DOCSLIB.ORG

Comparative Reconciliation Politics in Rwanda and Burundi

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Comparative Reconciliation Politics in Rwanda and Burundi Comparative Reconciliation Politics in Rwanda and Burundi Philippe Rieder A Thesis In the Humanities Doctoral Program Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Humanities) at Concordia University Montreal, Québec, Canada April 2015 © Philippe Rieder, 2015 Signature Page Main Supervisor Frank Chalk Committee member Peter Stoett Committee member Andrew Ivaska Chair Steven High External Examiner René Lemarchand Examiner for Humanities Doctoral Program Maurice Charland iii Abstract Comparative Reconciliation Politics in Rwanda and Burundi Philippe Rieder, Ph.D. Concordia University, 2015 This thesis functions as a comparative exercise juxtaposing reconciliation politics in Rwanda and Burundi from a bottom-up perspective. Rwanda and Burundi have been labeled 'twins' before. Both countries have a very similar population structure and history of mass violence. However, their post- conflict processes differ. This fact renders them ideal candidates for comparison. Rwanda's 'maxi- mum approach' is compared to Burundi's 'non-approach' to reconciliation politics on two levels: official and informal. The 'official' level examines intention and politico-economic context from the government's side, the 'informal' level looks at how these policies have been perceived at the grass- roots and if they succeeded in reconciling the population with regard to the key objectives memory, acknowledgement, apology, recognition, and justice. The thesis analyzes and compares the advantages and disadvantages of both models thoroughly and identifies pitfalls and solutions with regard to breaking the cycle of alternating revenge and domi- nance by re-orienting national reconciliation politics towards the perceptions and insights of the rural population at the grassroots. The thesis concludes that the strong governmental focus on con- trolling the reconciliation discourse in Rwanda and the self-absorption of the political elite in Burundi in politico-economic power struggles are the main obstacles to reconciliation as they risk to margin- alizing and alienating large parts of the population. iv Summary This thesis examines and compares the domestic political efforts towards reconciliation in Rwanda and Burundi. It understands reconciliation in the broadest sense of the word, incorporating national approaches towards identity politics, commemoration and historical memory, governmental assis- tance for victims, and transitional justice. Rwanda and Burundi have been characterized as 'twins' before. They share very similar traits: size, population, language, ethnic composition and, sadly, par- allel histories of civil war and genocide. They however differ with regard to how their respective conflicts ended: in Rwanda, Paul Kagame's RPF achieved a complete victory after the genocide of 1994. In Burundi, Pierre Nkurunziza came to power after an internationally brokered power sharing agreement in 2005. With regard to reconciliation politics, these two East African states become al- most ideal candidates for comparison because of their diverging post-conflict points of departure. The thesis approaches reconciliation politics from a bottom-up perspective, trying to uncover the relationships of power and dependency that drive actors towards aggression or reconciliation. Deriv- ing from qualitative research (semi-structured life story-interviews) in five communities in Southern Rwanda and Northern Burundi as well as Kigali and arguing from the perspectives of rural dwellers, the thesis refuses to take the publicly stated aims of reconciliation politics at face value and instead examines the politico-economic backgrounds of policy design and the grassroots perception of policy implementation. Even though the governments of both countries display increasingly authoritarian features, their approaches could not differ more. While Rwanda relies on controlling its population and political discourse through unifying the conflictive identities and narratives into an encompass- ing Rwandan identity and narrative, Burundi attempts a consociational solution that balances out the interests of Hutu and Tutsi but (until now) leaves the interpretation of the past to the population itself. The thesis assumes a rather critical stance towards top-down social engineering and re-education programs in Rwanda. At the same time, it recommends achievements and approaches towards bridging the societal trenches that genocide and mass violence have left, if the participants' evalua- tion is positive. Particularly when comparing the overarching Rwandan policy of unity and reconcilia- tion to the essentially absent Burundian strategy towards reconciliation and justice, certain ad- vantages of the rather partial but nonetheless ambitious approach towards reprocessing the past to come to light. Apart from establishing quota regulations for a Tutsi minority representation in the army, administration and government in 2005, concrete steps to address the atrocities of the past have continuously been postponed in Burundi until very recently. v The thesis analyzes and compares the advantages and disadvantages of both models thoroughly and identifies the pitfalls and seeks out solutions with regard to breaking the cycle of alternating revenge and dominance by re-orienting national reconciliation politics towards the perceptions and insights of the rural population at the grassroots. The thesis concludes that the strong governmental focus on controlling the reconciliation discourse in Rwanda and the self-absorption of the political elite in Burundi in politico-economic power struggles are the main obstacles to reconciliation as they risk to marginalizing and alienating large parts of the population. vi For Elena and Henry vii Acknowledgements First, I would like to thank my wife Friederike for bearing with me during this whole process. The work and I have been extremely demanding and I am the happiest man alive for having such a strong and unwavering woman by my side. You were always there for support and encouragement when I was at the end of my wits, despite going through a rough patch yourself! I love you. Second, I would like to express my most profound thanks to all the Rwandan and Burundian partici- pants of this study as well as to my research assistants "Gilbert1", "Christophe2", Vanessa and Pascal. I have rarely learned more in my life than through listening to your experiences and opinions. I feel honored that so many of you shared the details of your life stories and thoughts with me, sometimes with considerable risk for your own safety, and I hope to reproduce your views adequately in this thesis. People like you strengthen my belief that reconciliation in Burundi and Rwanda is on its way, despite the political misgivings covered in this thesis. To my research assistants: thank you so much for an excellent job. Even though most of you were no professionals as such, I could not have wished for more dedicated, reliable and enthusiastic co-workers and friends. Third, I would like to thank the people at Concordia University, most of all my committee Frank Chalk, Peter Stoett and Andrew Ivaska. Thank you for your invaluable input and expertise and espe- cially believing in me and bearing with me even though I certainly took my time. The team of MIGS Montreal should not be forgotten. Roméo Dallaire, Kyle Matthews, Alexandra Buskie, and Marie Lamensch deserve more than thanks for their important work in genocide prevention. Thank you also for incorporating my reports on Burundi into your monitoring project. The people at Concordia's Humanities Doctoral Program, Bina Freiwald, Erin Manning, and Sharon Fitch always supported me during the thesis-writing stage. Particularly without Sharon Fitch's administrative help, it would not have been possible to complete this project. Steven High and the Centre for Oral History and Digital Storytelling prepared me for the interview process and shared important information regarding life story interviews. I would also like to thank René Lemarchand for agreeing to act as an external ex- pert in my defense. My seven months of field research would not have been possible without a generous grant of the SNF – The Swiss National Science Foundation. Please accept my most sincere thanks, especially Jas- min Boss and Martina Haug. 1 Name changed upon wish of research assistant. 2 Name changed upon wish of research assistant. viii Many people in Rwanda, Burundi, Canada and Switzerland were of critical importance to my field research. Prof. Jean-Salathiel Muntunutwiwe from the University of Bujumbura facilitated the con- tact to possible translators and provided valuable insights about Burundian politics and media. Pro- fessor Paul Rutayisire and Jean Bosco Habyarimana from the National University of Rwanda helped me out in obtaining my research permit from MINEDUC. The staff of CLADHO hired me as a volun- teer and granted me vital insights into the work of Rwandan CSOGs. Steven Nsengiyumva (good luck with your thesis) and Ligue Iteka Ngozi facilitated the key contacts to research participants in Ngozi. Assumpta Mugiraneza from Centre Iriba, Corrie Young, Erin Jessee, and Kerry McElroy were always there for lively discussions, bouncing back ideas and sharing their insights, which all have contribut- ed to the thesis. Abel, Chris, Nadine, Claire, Bertrand, Ornella, Roxy, Pichu, Skizzy, Croidja and the Kigali hiphop-scene made me immediately feel at home in Rwanda and Burundi. Thank you all. I would also like to express
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Understanding Fragmentation in Conflict and Its Impact on Prospects for Peace
    oslo FORUM papers N°006 - December 2016 Understanding fragmentation in conflict and its impact on prospects for peace Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham www.hd centre.org – www.osloforum.org Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue 114, Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva | Switzerland t : +41 22 908 11 30 f : +41 22 908 11 40 [email protected] www.hdcentre.org Oslo Forum www.osloforum.org The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD) is a private diplo- macy organisation founded on the principles of humanity, impartiality and independence. Its mission is to help pre- vent, mitigate, and resolve armed conflict through dialogue and mediation. © 2016 – Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue Reproduction of all or part of this publication may be author- ised only with written consent and acknowledgment of the source. Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham Associate Professor at the Department of Government and Politics, University of Maryland [email protected] http://www.kathleengallaghercunningham.com Table of contents INTRODUCTION 2 1. WHAT IS FRAGMENTATION? 3 Fragmented actors 3 Multiple actors 3 Identifying fragmentation 4 New trends 4 The causes of fragmentation 5 2. THE CONSEQUENCES OF FRAGMENTATION FOR CONFLICT 7 Violence 7 Accommodation and war termination 7 Side switching 8 3. HOW PEACE PROCESSES AFFECT FRAGMENTATION 9 Coalescing 9 Intentional fragmentation 9 Unintentional fragmentation 9 Mediation 10 4. RESPONSES OF MEDIATORS AND OTHER THIRD-PARTY ACTORS TO FRAGMENTATION 11 Negotiations including all armed groups 11 Sequential negotiations 11 Inclusion of unarmed actors and national dialogue 12 Efforts to coalesce the opposition 13 5. AFTER SETTLEMENT 14 CONCLUSION 15 ENDNOTES 16 2 The Oslo Forum Papers | Understanding fragmentation in conflict Introduction Complicated conflicts with many disparate actors have cators of fragmentation, new trends, and a summation of why become increasingly common in the international system.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 2 Political Background
    Chapter 2 Political Background Early History The area presently occupied by Rwanda has been inhabited since the 1300s. By the 17th century a kingdom was established inhabited by Hutus, Tutsis and Twa. Rwanda first became a German protectorate in 1884, and under the name Ruanda-Urundi, became part of German East Africa in 1890. After the First World War, it came under Belgian administration under a League of Nations mandate, and after World War II Ruanda-Urundi became a UN trust territory with Belgium as the administrative authority. Towards Independence After the Second World War, Rwanda continued to be administered by Belgium. In 1959, as the independence movement gathered pace, the ruling Tutsi elite formed a political party, Union Nationale Rwandaise. The Belgian authorities encouraged the Hutu majority also to aspire to political power and, in the same year, a rival party, Parti de l’émancipation du peuple Hutu (Parmehutu), was established. As the 1960 local elections approached, Parmehutu initiated a Hutu uprising resulting in the death of many Tutsis and forcing King Kigeri V and tens of thousands of Tutsis to flee into exile in Uganda and Burundi. In 1961 the monarchy was abolished. Independent Rwanda Rwanda achieved independence from Belgium in 1962, with Parmehutu leader Gregoire Kayibanda as President; many more Tutsis left the country and those who remained faced continuing state-sponsored violence and institutionalised discrimination. The most serious eruption of violence at this time was triggered in 1963 by an incursion from Burundi of exiled Rwandan Tutsis and resulted in the death of at least 15,000 Tutsis at the hands of Hutu gangs.
    [Show full text]
  • 88309 Rwanda Omslag
    Assessment of the Impact and Influence of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda Lessons from Rwanda – Lessons for Today Rwanda – Lessons for Today Lessons from Following the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiated a comprehensive evaluation of the international response. The findings were highly critical of nearly all the international actors. Ten years after the genocide the Ministry commissioned this assessment of the impact and influence of the evaluation. It concludes that the evaluation con- tributed to increased accountability among humanitarian organizations and that it had important influences on several major donor policies. But, despite a greater willingness by the international community to intervene militarily and to undertake more robust peacekeeping missions, these remain the exception rather than the rule where mass killings of civilians threaten or are even underway. The evaluation’s main conclusion – that “Humanitarian Action cannot substitute for political action” – remains just as December 2004 valid today as 10 years ago. Lessons from Rwanda – Lessons for Today ISBN: 87-7667-141-0 Lessons from Rwanda – Lessons for Today Assessment of the Impact and Influence of Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda John Borton and John Eriksson December 2004 © Ministry of Foreign Affairs December 2004 Production: Evaluation Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Cover: Kiure F. Msangi Graphic production: Phoenix-Print A/S, Aarhus, Denmark ISBN (report): 87-7667-141-0 e-ISBN (report): 87-7667-142-9 ISSN: 1399-4972 This report can be obtained free of charge by contacting: Danish State Information Centre Phone + 45 7010 1881 http://danida.netboghandel.dk/ The report can also be downloaded through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ homepage www.um.dk or directly from the Evaluation Department’s homepage www.evaluation.dk Responsibility for the content and presentation of findings and recommendations rests with the authors.
    [Show full text]
  • Papaoutai Memory Studies Redacted for Pure Dec 2018
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by King's Research Portal King’s Research Portal Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Norridge, Z. C. (Accepted/In press). Papaoutai? Family Memory, Parental Loss and Rwandan Artists Today. Memory Studies. Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.
    [Show full text]
  • Entanglements of Modernity, Colonialism and Genocide Burundi and Rwanda in Historical-Sociological Perspective
    UNIVERSITY OF LEEDS Entanglements of Modernity, Colonialism and Genocide Burundi and Rwanda in Historical-Sociological Perspective Jack Dominic Palmer University of Leeds School of Sociology and Social Policy January 2017 Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ii The candidate confirms that the work submitted is their own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. ©2017 The University of Leeds and Jack Dominic Palmer. The right of Jack Dominic Palmer to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by Jack Dominic Palmer in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would firstly like to thank Dr Mark Davis and Dr Tom Campbell. The quality of their guidance, insight and friendship has been a huge source of support and has helped me through tough periods in which my motivation and enthusiasm for the project were tested to their limits. I drew great inspiration from the insightful and constructive critical comments and recommendations of Dr Shirley Tate and Dr Austin Harrington when the thesis was at the upgrade stage, and I am also grateful for generous follow-up discussions with the latter. I am very appreciative of the staff members in SSP with whom I have worked closely in my teaching capacities, as well as of the staff in the office who do such a great job at holding the department together.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical Analysis of Presidential Term Limits in Africa: a Mixed-Methods Case Study of Causes of Political Violence in Burundi Foday Darboe [email protected]
    Nova Southeastern University NSUWorks Department of Conflict Resolution Studies Theses CAHSS Theses and Dissertations and Dissertations 1-1-2018 A Critical Analysis of Presidential Term Limits in Africa: A Mixed-Methods Case Study of Causes of Political Violence in Burundi Foday Darboe [email protected] This document is a product of extensive research conducted at the Nova Southeastern University College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences. For more information on research and degree programs at the NSU College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences, please click here. Follow this and additional works at: https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Share Feedback About This Item NSUWorks Citation Foday Darboe. 2018. A Critical Analysis of Presidential Term Limits in Africa: A Mixed-Methods Case Study of Causes of Political Violence in Burundi. Doctoral dissertation. Nova Southeastern University. Retrieved from NSUWorks, College of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences – Department of Conflict Resolution Studies. (108) https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/108. This Dissertation is brought to you by the CAHSS Theses and Dissertations at NSUWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Department of Conflict Resolution Studies Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of NSUWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Critical Analysis of Presidential Term Limits in Africa: A Mixed-Methods Case Study of Causes of Political Violence in Burundi by Foday Darboe A Dissertation Presented to the College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences of Nova Southeastern University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Nova Southeastern University 2018 Copyright © by Foday Darboe June 2018 July 6th, 2018 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to all the research participants in this study.
    [Show full text]
  • A Colonial Genealogy of Violence Against Tutsi Women in The
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Gender-Based Violence and Submerged Histories: A Colonial Genealogy of Violence Against Tutsi Women in the 1994 Rwandan Genocide A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Gender Studies by Helina Asmelash Beyene 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Gender-Based Violence and Submerged Histories: A Colonial Genealogy of Violence Against Tutsi Women in the 1994 Rwandan Genocide by Helina Asmelash Beyene Doctor of Philosophy in Gender Studies University of California, Los Angeles, 2014 Professor Sondra Hale, Chair My dissertation is a genealogical study of gender-based violence (GBV) during the 1994 Rwandan genocide. A growing body of feminist scholarship argues that GBV in conflict zones results mainly from a continuum of patriarchal violence that is condoned outside the context of war in everyday life. This literature, however, fails to account for colonial and racial histories that also inform the politics of GBV in African conflicts. My project examines the question of the colonial genealogy of GBV by grounding my inquiry within postcolonial, transnational and intersectional feminist frameworks that center race, historicize violence, and decolonize knowledge production. I employ interdisciplinary methods that include (1) discourse analysis of the gender-based violence of Belgian rule and Tutsi women’s iconography in colonial texts; (2) ii textual analysis of the constructions of Tutsi women’s sexuality and fertility in key official documents on overpopulation and Tutsi refugees in colonial and post-independence Rwanda; and (3) an ethnographic study that included leading anti gendered violence activists based in Kigali, Rwanda, to assess how African feminists account for the colonial legacy of gendered violence in the 1994 genocide.
    [Show full text]
  • We Are All Rwandans”
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles “We are all Rwandans”: Imagining the Post-Genocidal Nation Across Media A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Film and Television by Andrew Phillip Young 2016 ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION “We are all Rwandans”: Imagining the Post-Genocidal Nation Across Media by Andrew Phillip Young Doctor of Philosophy in Film and Television University of California, Los Angeles, 2016 Professor Chon A. Noriega, Chair There is little doubt of the fundamental impact of the 1994 Rwanda genocide on the country's social structure and cultural production, but the form that these changes have taken remains ignored by contemporary media scholars. Since this time, the need to identify the the particular industrial structure, political economy, and discursive slant of Rwandan “post- genocidal” media has become vital. The Rwandan government has gone to great lengths to construct and promote reconciliatory discourse to maintain order over a country divided along ethnic lines. Such a task, though, relies on far more than the simple state control of media message systems (particularly in the current period of media deregulation). Instead, it requires a more complex engagement with issues of self-censorship, speech law, public/private industrial regulation, national/transnational production/consumption paradigms, and post-traumatic media theory. This project examines the interrelationships between radio, television, newspapers, the ii Internet, and film in the contemporary Rwandan mediascape (which all merge through their relationships with governmental, regulatory, and funding agencies, such as the Rwanda Media High Council - RMHC) to investigate how they endorse national reconciliatory discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Papaoutai? Family Memory, Parental Loss and Rwandan Artists Today
    King’s Research Portal DOI: 10.1177/1750698019844807 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Norridge, Z. (2019). Papaoutai? Family Memory, Parental Loss and Rwandan Artists Today. Memory Studies, 0(0), 1-21. https://doi.org/10.1177/1750698019844807 Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.
    [Show full text]
  • Conceiving the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union in the Midst of the Cold
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Virtual Commons - Bridgewater State University Bridgewater State University Virtual Commons - Bridgewater State University History Faculty Publications History Department 2014 Conceiving the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union in the Midst of the Cold War: Internal and International Factors Ethan Sanders Bridgewater State University, [email protected] Virtual Commons Citation Sanders, Ethan (2014). Conceiving the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union in the Midst of the Cold War: Internal and International Factors. In History Faculty Publications. Paper 42. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/history_fac/42 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. African Review Vol. 41, No. 1, 2014: 35-70 Conceiving the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union in the Midst of the Cold War: Internal and International Factors Ethan R. Sanders* Abstract To what extent was international pressure placed on Nyerere and Karume to unify their two states in April 1964? The argument made is that even though Americans were initially very pleased with the outcome of the Union—because they thought it would help stem the spread of communism in the region—this was not a Western-initiated plan forced upon East African leaders. Indeed, the evidence shows that Americans were largely in the dark and in fact very frustrated by their lack of influence on the situation. Instead, the Union merely served as a confluence of African and American interests. The internal factors are inspected by highlighting African concerns over outside interference, worries about domestic stability, and a desire by Karume to consolidate his power.
    [Show full text]
  • 2015 Tongoi Tabitha Political Science Thesis Final.Pdf
    WILLIAMS COLLEGE LIBRARIES COPYRIGHT ASSIGNMENT AND INSTRUCTIONS FOR A STIJDENT THESIS Your unpublished thesis, submitted for a degree at Williams College and administered by the Williams College Libraries, will be made available for research use. You may, through this form, provide instructions regarding copyright, access, dissemination and reproduction of your thesis. The College has the right in all cases to maintain and preserve theses both in hardcopy and electronic format, and to make such copies as the Libraries require for their research and archival functions. _The faculty advisor/s to the student writing the thesis claims joint authorship in this work. _ I/we have included in this thesis copyrighted material for which Ilwe have not received permission from the copyright holder/s. If you do not secure copyright permissions by the time your thesis is submitted, you will still be allowed to submit. However, if the necessary copyright permissions are not received, e-posting of your thesis may be affected. Copyrighted material may include images (tables, drawings, photographs, figures, maps, graphs, etc.), sound files, video material, data sets, and large portions of text. I. COPYRIGHT An author by law owns the copyright to his/her work, whether or not a copyright symbol and date are placed on the piece. Please choose one of the options below with respect to the copyright in your thesis. _ Ilwe choose not to retain the copyright to the thesis, and hereby assign the copyright to Williams College. Selecting this option will assign copyright to the College. If the author/swishes later to publish the work, he/she/they will need to obtain permission to do so from the Libraries, which will be granted except in unusual circumstances.
    [Show full text]