Legitimacy for Post -Crimea Political Order
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European Proceedings of Social and Behavioural Sciences EpSBS www.europeanproceedings.com e-ISSN: 2357-1330 DOI: 10.15405/epsbs.2020.12.02.36 TILTM 2020 Topical Issues of Linguistics and Teaching Methods in Business and Professional Communication INFLUENCE OF INTERNET SPACE ON INTERCULTURAL AND BUSINESS COMMUNICATION Boris G. Vulfovich (a), Veronika V. Katermina (a)*, Anastasia A. Shestakova (a) *Corresponding author (a) Kuban State University, ul. Stavropolskaya 149, 350040, Krasnodar, Russia, E-mail: [email protected] Abstract The 2016–2018 election cycle in France, the USA and Russia showed the need to develop new options for analyzing the election campaign and the degree of potential voter turnout on the Internet, taking into account the impact on social networks. The article discusses the results of an empirical study, “Communication Campaign Model: A Comparative Analysis of Russia's Experience in the USA,” and analyzes the election campaign of the “unexpected” presidential candidate in Russia, Ksenia Sobchak. By the word “unexpected” we mean that the person never appeared on the political stage before, and no one saw this person before the presidential election. The empirical base for the study was taken from the presidential candidate’s account on social networks. The study analyzed the informative patterns of the personal page of Ksenia Sobchak, where the analysis was performed on four social networks (VKontakte, Instagram, Facebook and Odnoklassniki). An excerpt from the discourse contains all the materials published by the candidate since the announcement of her candidacy for the presidency of Russia (from May 18, 2017 to March 19, 2018). As part of the study, a new model of selective advertising communications was developed and conceptualized. -
Strategic Management of Political Communications--The Communist Party of the Russian Federation Experience
2019 International Conference on Politics, Economics and Management (ICPEM 2019) Strategic Management of Political Communications--The Communist Party of the Russian Federation Experience Sergey G. Korkonosenko1,*, Zalina F. Khubetcova1 1 Saint Petersburg State University, 7-9, Universitetskaya nab., Saint Petersburg, Russia *corresponding author Keywords: political communication, management, communist party of russia, strategic planning, media. Abstract: The paper considers the strategic management of political communications at theoretical level and at the level of practical activities. The current experience of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is in research focus. The authors’ aim is to analyze how the party plans and organizes political communications, while the ideological environment has become unfavorable for the Russian communists. For this aim, the authors present in detail media resources of the party and evaluate its communicative activity as well as examine the advanced technologies usage for contacting the target audiences. The most difficulties for Russian communists consist in involving new generations in political dialogue and political interaction following. 1. Introduction For thirty years, one of the most important consequences of the social transformations in the Russian Federation was the changing position of the Communist Party, former main political actor in the Soviet Union. Nowadays, the communist ideology is being presented to the voters as something unattractive and undemocratic, and in these conditions, -
Russian Rap in the Era of Vladimir Putin
CHAPTER 3 RUS SIAN RAP IN THE ERA OF VLADIMIR PUTIN Philip Ewell T has always held a special place in the hearts of Rus sians. From the poetry recitations by Evgeny Evtushenko in the s that lled stadiums to the inspired lyr ics of Rus sian bards like Vladimir Vysotsky, Rus sians have sought not only beauty but also repose in artistic literary forms. is is not sur- prising given Rus sia’s troubled po liti cal history over the centuries, which reached its height in the twentieth century with the repressive Soviet era. Countless vol- umes have been written over the years on censorship in the USSR and on the ensuing balancing act that Soviet artists endured at the hands of the authorities. at Soviet and post- Soviet Rus sian rappers felt that same repression is not in doubt. What sets rap, as a genre, apart from other literary forms in Rus sia is its place in time: It really took hold only in the early s, immediately aer the fall of the Soviet Union, so one cannot speak of rap, as a genre, in uencing po liti cal events in the USSR. ough one could argue that the rst rap in Rus sia was “Rap” from by the group Chas Pik, an unabashed rip- o of e Sugarhill Gang’s “Rapper’s Delight” from — widely recognized as the rst commercial rap hit ever—it was not until the s that Rus sian rappers and rap groups such as Bog- dan Titomir, Liki MC, Bad Balance, and Mal’chishnik became widely known in the former Soviet Union and, with them, the rap genre itself. -
Dostoevsky Omsk State University 2021
