Zen and Analytic Philosophy
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Fazang the Court Politician
CHAPTER TEN FAZANG THE COURT POLITICIAN As a court priest for over three decades (ca. 680-712), Fazang was actively involved in politics during a crucial period in history. This chapter has two purposes. On the one hand, through various facts about Fazang I throw some light on significant historical events and illustrate how these were shaped in part by Fazang’s political shrewdness and religious vision. On the other, I will explore the intellectual and histori- cal contexts for Fazang’s importance as a court chaplain. These touch on specific events on the eve of Empress Wu’s epochal dynasty-founding of 690 and those concerning the political transitions around 705 and 710. Understanding Fazang’s political role requires a view of approxi- mately fifty years of Empress Wu’s own political life. Although Fazang lived under six sovereigns of the Great Tang and Zhou,1 it is helpful to consider that Empress Wu began to manipulate imperial power long before she became the supreme ruler both in fact and in name, and that in a sense she was a focus of Fazang’s life and career. Given the ex- traordinary influence that she had over Fazang’s monastic and political life, I will devote three of the four sections of this chapter to Fazang’s relationship with Empress Wu, leaving his political role under the reigns of Empress Wu’s two successors (Zhongzong and Ruizong) to the last section. 1. FAZANG AND EMPRESS WU: 670-690 This section will treat two developments: the circumstances under which Fazang came into Empress Wu’s power circle, and a major poli- tico-religious event on the eve of Empress Wu’s Zhou dynasty. -
Dharmakāya Pratītyasamutpāda ( (法界縁起説, Hokkai Engi Setsu
Mapping the Ascent to Enlightenment Ronald Y. Nakasone Trying to get a fix on the Huayan mind in the vast landscape of Buddhist thought interweaves memory with imagination. My inquiry reaches to the earliest recollections of Siddhārtha Gautama’s Enlightenment, to passages in the Avatam saka Sūtra and learned commentaries, and to my imaging of its significance. In the process a few questions emerged: What happened during the spiritual ascent that led to the Enlightenment? What is the nature of mind? What did Siddhārtha Gautama become Enlightened to? These questions, especially determining the content of the Buddha’s Enlightenment, pose major academic and intellectual questions. This essay will focus on the first and second questions; I dealt with the last question in “Spiritual Cartography: Mapping the Huayen Mind.”1 The early documents depict Gautama’s ascent to Enlightenment in heroic and mythical proportions. Written several centuries after the fact, much of the narrative is no doubt hagiography, embellished by the creative imagination and the hindsight of doctrinal rationalizations. Nonetheless, in sum, the documents chronicle an intensely personal pilgrimage that incorporates and supersedes competing spiritual landscapes. The narrative assumes the primacy of mind and efficacy of mental concentration. The narrative opens with Māra, the personification of darkness, alarmed at Prince Siddhārtha’s resolve to attain Enlightenment, launches successive waves of attack to dissuade him. He first sends his daughters who offer the pleasures of youth and worldly success. Unable to seduce the Prince, Māra attempts to frighten the Prince by dispatching an army of the most appalling demons; still unsuccessful, he unleashes the awesome powers of the wind and rain at his command. -
The Analytic-Synthetic Distinction and the Classical Model of Science: Kant, Bolzano and Frege
Synthese (2010) 174:237–261 DOI 10.1007/s11229-008-9420-9 The analytic-synthetic distinction and the classical model of science: Kant, Bolzano and Frege Willem R. de Jong Received: 10 April 2007 / Revised: 24 July 2007 / Accepted: 1 April 2008 / Published online: 8 November 2008 © The Author(s) 2008. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract This paper concentrates on some aspects of the history of the analytic- synthetic distinction from Kant to Bolzano and Frege. This history evinces con- siderable continuity but also some important discontinuities. The analytic-synthetic distinction has to be seen in the first place in relation to a science, i.e. an ordered system of cognition. Looking especially to the place and role of logic it will be argued that Kant, Bolzano and Frege each developed the analytic-synthetic distinction within the same conception of scientific rationality, that is, within the Classical Model of Science: scientific knowledge as cognitio ex principiis. But as we will see, the way the distinction between analytic and synthetic judgments or propositions functions within this model turns out to differ considerably between them. Keywords Analytic-synthetic · Science · Logic · Kant · Bolzano · Frege 1 Introduction As is well known, the critical Kant is the first to apply the analytic-synthetic distinction to such things as judgments, sentences or propositions. For Kant this distinction is not only important in his repudiation of traditional, so-called dogmatic, metaphysics, but it is also crucial in his inquiry into (the possibility of) metaphysics as a rational science. Namely, this distinction should be “indispensable with regard to the critique of human understanding, and therefore deserves to be classical in it” (Kant 1783, p. -
A Huayan Paradigm for the Classification of Mahāyāna Teachings: the Origin and Meaning of Faxiangzong and Faxingzong∗
IMRE HAMAR A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS: THE ORIGIN AND MEANING ∗ OF FAXIANGZONG AND FAXINGZONG Introduction Dan Lusthaus finds the origin of the paradigm xing 性 versus xiang 相 in the Cheng weishi lun 成唯識論 and concludes: Ironically, this very distinction became one of the major rhetorical weapons used by Fa- tsang against Hsüan-tsang’s school, calling them ‘[the mere] fa-hsiang’ (Dharma-Charac- teristics) school against his own Sinitic ‘fa-hsing’ (Dharma-Nature) school. This distinction became so important that every Buddhist school originating in East Asia, including all forms of Sinitic Mahāyāna, viz. T’ien-t’ai, Hua-yen, Ch’an, and Pure Land, came to be considered Dharma-nature schools.1 Whalen Lai also attributes the establishment of this paradigm to Fazang, refer- ring to Zhili 知禮: “The name ‘Fa-hsiang’ was, however, attributed to it by its crit- ics; it is a derogative term alleging that the school did not know thoroughly the deeper Fa-hsing (Dharma-essence). The contrast was intended to bring out the ‘Hī- nayānist phenomenalism’ [sic] inherent in the Wei-shih school and to highlight the ‘Mahāyāna essentialism’ of its critic. As recalled by Sung T’ien-t’ai master Ssu- ming Chih-li (959–1028), the distinction arose at the time of Fa-tsang’s (643–712) attack on the Wei-shih school: At the time [of Hua-yen (Avatamsaka) patriarch, Fa-tsang,] there was widely held the theory of chen-ju sui-yüan (Suchness or tathatā accompanying the conditions [the pratyaya that brought samsāra into being]) and the theory of a (passive) Suchness that would not create (‘let rise’) the various existents (dharmas). -
An Introduction to Philosophy
An Introduction to Philosophy W. Russ Payne Bellevue College Copyright (cc by nc 4.0) 2015 W. Russ Payne Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this document with attribution under the terms of Creative Commons: Attribution Noncommercial 4.0 International or any later version of this license. A copy of the license is found at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 1 Contents Introduction ………………………………………………. 3 Chapter 1: What Philosophy Is ………………………….. 5 Chapter 2: How to do Philosophy ………………….……. 11 Chapter 3: Ancient Philosophy ………………….………. 23 Chapter 4: Rationalism ………….………………….……. 38 Chapter 5: Empiricism …………………………………… 50 Chapter 6: Philosophy of Science ………………….…..… 58 Chapter 7: Philosophy of Mind …………………….……. 72 Chapter 8: Love and Happiness …………………….……. 79 Chapter 9: Meta Ethics …………………………………… 94 Chapter 10: Right Action ……………………...…………. 108 Chapter 11: Social Justice …………………………...…… 120 2 Introduction The goal of this text is to present philosophy to newcomers as a living discipline with historical roots. While a few early chapters are historically organized, my goal in the historical chapters is to trace a developmental progression of thought that introduces basic philosophical methods and frames issues that remain relevant today. Later chapters are topically organized. These include philosophy of science and philosophy of mind, areas where philosophy has shown dramatic recent progress. This text concludes with four chapters on ethics, broadly construed. I cover traditional theories of right action in the third of these. Students are first invited first to think about what is good for themselves and their relationships in a chapter of love and happiness. Next a few meta-ethical issues are considered; namely, whether they are moral truths and if so what makes them so. -
Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China Gregory Adam Scott Submitted in Partial Fulfillment Of
Conversion by the Book: Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China Gregory Adam Scott Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 © 2013 Gregory Adam Scott All Rights Reserved This work may be used under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. For more information about that license, see http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. For other uses, please contact the author. ABSTRACT Conversion by the Book: Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China 經典佛化: 民國初期佛教出版文化 Gregory Adam Scott 史瑞戈 In this dissertation I argue that print culture acted as a catalyst for change among Buddhists in modern China. Through examining major publication institutions, publishing projects, and their managers and contributors from the late nineteenth century to the 1920s, I show that the expansion of the scope and variety of printed works, as well as new the social structures surrounding publishing, substantially impacted the activity of Chinese Buddhists. In doing so I hope to contribute to ongoing discussions of the ‘revival’ of Chinese Buddhism in the modern period, and demonstrate that publishing, propelled by new print technologies and new forms of social organization, was a key field of interaction and communication for religious actors during this era, one that helped make possible the introduction and adoption of new forms of religious thought and practice. 本論文的論點是出版文化在近代中國佛教人物之中,扮演了變化觸媒的角色. 通過研究從十 九世紀末到二十世紀二十年代的主要的出版機構, 種類, 及其主辦人物與提供貢獻者, 論文 說明佛教印刷的多元化 以及範圍的大量擴展, 再加上跟出版有關的社會結構, 對中國佛教 人物的活動都發生了顯著的影響. 此研究顯示在被新印刷技術與新形式的社會結構的推進 下的出版事業, 為該時代的宗教人物展開一種新的相互連結與構通的場域, 因而使新的宗教 思想與實踐的引入成為可能. 此論文試圖對現行關於近代中國佛教的所謂'復興'的討論提出 貢獻. Table of Contents List of Figures and Tables iii Acknowledgements v Abbreviations and Conventions ix Works Cited by Abbreviation x Maps of Principle Locations xi Introduction Print Culture and Religion in Modern China 1. -
Immanuel Kant's Philosophy of Mathematics in Terms of His Theory
Immanuel Kant’s Philosophy of Mathematics in Terms 2012/18 45 Hülya YALDIR*- Necdet GUNER** Immanuel Kant’s Philosophy of Mathematics in Terms of His Theory of Space and Time Abstract At the beginning of the modern age, mathematics had a great importance for the study of Nature. Galileo claimed that ‘the book of nature was written in a kind of mathematical code, and that if we could only crack that code, we could uncover her ultimate secrets’. But, how can mathematics, consisting of necessary tautological truths that are infallible and non-informative, be regarded as the language of natural sciences, while the knowledge of natural sciences is informative, empirical and fallible? Or, is there another alternative: as Hume claimed, modern sciences only depend on empirical data deriving from our perceptions, rather than having the necessity of mathematics. Many philosophers have tried to find an adequate answer for the problem of the relationship between mathematical necessity and contingent perceptions, but the difficulty remained unsolved until Kant’s construction of his original philosophy of the nature as well as the limits of human reason. The main purpose of this study is to show how Kant overcomes this difficulty by making use of the examples of Euclidean geometry and of arithmetic: there are synthetic a priori (a priori, universal, necessary, but at the same time informative) judgments, and indeed mathematical propositions are of this kind. Key Terms a priori, a posteriori, analytic, synthetic, synthetic a priori, mathematics, geometry, arithmetic, space, time and imagination. Uzay ve Zaman Teorisi Açısından Immanuel Kant’ın Matematik Felsefesi ÖZET Modern çağın başlangıcında, matematik doğa çalışması için büyük bir öneme sahip olmuştur. -
The Metaphor of the Painter in the Avataṃsaka-Sūtra and Its Chinese Interpretations
