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chapter 6 The Syrian bema and the Georgian Pre-altar Cross: A Comparison of the Liturgical Furnishings of the Nave in the Two Traditions Nave Furniture and the Possible Liturgical Relationship of Syria and Kartli In his article ‘Les ambons syriens et la function liturgique de la nef dans les églises antiques’1 André Grabar makes reference to the fact that nave-platforms of the Syrian type are, although rare, present in some churches outside north- west Syria and one of the examples he highlights is that of ‘Mzchet.’ In actual fact what Grabar was referring to was the large polygonal platform that dom- inates the church of Jvari, perched on its mountain outcrop to the east of Mtskheta, the ancient capital of Kartli (Fig. 24). Jvari dates to the first decade of the seventh century and the site upon which the church stands is pivotal in the Christian history of Georgia, as it is believed to be the place where St. Nino, the illuminator of Kartli, raised her cross for the first time. This platform dominates the nave of the centrally planned church where it appears at first glance to be in the centre of the construction. A closer look reveals that it is actually subtly out of alignment with the building; a fact that is surely not coincidental, and the height of this stone structure is further empha- sised by the large wooden cross standing at the centre of the platform. This cross is not ancient, but is in fact a replica of an earlier artefact that did not survive the Communist period of Georgia’s history and is one of a presumed line of such pre-altar crosses that have adorned the site. This phenomenon is echoed by the smaller platform that stands to the north side of the sixth cen- tury Anchiskhati basilica in Tbilisi. Here the structure is noticably smaller and less dominant, but here too the platform supports a (smaller) cross in a dispo- sition echoing Calvary. So what is the link, if any, between Syria and Georgia if both regions appear to have an unusual disposition of liturgical furniture in their naves? Are these traditions linked or, as Grabar hinted, is this due a com- 1 Grabar, André, ‘Les ambons syriens et la function liturgique de la nef dans les églises antiques’, Cahiers archéologiques 1 (1945), pp. 129–133. © Emma Loosley Leeming, 2018 | doi:10.1163/9789004375314_008 This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the prevailing CC-BY-NC License at the time of publication. Emma Loosley Leeming - 9789004375314 Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 06:24:48PM via free access the syrian bema and the georgian pre-altar cross 131 figure 24 Jvari mon strain of liturgical development between the two?What is the significance of the cross in these liturgical furnishings and are the two phenomena directly comparable? While at first glance the parallels would seem to suggest a close relation- ship between the two traditions, further unravelling of these questions appears to lead us to a conclusion that whilst these similar nave dispositions seem to have sprung from a common root, in Georgia the use of a pre-altar cross could additionally be an echo of an alternative or possibly a parallel tradition that flourished in the mountain cultures of the High Caucasus.Therefore can we use the presence of variant nave-platforms and a particular devotion to the cross as evidence of Syrian-Kartvelian interaction in the field of liturgy or is there something else occurring? What, if any, parallels can we discern between the Syrian and Kartvelian liturgical traditions? The Origins of the Liturgy in Syria and Kartli When comparing the origins of the liturgy in these two locations we are faced with very different circumstances; Syria is the source of some of our earliest extant texts relating to the evolution of communal prayer and liturgical rites with fragments such as the Didache offering the first written evidence of early Emma Loosley Leeming - 9789004375314 Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 06:24:48PM via free access 132 chapter 6 liturgical practices.2 Therefore the region as a whole, and Antioch in particular, is exceptionally important for scholars seeking to understand the earliest ori- gins of Christian ritual practice. However the picture becomes more complex in the fifth century as, prior to this date, there was perceived to be one Universal Church and although there were variations in practice all were technically doc- trinally in agreement—even if this inclusive attitude was not applied to those who had been declared heretics. This situation was subject to radical change in the fifth century as a result of the momentous upheavals caused by the Council of Ephesus (431) and the Council of Chalcedon (451) that resulted in perma- nent schisms with groups in the eastern Mediterranean breaking away from the majority and ultimately precipitated the formation of rival Churches complete with their own hierarchies, ritual practices and, naturally, their own claims to apostolic validity. In the light of this seismic shifting of the Christian landscape there was, accordingly, a variation in ritual practices between these opposing groups although these differences often appear superficial to those unfamiliar with the finer points of ritual practice. This fifth century parting of the ways has been most clearly explained by Taft who elucidates the resulting Syrian traditions as follows: Three principal liturgical centers had a major influence in the origins of these rites: Antioch, Jerusalem and Edessa. Of these only Edessa was a center of Syriac language and culture; the other two were Greek cities, though not without Syriac-speaking minorities. The rite of Mesopotamia that developed into the Chaldean tradition is of Syriac origin and so its roots can probably be traced back to Edessa. The West-Syrian Rite is a synthesis of native Syriac elements, espe- cially hymns and other choral pieces, with material translated from Greek liturgical texts of Antiochene and hagiopolite provenance. This synthesis was the work of Syriac, non-Chalcedonian monastic communities in the Syriac-speaking hinterlands of Syria, Palestine, and parts of Mesopota- mia, beyond the Greek cities of the Mediterranean littoral.3 2 For an introduction to the origins of the liturgy see Jones, Cheslyn, Wainwright, Geoffrey, Yarnold, Edward & Bradshaw, Paul, The Study of Liturgy, SPCK & Oxford University Press; Lon- don & New York, 1978, Revised Edition 1992. 3 p. 239, Taft, Robert F., The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West, The Liturgical Press; Col- legeville, Minnesota, 2nd revised edition 1993. Emma Loosley Leeming - 9789004375314 Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 06:24:48PM via free access the syrian bema and the georgian pre-altar cross 133 Therefore this liturgical information can be applied to the architectural data from the previous chapter by equating the West-Syrian rite as being more closely associated with Syria and the East-Syrian tradition—referred to above as Chaldean—being the dominant liturgical tradition in Mesopotamia. Al- though there were some exceptions to this basic delineation of territory, nota- bly the medieval Syrian Orthodox Maphrianate of Takrit in what is now modern Iraq, as a rule those Christians living under Sassanian rule were largely followers of the Church of the East and therefore East-Syrian by liturgical practice. The West-Syrian tradition straddled the Syriac and Greek-speaking worlds by being a hybrid liturgical tradition that took some elements from Syriac-speaking Edessa and melded them with the Hellenophone practices of Antioch and Jerusalem, which is perhaps unsurprising given that the location of the country meant that it absorbed both the Semitic and Gentilic currents of early Apos- tolic Christianity. However, whereas Syrian Christianity evolved and changed in reaction to the development of the faith and its evolving hierarchical and ritual practices, in Kartli there was an amazingly stable and static relationship with the liturgy that endured for many centuries. From the outset the situation was different in Kartli; in the first place Chris- tianity arrived in the country in the fourth century CE when, although an early date in the history of Christian expansion, was nevertheless a period which had achieved a degree of stability with regard to liturgical practice. It was in the late fourth century that we have the oft-quoted testimony of the pilgrim Egeria attesting to a very specific liturgy in Jerusalem with readings appropriate not only to the sacred locations but also to the Church seasons.4 The evidence of Egeria is particularly relevant as she is believed to have undertaken her pilgrim- age only approximately fifty years before the earliest known Georgian language inscriptions were created at the monastery of Bir el Qutt, between Jerusalem and Bethlehem.5 The fact that the first dated Georgian inscriptions have been found in the Holy Land is no coincidence, as from the outset there has been a strong relationship between that region and Kartvelian Christianity, which has an exceptionally close emotional attachment to the lands where Christ lived, died and rose again. As discussed in chapter one there is a long and peaceful record of a Jew- ish community in Kartli and the archaeological evidence from Urbnisi and Mtskheta in Shida Kartli points to a significant Jewish presence in both of these towns at the turn of the millennium and throughout the late antique era.There- 4 Egeria, Trans. Wilkinson, J., Egeria’s Travels, Aris & Phillips; Warminster, 1999. 5 See note 29, chapter 1. Emma Loosley Leeming - 9789004375314 Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 06:24:48PM via free access 134 chapter 6 fore it is unsurprising that the medieval chronicles which purport to recount the evangelisation of Kartli should feature Jewish characters prominently in the Vita of St.

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