Russia Siberia Omsk Region Capital city Omsk Area 141 140 km² Average annual winter temperature – 20 С Population 1 904 294 Winter down to – 40 С Summer up to + 35 С o Located in Western Siberia o Borders Kazakhstan in the south o 2,555 km away from Moscow o Landscape: steppes in the south, forests in the central part, and taiga in the north o GMT +6 Omsk o Founded in 1716 o Population 1.2 million o Located on two rivers Irtysh and Om o For a brief period during the Russian Civil War in 1918–1919, it served as the capital of the Russian state Dostoevsky Omsk State University (OmSU) o Famous Russian novelist Fyodor Dostoevsky spent 4 years in Omsk fortress (1850-1854) o This exile time influenced his future work, he was reborn here o There is the center for Dostoevsky studies at OmSU Omsk is a large industrial center with machine engineering, instrument engineering, consumer goods and manufacturing enterprises. One of the biggest oil refineries in the world is located here. Students have a chance to visit the plant when attending OmSU cultural and educational programs History… 2004 – OMSU WAS NAMED AFTER 1979 – THE FIRST F.M. DOSTOEVSKY OMSU GRADUATES 1974 – THE RECEIVED THEIR UNIVERSITY WAS DEGREES FOUNDED TWO ORIGINAL FACULTIES: HUMANITIES AND SCIENCE OmSU nowadays o 1 Institute, 12 Faculties and 66 Chairs o 55 Undergraduate Degree Programs o 33 Master Programs o 32 PhD Programs o 8,500 students o over 600 international students from 24 countries o over 25,000 graduates o 10 buildings and a Scientific Library o 22 university laboratories -
Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011
Department of Informatics and Media Social Science – major in Media and Communication Studies Fall 2013 Master Two Years Thesis Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011 The role of social media in engagement of people in the protests and their self- identification with civil society Daria Dmitrieva Fall 2013 Supervisor: Dr. Gregory Simons Researcher at Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies 1 2 ABSTRACT The study examines the phenomenon of the December protests in Russia when thousands of citizens were involved in the protest movement after the frauds during the Parliamentary elections. There was a popular opinion in the Internet media that at that moment Russia experienced establishment of civil society, since so many people were ready to express their discontent publically for the first time in 20 years. The focus of this study is made on the analysis of the roles that social media played in the protest movement. As it could be observed at the first glance, recruiting and mobilising individuals to participation in the rallies were mainly conducted via social media. The research analyses the concept of civil society and its relevance to the protest rhetoric and investigates, whether there was a phenomenon of civil society indeed and how it was connected to individuals‘ motivation for joining the protest. The concept of civil society is discussed through the social capital, social and political trust, e- democracy and mediatisation frameworks. The study provides a comprehensive description of the events, based on mainstream and new media sources, in order to depict the nature and the development of the movement. -
North Korea,” Predicting the Effect of Russia's
“Welcome to North Korea,” Predicting the Effect of Russia’s new Protest Law Written by Regina Smyth This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. “Welcome to North Korea,” Predicting the Effect of Russia’s new Protest Law https://www.e-ir.info/2012/07/04/welcome-to-north-korea-predicting-the-effect-of-russias-new-law-on-meetings-rallies- demonstrations-processions-and-pickets/ REGINA SMYTH, JUL 4 2012 On June 9, 2012 President Putin signed Federal Law 70631-6 «On Amendments to the Code of the Russian Federation on Administrative Violations» that enacted significant amendments to the legal code regulating the organisation and participation in public protest meetings. Labelled draconian by Russian and Western civil rights organizations and the opposition at which it was directed, the law dramatically increased the penalties for organisation of and participation in non-sanctioned meetings and all violations occurring at sanctioned meetings. The new law provoked a serious debate among Russian political observers about its potential effects, focusing on whether or not the strong state response is likely to radicalise the movement or intimidate citizens from participating altogether. This very real policy debate in Russia echoes a long term scholarly debate about the effect of repression on political action. Despite the quote in the title, the new law is not likely to transform Russia into North Korea, but that it is consistent with Putin regime’s growing reliance on the ad-hoc rule by law to arbitrarily punish its most effective opponents.[1] The most likely effect of the law is to exploit existing divisions within the protest movement that disagree over the efficacy of large scale street protests. -
Elections in Russia in 2011-2012: Will the Wind of Change Keep Blowing?
