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Left-Wing Tuscany and Romani Migrants (1987–2007) Giovanni Picker a a ISPMN – Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities Published Online: 17 Nov 2011

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Left-Wing Tuscany and Romani Migrants (1987–2007) Giovanni Picker a a ISPMN – Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities Published Online: 17 Nov 2011 This article was downloaded by: [Central European University] On: 26 January 2014, At: 03:54 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Modern Italian Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rmis20 Welcome ‘in’. Left-wing Tuscany and Romani migrants (1987–2007) Giovanni Picker a a ISPMN – Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities Published online: 17 Nov 2011. To cite this article: Giovanni Picker (2011) Welcome ‘in’. Left-wing Tuscany and Romani migrants (1987–2007), Journal of Modern Italian Studies, 16:5, 607-620, DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2011.622469 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571X.2011.622469 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub- licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http:// www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions Downloaded by [Central European University] at 03:54 26 January 2014 Journal of Modern Italian Studies 16(5) 2011: 607–620 Welcome ‘in’. Left-wing Tuscany and Romani migrants (1987–2007) Giovanni Picker ISPMN – Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities Abstract Although the Italian left was one of the largest popular movements for social change in Western Europe, at the end of the 1980s the Tuscan left-wing regional council imposed the construction of fenced camps for Romani immigrants supposedly in order to give Roma the possibility of developing their own traditional habits. By contextualizing the local political context within the post-1989 changes of left-wing politics vis-a`-vis migrants in Italy, the paper discusses the rationale behind the construction of nomad camps. It examines the texts of the first two regional laws addressing Roma – passed in 1988 and 1995. It then compares that analysis with the ethnographic data collected in 2007 and 2008. In the conclusion it is put forward that the conditions of material and symbolic segregation that have been affecting Roma in Florence for more than twenty years are a consequence of specific culture-based strategies adopted by policy makers. Keywords Roma migration, Italian Left, Tuscan politics, political anthropology. Introduction In Italy since the beginning of the 1990s several xenophobic groups, manifestly against non-European migrants, have raised their voice (Dal Lago 1999; Mura 1995; Petrillo 1999). Unlike the classic model of ‘neo-nationalism’ (Gingrich and Banks 2006), radical xenophobic discourses in the Italian context were neither predicated upon the integrity of the nation, nor sustained by pan- Downloaded by [Central European University] at 03:54 26 January 2014 national narratives. Rather, they mostly emerged through a discovery of local identities and the reaffirmation of ‘localist cultures’, eliciting what has been named ‘neo-localism’ (Stacul 2006). Largely reinforced, if not induced, by conservative political forces, first and foremost by the Northern League (Tambini 2001), this phenomenon can be seen as one of the consequences of the early 1990s collapse of the national political system. Since then, left-wing discourses on migrants progressively shifted from being class-based to being culture-based (Pero` 2007). Until recently, this ‘culturalist turn’ in immigration politics in Europe had been analyzed as a distinctive right-wing discourse, viewing culture as a force Journal of Modern Italian Studies ISSN 1354-571X print/ISSN 1469-9583 online ª 2011 Taylor & Francis http://www.tandfonline.com http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571X.2011.622469 Giovanni Picker capable of merging individuals in homogeneous entities and thus producing incommensurability between cultures (Hannerz 1999; Stolcke 1995; Wright 1998). One of the most important differences between the right-wing and the left-wing discourse on ‘new migration’ seems to be the Left’s less explicit politics of exclusion. This discourse tries to persuade by rhetorical references to the idioms of social inclusion of migrants and equality between migrants and majority societies. In the next sections, I show that the initial left-wing political discourse about Roma was instead imbued by exclusionary statements based on cultural difference. This article is an in-depth analysis based on my ethnographic fieldwork focusing on the political imagination behind the first policies that welcomed Romani migrants ‘into’ entrenched and segregated camps in Florence, one of the most ‘rosse’ (‘red’) Italian cities.1 Looking at the first two regional laws dealing with Roma, this paper aims to answer the following question: ‘What were the representations of Romani migrants that drove the first regional policies addressing Roma, and to what extent have they impacted present-day political representations?’ This dual question seems worth asking for three reasons. First, owing to a lack in Italy of integrated national policies vis-a`-vis Roma, regional ones are highly relevant. Apart from a few exceptions (e.g. Brunello 1996; Piasere 2006; Sigona 2002, 2005), analyses of the ways in which representations of Roma have shaped regional policies are absent from the scholarship on Roma in Italy. Second, the contemporary violent public campaign against Roma in Italy that began in May 2007 (Colacicchi 2008; Picker 2010) is largely predicated upon the validity of segregated areas for Roma being a practical solution to the problem of urban insecurity in periphery areas.2 Therefore, shedding light on the cultural logic behind the decision-making process of policies concerning Roma and its continuities with the ongoing situation today can help us understand the social conditions for the persistence of such devices of social control. Third, to frame a discussion about the rationale behind the construction of nomad camps within the local political culture of Tuscany, together with the history of the Italian Left, is helpful in making sense of the pervasiveness of perceptions of Roma. In fact, traditionally, mass political movements and parties in Italy have not only promoted political values, but also shaped individual’s lives by creating real cultural ‘worlds’, the Downloaded by [Central European University] at 03:54 26 January 2014 two largest ones being Communists and Catholics. After introducing the theoretical framework, I discuss the left-wing manage- ment of the ‘new immigration’ to Italy and the social conditions of Roma. Against this background I then analyze the text of the first two regional laws in Tuscany (1988 and 1995) and show continuities in the representations of Roma up to 2007. Theoretical framework Romani social life in Europe has largely expressed itself by remarkable adaptation to the changing political and economic conditions of nation-states 608 Left-wing Tuscany and Romani migrants (Bancroft 2005; Okely 1983; Piasere 1999). Since the birth of the nation-state, such existential processes were almost universally predicated upon the asymmetry of power between Roma and Gage´ (non-Roma) in the definitions of common rules and rights of access to citizenship. Willems’s (1997) narrative tells of the Roma adaptation throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries as largely induced by the disciplinary political power of the state, imposing definitions of ‘the true Gypsies’ for the sake of control and discipline. This explanation is an invaluable point of theoretical departure for detecting and then analyzing the uses of certain representations and their links with political ideologies. Dan Sperber (1996), drawing both on anthropological and psychological sources, through the concept of ‘epidemiology of representations’, explains macro-phenomena at the demographic level such as epidemics by the aggregation of the micro-processes both inside individuals and in their interaction. Cultural representations are in this view a ‘fuzzy subset of the set of mental and public representations inhabiting a given social group’ (Sperber 1996: 32). Sperber claims that ever since Durkheim, representations have been considered within an autonomous ontological realm, one that is essentially a social vacuum outside space and time. However, considering them anchored to both mental and social processes allows us to give them a concrete shape. This seems to be an implicit assumption, for instance, in work by Gail Kligman (2001) which
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