the eve of Tanganyika’s independence in 1969, Mwalimu Nyerere declared that all the people who were within the country during that night are citizens of Tanganyika. The sympathy and good record of democratic regime change for a long time was a push factor to persuade the people of Burundi to accept Tanzania as a mediator.” d) Do you think Tanzania was right to intervene in the conflict resolution between Hutu and Tutsi?
“Absolutely, yes! “ e) What do you think motivated Tanzania to be involved in the peace settlement process?
“Tanzanian foreign policy was the major catalyst for the Tanzanian government’s intervention. The intervention was part and parcel of the execution of the peace settlement to her neighbours. Mwalimu Nyerere believed that you can’t be safe if your neighbours are in conflict or trouble. No wonder that he engaged in many conflicts; simply because he believed that Tanzania cannot be secure while other nations are at war.”
Research question 3. How can mediation processes into deep-rooted conflict be improved? a) How do you feel about Tanzania’s involvement in the mediation process of the conflict between Hutu and Tutsi?
“I feel it was right by managing to bring the relative peace to Burundi.”
200 b) Do you think the involvement of Tanzania has made an impact in conflict resolution between Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi?
“Yes, we have seen some parts of former colonial masters decide to intervene but they failed. However, Tanzania managed to reach an agreement of ceasefire. The peace agreement reached managed to form the transition government in Burundi. A large number of refugees who wished to, were returned back to Burundi.”
c) What is your opinion about the involvement of Mwalimu Nyerere in the mediation process?
“I think Mwalimu was the right person for the mediation process and he had reasons to intervene. Apart from that he had the legitimacy of being the retired president who served a nation with a multi – ethnic population peacefully.”
d) What was Tanzania’s source of power in the mediation process?
“Tanzanian legitimacy of having good governance.”
e) Do you think the peace agreement of Burundi has any lesson for neighbouring countries?
“The biggest lesson is that conflict can be resolved. Mediation works better in the case of issues resulted by deep-root conflict. Democracy can be used to return people to the normality when they do democratic and free election. The practice of democracy can be used to enable people to presume that norms of election can be observed Africans’ problems can be solved by Africans…...one used to say expertise from Europe. To these conflicts African initiatives have been used to resolve the Africans’ problems.” 201 f) How were delegates and negotiators protected during the mediation process?
“The Tanzanian security institutions provided security of all parties.”
Summary of Mr. Uradingoma Analysis of Mr. Uradingoma’s responses to the interview questions presented (above) discloses that he has confused ideas of mediation, meaning that although he conveyed a number of views that were consistent to some extent with the Burton-Nathan- Bercovich mediation perspectives, he also showed inexperience with mediation perspectives. For example, he articulated experience with mediation for items 1(b), (c), (d), (e), 2(a), (b), (c), (d), (e) and 3(a),( e),(f) and informed naïvely for items 1(a) 3(c) and (d).
Interview with Mr Kasele Mr. Kassele has more than 20 years’ experience in the field of Civil Society. He has served in Civil Society organizations. Before that he was working with a human rights organization. He is chairperson of one civil society organization.
Research question 1. What mediation process did Tanzania use in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict resolution in Burundi? a) When did you first become aware of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people?
“It was a long time ago - more than 20 years. I remember the history of chief Rwagasore, the Urundi – Ruanda. These kingdoms were famous for having three ethnic groups.”
b) What do you understand of the causes of conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi?
“Firstly, I believe that the conflict of Burundi is not ethnic conflict, the conflict has been built into the division of resources and distribution of
202 power. The few own or have potential to own the large portion of power or resources, the political will to dominate and humiliate another group, the power to accumulate and acquire wealth and the power to have access to information. The Tutsi grabbed their opportunities since the colonial period compared to the Hutu who are backward in education. Ethnicity is a manifestation of the lack of resources and power. This conflict has been used to undermine the education of a certain group, to deprive their rights and political power. Lastly, organizations of important institution along ethnic lines, for example security organs were dominated by the elite group of Tutsis.”
c) How did the Hutu/Tutsi conflict in Burundi affect Tanzania?
“Tanzania is affected in many ways such as the influx of refugees, the eruption of war in Burundi or distortion of pollution of environments to the regions of Kigoma and Katavi resulted by arrival of Burundi refugees who entered to seek sanctuary in Tanzania seek sanctuary in Tanzania since 1972, 1975, 1994, 2001 and 2005. There is a scarcity of social services in the regions along the border of Burundi. The government of Tanzania planned for her own citizens but the influx of refugees has been creating a shortage of social services, in spite of the donor’s assistance. The demand for social services to the regions of Kagera, Katavi and Kigoma was very high. Security along the Kigoma region was not good at all; for example when I was working with Tanganyika Christian Refugees Services, one of my friends travelled to Kigoma to buy cattle. While they were travelling they were attacked by people who were heavily armed and they were killed. Environment pollution: many acres of forest were cleared for the construction of their houses and firewood for cooking, and they crossed with large number of cattle which threaten soil erosion. There was an issue of overpopulation of the primary school simply because the children of
203 refugees were supposed to be imparted with education. The size and number of classrooms were not enough to accommodate the abrupt increase of the pupils. The last impact is about the voters to the region along the border with Burundi. There was a problem to differentiate who had legitimate rights to vote in Tanzania since the people of Burundi and Tanzania are kin and kith brothers.” d) Are you aware of any measure undertaken by Tanzania to meet the challenges posed by the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people in Burundi?
“Yes! I am aware there were measures taken by Tanzania.”
e) If so, what do you know of those measures?
“Tanzania contributed to the effort initiated by OAU to mediate the conflict; effort did not end in the mediation. Tanzania continued to support peace building. For example, when we visited Burundi we found soldiers of Tanzania Peoples Defence Force. They were in Bujumbura as trainers to the new army of Burundi. The role they played there was a model of balancing the peace building since they were capable to interact with both groups of Hutu and Tutsi. Tanzania fully supported the Arusha Negotiation Process, sacrificing a lot for peace building regardless of her poor economy.”
Research question 2. To what extent was the Tanzanian mediation process informed by the theoretical perspectives advanced by Bercovitch, Nathan and Burton? a) Do you know who or what organization led the mediation between Hutu and Tutsi?
“Yes, I know, it was the government effort with the cooperation of East Africa Community and OAU. Later on, the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation was given the mandate.”
204 b) If yes, what do you think has specifically been done to reach a peace agreement?
“The process of calling all group leaders to participate in the mediation process- this was the success story. All political parties of Burundi participated and they agreed to sign the ceasefire agreement.”
c) What did Tanzania do to persuade the people of Burundi to accept mediation?
“I think Tanzania used her potential as a country which has been at peace for long time regardless of having more than 120 ethnic groups. The history of Tanzania during the liberation struggle of Southern Africa convinced the parties in conflict of Burundi to have trust and agree to participate in the negotiation process.”
d) Do you think Tanzania was right to intervene in the conflict resolution of Hutu and Tutsi?
“Absolutely! I think Tanzania will not stop intervening in the problems of our neighbours because Tanzania will have no peace unless our neighbours live in peace. The approach used by Tanzania to invite all conflicting groups into the Negotiation Process was good. Indeed, there was a need for the process to continue to help the transitional changes at least for two or three regimes.” e) What do you think motivated Tanzania to be involved in the peace settlement process?
“Tanzania believed that regional peace and security is a key factor of promoting peace to the whole world. If there is no peace, there is no safety especially when the neighbouring country is unsafe.”
Research question 3. How can mediation processes be improved in deep-rooted
205 conflict? a) How do you feel about Tanzania’s involvement in mediation process in the conflict between Hutu and Tutsi?
“I think Tanzania was successful in the mediation of Hutu and Tutsi conflict to bring relative peace to Burundi. The environment of Tanzania gave opportunity to be the best mediator or a lead mediator.”
b) Do you think the involvement of Tanzania has made any impact on the conflict resolution between Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi?
“Yes, I am convinced the peace and security witnessed in Burundi after the Arusha Agreement was the function of Tanzania.”
c) What is your opinion about the involvement of Mwalimu Nyerere in the mediation process?
“I have a strong feeling that Mwalimu Nyerere’s presence meant a lot during the mediation process. To the best of my knowledge Mwalimu called all conflicting parties to understand the roots of their conflict. Mwalimu was a charismatic leader who felt a lot about the peace and security of neighbouring countries.” d) What was Tanzania’s source of power in the mediation process?
“Tanzania has got regional status at the Great Lake Regions which enabled it to maintain peace and security since her independence as well as the contribution of Mwalimu Nyerere.”
e) Do you think the peace agreement of Burundi holds any lessons for neighbouring countries?
206 “Peace process is a lesson, it can never be one event. Mediation is a process - it takes time to reach its achievement. In my opinion, mediation was terminated pre-maturely. There should be peace rebuilding by referring to the security organs. I think in future reforming should be a strong agenda. Where there is lack of peace in any country, development is a huge challenge for the GDP which is likely to deteriorate. Peace is a very good pre-condition for development.”
f) How were delegates and negotiators protected during the mediation process?
“The delegates were well protected by the security agencies of Tanzania, apart from that the government of Tanzania committed to the negotiation process. My reservation is that after the peace agreement there was no protection rendered to the delegates. No wonder that many delegates have been assassinated by unknown assassin groups.”
Summary of Mr. Kassele Analysis of Mr. Kassele’s replies to the interview questions reveals that he has confused thoughts on mediation, meaning that although he expressed a number of views that were consistent to some extent with the Burton-Nathan-Bercovich mediation perspectives, he also showed inexperience with mediation perspectives. For example, he articulated experience with mediation for items 1(a), (b), (d), (e), 2(a), (b), (d), (e) and 3(a),(e),(f) informed naïvely for items 1(c),2(c), 3(b) and (c).
Interview with Mr. Manyala Mr. Manyalla has more than 25 years’ experience in the field of Civil Society. He is executive secretary of a civil society organization that has operated in Tanzania for more than thirty years.
Research question 1. What mediation process did Tanzania use in the Hutu-Tutsi 207 conflict resolution in Burundi? a) When did you first become aware of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people?
“When it erupted in 1969; by that time, I was with Tanzania Electricity Supply Company (TANESCO). There were people with whom we work together. They left their jobs after the genocide of Rwanda.”
b) What do you understand of the causes of conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi?
“I remember there was a problem of superiority around ethnicity between the Hutu and Tutsi. Each group feels that they are superior to the other.”
c) How did the Hutu/Tutsi conflict in Burundi affect Tanzania?
“Tanzania is affected in many ways such as; when a neighbour has a problem, it has to affect you. It will come to you through the people crossing over the border and they came as refugees. The refugees who came were using Tanzanian resources which are allocated for the citizens such as land and other social services. The government of Tanzania was forced to maintain them before the later coming of the International organizations. The first person to receive who is the government of Tanzania, share with the refugees the resources on the humanitarian ground. Tanzania being the first receiving state of refugees from Burundi was facing the problem of limited resources to accommodate massive refugees. However, in spite of that, Tanzania was enforced to offer assistances to refugees on humanitarian ground.”
208 d) Are you aware of any measure undertaken by Tanzania to meet the challenges posed by the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people in Burundi?
“Yes! I am aware; Tanzania has been in mediation since after the first genocide, our people and leaders have been working with others to ensure that peace and stability are maintained along the Great Lakes Regions.”
e) If so, what do you know of those measures?
“The negotiation of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi of Burundi was done in Tanzania. Through this negotiation the Arusha Accord Peace Agreement was signed at Arusha. Tanzania is a key player in the Great Lakes Region conflict resolution. Tanzania supported the Negotiation Process by sending the peace keepers as part of the African Peace Keeping Mission.”
Research question 2. To what extent was the Tanzanian mediation process informed by the theoretical perspectives advanced by Bercovitch, Nathan and Burton? a) Do you know who or what organization led the mediation between Hutu and Tutsi?
“Yes, I know, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere was part of the mediation in Burundi.”
b) If yes, what do you think has specifically been done to reach a peace agreement?
“To bring together all conflicting group leaders and other stake holders to participate at the table of negotiation, and managing those parties to sign the accord. The effort of bringing together almost all conflicting parties together was a very big task.”
209 c) What did Tanzania do to persuade the people of Burundi to accept mediation?
“I think Tanzania used her reality about the fact that the country remained neutral during that conflict without taking any side. Mediators should take no side in any conflict. Tanzania qualifies to be a neutral mediator. If Tanzania would take any side, it could disqualify her. As a country we (Tanzania) stand neutral.”
d) Do you think Tanzania was right to intervene in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi?
“Yes! I think Tanzania was right to intervene; when your neighbour is in conflict, it will affect you either directly or indirectly. The intervention can be in different forms; you can bring the people in conflict together and talk to each other. You can be a neighbour but you can fail to do the intervention because you’re disqualified, if your social setting is not well
accepted you cannot be mediator. Our (Tanzania) history in liberation movements gives us the upper hand in interventions into neighbouring country conflicts. We are not new in liberating people; we have a history of helping to liberate people of Southern Africa and Uganda. History puts Tanzania in the better place of intervention.” e) What do you think motivated Tanzania to be involved in the peace settlement process?
“Tanzania was interested to see that peace and stability are secured to the neighbouring states. Tanzania believed that the distortion of peace and stability of the regional states surrounding her borders, it affect directly the socio-economic development of the Great Lakes Region. It was for the interest of Tanzania believed that regional conflict directly affects her. It was necessary for her security to ensure that Burundi is 210 peaceful because whenever there is no peace it directly affects us (Tanzania).”
Research question 3. How can mediation processes be improved in deep-rooted conflict? a) How do you feel about Tanzania’s involvement in the mediation process of Hutu and Tutsi?
“I think Tanzania played her part well and it has given back to history. Conflict resolution gives us (Tanzania) a very good picture to the international relations and peace keeping missions. It gives experience into conflict resolution. We kept so many liberation fighters during the liberation struggle of Southern of Africa. We as a country have a history of resolving conflict- either through diplomacy (negotiation) or through force (coercive).”
b) Do you think the involvement of Tanzania has made an impact in conflict resolution between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi?
“Yes there was an impact; they (parties in conflict) agreed to sign the Arusha Peace Accord. To date if you go to Burundi people are still referring to the Arusha Peace Accord. The Arusha Accord made Tanzania the heart of Peace settlement in the Great Lakes Region. The Barundi still remember what Tanzania did to restore their peace.”
c) What is your opinion about the involvement of Mwalimu Nyerere in the mediation process?
“I have a strong feeling that Mwalimu Nyerere’s presence was representing Tanzania because he was the former retired first president who ruled the nation for 23 years. He was the one who led the liberation struggle in Southern Africa. He kept a sanctuary for refugees who were 211 in trouble in their country. Tanzania is supposed to be taken as a role model to issues of refugees because it has been experience in accommodating refugees for fifty years. Tanzania and Mwalimu Nyerere have resolved many conflicts in international affairs, hence the history of Tanzania and Mwalimu Nyerere is inseparable.”
d) What was Tanzania’s source of power in the mediation process?
“Our history during the liberation struggle and being the first nation in Africa which showed concern during the 1972 Hutu genocide in Burundi. The leadership of Tanzania was firm about assuring the peace of neighbouring countries. Military strength- the Tanzania army was ready to intervene if the diplomatic measure failed.”
e) Do you think the peace agreement of Burundi has any lesson for neighbouring countries?
“Yes, it has a lesson for the field of conflict resolution and peace keeping; when people agreed to stop fighting, that means there is peace. It gave us a lesson when you bring conflicting parties to the negotiation table and they sign a peace accord this shows peace has happened. There is a challenge presently to be noted, the new leaders (those who came into power after Arusha Accord) started to dishonour the agreement, that is the beginning of a new problem (the tenure of president) to start.”
f) How were delegates and negotiators protected during the mediation process?
“Due to the nature of the conflict (ethnicity) the host country (Tanzania) had a responsibility to ensure security to the delegates and facilitators.
212 The hostility of conflicting parties was tense, hence it forced the security organs of Tanzania to ensure both physical and electronic security. Tanzanian security organs have to ensure that the conflict (Hutu and Tutsi) does not move into Tanzania. Lastly, I would like to comment by saying that honouring the accord is very important, let’s honour its implementation. Leadership is a key to implementation, the moment people see there is no implementation that is when the conflict is likely to erupt.”
Summary of Mr. Manyalla
Analysis of Mr. Manyalla’s responses to the interview questions, presented above, discloses that he has combined ideas of mediation, meaning that even though he expressed a number of views that were consistent to some extent with the Burton- Nathan-Bercovich mediation perspectives, he also showed inexperience with mediation perspectives. For example, he articulated experience with mediation for items 1(c), (e), 2(a), (b), (d), (e) and 3(a), (c), (f); and informed naïvely for items 1(a), (b), (d), 2(c) and 3(b), (d) and(e).
213
Table 6.4: Summary of Individual Interviews
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
After assassination of the first Prime Minister Prince Rwagasore.
When refugee camps came into being at Ulyankuru a) When did you first become aware of the conflict and Kigwe at Tabora region, Mishamo and Katumba at between the Hutu and Tutsi people? the Katavi region.
Belgian colonial rule through the colonial policy of divide and rule.
Imbalance of economic opportunities
Imbalance of political opportunities
Socio-economic inequalities between different groups RQ1: What mediation .i.e land distribution process did Tanzania use in b) What do you understand of the causes of conflict Imbalance of social and cultural opportunities the Hutu-Tutsi conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi? Distrust among identity groups resolution in Burundi? Pathetic or detrimental external engagement There is a pressure of foreign investors who wants to plunder and loot the cobalt minerals without following the legal mechanisms Distortion of peace and security
Destabilize the economic development – reduction of
c) How did the Hutu/Tutsi conflict in Burundi affect imports and exports Tanzania? Destabilization by movements of refugees and displaced people Proliferation and penetration of small arms and light
216
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
weapons have threatened the distortion of peace and security in Tanzania. d) Are you aware of any measure undertaken by Tanzania to meet the challenges posed by the Yes conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people in Burundi? Intervention - mediation process e) If so, what do you know of those measures? Tanzania appealed to the Organization of African Union to intervene in the Burundi conflict a) Do you know who or what organization led the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation under Mwalimu and the mediation between Hutu and Tutsi? support of AU and UN led the mediation process
regarding the Hutu/Tutsi conflict. unite all parties in conflict
b) If yes, what do you think has specifically been ownership of the mediation process by parties RQ 2: How does Tanzania’s done to reach a peace agreement? generate patience and tolerance among conflicting mediation process compare parties in negotiation process with the mediation The sympathy and good record of democratic changes perspectives of Bercovitch of regime over time was the push factor to persuade
and Burton? the people of Burundi to accept Tanzania as a c) What did Tanzania do to persuade the people of mediator. Burundi to accept mediation? Tanzania consulted all leaders of parties in conflict and influenced them to have negotiation meetings to sort out their differences. all parties in conflict were ensured of their security
217
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
d) Do you think Tanzania was right to intervene in Yes! I think Tanzania was right to intervene in the the conflict resolution of Hutu and Tutsi? conflict.
e) What do you think motivated Tanzania to be A tradition foreign policy stance towards peace involved in peace settlement? settlements regarding her neighbours. TANU benchmark which stated clearly that Tanzania is against any humiliation and dehumanization a) How do you feel about Tanzania’s involvement in I feel proud. the mediation process of Hutu and Tutsi?
The parties in conflict managed to meet and discuss b) Do you think involvement of Tanzania has made their grievances and mutually they decided to reach any impact in the conflict resolution between the peaceful settlement. Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi? A large number of refugees were returned to Burundi The transition government in Burundi was formed.
c) What is your opinion about involvement of He was a peacemaker since the nationalist struggle. RQ 3: How can mediation Mwalimu Nyerere in the mediation process? He was the retired president who served a nation with processes be improved in multi – ethnic composition peacefully, deep- rooted conflict? He had knowledge of good governance. Support of international organizations such as UN, EEC and EAC. d) What was Tanzania’s source of power in the Historical ties since the pre-colonial period, during the mediation process? colonial rule and nationalist struggle. Long experience of presidential power transfers. Tanzania’s legitimacy and good governance. e) Do you think the peace agreement of Burundi has Conflict can be resolved. any lessons for neighbouring countries? African problems can be solved by Africans.
218
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
Unity of a nation is necessary for development. Resource (especially land) management is a crucial issue. There is a need of diversification of the economy into other sectors. Parties should own the settlement and reach their own agreement, and they will usually have more control over the outcome of their dispute. Mediation works better in deep- rooted social conflict. f) How were delegates and negotiators protected The Tanzanian security institutions provided security during the mediation process? for all parties.
219 6.4 Phase 3: Focus Group interviews
Phase three involved two Focus Group interviews with participants. These two groups were located in two different locations i.e. Heru Juu and Heru Chini because it was deemed to be convenient for both participants and the researcher. These interviews were conducted face-to-face and were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. I began by scheduling the interviews for the participants of Heru Juu and Heru Chini, from Kigoma in Tanzania.
Table 6.5: Main features of focus group interview
Number Features Focus Group Interview 1. Format Group Session 2. Size 6 –14 participants per session 3. Duration 50 minutes 4. Number of session One 5. Participants Purposively selected 6. Forms of data Conservation 7. Data collection 1. Audio tape 2. Transcription 8. Researcher 1. Flexible 2. Used interview guide 9. Formats of reporting 1. Selected quotation 2. Analysis of repeated themes
For the purpose of confidentiality and anonymity, positions and place of work of participants were given pseudonyms. The first group of the focus group interview participants are referred to as ‘Mr. Maembe’, ‘Mr. Juma’, ‘Mr. Mavuno’, ‘Ms. Zabibu’, ‘Ms.Rukia’, ‘Mr.Mang’ondi’,’ Ms.Tabasamu’, ‘Mr.Katema’, ‘Mr. Louqman’, Mr. Abuu, Ms. Kapese, Ms. Gilala, Mr. Malulu and Ms. Antonia. Tables 6.6 (below) provide the demographic profiles of the participants.
220
Table 6.6: Profile of participants of the first focus group interview
Participant Gende Age Level of Place of Work r group Education ‘Mr. Maembe’ M 40-50 Degree Civil Servant ‘Mr. Juma’ M 40-50 Degree Civil Servant ‘Mr. Mavuno’ M 30-40 Diploma Non-Government Organization ‘Ms. Zabibu F 20-30 Degree Private Sector ‘Ms.Rukia’ F 30-40 Diploma Entrepreneur ‘Mr.Mang’ondi’ M 20-30 Secondary Private Sector ‘Ms.Tabasamu’ F 50-60 Standard Farmer Seven ‘Mr.Katema’ M 30-40 Diploma Entrepreneur ‘Mr. Louqman’ M 30-40 Diploma Student – College Mr. Abuu N 40-50 Secondary Farmer Ms. Kapese F 50-60 Certificate Politician Ms. Gilala F 40-50 Certificate Farmer Mr. Malulu M 50-60 Secondary Religious leader Ms. Antonia F 40-50 Secondary Private sector employee
221
Table 6.6 First focus group interview
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
Tanzania has been assisting parties in
conflict to reach amicable resolutions. a) Explain the role of Tanzania in peacemaking and Has been mediator to the conflict of peace building in Great Lakes Region of Africa? Burundi, Rwanda and South Sudan. For
example Ambassador Ami Mpungwe was mediator in the Rwandan conflict.
RQ1: What mediation process Yes, Tanzania was an appropriate did Tanzania use in the Hutu- mediator because it has economic, social Tutsi conflict resolution in and political interests in Burundi. Burundi? Tanzania possesses diplomatic legitimacy for supporting peace and b) Bearing this in mind, do you believe Tanzania was an appropriate mediator? stability along the Great Lakes Region of Africa. The presence of retired president Mwalimu Nyerere who has much experience in governance and who supported democracy.
222
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
It is a person who engages in mediation
a) What is your understanding of a mediator? of conflicting parties. A mediator is a third party who is neutral,
flexible and impartial.
During the latent stage and aftermath
stage of conflict. b) When does a mediator get involved in mediation? Involved after the internal negotiation RQ 2: How does Tanzania’s mediation process compare between two parties failed. with the mediation c) Do you think Mwalimu Nyerere was an appropriate perspectives of Bercovitch mediator to the Hutu and Tutsi mediation? Yes and Burton? Mwalimu Nyerere possesses the
qualities of a mediator such as: good listening skills, he was a charismatic d) If yes, what are the qualities possessed by leader who strongly valued human rights, Mwalimu Nyerere as mediator? he was creative in uniting people, and influential in Africa because of his effort supporting the liberation struggle of Southern Africa.
223
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
Mwalimu Nyerere entered the mediation e) In what capacity did Mwalimu Nyerere enter the process as mediator representing mediation process? Tanzania and supported by international community.
Tanzania’s source of power in mediation
was diplomatic power legitimacy since the international community including
a) What was Tanzania’s source of power in the EAC, EEC and AU supported her mediation process? initiatives. On the other hand possession of the persuasive power influenced the RQ 3: How can mediation conflicting parties to accept Tanzanian processes in deep-rooted conflict be improved? mediation.
b) What were the challenges facing Mwalimu External influence from the western Nyerere during the mediation process? nations and neighbouring nations trying to sabotage the negotiation.
c) When mediation seemed to collapse, what effort was made by Mwalimu Nyerere to revive the The Tanzanian government gave him talks? support.
224
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings d) In looking at the measures taken by Mwalimu Nyerere during mediation process, would these in your opinion be regarded as helpful or useful or Yes and helpful appropriate in respect of theories of mediation? e) What are the main achievements, if any, of Mwalimu Nyerere in mediation of the Hutu and It provides a foundation for peace Tutsi people of Burundi? building.
225 The second group of thirteen of the focus group interview participants are referred to as ‘Mr. Igembe’, ‘Mr. Misonge’, ‘Mr.Chunga’, ‘Ms.Kalunde ’, ‘Ms.Ilagila’, ‘Mr.Manimba’,’ Ms.Rukaya’, ‘Ms. Sada’, ‘Mr. Kayugilo’, ‘Ms. Zabibu’,’ Mr. James’.,Ms. Tamasha’ and ‘Mr. Bem’.
Table 6.7 Profile of participants of second focus group interview
Participant Gende Age Level of Education Place of Work r group ‘Mr. Igembe’ M 20-30 Secondary Student - College ‘Mr. Misonge’ M 20-30 Secondary Student - College Ms.Kalunde ’ F 20-30 Secondary Student - College Mr. Chunga’ M 20-30 Secondary Civil Society ‘Mr.Manimba’ M 30-40 Degree Entrepreneur Ms.Rukaya’ F 30-40 Degree Private Organization Ms.Ilagila F 20-30 Degree Civil Servant ‘Ms. Sada’ F 20-30 Secondary Entrepreneur ‘Mr. Kayugilo’ M 60-70 Primary Farmer Ms. Zabibu F 20-30 Diploma Teacher Mr. James M 40-50 Secondary Pastoralist Ms. Tamasha F 40-50 Primary Politician Mr. Bem M 30-40 Diploma Civil Servant
226
Table 6.8 Second focus group interview
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
RQ1: What mediation process a) Explain the role of Tanzania in peacemaking and did Tanzania use in the Hutu- peace building in Great Lakes Region of Africa? Tanzania supported the democratic Tutsi conflict resolution in transition in Burundi. Burundi? Has been mediator to conflicts across the region. Has been contributing military forces to peace keeping and peace building. Supporting the international community’s civil societies which were promoting good governance.
b) Bearing this in your mind, do you believe Tanzania was an appropriate mediator? Yes, Tanzania was an appropriate mediator because historical background shows she supported the decolonization and peacemaking efforts throughout Africa. It is due to the experience and international agreement of nations to maintain peace and stability.
227
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
RQ 2: How does Tanzania’s a) What is your understanding of a mediator? mediation process compare A mediator is a person who attempts to with the mediation get people involved in conflict to a perspectives of Bercovitch situation to come to an agreement. A and Burton? mediator takes no side among conflicting parties. Negotiating a peace agreement among the hostile groups. b) When does a mediator get involved in mediation? When invited by the conflicting parties or international community. A Mediator gets involved during the escalation stage of the conflict. c) Do you think Mwalimu Nyerere was an appropriate mediator to the Hutu and Tutsi mediation? Yes! d) If yes, what are the qualities possessed by Mwalimu Nyerere as mediator? Mwalimu Nyerere was neutral; he did not take any side of the conflicting parties. He had confidence, trustworthiness, good listening skills, was knowledgeable about the Hutu and Tutsi conflict, and punctual.
228
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
e) In what capacity did Mwalimu Nyerere enter the mediation process? Mwalimu Nyerere entered as an independent mediator who influenced the conflicting parties. RQ 3: How can mediation a) What was Tanzania’s source of power in the processes in deep-rooted mediation process? The long-term experience of a country in conflict be improved? peace and stability. Neutrality in the Great Lakes Regions conflicts. Good relationships with her neighbours. Diplomatic legitimacy.
b) What were the challenges faced by Mwalimu Nyerere during the mediation process? Lack of support from other African leaders. Lack of adequate funds. Lack of the commitment of conflicting parties to resolve their dispute; the Hutu and Tutsi were not ready to resolve their conflict.
c) When mediation seemed to collapse, what effort was done by Mwalimu Nyerere to revive the talks? He asked the conflicting parties to break the negotiation and go back home to
229
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
have consultation before they came back for reconciliation. He warned of the danger of promoting ethnicity before looking after the national interest.
d) In looking at the measures taken by Mwalimu Nyerere during the mediation process, would Yes, since it can be applied to these in your opinion be regarded as helpful or improve theories of mediation in useful or appropriate in respect of theories of future. mediation? e) What are the main achievements, if any, of Mwalimu Nyerere in the mediation of the Hutu and It helps to promote peace and harmony Tutsi people of Burundi? in states. He helped the conflicting parties in Burundi to reach a peaceful settlement of the conflict.
230
Table 6.9 Summary of focus group interview
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
RQ1: What mediation process a) Explain the role of Tanzania in peace making and did Tanzania use in the Hutu- peace building in Great Lakes Region of Africa? Tanzania has been supporting Tutsi conflict resolution in democratic transition in the region, and Burundi? supporting efforts of the international community in promoting good governance Has been mediator to conflicts across the region and assisting parties in conflict to reach amicable resolutions. Has been contributing military forces to peace keeping and peace building efforts. Has been mediator to the conflict of Burundi, Rwanda and South Sudan.
b) Bearing this in mind, do you believe Tanzania was an appropriate mediator? Yes, Tanzania was an appropriate mediator because it had economic, social and political interests in Burundi. Possessed diplomatic legitimacy for
231
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
supporting peace and stability along the Great Lakes Region of Africa. It had an historical background of supporting decolonization and peacemaking efforts throughout Africa. The nation has experience and is committed to international agreements on maintaining peace and stability. The presence of former retired president Mwalimu Nyerere who has long experience in governance and support of democracy.
RQ 2: How does Tanzania’s a) What is your understanding of a mediator? mediation process compare A mediator is a third party who engages with the mediation in mediation of conflicting parties who perspectives of Bercovitch should be neutral, flexible and impartial. and Burton? A mediator is a person who attempts to make people involved in conflict to come to an agreement; a mediator takes no side among conflicting parties.
232
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
b) When does a mediator get involved in mediation? During the latent stage and aftermath stage of conflict. When invited by the conflicting parties or international community. A mediator gets involved during the escalation stage of the conflict.
c) Do you think Mwalimu Nyerere was an appropriate mediator to the Hutu and Tutsi mediation? Yes d) If yes, what are the qualities possessed by Mwalimu Nyerere as mediator? Mwalimu Nyerere possesses the qualities of being mediator such as: he had good listening skills, was charismatic, and neutral; he did not take any side of the conflicting parties. He had confidence, was trustworthy, and knowledgeable about the Hutu and Tutsi conflict, and was punctual. e) In what capacity did Mwalimu Nyerere enter the mediation process? Mwalimu Nyerere entered as an independent mediator representing Tanzania and supported by the
233
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
international community, and has influence among the conflicting parties. RQ 3: How can mediation a) What was Tanzania’s source of power in the processes be improved in mediation process? Tanzania’s source of power in mediation deep rooted conflict? was diplomatic power and legitimacy since the international community including the EAC, EEC and AU all supported her initiatives. Possession of persuasive power influences the conflicting parties to accept Tanzania being the mediator. The long-term experience of peace and stability in the country. Neutrality in the Great Lakes Regions conflicts. Good relationships with her neighbours.
b) What were the challenges faced by Mwalimu Nyerere during the mediation process? Lack of support from some African leaders. Lack of adequate funds. Mistrust of conflicting parties. The Hutu
234
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
and Tutsi were not ready to resolve their conflict. c) When mediation seemed to collapse, what effort was made by Mwalimu Nyerere to revive the The Tanzanian government gave him talks? support by sanctioning the government of Burundi. He asked the conflicting parties to break the negotiation and go back home to have consultation before they came back for reconciliation. He cautioned them about the danger of promoting ethnicity before looking at the national interest.
d) In looking at the measures taken by Mwalimu Nyerere during the mediation process, would Yes, since it can be applied to these in your opinion be regarded as helpful or improve theories of mediation in useful or appropriate in respect of theories of future. mediation? e) What are the main achievements, if any, of Mwalimu Nyerere in the mediation of the Hutu and He helped the conflicting parties in Tutsi people of Burundi? Burundi to reach a peaceful settlement of the conflict.
235
Main Research Question Key Research Question Findings
It helped to promote peace and harmony.
236 6.5 Reflections on data collection process
This section contains my reflections on my experience in the field. It came as a result of a journal that I have been keeping to record non-data that is worth sharing.
Scholars are talkative The researcher noticed that academic participants are more talkative than government officials and normal people. They were detailed and elaborative to the point. Their comments were factual and overloaded with issues that directly responded to the research problem. The scholar participants also refrained from lamenting; instead they gave facts that illustrated that they knew the position of Tanzania as a state. Their interviews were not very long and they would keep reminding the researcher that Tanzania also has a responsibility to ensure security of the people living along the Great Lakes region.
Participants’ concerns On the other hand, the participants were worried the researcher might have been sent to investigate them, which led to narratives of apparent concern over my safety. Stories were also related that had no significance to the topic. I let them talk since the qualitative approach encourages the researcher to let the participants tell their experience the way they want. The focus group interviews of the common participants were long and required me to do long transcriptions. Their suspicion was palpable in that the participants would just lower their voices when they were saying something that they deemed sensitive.
Difficulty in getting the informed consent form signed Regarding the ethical consent form, it was not easy to get these documents signed. Although they all provided me with verbal consent; I had to stress the importance of getting a signed ethical consent to all except three participants. Though they were literate, they were worried about signing the copy. Only one informant agreed to sign the consent forms. Others all gave different excuses. 237
6.6 Dealing with data
Each time I as the researcher recorded an interview, verbatim transcription was done so as to avoid piling up all the interviews or reviewing the documents. The abstracts of sub- themes, which was the results of the information collected, were noted. This also helped me to understand both the document and interview process better and be able to identify the trends or to cross check one another. This is in line with Creswell, Ivankova, and Nieuwenhuis’ (2010) suggestion that analyzing qualitative data should be a constant and interactive process. The rationale for this is because of the connected nature of data collection, processing, analysis and reporting.
Every feature of the interview and documents was recorded. Each day that I came back from the library/archives or interview I as the researcher would listen to the interview recorded and transcribe it word for word or go through the interview notes and documentary analysis for the corrections to be made. When I had a substantial amount of transcripts, I as the researcher compared these transcripts with documentary evidence in order to clarify the information, and in particular whether or not they address the research problem. In cases where there was a part of the story that was not clear enough and/or did not address the research problem, I would seek clarification from the archives or library.
6.7 Delimitations and Limitations
It was foreseen that some mediation process issues could be sensitive, so I had to exercise caution while working with the participants and information about sensitive issues. Care was exercised to ensure that as much as I was directed to other issues of mediation which might involve national interest, I did not end up stretching my sample which could divert me from my target sample.
238 A major and unfortunate limitation is that the study included a limited number of people who participated in the Tanzania mediation process between Hutu and Tutsi in the conflict in Burundi. For that reason, the results of the study depend to a great extent on a verbatim report of the negotiation process. However, this study could be a very helpful foundation for another advanced study.
6.8 Conclusion
This chapter is devoted to an exploration of the data collection processes, ie. documentary analysis, individual semi-structured interviews and group focus interviews. The data collected, both in terms of content and the methods used, are explained at length. The data collection phases, ethical concerns, my reflections as researcher on the data collection process and data analysis procedure are explained in this section, and presented using a tabular format to highlight emerging themes in the findings. Since this is a qualitative study which examines Tanzania’s mediation process of the deep- root social conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi, as I explained in the previous chapter, the data collected is important in order to understand the process of mediation that attempted to resolve or manage the conflict. With this data in hand, this decidedly African mediation and peace process can, in the next chapters, be subjected to a critical evaluation of European-based scholarship on conflict management in an African context. In particular, Laurie Nathan’s well-founded critique of specifically African mediation practices is relevant here. From these perspectives it is possible to draw the necessary conclusions, as I do in Chapter Eight, for proposals for future and existing socially protracted conflicts on the African continent (since, as I noted In Chapter Three, almost none of these conflicts had been settled sustainably). I also deal with the challenges that come with using interviews and documentary evidence, the relevance of which I as the researcher attempted to justify. The next chapter deals with the data analysis, using axial open coding (a procedure explained in the previous chapter) as well as the interpretation of the data.
241
CHAPTER SEVEN: DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION
7.1 Introduction
This chapter provides an analysis of the research findings of this study using the three data sources; namely: the documentary reviews, individual interviews and the focus group interviews. The analysis was done in three phases. The first phase, which sought to answer research questions one, two and three, involved an analysis of the document review. The second phase involved integrating the data obtained from individual interviews of the stake holders who either participated in the negotiation processes or civil society organisations and scholars with the findings of the first phase of the analysis, being the documentary reviews unearthed in the context of answering research questions one, two and three. The third phase sought to address the research question one, two and three, using the analysis from phases one and two of research questions one and two of focus group interviews of the people of Tanzania living along the border of Burundi. The question explored was designed to examine and explain the specific mediation process used by Tanzania in the resolution of the Burundian conflict. The following research questions guided this study:
RQ 1: What mediation process did Tanzania use in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict resolution in Burundi? RQ 2: How did Tanzania’s mediation process compare with the mediation perspectives of Bercovitch and Burton? RQ 3: How can mediation processes in deeply-rooted social conflict be improved?
The theoretical framework was fully discussed in Chapter 5 above; the study was structured by the two scholarly mediation perspectives. The problem-solving perspective focused mainly on situations of conflict resolution, perception, attitudinal
242 and human needs theory (Burton,1990).The second mediation perspective which underpins this study was an examination of the communication, formulation strategies and manipulation strategies used (Bercovitch, 2003).
7.2 Presentation and discussion of findings from emerging themes
The presentation and discussion were initiated with an analysis of the first phase findings (theme) of mediation perspectives and the related sub-merging themes. Subsequently a discussion of the second and third phase findings of mediation perspectives with related themes followed.
Phase 1: Analysis of research question 1: What mediation process did Tanzania use in the conflict resolution process between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi?
I introduced the reader to the major findings and the emerging themes by way of the Table 7.1 which summarized the findings.
Table 0.1: A summary of repeatedly emerging themes
Major Theme Emerging sub – themes
Tanzanian traditional foreign policy Understanding the root causes of Hutu and
Tutsi conflict Tanzanian mediation The ownership of the mediation process process . Third party intervention . Mediation process o Type of mediator o Types of mediation Role of International Organizations
243 7.2.1 Tanzanian mediation process The first emerging theme was generated around the main of aspect of the Tanzanian mediation process as a framework which focuses on mediation perspectives. The theme also emerged through asking research question 1 which sought to examine the following: What mediation process did Tanzania use in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi? This question sought to understand the Tanzanian mediation process in terms of mediation perspectives.
7.2.1.1 Tanzania traditional foreign policy Tanzania`s role in the Burundian peace settlement should be viewed as having carried out the country’s foreign policy (Uradingoma, 2016). The objectives of this were to safeguard sovereignty and the territorial integrity the political independence of the United Republic of Tanzania, the support for the United Nations in its search for international peace and security in the region and the promotion of good neighbourliness (MIFC, 2001).
7.2.1.1.1 Safeguarding sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of the United Republic of Tanzania A significant factor in the peace settlement of Burundi was Tanzania`s security concerns. The Burundian conflict had a malicious tendency to spill over onto Tanzanian soil (Nyamizi, 2016). In 1972, during Micombero’s leadership, Tanzania received a large number (nearly 300 000) of Burundian refugees. Therefore, surprisingly in March 1973, Burundi’s soldiers entered a Tanzanian border village by force, declaring that the refugees were organizing aggression against the Burundian government. During that incident, seventy four people were killed. Among them, thirty three were Tanzanians. Tanzania was therefore forced to expand its military operation at its borders to defend the country`s territorial Integrity and its population against Burundian soldiers crossing the border while tracking down Hutu rebels and refugees. In addition to that, the government responded by imposing sanctions on the government of Burundi. The conflict was resolved by means of negotiations, and the Burundian government paid Tanzanian shilings shs 3.4 million in compensation. The border agreement was signed in 1984 (Shule, 2014). 244
7.2.1.1.2 The support for the United Nations in its search for international peace and security in the region Burundi’s security has been affected in a number of ways for the past fifty years since her independence. There have been several periodic outflows of refugees in 1982, 1988 and 1991. Although 40,000 refugees were repatriated to Burundi in expectation of the 1993 elections, some 240,000 stayed behind. There was another mass migration of more than 400,000 Hutu refugees following the October crisis. Being a member of the United Nations, Tanzania was required to support the search for peace and stability in Burundi by trying to find a solution to the deep-rooted social conflict of the Burundian people.
7.2.1.1.3 The promotion of good neighbourliness The promotion of good neighbourliness compels neighbouring countries to assist where possible to restore peace when required. Demonstrating by example, Mwalimu Nyerere as president of Tanzania, cautioned Micombero, the president of Burundi, during unofficial discussions between the two, that he should bring to an end the practice of killing Hutus (Shule,2014). In an interview, Uradingoma (2016) clearly pointed out the reasons for the Tanzanian intervention in the conflict in Burundi by saying that;
“Tanzania’s foreign policy was the major catalyst for the Tanzanian government intervention. The intervention was part and parcel of the execution about peace settlement to her neighbours. Mwalimu Nyerere believed that you can’t be safe if your neighbours are in conflict or troubles. No wonder that he engaged into many conflicts simply because he believed that Tanzania cannot be secured while other nations are at war”.
245 Tanzania was to a great extent motivated to intervene in the Burundi conflict as required by her foreign policy to ensure the peace and stability of the region.
7.2.1.2 Understanding the causes of the Hutu and Tutsi conflict The intervention of any conflict requires a specific knowledge of the causes and the parameters of the conflict. These were important to Tanzania before it engaged in mediation in the proposed resolution of deeply-rooted social conflict resolution. Tanzania understood that Burundi experienced conflict since her independence, rooted in the period of the European colonization. During the colonial period Burundi was subjected to a socio-political system which gave privileges to the minority group (Mpangala, 2004). Colonial rulers such as especially Belgium as the colonial ruler promoted domination by favoring the Tutsi over the Hutu. The nationalist struggle could not escape the ethno-politics which led to the formation of parties along ethnic lines. This was in spite of the fact that the UPRONA party under Prince Louis Rwagasore succeeded in escaping the politics of ethnicity (Hitimana, 1996). During the interview of Nyamizi (2016) she pointed to the root causes of conflict in Burundi as;
“The root causes of conflict according to my understanding began during the Belgium colonial rule through the colonial policy of divide and rule. Belgium’s colonial government discriminated against the Barundi according to their physical appearance. The tall and thin people were called Tutsi and were given a lot of privilege. While the short and fats that were many were called Hutu; the less privileged class. This discrimination was the genesis of conflict even to the nationalism struggle. Secondly, unequal distribution of land resources. The major means of production in Burundi is land, however since the colonial rule and up to the post independence period land ownership was dominated by the minority Tutsi while the majority Hutu and Twa occupy a small piece of land. Another cause is poor governance based on nepotism and corruption. The high posts are occupied by the Tutsi while Hutu
246 were segregated from all decision- making posts. The last cause is unfair elections,…”.
Nyamizi argues that conflict in Burundi is reflected in the notions of deep-rooted social conflict as discussed by Burton (1990). In addition to this, it is reflected in Bradshaw’s (2010 & 2011) contingency theory of conflict management. Bradshaw identifies six causes of conflict which are values (culture or ideology), interests (resource distribution), relationships (domination betrayal), structure (oppression, unfairness or inequality), data (misunderstanding, misconception or misperception) and needs (identity, security or participation control). In summary the root causes of deep-rooted social conflict and its impact can be illustrated in the drawing below.
Figure 7.1:The roots of conflict in Burundi and its impact
Roots of Conflict
Unequal distribution of Escalation of conflict resources Ethnicity Violence Poor Killings governance Economic difficulties
Several other scholars such as Mazrui (1994), Lemarchand (1996), (Nzongola-Ntalaja, 2000), Mpangala (2004), Maundi (2000), Mwansasu (2004) and Shule (2014) have also explored the causes of conflict in Burundi. Politicians of Burundi also offered their theories concerning the root causes of the conflict (Hitimana, 1996; Kaguga, 1996;
247 Ndarubagiye; 1996; UADEBU, 1996 and Buyoya, 2011). The views of both scholars and politicians and their arguments were discussed in some detail in Chapter Four. However, in summary, they advocated that social divisions in Burundi led to the rise of other factors which created political instability. These factors were power struggles and poor governance, poor leadership, economic difficulties, the spread of weapons, ethnicity, undermining the legitimacy and illegitimacy of governing institutions. The Figure 7.1 above shows the root causes of conflict and its impact in Burundi. Tanzania decided to explore these sources of conflict and instability through Mwalimu Nyerere’s Mwalimu’s intervention in the Burundian conflict. After his exploration of Burundi’s problems he found that:
That the majority Hutu had for time immemorial been denied their rightful place in the political and economic life of the country. The glimmer of hope was dashed twice – during Rwagasore and Ndadaye. That whatever the cause, the Tutsi had genuine fear of their lives under Hutu dominated government (Nyerere, 1996).
Initiatives were taken by Tanzania to launch an investigation into the causes of Burundi’s conflict before the intervention was able to design an appropriate atmosphere to deal with the problem at hand (BNP, 1996). Prior to Tanzania entering the intervention, it was forced to gain suitable knowledge of the issues in dispute; these being very important to the mediation process. In concluding consultations with parties in Burundi’s conflict, Mwalimu Nyerere was of the view that priority had to be given to two problems. These are the legitimization of democratic rights for the Hutu and security for the Tutsi. He drew the attention of the conflicting parties to face the fact that they should focus on genuine political problems to arrive at suitable political solutions (BNP, 1996).
7.2.1.3 The ownership of the mediation process The Tanzanian history of conflict resolution has come a long a way since the nationalist struggle against colonial rule (Mpangala, 2003). Tanzania has experience in conflict resolution; both in diplomacy and mediation and in coercive negotiation (Shule, 2014).
248 As a result Tanzania has developed its own style of an African mediation process. The ownership of the Tanzanian mediation process will be discussed in detail here below.
7.2.1.3.1 The independent third party Tanzania entered the Burundi conflict as an independent third party. A neutral mediator has no interest or intention to defend his or her own interest during such a mediation process.Tanzania opted to be a third party in order to execute her foreign policy as explained above (Urandingoma, Nyamizi and Kasselle, 2015) through Mwalimu Nyerere, who was a well respected former president and who led the way in liberation struggles in southern Africa (Kanuwa, 2003). He attempted to bring his expertise and his philosophy of peace to resolve the conflicts in Burundi. The objective of Tanzania as a neutral third party was to bring together parties in conflict and ensure peaceful resolution. Though Mwalimu Nyerere was appointed by the OAU as mediator, he was in fact representing Tanzania simply because the Tanzanian government gave him supported (Shule, 2014).
i. Appropriate Power
Mwalimu Nyerere was powered by the government of Tanzania and leaders of the Great Lakes Region in Africa (Mayengo, 2015). This is in line with Anstey’s (2008: 245) comment that “Mediators are not supposed to be authoritative in decision-making however are empowered to facilitate settlement through the use of negotiation process”. I define power as ability to get others to do what they would not have done out of own volition. When the Bujumbura government was reluctant to negotiate with other parties, Tanzania and other leaders of the Great Lakes Region imposed sanctions on that government (BNP.1996). When the Burundian minister of foreign affairs Ntahomvukiye requested the removal of sanctions. Mwalimu Nyerere informed the minister that;
249 The region was also not happy with the maintenance of sanctions but it was forced to do so. The facilitator drew the attention of the minister that Dar es Salaam was the main port for Burundi. As such, sanction made Tanzania to lose about US$ 3 million a year. Hence, sanctions were costing the region heavily, and it was a pleasure for the leaders to maintain them (BNP7, 1998).
The above statement of Mwalimu shows clearly that Tanzania was ready to sacrifice her economy in order to ensure that a peace agreement was reached in Burundi. Nyerere’s power was supported by the heads of states of the Great Lakes Region. During discussions Nyerere informed the foreign minister of Burundi that
... from time to time he spoke to the regional leaders about the sanctions. They always said that they had already made a sacrifice and that the sacrifice must pay them. Then why pay the prize if the military was still in power. … sanctions were imposed to pressurize the people of Burundi who still believed in holding the power through the barrel of the gun to go to a negotiating table.” (BNP, 1996)
The power which was given to Mwalimu Nyerere helped him to have command, respect and confidence during the mediation process (Nyamizi, 2016). He was given access by the Tanzanian government to acquire all the necessary information regarding the political groups, their settings, the history of the people of Burundi and the information of biographies of political leaders in political groups. These items were vital information to Mwalimu Nyerere in his role as mediator before he embarked on the mediation process. (BNP. 2001).
ii. Third party roles
a) The peace-making initiative role One of the central stumbling blocks of parties in conflict is often the absence of communication. Nathan (2012:p.20) believes that the impartiality of mediators helps to
250 set up trust, credibility and respect among adversaries. It is very important because both parties in conflict are encouraged to believe in the mediator’s ability to pass on communications among them without distortion. Indeed the role of bridging the gap of communication between adversaries was used to great effect by Mwalimu Nyerere. His role was to facilitate communication between parties in conflict to mediate their adversarial relationship. Mwalimu helped to initiate communication between the Bujumbura government and other parties in the conflict (Mayengo, 2015). During the negotiation process Mwalimu exercised power over the participants, allowing discussion of relevant issues and discouraged counter-productive discourse. In addition, Mwalimu helped parties to shift from their former positions to a new perspective by exercising his skills as an able, positive and reasonable negotiator (Nyamizi, 2016).
b) Problem –solving role The Tanzanian mediation process enabling the Barundi parties to reach a mutual agreement of their conflict was a problem-solving initiative as advocated by Burton. Burton (1993) contends that resolving deep-rooted social conflict often requires a form of facilitation, which incites escalation in exchange of ideas between the parties in conflict. Tanzania, through Mwalimu Nyerere demonstrated leadership capabilities for resolving a deep–rooted social conflict situation. Mwalimu’s leadership helped to pave the way towards a mutual agreement (resolution) of the conflict. He helped parties to define basic issues and interests to reach a common understanding (Mayengo, 2015, and Nyamizi, 2016). Tanzania helped the parties in the Burundian conflict to reach collective bargaining during the process of mediation, to achieve a mutually satisfactory outcome with the signing of the Arusha Accord (Mpangala, 2003).
iii. Professional expertise and identity Professional expertise and identity refers to the problem-solving skills and the power of the mediator to focus on the interests of the parties in conflict, and not on his own position. It is persuasive power which gets all parties to reach mutual agreement (Nathan, 2010). The Burundian peace mediation intervention included professionals who commanded credibility, respect and confidence across many borders. These individuals were Mwalimu Julius Nyerere (the first former 251 president of the United Republic of Tanzania), Joseph. S. Warioba (former first Vice – president and prime minister of Tanzania), Hashim Mbita (former executive secretary of the OAU coordinating committee for the liberation of southern Africa), Ruth Perry (the first vice chairperson of the OAU African Women’s Peace and Development Unit), Francisco Madeira (the former minister in the president’s office in charge of parliament affairs) and Taris Kabwegyere (former minister of state for foreign affairs) (BNP, 2001). Though they were not experts in mediation, many of them had expertise in law, economics, political science and diplomacy which enabled them to intervene constructively in this multi-layered process. Table 7.1 lists other members of the facilitation team in the Burundi peace negotiations. Having a panel of facilitators with a variety of experience and skills, as indicated in the table below, was useful to Tanzania as a third party in the resolution of the Hutu and Tutsi conflict in Burundi. Table 7.1 lists more members of the facilitation team in the Burundi peace negotiations. Having a panel of facilitators who have different experiences and skills, as indicated in the table below, was very useful to Tanzania as third party in the resolution of the Hutu and Tutsi conflict in Burundi.
250 Table 7.2 List of senior members of the facilitation team of the Burundi peace negotiation Names Nationality Profession Experience of conflict Position in resolution Burundi Peace Negotiation Judge Bomani, Tanzanian Lawyer Nominee of the secretary Adviser and Mark. D general in conflict resolution facilitators’ of Namibia representative Judge Warioba, Tanzanian Lawyer Member of agreement Adviser Joseph. S between CCM and CUF ; 1999 Butiku, Joseph. W Tanzanian Civil Servant Attending meetings and Coordinator summits focusing conflict in southern Africa, Somalia and East Africa Ambassador Nyakyi, Tanzanian Diplomat Special representative of the Adviser and Anthony. B UN secretary general in head of implementation of the secretariat agreement to end the conflict resolution to bring peace and stability to Liberia 1994 – 1997 Brigadier General Tanzanian Retired soldier Participated in various Resource Mbita, Hashim meetings of OAU ,UN and person Non – Aligned Movement Ambassador Marwa, Tanzanian Diplomat Ambassador with special Adviser Adam. J.M responsibilities for the Great iv) Lakes Region Member in the effort to manage Tanzania/ Uganda relations during the Amin rule Member of negotiation between the government of Rwanda and Rwanda Patriotic Front(RPF)
251 Names Nationality Profession Experience of conflict Position in resolution Burundi Peace Negotiation Ambassador Hyera, Tanzanian Diplomat Member of the delegation to Adviser A. M several UN, SADC, OAU and Commonwealth
Tibandebage, R Tanzanian Public relations Handling affairs to the crises Resource of Democratic Republic of person Congo Professor Haysom, South Academician Negotiator in the national Chairman Nichlas. R African peace accord committee II Professor Hottinger, Swiss Academician An expert and consultant on Vice Chairman Julian. T various projects covering Committee II conflict in Afghanistan, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Spain, Cambodia and Northern Ireland Dr. Perry, Ruth. S Liberian Politician Travelled extensively on Vice chairperson peace missions Committee I
Lieutenant General South Academician - Vice chairperson Masondo, A.M.L African and politician Committee III ; Peace and security McAskie, Carolyn M Canadian Diplomat Played role in replenishment Vice chairperson negotiation in the African Committee IV development bank Bolduc, Jean - Pierre Canadian Economist He played role for Canadian Vice chairman negotiation on the Committee IV convention to combat desertification Honorable Madeira, Mozambican Diplomat OAU Secretary general Resource Francisco. C.J envoy to the Federal Islamic person Republic of the Comoros
252 Names Nationality Profession Experience of conflict Position in resolution Burundi Peace Negotiation assisting to resolve political and constitutional crisis. Member of the government team in the conception, preparation, convening and conclusion of the peace negotiation with RENAMO
Professor Ugandan Academician Convened a conference that Resource Kabwegyere, Taris. ousted the president Amin person B from power Ambassador Kenyan Diplomat Resource Kathambana, person Dickson. I Ambassador Benin Diploma Adviser Kpakpo, Ayite. J-C McLoughlin, Maria Irish Diplomat Personal assistant to facilitator Niessner, Birgit Austrian Anthropologist Assistant to the and economist chairperson of committee on reconstruction and development Norton, Leslie. E Canadian Human rights Assistant to the activist chairperson of committee IV
Source: Burundi Negotiation Process (2001).
253 7.2.1.3.2 Mediation process The Tanzanian search for conflict resolution began many years ago, after the Hutu genocide of 1972. In the mediation process of the Burundian conflict, Tanzania distinguished herself through the type of mediator and mediation process adopted.
a) Type of mediator When Tanzania’s Nyerere intervened in Burundi’s conflict he openly declared them to be independent mediators. Tanzania assumed the position of neutrality entirely through the negotiation process. As an independent mediator Tanzania had no interest in Burundi’s conflict other than helping adversaries to resolve their deep-rooted social conflict. Tanzania accepted the loss of three million US$ a year by placing sanctions on the government in Bujumbura to force them to enter into peace negotiations (BNP, 1996). Throughout the negotiation process Mwalimu Nyerere remained impartial, by helping the parties to resolve their problems. As advocated by Gulliver (1979:p.213), who suggests that ”he is not, and cannot be neutral and merely a catalyst. He not only affects the interaction but, at least in part, seeks and encourages an outcome that is tolerable to him in terms of his own ideas and interests. He may even come into conflict with one or both parties...”. Though Tanzania was the mediator in Burundi, the Tanzanian government through Nyerere, took a stand to enforce the dialogue. This is a reflection of what Nathan argues. An impartial mediator helps to set up trust, credibility and respect between adversaries. It is very difficult for a mediator to be absolutely neutral. The impartiality of the mediator is ideal if there is effective management of conflict. If a mediator is totally neutral, it may take time to establish effective talks (Nahan 2012:p.20). This was the rationale for Tanzania’s accepting the challenge to invite professionals from various organizations with skills in conflict resolution, including lawyers, military and human rights experts to join the negotiation team, as explained to the table 7.2 above.
254 b) Tanzanian mediation approach The transformative mediation approach aims to help parties to transform the quality of their conflict from a harmful relationship to one of constructive compromise. According to Bradshaw (2008:p.35)
“the transformative approach is focused on the quality of the person to person interaction. When the interaction is meaningful, the mediator steps back, when it appears ragged or unsettled, the mediator listens carefully and then intervenes in ways to open the conflict, making room for it to unfold”.
The transformative mediation approach was adopted by Tanzania during the Burundian negotiation process. Folger and Bush (1994) advocate the transformative mediation approach as based upon maximizing empowerment of conflicting parties. Nyerere enabled the Barundian parties to recognize each other’s needs, interests and values through the transformative approach. This approach was intended to enable parties to transform their relationship from mistrust and hatred to one of cooperation during their negotiation. For example the leader of PRP, Hitimana (1996) said that;
In this spirit, it means that you would like to convince us, as Tutsi, to accept again Hutu of FRODEBU and FDD, to recover the power after they organized massacres of more than 100,000 Tutsi in 1993 after Ndadaye’s assassination? This is completely impossible, they are killers, they promoted genocide, they must be condemned by justice,…
These views of Hitimana are shared by, among others, the Chairperson of UPRONA, Charles Mukasi (1996). During the talks with Mwalimu Nyerere, he said that;
On the war situation in the country and the need for negotiation, UPRONA is not ready to discuss with rebels such as Nyangoma of CNDD and think that is dangerous to invite a political group leader who is a warlord to sit in a negotiation process is a crime. Otherwise the 13 parties should be allowed transform themselves into militia to be able to negotiate on equal terms.
255
The issue of who should participate in the peace talks was clearly elaborated by Nyerere as the quintessential transformative mediator. He met with leaders from all parties and expressed the view that every entity that mattered should participate. He explained that while the person’s ideas may be extremist, he himself may not be (BNP, 1996) and that their ideas would never be known if they were not allowed to express themselves. The result was that talks started with two main political parties FRODEBU and UPRONA; other parties such as ABASA, ANADDE, IKINZO, PIT, PSD, CNND-FDD and RADDES were brought in later (BNP, 1996). The Tanzanian model of mediation process is expressed in the Table 7.2 below:
256 Table 0.2:Tanzania’s Model of Mediation Process Source
Mediator
Facilitator Team Lawyers, Economist, Academicians, Soldiers, Diplomats,
Government Parliament Political Parties
Civil Societies Religious Leaders
257 7.2.1.3 International organisations The Burundi conflict was not only a great concern to Tanzania. There was fear among international organisations including OAU, EAC, EU, UN and also the international community in general (MIFC,1996; Mayengo,2015; Nyamizi, Urandingoma, Kassele and Manyalla,2016). The report of the Tanzanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation (1996) stated that;
There is a need to isolate the Bujumbura regime diplomatically. A regional meeting should be convened in Arusha that will involve the Heads of States of all Great Lakes States, notably Tanzania, Zaire, Rwanda, Uganda and include Kenya, Ethiopia, and Zambia. The OAU, EU, UNO should attend as observers. This meeting to be convened by Tanzania, with Mwalimu Nyerere as a facilitator should be used to drum up support against Bujumbura regime.
The OAU Secretary General Salim Ahmed Salim, when realizing that conventional government did not work, approached Mwalimu Nyerere to be mediator because of his statesmanship, wisdom and familiarity with Burundi. Though Mwalimu accepted the role of mediator, he refused to work under any international organisation (Mayengo, 2015). He wanted to be an independent mediator without the interference of any organisation. Though Mwalimu was the mediator, it was in a nutshell, the Tanzanian government who worked closely with him (Shule, 2014). The international community was quite alarmed with the situation in Burundi, and through the UN Security Council they pushed for military intervention. They were not ready to witness a repeat in Burundi of what had happened in Rwanda during 1994. It was Mwalimu Nyerere who requested the international community to grant clearance for him to pursue dialogue on the political problem (BNP, 1996). Mwalimu requested the international community to provide him with funds and professionals as indicated in the table 7.1 above to form a negotiation team.
258 7.3 Phase 2: Analysis of Research Question 2:
How does Tanzania’s mediation process compare with the mediation perspectives of Bercovitch and Burton?
In order to introduce the reader to the major findings and the emerging themes, Table 7.3 below summarizes the findings.
Table 0.3: A summary of repeatedly emerging themes
Major Theme Emerging sub – themes
The comparisons of Tanzania’s Assumption of conflict mediation process with the mediation Responses to conflict perspectives of Bercovitch and Burton Objective of mediation The role of mediator The mediation action The focus of mediator Time of mediation Success of mediation
Mediation was practiced by different societies long before it was transformed and developed by professional scholars. It was practiced in China, Japan and Asian societies in their religions and philosophy to inculcate harmony within their societies (Moore, 1996). In African societies it was practiced widely within the pre-colonial societies whereby the head of state was often considered to be the mediator. Heads of state who were chief or king were expected to solve disputes within the societies. For example, in many of Tanganyika’s pre-colonial societies, the head of state was known as “Mtemi” This word derived from the word “kutema” meaning to cut - off or to finalize the matter (Kimambo & Temu, 1996).
259
Tanzania has been involved in different mediation processes as mediator. For example during the liberation struggle of Mozambique, when the president of FRELIMO, Eduardo Mondlane was assassinated, there were groups within the parties struggling to take the leadership. Tanzania intervened in the conflict to negotiate a peaceful power transition (Kanuwa, 2003). The Tanzanian mediation process was characterized by five conditions as indicated in table 7.2 above, which are responses to conflict, objectives of mediation, the role of mediator, mediation action, focus of mediator, time of mediation and success of mediation.
Burton created some of the most important theoretical assumptions of conflict resolution, which are identified as ‘human needs theory’. This theory functions on the foundation of pre-conditions for the resolution of conflict. The Burtonian human needs theory holds that deep-rooted conflicts are caused by the denial of one or more basic human needs, such as security, identity, and recognition. The theory distinguishes between interests and needs. Interests, being primarily about material goods, can be traded, bargained and negotiated. Needs, being largely non-material cannot be traded or satisfied by power bargaining (Burton, 1990). Burton demonstrated that conflict resolution can be achieved through problem–solving processes required to deal with the whole problem. In this regard there are four process which are required to be followed the behaviour in intimate and analytical interaction (situation); perception of each other and the relevance of their conflicts; the third party should play a scientific role by being neutral or an impartial position (attitudinal), and helping the parties to analyse it. It was a detailed analysis (rational).
Bercovitch (2002) identifies three theories or methods which can be used by mediators to force actors in conflict to reach a peace agreement (perception). The first method of intervention of mediation is transforming the bargaining structure from a negative into a positive. Secondly, as communicator and formulator, the mediator takes a position of being the bridge in the discussion. Thirdly, manipulation requires power, influence, and persuasion that can bring parties to move towards agreement. 260 7.3.1 Comparison of the Tanzanian mediation process and Burton and Bercovitch’s mediation perspectives In order to fully understand the comparison of the Tanzanian mediation process and Burton and Bercovitch’s mediation perspectives, the discussion is based on emerging sub- themes as indicated in the table above.
7.3.1.1 Assumption of conflict Tanzania, through Mwalimu Nyerere, further clarified the Burundian conflict as a result of the denial of the rightful place of the Hutu in the political and economic life of the country since time immemorial. Their hope for inclusion was disappointed twice during the rule of Rwagasore and Ndadaye, while the Tutsi had a genuine fear for their lives under Hutu dominated governments (1996). Tanzania’s assumption was that conflict is an opportunity for democracy and the growth of good governance, while Burton (1996) and Bercovitch (2003) advocated that conflict is a problem which needs a solution.
Burton (1990) explained conflict as contestation with authorities, between authorities and among persons and groups within societies. Burton further clarified that deep– rooted social conflict includes cases of conflict with authorities, between authorities, and among persons and groups within societies. It involves cases that arise out of demands on individuals to make certain adjustments in behaviour that are unacceptable and probably beyond human tolerance and capabilities. Bradshaw (2008) advocated that people with different values, such as ideologies or religions have different causes of conflict. He commented that many conflicts in Africa are based on ethnic conflict. This refers to a tendency of one group to feel that they are ‘superior’ to another. In general, both the Tanzanian intervention and the theoretical problem-solving approaches of Burton and Bercovitch looked similar, in that mediation (in Burton’s case, facilitation) is required in the resolution of deep-rooted social conflict.
7.3.1.2 Ideal response to conflict The Tanzanian mediation process advocated that parties should be facilitated to be empowered and there should be recognition of other international organisations. This
261 idea is supported by Lederach (2004) who suggested that a good way of dealing with internal conflicts is through reconciliation between antagonist parties.
Tanzania under Mwalimu Nyerere received the support of regional integration organisations such as the East Africa Community (EAC), the African Union (AU), the European Economic Union (EEU) and the United Nations (UN). Lederach believes that successful conflict resolution can be achieved through intervention, whereby each group gains and comes to understand the other. The response to conflict by Burton and Bercovitch is that mutual steps should be taken to solve an identified problem in conflict.
Burton (1990) argues that conflict resolution means terminating conflict by methods that are analytical and that get to the root of the problem. Conflict resolution, as opposed to mere management or settlement points to an outcome that, in the view of the parties involved, is a more or less permanent solution to the problem.
The ideal response to conflict has been discussed by Bercovitch (2005) so that success in mediation is a quality that may be applicable to the process or the outcome of mediation. In other words, success may be achieved if the parties in conflict feel empowered, or feel that their concerns were addressed respectfully.
On the other side, Bradshaw (2011) has identified six such types in his conflict cube model, which are developed into a contingency theory of conflict management. However, each specific conflict type is not necessarily equally responsive to any management effort. The Burundian conflict is a good test case to reconsider these attributes of an apparently successful intervention process (particularly mediation). Scholars (Bradshaw, 2011: Nathan, 2012: Burton.1990: and Bercovitch, 2005) and Tanzania’s perspectives maintained the belief in the empowerment of parties in mediation processes of deep-rooted social conflict resolution. 7.3.1.3 Objectives of mediation According to Tanzania’s mediation process and Burton and Bercovitch’s mediation perspectives, the objective or goal of the mediation are similar which is resolving the
262 problem by sorting out the differences of the adversaries. The parties in conflict should be engaged in dialogue to reach a mutual understanding regardless of their past differences, attitudes or behaviour.
In contrast, Nathan (2012.p.17) contends that the purpose of mediation and facilitation is to create an opportunity to deal with issues through exchange of ideas needed than relying on aggression, the use of force and common coercion. It helps moderate the parties’ attitudes of mutual distrust and hostility at the same time encouraging them to acknowledge certain principles of fairness, justice and sustainability.
During the interview Uradingoma (2016) showed how Tanzania set the goal of mediation which was to reach an agreement of ceasefire, the signing of a peace agreement and the formation of a transitional government in Burundi. Mpangala (2004) stressed that the mediation goal of the parties in conflict is the measure of ensuring successful peace building in a society. The parties involved in conflict need to discuss and resolve their differences and reach a mutual agreement to avoid future problems.
This is similar to the argument of Burton (1993) who indicated that the goal of problem– solving of deep-rooted social conflict normally needs a form of facilitation, which provokes escalation in dialogue between the parties in conflict. Such a dialogue points to an outcome that, in the view of the parties involved, is a more or less permanent solution to the problem.
7.3.1.4 The role of mediator A mediator is a third party engaged in mediation of conflicting parties who should be neutral, flexible and impartial (Misonge, 2016). The Tanzanian mediation process admitted that Mwalimu Nyerere as mediator was not an expert in mediation. However Tanzania sought assistance from experts of conflict resolution, law, sociology, governance, economics, military and political science scholars to properly manage the mediator role. However Kassele (2016) believed that the mediator role was well played by Mwalimu Nyerere; he said that: 263 “I have the strong feeling Mwalimu Nyerere’s presence meant a lot during the mediation process. To the best of my knowledge Mwalimu called all conflicting parties to understood the roots of their conflict. Mwalimu was a charismatic leader who felt a lot about peace and security of neighbouring countries”.
In spite of that Mpangala (2000) found out that intervention in the Hutu and Tutsi conflict requires a mediator who is a neighbour and familiar with the parties in conflict. The finding of the study shows that a neighbouring mediator could be in a position of understanding the root causes of the conflict.
This argument is supported by Nathan (2010.p.4) who proposes that skilled and experienced mediators should be employed in meditation. He thought that they can’t be successful in every occasion; however their chance to succeed is high compared to inexperienced mediators. Experienced mediators are familiar with mediation strategies and methods which give them extensive opportunities of alternatives methods of negotiations, and they unlikely to make blunders. This matters very much in conflicts where large numbers of people are being killed. The arguments which are put forward by Nathan indicate that a neighbouring country such as Tanzania had a chance of being a good facilitator and mediator in the conflict in Burundi.
Burton and Bercovitch’s problem-solving perspectives assert that a mediator should be an expert, who directs the problem-solving process. Burton (1990) advocated the need of professional facilitators to the process of problem-solving. A third party who received training in conflict resolution is a potential third party facilitator in a conflict resolution as opposed to a person who lacks knowledge in conflict resolution. The one without education tends to solve disputes within the traditional framework of preserving and settling disputes involving manipulation or by using coercive tactics. On the other hand Nathan (2010.p.4) argued that mediators who are skilled and experienced should be employed in meditation thought that they can’t be successful in every occasion. In spite
264 of Tanzania having the shortcoming of lacking professionals in mediation, she still managed to bring together parties in conflict to have a dialogue and resolve their differences.
7.3.1.5 The mediator’s actions
The Tanzanian mediation process indicated clearly that the mediator explained the concept of mediation, and helped parties in conflict to set goals and designs a process to achieve their goals, sets ground rules but all the while makes it understandable that resolution is the only solution to their problem. Mediators discourage discussion of the past, as it tends to lead to blaming behaviours, they encourage parties to focus on the present. Mwalimu Nyerere as mediator tried to avoid emotional statements or expressions towards other political groups. During the mediation process he attempted to bridge the gap of divergence by cooling down the tempers of the parties, and appealed to them to reach mutual understandings. He harmonized their views and encouraged them to present views acceptable to both sides. That is the reason he took the initiative of having consultations with different groups such as: political groups, parliament, religious leaders, a speaker, President Ntibantunganya and his government, the former president Pierre Buyoya and the army in Burundi. All these parties met Mwalimu Nyerere and declared their immediate availability for dialogue and a mediation process (BNP, 1996).
The procedure performed by Tanzania through Mwalimu Nyerere is reflected in Burton and Bercovitch’s problem-solving approach as well as Nathan’s mediation process. Burton and Bercovitch advocated that a mediator should: explain that the goal is settlement, designed a process to achieve settlement, and set ground rules. He may consult parties about these issues, but the mediator takes the lead. Mediators discourage discussion of the past, as it tends to lead to blaming behaviours. Focus instead is on the present and future - how to solve the current problem. Mediators focus on parties' situations and interests and look for opportunities for joint gains and mutually satisfactory agreements. 265 This also reflects tthe support of Nathan (2012.p.17) who argues that the function of the mediator in mediation is facilitation to create an opportunity to deal with issues through exchange of ideas, rather than relying on aggression, the use of force and common coercion. A mediator moderates the parties’ attitudes of mutual distrust and hostility, at the same time encouraging them to acknowledge certain principles of fairness, justice and sustainability. He should help parties to reconsider their positions, which may guide them to focus on sensible and flexible position through exploring options and solutions.
The mediator should be capable of centering the attention of the parties on the process of finding mutual interests to guide a peaceful conflict resolution.
7.3.1.6 The focus of mediator
Tanzania as a mediator focused on the parties' interactions whilst looking for opportunities for empowerment and recognition of mutual agreements. The Tanzanian mediation focus was supported by Mayengo (2015), Manyalla, Nyamizi, Rukaya and Uradingoma (2016) who all argued that Mwalimu Nyerere managed to unite all parties in conflict to enter into a Burundian negotiation process. Through his humanistic approach, he communicated to the political parties’ leaders that; “Peace it is not about you politicians it is about the people of Burundi’” (BNP.1996). This accorded with Burton as well as Bercovitch’s mediation perspectives that pointed out that the mediator should focus on the parties' situation and interests, by looking for opportunities for joint gains and mutually satisfactory agreements in resolving deep-rooted social conflict.
7.3.1.7 Timing of mediation
The Tanzanian mediation process had no time limit; parties were allowed to spend as much time on each activity as they wanted to. There were pre-set "stages" as in problem-solving mediation. Kassele (2016) argued that the “mediation peace process it is a lesson, it can never be one event. Mediation is a process it takes time to reach its achievement”. When Mwalimu Nyerere was consulting with Madam Ndadaye, the
266 former first lady of the late President Ndadaye, he admitted that the time spent on the mediation process was too long. He said that;
“I shall continue, I cannot abandon the Barundi and say it is too difficult. It is our problem, we shall struggle together. Maybe we have been making mistakes, but maybe we must agree that it will take time before we find a way out” (BNP, 1997).
The issue of timing in mediation was a difficulty, it can be seen that when the parties were given opportunities to propose times for breaks by the mediator, they responded differently as shown in the table below;
267
Table 7.4: Summary of consultation to political groups in Burundi negotiation process
Points Feedback of PP PALIPEHUTU FROLINA RPB Parliamentary) Government Raised Consultations with Different Party Leaders Who would No general All Barundi All parties All parties should All parties who want Acknowledge the Acknowledge the be the consensus parties to should participate changes and who inclusion of all inclusion of all participants? express their participate want to maintain parties parties except the views present system extremist groups of Nyangoma Decision on No general Religious Difficult using No objection Accept – many No neutral-civil Difficult in choosing need for consensus- some leaders which criteria in Democratic observers, should society the observers observer parties wanted the choosing the change not take part in suggested that from Burundi issue to be discussed observers Support Buyoya negotiation – civil the religious and how to in the next talks society confederation select was better to be invited Agreement Every delegation is Proposed the Discussed with Issue of security To hand over their They submit their Proposed the issues on Agenda giving its proposal issues of other parties Reforming army party’s contribution own agenda of lifting sanction refugees, will be handed Constitution and resume displaced over Judiciary diplomatic ties with people and Amnesty Tanzania concentration Refugees camps
268
Points Feedback of PP PALIPEHUTU FROLINA RPB Parliamentary) Government Raised Consultations with Different Party Leaders Methodology Plenary accept accept Working group There is problem in Agree on Agree on session. consulting consulting each should have working groups. consultation consultation General each equal They should agree methods methods representation with each other discussion.
Division into smaller groups Time table break of 1-2 weeks Short break Three weeks 2 weeks No objection Proposes one Short break or 1-2 month month break Declaration Agreement to Difficulty Guarantee of Committed to The issue of truce Difficulty the The issue of truce declaration commitment implement be addressed in location of army be addressed in Commitment to legality and is known but of legality and Suspension of constitution. the rebels were constitution hostilities No lift of sanction not known & lift Proposed lift of Suspend sanctions of sanction sanction
269 Tanzania failed to control the time limit of the dialogue by giving an opportunity to the adversaries to decide their own time limitation. This is contrary to Burton and Bercovitch’s conflict resolution and conflict management perspectives. This is quite different to the perspectives of scholars such as Burton, Bercovitch and Nathan. Burton and Bercovitch’s insist that mediators are supposed to set time limits, encourage parties to move on or meet deadlines. The mediator moves parties from "stage" to "stage" in order to limit the dialogue, the pro-longed dialogue can delay resolution which could led more suffering of the innocent people, especially in deep-rooted social conflict. However on the issue of time frames for mediation, Nathan (2012:p.25) insists that time deadlines are a common feature of mediation processes. It is beneficial in a process to encourage development of negotiation. Sometimes there is a need for having flexibility concerning time limits, to ensure a complete agreement that has been negotiated. Generally state mediators are likely to be more rigid on the issue of time limits due to their political masters and general domestic pressures. Indeed Mwalimu Nyerere on the issue of time was affected since he was a state mediator who to some extent was influenced by his government and other international actors.
7.3.1.8 Success of mediation The Tanzanian mediation process advocated that success of mediation should be based upon the mutual agreement of parties in conflict as a way to meet the goal of mediation. This could be seen at the beginning of successful mediation in Burundi when the leaders of the two major parties FRODEBU and UPRONA drafted a joint statement on the actual situation in Burund in December 1996i. Their draft stated that:
We leaders of FRODEBU and UPRONA, meeting in Mwanza under the facilitation of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere from 22nd to 26th April and 3rd to 9th June 1996, have now formally embarked on a dialogue aimed at finding a lasting and durable settlement to the political conflict in Burundi, while we continue our efforts to stop the killing in our country (BNP, 1996).
270 It took almost five years for Burundi’s negotiation peace process to reach a mutual resolution. It was the successful efforts of Tanzania’s mediation process with the cooperation of regional summits and sanctions which brought together the Barundi to sign a peace agreement on October 2000 (Maundi, 2004). Burton and Bercovitch’s perspectives advocated that successful conflict management is the reaching of a mutual agreement. Bercovitch (2005) argues that success in mediation is a quality that may be applicable to the process or the outcome of mediation. In the case of this study, the success was reached after signing the Arusha Agreement in 2000. Apart from that there was a follow up in the form of the formation of a transitional government which involved both conflicting parties in towards the democratic election.
7.4 Phase 3: Analysis of Research Question 3:
How can mediation processes in deep-rooted social conflict be improved?
The following table summarizes the findings of research question 3. Table 7.5: A summary of repeatedly emerging themes
Major Theme Emerging sub – themes
The improvement of mediation Professionalism processes in deep-rooted Change of culture attitude conflict. Personality of mediator Diplomatic empowerment
The notion of deep-rooted social conflict or that which is sometimes referred to as protracted social conflict as developed by the basic human need theorists such as John Burton and Edward Azar. The Burtonian human needs theory holds that deep-rooted social conflicts are caused by the denial of one or more basic human need, such as security, identity, and recognition. The theory distinguishes between interests and needs - interests, being primarily about material goods, can be traded, bargained and
271 negotiated. Needs, being non-material cannot be traded or satisfied by power bargaining (Burton, 1990). Azar (1986) contends that many conflicts in the underdeveloped parts of the world are characterized by unclear demarcation between internal and external sources and actors. Besides, there are various causal factors and dynamics, reflected in changing the goals, actions and target. At the end these conflicts do not show clear starting and terminating points. The discussion below will provide a mechanism for the improvement of mediation of deep-rooted social conflict.
7.4.1 The improvement of mediation processes in deep-rooted social conflict The findings from this study of the Tanzanian mediation process in the conflict between parties in Burundi suggest a need for the improvement of mediation processes in deep- rooted social conflict. This improvement can be done through sub-themes that emerged from the study as outlined in the section that follows.
7.4.1.1 Professionalism Through this study it became clear that the invitation of the mediator was done solely based on the influence of a person, rather than his professionalism in mediation. One disadvantage of such an approach is to prolong the mediation process. Many researchers claim that professionalism in a mediation process is very fundamental in conflict resolution. See for instance, Burton (1990) who emphasizes that conflict resolution does not enforce solutions or choose different systems. It contributes to facilitate a process of analytical and interactive problem-solving. He further advocates that in conflict resolution a facilitator be obliged to make a broad study of human nature and the overall environment. On the other side prominent African scholar of mediation Nathan (2010.p.4) proposed that mediators who are skilled and experienced should be employed in meditation but thought that they wouldn’t be successful on every occasion; however their chance of success is high compared to inexperienced mediators. Experienced mediators are familiar with mediation strategies and methods which give them extensive opportunities of alternative methods of negotiations, and they are unlikely to make blunders. This matters very much in conflicts where large numbers of people are being killed. It seems ridiculous that states and international organisations
272 that would not deploy untrained soldiers or doctors in conflict zones are willing to use untrained mediators.
The requirement of expertise and skills in the facilitators was suggested by the Tanzanian ambassador Ami Mpungwe during the Arusha peace talks for Rwanda in 1993 - 94. He said that all the way through the process he was painfully conscious that he and his colleagues lacked knowledge and experience as mediators. He did not know whether there was anything they could have done differently to stop the genocide from happening, but he was convinced they would have benefitted greatly from training in mediation (Mpungwe, 1998, as cited in Nathan, 2010).
The argument is supported by Khadiagala (2007) who pointed out that the Tanzanian mediation process has a first of its kind professional team from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The foreign ministry was officially in command of the mediation at the same time as Mwalimu Nyerere and later Nelson Mandela became involved at crucial moments to make use of their influence on the parties when the talks reached a stalemate. Though Tanzania tried to incorporate officials in the mediation process, it transpired that many of them were not specialists in mediation.
Additionally, Nathan (1999) argues that many international mediations are considered and undertaken simply, and often in rudimentary fashion, as a form of ‘tough diplomacy”. The main techniques are persuasion, bargaining and exercise of influence, with little emphasis on the application of skills. It does not mean that mediators with skills and experience will not be successful in every mediation, however they are more likely to be successful than unprofessional mediators. As in the case of Burundi though there were no professionals in mediation the agreement was reached by the parties, and they signed the Arusha Accord in 2000.
Khadiagala (2007) concludes by arguing that the continuity of Tanzania using the officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has reflected the need for the building up of expertise to solidify international mediation processes in the continent of Africa.
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7.4.1.2 Personality of mediator The tendency of appointing or selecting mediators for international mediation by looking at the status or rank of mediators needs to be reconsidered. The personality of a mediator matters a lot in the mediation process. In Africa there is a tendency of looking less at the personality of a mediator and more at their rank. In many cases Africa preferred to use former statesmen such as Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki, Joachim Chissano, Katumire Masire, Daniel Arap Moi or Oleseguin Obassanjo. This tendency cannot enable mediation to be speeded up and become more effective. For many of these statesmen, their vital role in the mediation process is to bring their authority, influence and power to bear in order to furnish flexibility at talks. However, due to their demanding schedules, time is a consideration in their activities, since they have got so many things to do without forgetting their age and the possibility of them exhausting themselves.
General Lazaro Sumbeiywo (2006) supported that view, by giving his experience during his involvement with mediation in Sudan. He said that;
I don’t think anybody like a president would have the time to sit, eat, go to the gym, sauna or steam bath with the parties. Being involved with them in those different ways was very important. It takes months of engagement. It takes neutrality. I’m not one to close any avenues for anybody. And because I sometimes told off either party, I was perceived as neutral by both parties.
From the above extract, I argue that there should be an evolution in selecting mediators; their qualities to a great extent should be based upon experience and skills of mediation of deep-rooted social conflict rather than their rank. The argument of General Sumbeiywo is supported by Burton (1990) who insisted on the need for education in conflict resolution and prevention in all disciplines. Problem–solving of deep-rooted social conflict education enables the creation of a potential third party facilitator. Conflict 274 resolution is an essential skill in all careers such as social workers, teachers, policemen, politicians or political advisers. It is inter-disciplinary education which can promote conflict resolution and prevention.
7.4.1.3 Change of culture and attitude There is a need for a change of culture and attitude in the mediation process whereby the intervention in any conflict in Africa depends on international organizations such as the United Nations, African Union or East Africa Community. Unlike in labour, human rights or business disputes where there is a legal entity for the mediation, international disputes lack an organ which can deal with the mediation process. Both the UN and AU have established mediation sections. The UN has established a Mediation Support Unit in the department of Political Affairs while the African Union has established the “panel of wise”. This is an opportunity for international organizations to officially establish a mediation unit (Nathan, 1999). The change of cultural attitudes of waiting until the outbreak of conflict, then having the international organization intervene is not effective. The actions of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in Sudan are a good example of cultural and attitudinal change in international mediation when they shifted the mandate for mediation to the IGAD secretariat (Khadiagala, 2007).
There is a need for the formation of a unit for mediation within African Union (AU) organs that should be of a permanent nature. The formation of the unit would additionally help to monitor the implementation of the settlement agreement. The failure to monitor the settlement has been seen currently in Burundi where there is poor implementation of the terms of the agreement. Kasselle (2016), the chairperson of a civil society organization which was engaged in the Burundian negotiation, process commented that; “Peace process it is a lesson, it can never be one event. Mediation is a process it takes time to reach it achievement. To my opinion mediation was terminated pre-matured, there should be peace rebuilding by referring the security organs. I think in future reforming should be a strong agenda”. 275
The international community should remain as a most important effective instrument in making use of power to encourage conflicting parties either to come to the negotiating table or to move them in the direction of a compromise on certain difficult issues or implementation of the settlement (Maundi, 2004).
Apart from that Nathan (2010.p.4) proposed that the international community should change their culture of sending almost anyone to be a mediator. They should choose mediators who are skilled and experienced and should be employed in meditation. Though they wouldn’t be successful on every occasion; however their chance to succeed is high compared to inexperienced mediators. Experienced mediators are familiar with mediation strategies and methods which give them extensive opportunities of alternatives methods of negotiations, and they unlikely to make blunders. This matters very much in conflicts where large numbers of people are being killed. It seems ridiculous that states and international organisations that would not deploy untrained soldiers or doctors in conflict zones are willing to use untrained mediators. The uses of unprofessional mediators in the Burundian conflict has, tellingly, flared up again recently, in 2015, 2016, and 2017, resulting in a constitutional crisis, episodes of violence, and the generation of more than a quarter of a million refugees.
7.4.1.4 Diplomatic empowerment The improvement of mediation processes for deep-rooted social conflict requires diplomatic empowerment. The whole process of mediation should be monitored by diplomats from the department of foreign affairs who have experience on the issues of foreign relations and of mediation. The parties in conflict should be aware of diplomatic empowerment partnerships among the neighbouring states with the institutions or facilitator given the task of negotiation. The lesson of diplomatic empowerment partnership has been drawn from the mediation process of Burundi. Maundi (2004) pointed out that during the mediation process, President Buyoya did not engage the
276 regional leaders seriously. He also continually insisted that the facilitator and the venue should be changed.
Though Mwalimu Nyerere was ready to resign from the position of mediator and Tanzania was ready to withdraw the venue, the regional leaders of EAC showed the value of the diplomatic empowerment partnership in denouncing the argument of Buyoya. During the sixth regional summit in Kampala they insisted that Mwalimu Nyerere should continue as mediator and that the venue of Arusha should remain. They decided to impose economic sanctions on the Bujumbura government. At the end Buyoya dropped all the demands and returned to the negotiation table at Arusha (BNP, 1996). The demonstration of diplomatic empowerment of the leaders of the Great Lakes Region is exemplary in illustrating how to bring the parties in conflict to the negotiation table.
7.5 Conclusion
The aim of this study is to explore the mediation process used by Tanzania in resolving the conflict between parties in Burundi. It includes the examination of Tanzania’s mediation process in Burundi, and assessing it against the dominant precepts of Nathan (2012), Bercovitch (2003), and Burton’s (1990) guidelines of the problem-solving of deep-rooted social conflict. To develop an alternative mediation guideline for deep- rooted social conflict, many scholars have emphasized the use of a mediation approach in conflict resolution which is more important in the case of deep-rooted social conflict (Nathan, 1999, 2006 & 2010; Bradshaw, 2008; Khadiaghala, 2007; Bercovitch,1984, 2005, 2005 & 2007; Maundi, 2004, Azar, 1986; Zartman & Touval, 1985).
The general observation of the three phases’ findings was that the Tanzanian mediation process presented a great opportunity to the Hutu and Tutsi parties of Burundi to reach a mutually acceptable peace resolution. Presently, however, there is still latent conflict despite the implementation of the Arusha Accord. Tanzania’s initiative in Burundi is worthy of consideration and emulation in other conflict-ridden areas in Africa. The
277 Tanzanian mediation process to some extent demonstrated similarities and differences with the scholarly view of Burton and Bercovitch. The findings further showed that there is a need for improving the alternative mediation processes of deep-rooted social conflict to promote more effective mediation. In line with the human needs theory which argues that problem-solving of deep-rooted social conflict requires a third party who is professional and is well educated in conflict resolution and prevention (Burton, 1990; Nathan, 1999 and Bercovitch 2003). The professional mediator has a better chance of being an effective mediator than an amateur. . Khadiagala (2007) & Nathan (2010) identify the Tanzanian mediation process as a platform for the initiative of using official experts in mediation processes.
The next chapter will present a summary, conclusion and recommendations. It also proposes possible research venues for mediation processes looking at the scholarly mediation perspectives. It will cover the mediation framework of problem-solving of deep-rooted social conflict as advocated by Burton (1990), Nathan and Bercovitch (2003). Improvements to Tanzania’s mediation processes in respect of deep-rooted social conflict will be considered and unpacked.
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CHAPTER EIGHT: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
8.1 Introduction
This chapter presents the summary, conclusion and recommendations. It begins with a summary outline of the findings from the research questions. The second section of this chapter presents the conclusion on the findings on Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi 1993 -2005. Having outlined the findings, I discussed them, relating them to the mediation perspectives that underpin the study in the previous chapters. The conclusions will also be based on the incorporated literature review. The final section of the chapter presents recommendations based on the research findings.
8.2 Summary
The response to the research questions follows below, with the aim of illustrating that the study was not done frivolously; it rather aimed to respond to a research problem by answering specific research questions. The main research question was: What was Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi 1993 -2005?
8.2.1 The mediation process used by Tanzania in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Burundi
This research question required the eliciting of information regarding facilitators of conflict resolution and mediation, and the information concerning their knowledge and experience of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi before the commencement of the mediation process. The facilitators reported that they were
279 moved to participate in the mediation process due to Tanzania’s traditional foreign policy. These responses demonstrated that the ‘push factor’ concerning Tanzania’s mediation process was that it had a long history, extending back to the liberation struggle in Southern Africa. The historical experience continued even into the post- independence period by conflict intervention or resolution; either coercively or diplomatically (mediation). Although Tanzania’s mediation process enabled a peace settlement between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi, the process helped form an understanding of the root causes of the conflict between Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi. It was found that the idea of a superior ethnic identity had affected the distribution of resources and filling of political government positions which led to the eruption of deep- rooted social conflict since the period of colonial domination. The findings concerning the causes reflected a congruence with Bradshaw’s (2010 & 2011) contingency theory of conflict management where he identified six causes of conflict which are: values (culture or ideology), interests (resource distribution), relationships (historical domination and betrayal), structure (oppression, unfairness or inequality), data (misunderstanding, misconception or misperception) and needs (identity, security or participation control). When conflicts are more heavily based on value differences and needs frustrations (ie when conflict is deep-rooted), traditional mediation and negotiation are unlikely to prove successful. They will require augmentation with other approaches, as indicated in the model. The use of professionals with different skills in various disciplines allows the ownership of the mediation process between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in negotiation process. This argument is supported by Nathan (2010.p.4) who proposes that mediators who are skilled and experienced should be employed in meditation thought that they can’t be successful on every occasion; however their chance of success is high compared to inexperienced mediators. Experienced mediators are familiar with mediation strategies and methods, which give them extensive opportunities of alternative methods of intervention. In spite of Tanzania having engaged the various skilled facilitators in negotiation, many of them were not professional conflict interventionists. Tanzania’s intervention as third party received acceptance by both conflicting parties, and international organizations due to the democratic and diplomatic legitimacy of the initiative. That measure is reflected by 280 Nathan who (2012:p.19) said that the acceptability of the Mediator to each and every adversary in conflict is a prerequisite condition for a successful mediation. The qualities of a mediator are to be a good listener, impartial, and having authority; with the support of international organizations, thus enabling the resolution to be accepted by all the parties to the conflict.
8.2.2 Comparison of Tanzania’s mediation process with the theoretical perspectives on intervention
This research question required an understanding of the participants about conflict resolution and mediation into the Burundian conflict, especially regarding Tanzania’s mediation process and her mediation perspectives. Mediation of international conflict has been discussed by different scholars. However the Hutu and Tutsi conflict in Burundi did not entirely belong to the arena of international conflict, since it was internal Burundian parties who were engaged in the conflict. This scenario required that the discussion of the mediation process should have been regarded from the perspective of the mediation of deep–rooted social conflict. In the comparison of the Tanzanian mediation process with Burton, Nathan, and Bercovitch’s perspectives relating to the problem-solving approach and eliminating adversarial behaviour, attitudes and interests of reaching a mutual agreement, the following sub-themes emerged: assumption of conflict, responses to conflict, objective of mediation, the role of mediator, the mediation action, the focus of mediator, time, and success of mediation.
Therefore the finding regarding the assumptions of mediation revealed that Tanzania’s assumption was that conflict is an opportunity for a transformation in democracy and the growth of good governance. Burton and Bercovitch advocated that conflict is a problem which needs a solution, especially when the problem focuses more on the basic human needs, such as security, identity, and recognition. However, the assumptions of democracy and governance to some extent are part and parcel of the basic human needs since democracy provides opportunities to all. Regarding the issue of the response to conflict, the facilitators advocated that parties should be facilitated to 281 be empowered during the problem–solving of deep-rooted social conflict in mediation process.
The study revealed that the objective, or goal of mediation of Tanzania’s mediation process, and Nathan, Burton, and Bercovitch’s mediation perspectives; which are the resolution of the conflict; are similar. Their comparison, based upon their motives which stressed that the goal of mediation between the parties in conflict is a measure of ensuring successful peacebuilding in a society.
Although they have similar objectives for mediation, the findings showed that they disagree regarding the role of mediator. Tanzania’s mediation process makes it clear that being a mediator does not need someone to be expert on mediation, Mwalimu Nyerere was mediator but not an expert in mediation. However, Tanzania sought assistance from experts in conflict resolution, law, sociology, governance, economics, military and political science to manage the role of the mediator. However Burton and Bercovitch have different views. They insisted that a mediator should be an expert who is a professional in the field of mediation, or conflict resolution, who directs a problem- solving process into deep-rooted social conflict. They cautioned that without education in conflict resolution it would be difficult to resolve such problems.
On the other hand the findings revealed that Tanzania’s mediation action indicated clearly that the role of the mediator is to explain the concept of mediation, to help parties in conflict to set goals and design processes to achieve resolution, and set ground rules, but also make it understood that resolution is the only solution to their problem. Mediators discourage discussion of the past, as it tends to lead to blaming behaviours; they rather encourage parties to focus on the present problem. The theorists advocated that mediators should explain that the goal is resolution, design processes to achieve resolution, and set ground rules. A mediator may perhaps consult parties about these issues (interests, differences and values), but the mediator takes lead. Mediators discourage discussion of the past, as it tends to lead to blaming behaviours, focus should instead be on the present and future; on how to solve the current problem. 282
The focus of the mediator revealed that Tanzania’s focus was on parties' interactions, looking for opportunities for empowerment and recognition for the mutual agreements. The theoretical mediation perspectives pointed out that mediators should focus on parties' situations and interests, by looking for opportunities for joint gains and mutually satisfactory agreements. Concerning the issue of time in mediation, Tanzania’s mediation process indicated openly that there is no time limit; parties are allowed to spend as much time on each activity as they want to. There are pre-set "stages" as in problem solving mediation. On the other hand the findings showed that the theorists’ mediation perspectives insist that mediators are supposed to sets time limits, and encourage parties to move on or to meet deadlines.
The findings of the study showed that Tanzania’s mediation process advocated that success of mediation should be based upon the mutual agreement of parties in conflict as a way to meet the goal of mediation. On the other hand, it was found that the theoretical mediation perspectives advocated that success in mediation is reaching a mutual resolution of the problem. They argue that success in mediation is a quality that may be applicable to the process or the outcome of mediation.
8.2.3 Possible improvement of mediation processes in deeply-rooted social conflict
The research question aimed at soliciting views in respect of improving the mediation process in deep rooted social conflict. The findings of the study disclosed that the invitation to mediate by looking the importance of the person without regard for professionalism in mediation tends to pro-long the process. There is a need for professionalism in mediation processes. Mediation is very fundamental in conflict resolution; it does not only enforce solutions or choose different systems, it promotes a long-lasting resolution to the problem. Professionalism contributes to facilitating mediation to be an active process of analytical and interactive problem solving in deep- rooted social conflict. 283
The findings suggested that there should be an improvement in selecting mediators; the qualities of mediators should to a great extent be based on experience of mediation of deep–rooted social conflict, rather than the rank he or she possesses. In addition it was suggested that education in problem-solving is very necessary to create a potential third party facilitator, it is essential in conflict resolution and all careers such as social workers, teachers, policemen, politicians or political advisers. It is an interdisciplinary education which can promote conflict resolution and prevention.
The findings of the study indicated that there is a need for a change of culture and attitude in mediation processes, whereby the intervention of any conflict in Africa should not depend on international organizations or prominent international leaders alone. International organizations in Africa should officially have to set up mediation units within their organizations. The unit for mediation should be there all the time and be ready for intervention, and help to monitor the implementation of the peace settlement whenever agreement is reached. This proposition has been supported by Nathan (2010:p.1) who proposed that International mediation should be regarded as a primary strategy designed for ending civil wars; however it has not been conducted and developed in a professional and systematic way. He commented that poor initiatives have diminished the prospect of successful peacemaking in violent conflicts such as those of the Great Lakes Region of Africa and other parts of Africa. He further gives a number of suggestions or propositions on how to improve the quality of mediation initiatives and structures. He said that there should be three priorities: firstly to adopt a confidence-building approach to mediation; secondly to develop a learning culture on peacemaking; and thirdly to pay proper concentration to training, appointing, supporting and evaluating mediators.
On the other hand, the finding proposed that there is a requirement for diplomatic empowerment. The process of mediation should be monitored by diplomats from the department of foreign affairs. The parties in conflict should be aware of diplomatic
284 empowerment partnerships among the neighbouring states to the institutions or facilitators selected for the task of negotiation.
8.3 Conclusion
This study aimed at examining Tanzania’s mediation in the conflict between the parties in Burundi 1993 -2005 from a mediation perspective. After reflecting on the findings and the whole process of this study it is evident that there is to date almost no long- standing successful mediation of deep-rooted social conflict in Africa. As Nathan (2010:p.1) proposed; International mediation should be regarded as a primary strategy designed for ending civil wars. However, in reality, it has not been conducted and developed in a professional and systematic way. He commented that poor initiatives have diminished the prospect of successful peacemaking in violent, deep-rooted social conflict. The Burundian conflict has, tellingly, flared up again recently, in 2015, 2016, and 2017, resulting in a constitutional crisis, episodes of violence, and the generation of more than a quarter of a million refugees. With the experience drawn from the Hutu and Tutsi conflict which is an internal, deep-rooted social conflict, I hereby propose a theoretical framework called “Professional Integrative Mediation Practice (PIMP)” for problem-solving deep-rooted social conflict. This theory is the theoretical contribution to the study which will help give direction to the resolution of international and internal deep-rooted social conflict as illustrated to the figure below’.
285 Figure 8.1: Professional Integrative Mediation Practice (PIMP)
Professional Integrative
Facilitators
Mediator Professional in
Experience and skills different discipline
and skills
Nature of dispute
Nature of issues
Parties in conflict
Issues in conflict
Mediation process Transformative
Settlement Mutual settlement
Outcome of settlement Implementation and Monitoring
The PIMP framework has been developed with the aim of guiding the mediators and facilitators to acquire positive mediation experiences and skills. This proposition is 286 supported by Laurie Nathan. He (2010:p.1) proposed that International mediation should be regarded as a primary strategy which is designed for ending civil wars. However it has not been conducted and developed in a professional and systematic way. He commented that weak initiatives have diminished the prospects of successful peacemaking in violent, deep-rooted social conflicts such as those of Burundi and Rwanda, and in other parts of Africa. He further provides a number of suggestions or propositions on how to improve the quality of mediation initiatives and structures. He said that there should be three priorities: firstly is to adopt a confidence-building approach to mediation; secondly to develop a learning culture on peacemaking; and thirdly to pay proper attention to training, appointing, supporting and evaluating mediators.
The PIMP framework is to a great extent a new contribution to the resolution of deep- rooted social conflict on the African continent. Mediation should be carried out through professional integrative mediation practice; to learn where you accommodate the mediators and facilitators of different professions to improve their mediation skills. Looking at the components of PIMP, one would see that a successful mediation practice requires mediators and facilitators who understand the nature of disputes, parties in conflict, relations of parties, issues in conflict, time frames of mediation and mediation approach before the commencement of the mediation process.
Critical use of PIMP framework for mediations would involve the preparation of professional mediators and facilitators before they are assigned to mediation. To be able to affect the quality mediators and facilitators there is a need for a special team from different disciplines such as, anthropology, sociology, psychology, law, political science, economics, philosophy, conflict resolution and mediation, human rights, armies and gender studies to train them. For Tanzania’s mediation process in Burundi, the mediators were not professional mediators, but rather a former statesman. The panel of facilitators, though to some extent including professional and skilled people, nevertheless lacked skills of mediation, and many of them only joined the panel late. However, their inclusion gave positive momentum to the negotiation process. The 287 quality assurance team would ensure that no mediator or facilitator goes to mediation without proper education and mediation skills. Nathan goes further by proposing that there should be standing mediation units and assessment of mediation endeavours (1999).
The PIMP framework requires that the mediators and facilitators should have knowledge of the nature of the dispute, the parties in conflict, relations of parties and issues in conflict before they embark on the negotiation process. Information collected in advance will enable them to know exactly what they are expected to face during the mediation process. In the Burundi peace process Mwalimu Nyerere and his team managed this to some extent. Their information largely presumed that the nature of conflict was ethnicity. They discovered that there were many different political groups with different motives and missions. The relations of parties in conflict led to the discovery that the relations among the parties were characterised by mistrust and violence. For example the UPRONA was not trusted by FRODEBU, while UPRONA was fighting with CNDD and regarded that group as terrorists (BNP, 1996). Regarding the issues in conflict, it came to be known that they concerned unequal distribution of positions in government, economic inequalities, abuse of human rights, poor governance and overthrow of the democratic government. Ethnicity was used to privilege one party, (Tutsi) and undermine other party (Hutu).
The process between the mediator or facilitators and the parties in conflict is possible when both the parties take advantage of the available professional and skilled actors. The PIMP framework proposes the use of transformative mediation whereby the parties in conflict are empowered and given the ownership of the process under the supervision and guidance of facilitators. It requires the mediator and parties in conflict to set timeframes to reach settlement, prolonging the mediation to some extent and so can cause the suffering of innocent people.
Facilitators who are professional are useful to mediation processes in both deep-rooted social and international conflict. But to negotiate with parties who have limited 288 knowledge about the problem–solving educations is very crucial since they might think what they struggling for it is their right. Ongoing mediation processes between the mediators and parties without education in conflict leads to the delay of resolution (Burton, 1990). With regard to the case of Burundi, negotiation using a mediation approach was transformative, but there were no time frames to end the negotiation. As a result, the negotiation took almost five years before it reached settlement (Maundi, 2004). Even when the agreement was reached, some parties did not accept the agreement. During that period the people of Burundi suffered greatly; they experienced economic sanctions and in the middle of the negotiation there was a coup d‘etat in 1996. This indicates the importance in the PIMP framework, of insisting on a time frame for the negotiation process.
As promoted by the PIMP framework, mediation should serve no other purpose but enabling the parties in conflict to reach an inclusive peace settlement. The use of the PIMP framework should seek to support mediation processes to seek positive peace settlements. Regarding the Burundian negotiation process, a partial peace agreement was reached, simply because some conflicting parties, such as the Nyangoma group did not sign the peace agreement. Thereafter, there was a separate continuation of mediation with those groups left out during the first mediation. This tendency is highly discouraged by the PIMP framework, whereby the framework insists on the total settlement of the inclusive totality of parties in conflict.
The professional mediation of problem-solving deep-rooted social conflict stressed the importance of regularly using mediators who have experiences and skills to mediation practise. Khadiagala (2010) also made a call for greater usage of mediators with experience of mediation in problem solving deep-root social conflict of the Great Lakes Region (Khadiagala, 2007), since the conflict in Burundi and Rwanda has persisted for over fifty years.
The PIMP framework stresses the importance of professional training of mediation; that it should also go hand in hand with the preparation of assessments of mediation 289 outcomes. If the mediators and facilitators have indicated a need for monitoring the implementation of agreements, that element should also be incorporated into the mediation process. The use of the PIMP framework will enable the limiting of excessively prolonged dialogue.
Lastly, the proposed PIMP framework points out the importance of designing mediation with outcomes in mind. The outcomes should be aligned with the mediation process and the monitoring and implementation of the settlement. The Burundian negotiation process provides a useful lesson on the need for the PIMP framework. Though parties in conflict reached a settlement and signed the Arusha peace accord, the implementation was only done partially; all the articles of agreement were not fully practised. Kassele (2016) commented that the Burundi negotiation process was terminated prematurely. He was referring to the failure of some leaders of political groups to implement the Arusha accord effectively. Hence, the PIMP framework proposes that there is need to incorporate the monitoring and implementation of the settlement as part of the mediation process. The use of the proposed framework provides a potential for the creation of professional mediation experiences.
8.4 Recommendations
Conflict within societies is common for human interaction and development. Societies are likely to differ regarding opinion or perception on certain issues; however their difference does not always cause conflict. Usually, the development of any society is associated with social conflict, since human beings tend to differ in their behaviours, attitudes and interests. Any conflict in society, if it operates as a catalyst for re-shaping the society, it is considered a positive factor. However, if conflict threatens the distortion of security and creates fear in society, it is a negative part of conflict. There is a need to deal with the negative part of conflict before it escalates and becomes destructive. Conflict within societies should be handled sensitively. That is why there is a need for the education of problem-solving for conflict resolution. There are several problem- solving approaches which are effective in conflict resolution. The mediation method is 290 one problem-solving approach in the resolution of deep-rooted social conflict. It is recommended that “Professional Integrative Mediation Practice” is an effective approach of conflict resolution and its use should be advocated, since it is diplomatic. There is a need to promote mediation education to all areas in society. The following is a summary of recommendation of the avenues for further research:
i) Further studies could involve a bigger sample of participants in mediation processes, and other stake holders. ii) Further research can be done on the approaches and styles of mediation processes in deep-rooted social conflict. iii) This study only focused on Tanzania’s mediation process. Further studies could focus on other mediation processes by organisations or individuals in deep-rooted social conflict resolution in Burundi. iv) This study was qualitative; a quantitative or mixed-method study might yield different results.
The findings of this study have suggested establishing a new mediation process through Professional Integrative Mediation Practice (PIMP) as an approach towards understanding conflict resolution and problem- solving of deep-root social conflict.
In conclusion: The intervention into the Burundian conflict by a high-level Tanzanian team under the leadership of Mwalimu Nyerere chose a mediation approach in dealing with this deep-rooted social conflict. In this approach, it conformed with most of the attributes of Bercovitch’s approach and, less directly with some of Burton’s tenets (for instance, it did use a team of scholars and other specialists). It did fall short of the prerequisites for Burton’s problem-solving approach. It additionally displays some of the shortcomings of international mediation catalogued in the recent body of work by Laurie Nathan. Theory requires that deep-rooted social conflicts employ the use of more specialized and systematic approaches if they are to be resolved in the longer term. In this regard, the re-emergence of crises in Burundi in the years 2015-2017 is a case in
291 point. The recommendations of this thesis for the consolidation and institutionalization of professional conflict management may well present a solution to the abiding problem of deep-rooted social conflict, and its effects in the Great Lakes region of Africa.
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Wangwe, S. (2000). Globalization and Marginalization: Africa’s Economic Challenges in the 21st Century, in Othman, H(ed) in : Reflection on Leadership in Africa Forty Years After Independence. Brussels: VUB University Press.
Yahya – Othman, S. (Ed). (2014), Yes, in My Life Time: Selected Works of Haroub Othman. Dar er Salaam, Mkuki na Nyota.
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Zartman, I.W. (1991). Conflict Reduction: Prevention, Management and Resolution. in F.M. Zartman. I.W. Anstey. M and Meerts, P.(Ed).(2012). The Slippery Slope to Genocide. Oxford: University Press. 315 Zartman, I. W. (1995) . Elusive Peace: Negotiating an End to Civil Wars. Washington: Brookings Institution.
Zartman, I.W and Faure, G.O. (Ed).(2005). Escalation and Negotiation in International Conflicts. Cambridge: University Press.
Documents Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996). Mwalimu’s Initiatives on Burundi.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996). Report on the First Round of Burundi Peace Talks (Mwanza I) FROM 22nd - 26th April, 1996.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996). Verbatim Report: Mwanza Two – Opening Session, 4th June 1996.
Burundi Peace Negotiations.(1996). A Speech, Mwanza II – Closing Session on 9th June 1996.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996). Mwanza Two: Main Session.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996), Records of Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere’s visit to Burundi from 7th to 9th March 1996: Part I General Summary.
Burundi Peace Negotiations, (1999), Report on the trip by Hon. Joseph Sinde Warioba to Bujumbura from 25th to 30th July, 1999.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996).Audience with Ambassador Marc Fugy – UN Representative in Burundi -21 May 1996.
Burundi Peace Negotiations, (undated).Burundi, Kings of. 316
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996). Second Draft; Draft Joint Statement of FRODEBU and UPRONA leaders on the actual Situation in Burundi.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996). Report of the Meeting between Mwalimu Julius Nyerere and Permanent Representatives Members of the Security Council at the UN on 19.01.96.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996). Report of Mwalimu’s Interviews with Different Political Players in Burundi.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996).Audience with the Chairman of UPRONA Mr. Charles Mukasi at Sources Du Nil Hotel – Bujumbura on 22 May 1996.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996). Audience with FRODEBU Chairman-Mr. Jean Minani at Source Du Nil Hotel –Bujumbura on 21 May 1996.
Burundi Peace Negotiations, (1996).Audience with Defence Minister at Source Du Nil Hotel- Bujumbura on 21 May 1996.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996).Summary Report on Mwalimu Nyerere’s visit to Rwanda and Burundi from 27th to 31st December, 1995 ; Burundi Report.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1996). List of Senior Members of the Facilitation Team.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1997).Records of a Brainstorming Session on the Conflict Situation in Eastern Zaire, Held Between; Mwalimu Nyerere and the various envoys to the Great Lakes Region, in Arusha on 04 February 1997.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1997). Record of Consultations between Mwalimu J.K Nyerere and Madam Ndadaye,held at Msasani on 26.02.1997. 317
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1998). Consultations between Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, Facilitator of the Burundi Peace Process, and the leaders of the PP Party, Mr. Niyonkuru Schadrack and Mr. Ndikumugongo Severin, which took place in Arusha on 16th June 1998.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1998). Consultations between the Facilitator of the Burundi Peace Process, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, and the leaders of the RPB, Mr. Balthazar Bigirimana and Mr. Philipe Nzobonariba, heldi n Arusha on 17th June 1998.
Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1998). Consultations between the Facilitator of the Burundi Peace Process, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, and the leadership of the FROLINA Party, which took place in Arusha on 17th June 1998.
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Burundi Peace Negotiations,(1998). Record of the talks between the Facilitator of the Burundi Peace Negotiations, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere and the Burundi Government Delegation on 19th July,1998 at Butiama, Musoma.
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318 Department of Africa and Middle East (URT), (1996).The Burundi Conflict: Prospects for Military Intervention and the Role of the United Republic of Tanzania.
Hitimana,M.(1996), Letter, To His Excellency Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, President. Written by Chairman of PRP Royalist.
Kaduga, SC. (1996), Major Pierre Buyoya – Head of the Military Junta, The Chief Architect of the Present Burundi Tratedy.
Nyangoma,L.(2001). Reactions of CNDD to the New Yaer 2001 Message from the Current Government in Burundi.
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UADEBU Publication, (1996). UADEBU thoroughly approves the economic sanction imposed on Burundi.
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APPENDIX I: RESEARCH INSTRUMENTS GUIDING INTERVIEW QUESTIONS FIRST INTERVIEW SCHEDULE (PROTOCOL)
Background Information; To obtain information about facilitators and residence prior knowledge and experience of Hutu and Tutsi conflict in Burundi before mediation process.
When did you first become aware of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people? What do you understand of the causes of conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi? How did the Hutu/Tutsi conflict in Burundi affect Tanzania? Are you aware of any measure undertaken by Tanzania to meet the challenges posed by the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi people in Burundi? If so, what do you know of those measures?
Knowledge about the mediation; To obtain data about the amount of knowledge the participants have about conflict resolution and mediation of Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi
Do you know who or what organization led the mediation between Hutu and Tutsi? If yes, what do you think has specifically been done reach peace agreement? What did Tanzania do to persuade the people of Burundi accept mediation? Do you think Tanzania was right to intervene the conflict resolution of Hutu and Tutsi? What do you think motivated Tanzania to be involved in peace settlement?
321 Expectation; To obtain data regarding participation of Tanzania in mediation process between the Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi.
How do you feel about Tanzania involvement in mediation process of Hutu and Tutsi? Do you think involvement of Tanzania has made any impact in conflict resolution between Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi? What is your opinion about involvement of Mwalimu Nyerere in mediation process? What was the Tanzania’s source of power in mediation process? Do you think the peace agreement of Burundi has any lesson to neighbouring countries? How were delegates and negotiators protected during the mediation process?
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APPENDIX: II GUIDING INTERVIEW QUESTIONS SECOND INTERVIEW SCHEDULE (PROTOCOL)
Knowledge about mediation; To gather information of participants on conflict resolution and mediation.
Explain the role of Tanzania in peace making and peace building in Great Lakes Region of Africa? Bearing this in your mind, do you believe Tanzania was an appropriate mediator?
Expectation; To obtain data regarding the Tanzania’s mediation process and mediation perspectives.
What is your understanding of a mediator? When does a mediator get involved in mediation? Do you think Mwalimu Nyerere was an appropriate mediator to the Hutu and Tutsi mediation? If yes, what are the qualities possessed by Mwalimu Nyerere as mediator? In what capacity did Mwalimu Nyerere enter the mediation process?
Outcomes; To obtain data regarding perception of Tanzania’s perspectives in mediation process between Hutu and Tutsi in Burundi
What was Tanzania’s source of power in the mediation process? What were the challenges faced Mwalimu Nyerere during the mediation process? When mediation seemed to collapse, what effort was done by Mwalimu Nyerere to revive the talks?
323 In looking at the measures taken by Mwalimu Nyerere during mediation process, would these in your opinion be regarded as helpful or useful or appropriate in respect of theories of mediation? What are the main achievements, if any, of Mwalimu Nyerere in mediation of Hutu and Tutsi people of Burundi?
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APPENDIX: III
325
APPENDIX: IV
326
APPENDIX: V
327
APPENDIX: VI
328
APPENDIX: VI
329
APPENDIX: VII To whom it may concern,
You have been selected to participate in a research project on the subject of the interventions of Tanzania in the conflict between Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi.
I thank you in advance for said participation.
The research project is for the purposes of study towards a doctoral degree, at the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, in Port Elizabeth, South Africa, entitled: TANZANIA’S MEDIATION PROCESS IN THE CONFLICT BETWEEN THE HUTU AND TUTSI PARTIES IN BURUNDI 1993 -2005: A MEDIATION PERSPECTIVE.
This study attempts to contribute towards an assessment of Tanzania’s mediation process in conflict resolution between Hutu and Tutsi, and assess the process that guides the mediators in conflict resolution. While much has been written on this Hutu-Tutsi conflict, little research has been carried out into Tanzania’s perspective in this mediation process. This study therefore seeks to assess Tanzania’s perspective of the mediation process in the Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Burundi against frameworks and guidelines as propounded by recent mediation scholarship (, Bercovitch: 2002, 2009, Burton: 1997).
OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY: The proposed research is guided by the following objectives; 1) To identify the conceptualization of Tanzania’s role in the mediation process in the conflict between Hutu and Tutsi peoples in Burundi. 2) To critically evaluate Tanzania’s intervention process in Burundi against the dominant precepts of Bercovitch’s theory of international mediation. 3) To critically analyse the social conflict in Burundi to establish its deep rooted nature.
I assure you that your involvement in this project is purely voluntary, and all communication will
330 be treated in the strictest confidence.
Should you require any further information, you may contact my supervisor, Dr Gavin Bradshaw (on mobile +27 832700957), or myself (on mobile + 255 713229722, or office at +255 222 851007).
Juma Kanuwa
331 APPENDIX: VIII NELSON MANDELA METROPOLITAN UNIVERSITY
INFORMATION AND INFORMED CONSENT FORM
RESEARCHER’S DETAILS
TANZANIA’S MEDIATION PROCESS IN THE CONFLICT Title of the research project BETWEEN THE HUTU AND TUTSI PARTIES IN BURUNDI 1993 -2005:A MEDIATION PERSPECTIVE Reference number Mr. Kanuwa, Juma Mabasa Principal investigator Address P.O Box 63034,Dar – es- Salaam, Tanzania
Postal Code Na Contact telephone number +255 713 229722 (private numbers not advisable)
A. DECLARATION BY OR ON BEHALF OF PARTICIPANT Initial I, the participant and the (full names) undersigned
ID number
OR
I, in my capacity as (parent or guardian) of the participant (full names) ID number
Address (of participant)
A.1 HEREBY CONFIRM AS FOLLOWS: Initial
I, the participant, was invited to participate in the above-mentioned research project
332 that is being undertaken by Mr. Kanuwa, Juma Mabasa Department of Political and Governmental Studies, in the From Faculty of Arts of the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University.
333 THE FOLLOWING ASPECTS HAVE BEEN EXPLAINED TO ME, THE PARTICIPANT: Initial
The investigators are studying mediation Interventions by Tanzania 2.1 Aim: between the Hutu and Tutsi parties to the conflict in Burundi.
The information will be used for completion of a Doctoral Thesis
I understand that I will be interviewed or asked to participate in focus 2.2 Procedures: group discussions on the above topic. There are no specific risks as a result of my participation in this 2.3 Risks: project. I understand that there are no specific benefits as a result of my 2.4 Possible benefits: participation in this study. I understand that my identity will not be revealed in any discussion, 2.5 Confidentiality: description or scientific publications by the investigators. I understand that any new information or benefit that develops during 2.6 Access to findings: the course of the study will be shared as follows: I understand that my participation is YES NO voluntary Voluntary participation / I understand that my decision whether or 2.6 refusal / discontinuation: not to participate will in no way affect my TRUE FALSE present or future care / employment / lifestyle
3. THE INFORMATION ABOVE WAS EXPLAINED TO ME/THE PARTICIPANT BY: Initial
Mr Juma Kanuwa
in Afrikaans English X Xhosa Other
and I am in command of this language, or it was satisfactorily translated to me by
(name of translator)NA
I was given the opportunity to ask questions and all these questions were answered satisfactorily.
No pressure was exerted on me to consent to participation and I understand that I may withdraw 4. at any stage without penalization.
334 5. Participation in this study will not result in any additional cost to myself.
335 A.2 I HEREBY VOLUNTARILY CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN THE ABOVE-MENTIONED PROJECT:
Signed/confirmed at on 20
Signature of witness:
Full name of witness:
Signature or right thumb print of participant
B. STATEMENT BY OR ON BEHALF OF INVESTIGATOR(S) I, Mr Juma Kanuwa declare that:
I have explained the information given in this document to (name of patient/participant) 1. and / or his / her representative (name of representative)
2. He / she was encouraged and given ample time to ask me any questions;
This conversation was conducted in Afrikaans English X Xhosa Other
3. And no translator was used OR this conversation was translated into NA
(language) by (name of translator)
4. I have detached Section D and handed it to the participant YES
Signed/confirmed at on 20
Signature of witness:
Signature of interviewer Full name of witness:
336 C. DECLARATION BY TRANSLATOR (WHEN APPLICABLE) I, NA
ID number
Qualifications and/or
Current employment confirm that I:
1. Translated the contents of this document from English into (language)
as well as the answers given by the 2. Also translated questions posed by (name of participant) investigator/representative;
3. Conveyed a factually correct version of what was related to me.
Signed/confirmed at on 20
I hereby declare that all information acquired by me for the purposes of this study will be kept confidential.
Signature of witness:
Signature of translator Full name of witness:
337