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2012, Baden-Baden 2013, pp. 77-94. Elena Kropatcheva Elections in Russia in 2011-2012: Will the Wind of Change Keep Blowing? Introduction Russians have long had the reputation of being passive about, uninterested in, and disengaged from politics, and Western observers, in particular, have been puzzled by this passivity. Protests that started in December 2011 as a re- sponse to election fraud during the Russian parliamentary elections, labelled in the mass media as the “new Decembrists” movement, “the Russian winter/ spring”, the “mink-coat” or “white revolution” and described using other col- ourful epithets, too, took many observers abroad and in Russia by surprise. These were the biggest protests since the 1990s. These events raised many questions: Who are these people who have started to protest? What are the reasons for these protests and why did they begin at that specific moment? How stable is Vladimir Putin’s system over- all? Will some liberalization of the system as a result of these protests be pos- sible? And many others. Even now, at the time of writing – August 2012 – it is difficult to give clear and definite answers to these questions, and some of them still have to be studied more closely by sociologists.1 This contribution starts with an overview of the parliamentary and presidential elections (election campaigns, their results and aftermath) that took place in Russia on 4 December 2011 and 4 March 2012, respectively. It then focuses on the protest movement and tries to give some answers to the aforementioned questions. Finally, it presents a survey of developments in Russian domestic policy after the elections in order to find indicators as to whether this wind of change will keep blowing. -
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Russian Federation Presidential Election, 18 March 2018
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Russian Federation Presidential Election, 18 March 2018 INTERIM REPORT 5 February – 1 March 2018 2 March 2018 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The Russian Federation will hold a presidential election on 18 March 2018. The Central Election Commission (CEC) registered eight candidates, seven fielded by political parties and one, the incumbent president, as a self-nominated candidate standing for a second consecutive and a fourth overall term. One candidate is a woman. • Several amendments to the election legislation were adopted since the last presidential election, most recently in December 2017, responding to some previous ODIHR recommendations. A number of other recommendations, including those pertaining to guarantees for freedom of assembly, association and expression, remain to be addressed. • The campaign is generally low-key but has become more visible following the 23 February Defenders of Fatherland Day celebrations. Meanwhile, outdoor campaign events are limited in visibility. By contrast, concurrent get-out-the-vote initiatives, with a view to ensuring a high voter turnout, launched by a multitude of actors including local authorities, private and state enterprises, feature prominently across the country. • The presidential election is administered a by four-tiered election administration that serves a five- year term. Preparations for the elections are underway and legal deadlines have so far been respected. The CEC has held regular, public, at times live-streamed, sessions with extensive discussions on various issues including alleged interference by local authorities into the electoral process. A comprehensive voter information campaign, launched by the CEC, is ongoing. • The number of registered voters in the Russian Federation as of 1 January is 108,968,869, including 1,875,408 voters abroad. -
Seven Challenges of the Russian Protest Movement
RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 124, 18 March 2013 15 Figure 6: Which Period of Russia’s History Most Corresponds to the Ideals of Russian Citizens and Their Ideas of What Russia Should Be? Pre-revolutionary, czarist Russia 11% The first decades of the USSR 5% (industrialization, development of a classless society) The last decades of the USSR 14% (period of developed socialism) The time of Perestroika 4% The time of democratic reforms of the 1990s 2% The present, "Putin epoch" 32% None of the above 31% Source: Hett, Felix; Krumm, Reinhard: Gerechtigkeit, Freiheit und ein starker Staat. Konturen eines widersprüchlichen Russischen Traums. FES Internationaler Dialog. FES Moskau. Perspektive, July 2012 http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/id/09212.pdf ANALYSIS Seven Challenges