The Metaphor of the Painter in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and Its Chinese Interpretations Imre Hamar Metafora maliara v Avataṃsaka-sūtre a jej čínske interpretácie Resumé Štúdia porovnáva čínske a tibetské verzie tzv. Básne o len vedomí v Avataṃsaka- sūtre, ktorá popisuje ľudskú myseľ ako maliara, ktorý maľuje všetky veci. Báseň sa stala dôležitým textom v huayanovom buddhizme, ktorý má ukázať, že Avataṃsaka-sūtra za- hŕňa učenie školy Yogācāra. Autor skúma, či báseň v skutočnosti učí Yogācāru, alebo či takýto výklad ponúkajú len čínske preklady, ktoré sa líšia od tibetských verzií, pričom do úvahy berie aj čínske exegetické tradície. Abstract This article compares the Chinese and Tibetan versions of the so-called Mind- Only Poem in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra, describing the mind as a painter who paints all the objects. The verse became an important text in Huayan Buddhism to show that Avataṃsaka-sūtra includes Yogācāra teachings. The article is exploring whether the poem in fact teaches Yogācāra, or whether Chinese translations differing from Tibetan versions suggest this interpretation, taking into consideration Chinese exegetical traditions. Keywords China, Religion, Buddhism, Avataṃsaka-sūtra (Chinese Huayanjing ; 3rd c. CE) · Yogācāra · Huayan The famous mind-painter metaphor in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra can be found in the chapter entitled Hymns Recited in the Palace of Yama. At the beginning of the chapter, through the magical powers of Buddha, the bodhisattvas of the ten great directions appear before him accompanied by an infinite number of 176 SOS 13 · 2 (2014) bodhisattvas; then, receiving inspiration, they start to recite hymns one by one, extolling Buddha. The ninth among the declaimers is the boddhisattva called Forest of Awakening, who, like the others, recites ten stanzas. -
Ch'oe Ch'iw N's Biography of Fazang
CHAPTER TWO CH’OE CH’IWN’S BIOGRAPHY OF FAZANG: A TEXTUAL STUDY The preceding chapter provided a general survey of the primary sources of Fazang’s life. At this point we must give a textual analysis of one of those—the Korean biography of Fazang written by Ch’oe Ch’iwn and which is of primary value for any attempt to reconstruct Fazang’s life. Lack of an in-depth investigation of its structure and sources has pre- vented modern scholarship from approaching the deeper layers of Fa- zang’s career. Ch’oe Ch’iwn’s work, Ppjang hwasang chn, is unique for its richly international characteristics. It was written in Korea by a Korean layman in honor of a Buddhist monk who was a third-generation Sog- dian immigrant in China. It was completed in 904 and printed in the year Taian ᅝ 8 (1092), at Taehng’wangsa 㟜⥟ᇎ, in Kory, a state then under the domination of the Liao empire (907-1125).1 Under the Southern Song dynasty fifty-three years later (in 1145 [Shaoxing 15]), Yihe 㕽 (fl. 1160s), a distinguished Huayan master residing at Baitajiao Cloister ⱑศᬭ䰶 in Wujiang xian ਇ∳㏷, Pingjiang fu ᑇ∳ ᑰ (in present-day Suzhou 㯛Ꮂ, Jiangsu), was compiling Huayan texts for inclusion in a government-sponsored Buddhist canon.2 Just as he was becoming worried by the poor quality of the edition of Ppjang 1 This is recorded in the colophon attached to the Song edition of PHC (for this edition, see below); see PHC 286b9-10, which says that in Daan 8, a renshen year, an imperial decree ordered the Taehng’wangsa of Kory to cut the woodblocks. -
PHIL-36 - Philosophy of Language Amherst College Spring 2009 – Visiting Prof
PHIL-36 - Philosophy of Language Amherst College Spring 2009 – Visiting Prof. Kevin C. Klement (UMass faculty member) Mondays and Wednesdays 12:30pm-1:50pm in Cooper House 201. Course description: “Caesar was stabbed.” With those words, I can make a claim about someone who lived in the distant past. How is that possible? How do our words succeed in picking out particular portions of reality, even ones with which we have had no contact? How does language enable us to convey thoughts about everything from Amherst College, to the hopes of a friend, to the stars beyond our galaxy? What are the thoughts, or the meanings, that our words carry? And whatever they turn out to be, how do they come to be associated with our words: through some mental activity on our part, or instead through our shared use of language? This course covers selected topics in 20th century analytic philosophy of language, including meaning, reference, naming, truth, speech acts, propositional attitudes, translation, and the nature of linguistic representation. Contact info: You may e-mail me at [email protected], which is often the best way to reach me. I have a mailbox in the Amherst College philosophy department office (208 Cooper House). My office at UMass is 353 Bartlett Hall, and I also have access to Prof. Alexander George’s Office (307 Cooper House) for meetings at Amherst College. My UMass office phone is 545-5784. My office hours there are Tuesdays 2:30-3:30pm, Thursdays 11am-12pm and other times by appointment. I am also happy to make an appointment to meet with you at AC instead. -
2.2 Glock Et Al
Journal for the History of Book Symposium: Analytical Philosophy Hans-Johann Glock, What is Analytic Philosophy? Volume 2, Number 2 Introduction Hans-Johann Glock..................... 1 Editor in Chief Mark Textor, King’s College London Commentaries Guest Editor Leila Haaparanta......................... 2 Mirja Hartimo, University of Helsinki Christopher Pincock....................6 Editorial Board Panu Raatikainen........................11 Juliet Floyd, Boston University Graham Stevens.......................... 28 Greg Frost-Arnold, Hobart and William Smith Colleges Ryan Hickerson, University of Western Oregon Replies Henry Jackman, York University Hans-Johann Glock..................... 36 Sandra Lapointe, McMaster University Chris Pincock, Ohio State University Richard Zach, University of Calgary Production Editor Ryan Hickerson Editorial Assistant Daniel Harris, CUNY Graduate Center Design Douglas Patterson and Daniel Harris ©2013 The Authors What is Analytic Philosophy? shall not be able to respond to all of the noteworthy criticisms and questions of my commentators. I have divided my responses ac- Hans-Johann Glock cording to commentator rather than topic, while also indicating some connections between their ideas where appropriate. Let me start by thanking the Journal for the History of Analytical Phi- losophy for offering me this opportunity to discuss my book What is Analytical Philosophy? (Cambridge, 2008). I am also very grateful Hans-Johann Glock for the valuable feedback from the contributors. And I thank both University of Zurich the journal and the contributors for their patience in waiting for [email protected] my replies. I was pleased to discover that all of my commentators express a certain sympathy with the central contention of my book, namely that analytic philosophy is an intellectual movement of the twentieth-century (with roots in the nineteenth and offshoots in the twenty-first), held together by family-resemblances on the one hand, ties of historical influence on the other. -
Buddhism in China: a Historical Survey
B Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey Whalen LAI Buddhism occupies a central place in the history of integration while fully recognizing the emerging find- Chinese thought, as the system that attracted some of ings of Buddhologists. the best minds in the millennium between the Han and Certain paradigms describing the overall cultural the Song (second to twelfth centuries). However, inte- interaction are still in use. People still speak of initial grating Buddhist thought into Chinese philosophy Indianization and subsequent Sinicization; of Buddhist poses some problems, because Buddhists worked from conquest and Chinese transformation; of Indians as a different set of texts and spoke what seems to be a proverbially otherworldly and Chinese as, by inclina- different language. Christianity began as a hellenized tion, down-to-earth. Under scrutiny, such generaliza- biblical faith whose theology combined theos and tions often seem simplistic; but at some macrocosmic logos from the start; by contrast, long before Buddhism level they remain useful heuristic devices, and for cer- found its way into China there was an extensive history tain ends they can even lend overall clarity. The same of reflection by Indians on the Buddhist dharma—so can be said of several periodization schemes. They all that Chinese Buddhists had to think through an inher- depict a rise, growth, and decline of Buddhism—that ited tradition before they could embark on their own is, looking at it from the outside. For adherents of the Sinitic reading. As a result, much of the convoluted faith, and for others who still perceive its vitality, the scholastic detail in Buddhism remains alien to most story is one of seeding, flowering, and continual ten- Chinese.