of the Russian Protest Movement By Oleg Kozlovsky, Washington Abstract This article describes some of the tests facing the Russian protest movement in 2013. These include bal- ancing between moderates and radicals, dealing with regime defectors, reducing the influence of extrem- ists, institutionalizing the movement, broadening its appeal to a wider public, encouraging citizens to play a more active role in politics, and developing support in the regions outside of Moscow and St. Petersburg. An Evolving Movement from adopting Russian babies, and by its unceasing The Russian democratic movement (a.k.a. the “protest online activity. In order to overcome the present crisis, movement”) made international headlines in Decem- the protesters will have to find solutions to numerous ber 2011 when tens of thousands took to the streets of problems, some of the most crucial of which I will pose Moscow and other cities to protest fraud in the Parlia- and briefly discuss in this article. -
Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia's Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine
Saint Louis University Law Journal Volume 64 Number 1 Internationalism and Sovereignty Article 3 (Fall 2019) 4-23-2020 Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia’s Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine. Igor Gretskiy [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Igor Gretskiy, Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia’s Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine., 64 St. Louis U. L.J. (2020). Available at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj/vol64/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Saint Louis University Law Journal by an authorized editor of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact Susie Lee. SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW LUKYANOV DOCTRINE: CONCEPTUAL ORIGINS OF RUSSIA’S HYBRID FOREIGN POLICY—THE CASE OF UKRAINE. IGOR GRETSKIY* Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Kremlin’s assertiveness and unpredictability on the international arena has always provoked enormous attention to its foreign policy tools and tactics. Although there was no shortage of publications on topics related to different aspects of Moscow’s foreign policy varying from non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to soft power diplomacy, Russian studies as a discipline found itself deadlocked within the limited number of old dichotomies, (e.g., West/non-West, authoritarianism/democracy, Europe/non-Europe), initially proposed to understand the logic of Russia’s domestic and foreign policy transformations.1 Furthermore, as the decision- making process in Moscow was getting further from being transparent due to the increasingly centralized character of its political system, the emergence of new theoretical frameworks with greater explanatory power was an even more difficult task. -
Opposition in Authoritarian Regimes – a Case Study of Russian Non-Systemic Opposition1
DOI 10.14746/ssp.2017.4.12 Olga Na d s k a k u ł a -ka c z m a r c z y k Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie Opposition in authoritarian regimes – a case study of Russian non-systemic opposition1 Abstract: According to Juan Linz, authoritarian rulers permit limited, powerless po- litical pluralism and organization of elections, but they make it very clear that a change in power is impossible and the opposition cannot take over. Elections in authoritarian regimes are a part of nominally democratic institutions and help rulers to legitimize the regime. They are not free or fair, and therefore do not present any opportunity for the opposition to win and change the political system afterward. The question could be asked, what kind of action the opposition should undertake in order to improve its strength. That is the main problem nowadays for non-systemic opposition in the Russian Federation. On the one hand, the opposition has a problem gaining access to elections, but on the other hand, it knows that even if it could take part, the elections would not be democratic. This article tries to shed light on the strategies of the non-systemic Russian opposi- tion and the possibility of its impact on Russian society when the government tries to marginalize, weaken and eventually destroy the non-systemic opposition. The paper provides a critical analysis of the literature and documents on the topic. Key words: non-systemic opposition, authoritarianism, Kremlin, protest movement ith reference to its title, the text aims to examine non-systemic Wopposition in Russia. -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER